ICD Versión Para Pdf En

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ICD Versión Para Pdf En Deficits of democratic quality in Catalonia Report from the SCC regarding the separatist challenge Barcelona, 10 September 2015 1.- Introduction .................................................................................................................. 3 2. The ‘Generalitat’ Government of Catalonia, an administration acting outside the law ... 4 2.1. The Advisory Council for National Transition (Consejo Asesor para la Transición Nacional) ................................................................................................................................................... 5 2.2. Creation of State structures ............................................................................................................. 8 2.2.1. Explicit creation of State structures .................................................................................... 10 2.2.2. Creation of State structures without publicity ................................................................... 13 2.3. Government of Catalonia and “alternative paths” for the consultation ................................ 14 2.3.1. 9-N: From fraud to disobedience ........................................................................................ 14 2.3.2. 27-S: Autonomic elections to unilaterally declare independence ...................................... 18 2.4. Instrumentalisation of the international relations ...................................................................... 22 2.4.1. Assumption of state competencies and action against the General interest ..................... 24 2.4.2. Unilateral declaration of independence, leGal security and citizenship ............................. 28 2.4.2.1. Without legal security ................................................................................................ 28 2.4.2.2. Loss of rights ............................................................................................................... 30 3. The Local Administration at the service of separatism .................................................. 32 3.1. The Association of Municipalities for Independence ............................................................... 32 3.1.1. IlleGitimate ascription of local entities ................................................................................ 34 3.1.2. Drive for manifestly unconstitutional takinG office of mayors ........................................... 35 3.2. Symbolic invasion of official buildings and public spaces ....................................................... 38 3.2.1. Esteladas even during the electoral period ........................................................................ 38 3.2.2. Removal of Spanish flags .................................................................................................... 41 4.- Policies of communication for national construction ................................................... 43 4.1.- Governmental control and discredit of the public media ....................................................... 45 4.2.- Pro-independentist leaning of the Audio-visual Board of Catalonia .................................... 49 4.3.- Subsidies to similar media and propagandistic use of institutional publicity ....................... 55 5. Lack of political neutrality and linguistic discrimination in schools ............................... 61 5.1. Nationalistic indoctrination ........................................................................................................... 61 5.2. Institutions against bilingualism ................................................................................................... 65 6.- The demonization of dissidents in Catalonia. The case of SCC. .................................... 72 7. Conclusions .................................................................................................................. 82 2 1.- Introduction Democratic quality is undoubtedly a very multisided question. From the five dimensions established by Morlino (freedom, equality, legality, responsibility and legitimacy) many indicators have been created and can be created for the analysis of specific realities. However, the aim of this report is not to enter into a theoretical disquisition concerning democratic quality, but rather to reveal some irrefutable signs that in Catalonia certain very important democratic deficits are occurring at a particularly sensitive political and social time. The separatist challenge is not only tensing society, but is also eclipsing much more important social problems which are being left absolutely unattended. As an association which brings in citizens of different sensitivities, but all firmly committed to Catalonia and to Spain as a whole, Sociedad Civil Catalana (SCC – Catalan Civil Society) aims to contribute with this document to raising the collective awareness as to the implications of the nationalist drift on our model of coexistence. Democratic quality has been the concern of SCC since it was created on 23 April 2014, but which was clearly consolidated a year later with the publication of the manifesto “Por una auténtica democracia en Catalunya” (For true democracy in Catalonia)1, the first initiative of the Observatory of Democratic Quality of the SCC, the movement behind this report. Although there is much other evidence of democratic shortcomings in Catalonia which are very well known for the echo they have had in the media, above all the cases of political corruption, in this first report of the mentioned Observatory, it has been chosen to deal with the questions that the SCC has had to constantly face in its first 14 months of existence. Specifically the absolutely disloyal actions of the ‘Generalitat’ Government of Catalonia and the local entities which, in open breach of legality, harm the juridical security and limit the rights of people; the instrumentalisation of the policies of communication at the service of the so-called national construction, which implies the intoxication of the public debate, and the obsessive demonization of those who fail to pull the line, which shows the great contradiction of Catalan nationalism, which is that it is incapable of respecting the diversity in its own territory. 1 http://www.cronicaglobal.com/es/downloads2/scc90.pdf 3 2. The ‘Generalitat’ Government of Catalonia, an administration acting outside the law The ‘Generalitat’, according to article 2 of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, is the institutional system into which this community politically organises its self-government. It is formed by the Parliament, the Presidency of the Government of Catalonia, the Government and other institutions established by Chapter V of Title II of the Statute. As the institutional organisation of an Autonomous Community, it forms part of Spanish legal ordinance and exercises the functions attributed to it by said ordinance and particularly by the Spanish Constitution and the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia. Being subject to the whole of the ordinance, the ‘Generalitat’ cannot exercise the public power that has been conferred on it outside the legal provisions, and even less so against them. However, the ‘Generalitat’ and other Catalan institutions and public authorities have long chosen to ignore their condition as Spanish authorities and institutions and act as if the powers they exercise came from them and were not dependent on the other instances. This action supposes a deep lack of institutional loyalty and the use of public resources and authority not only for purposes not accounted for in the legal ordinance, but also intended for the destruction of the institutional framework from which their very condition as a public power is derived. This disloyalty does not only have institutional consequences, but, as we will see, means placing the citizens and particularly public officials in an inadmissible situation, permanently confronted with the need to obey orders or recommendations contrary to the legal ordinance. The result is a democratic anomaly unequalled in the countries of our surroundings. It is more than obvious that the Government of Catalonia acts outside Spanish legality and is also aimed at breaking it down. Unfortunately we have very clear examples of this attitude. In the report that follows, we will deal with the use of the ‘Generalitat’ for the creation of a Catalan State, something which has already been started: by starting up the Consejo Asesor para la Transición Nacional (CATN - Advisory Council for the National Transition) and the so-called “State structures”; through the express will to breach the Constitution with the holding of the so-called “citizens’ participation process” on 9 November 2014, and its continuation with the so-called “plebiscitary” elections of the coming 27 September; through the usurpation of international state competencies in order to establish diplomatic contacts against the general interests of Spain, and; through 4 repeated declarations by public leaders of the possibility of a unilateral declaration of independence. 2.1. The Advisory Council for National Transition (Consejo Asesor para la Transición Nacional) As has been said, the ‘Generalitat’ is a Spanish institution with competencies in a wide range of areas, which has to act in coordination with other Spanish administrations in order to satisfy the interests of the citizens, and always within the framework of these competencies. These obviously do not include that of preparing the creation of a new state in the
Recommended publications
  • Boletín Oficial Del Estado
    BOLETÍN OFICIAL DEL ESTADO Núm. 281 Martes 24 de noviembre de 2015 Sec. III. Pág. 110643 JUNTA ELECTORAL DE BARCELONA La Junta Electoral Provincial de Barcelona, en su reunión del día de la fecha, ha acordado proclamar las candidaturas concurrentes a las elecciones al Congreso de los Diputados y al Senado convocadas por Real Decreto 977/2015, de 26 de octubre, presentadas en el ámbito territorial de esta Junta, y ordena su publicación en el «Boletín Oficial del Estado», de conformidad con lo establecido en el artículo 47.5 en relación con el 169.4, de la Ley Orgánica 5/1985, de 19 de junio, del Régimen Electoral General. Barcelona, 23 de noviembre de 2015.–El Presidente, Joan Cremades Morant. CONGRESO DE LOS DIPUTADOS 1. UNIÓ DEMOCRÀTICA DE CATALUNYA (unio.cat) 1. Josep A. Duran i Lleida. 2. Josep Sanchez i Llibre. 3. Rosaura Ferriz i Pacheco. 4. Antoni Picó i Azanza. 5. M. Carme Castellano i Fernández. 6. Queralt Puig i Gual. 7. Pol de Lamo i Pla. 8. Joan Contijoch i Costa. 9. Noemi Cano i Berbegal. 10. Salvador Ferran i Pérez-Portabella. 11. Víctor Gonzalo i Pérez. 12. Jesús Serrano i Martínez. 13. Albert Peris i Miras. 14. M. Mercè Blanco i Ribas. 15. Sílvia Garcia i Pacheco. 16. Anaïs Sánchez i Figueras. 17. Maria del Carme Ballesta i Galiana. 18. Oriol Lázaro i Llovera. 19. Joan March i Naspleda. 20. Elena Medina i Rodríguez. 21. Enric-Ernest Munt i Gutierrez. 22. M. Jesús Cucurull i Farré. 23. Jordi Lluís Bailach i Aspa. 24. Eva Cordobés i Millán.
    [Show full text]
  • A Critical Discourse Analysis of Artur Mas's Selected
    Raymond Echitchi “Catalunya no és Espanya”: A critical discourse... 7 “CATALUNYA NO ÉS ESPANYA”: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF ARTUR MAS’S SELECTED SPEECHES Raymond Echitchi, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This article is a Critical Discourse Analysis of secessionist discourse in Catalonia in the light of a selection of speeches given by Artur Mas. This work aims at deciphering the linguistic strategies used by Mas to construct a separate Catalan identity in three of his speeches, namely his acceptance, inauguration and 2014 referendum speeches. The analysis of these speeches was carried out in the light of Ruth Wodak’s Discourse-historical Approach to Critical Discourse and yielded the identification of three sets strategies to which Artur Mas mostly resorts; singularisation and autonomisation strategies, assimilation and cohesivation strategies and finally continuation strategies. Keywords: Catalonia, sub-state nationalism, secessionism, Critical Discourse Analysis. Resumen: Este artículo analiza, mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, las disertaciones secesionistas en Cataluña de los discursos de Artur Mas. En este trabajo, se pretende captar las estrategias lingüísticas utilizadas por Mas para construir una identidad catalana separada en tres discursos que presentó; en su investidura, su toma de posesión y antes de celebrar el referéndum de 2014. El análisis de estos discursos se llevó a cabo a la luz de la aproximación histórica discursiva de Ruth Wodak y dio lugar a la identificación de tres tipos de estrategias en estos discursos: las estrategias de singularización y autonomización, las estrategias de asimilación y cohesión y las estrategias de continuidad. Palabras clave: Cataluña, nacionalimo sub-estatal, secesionismo, Análisis Crítico del Discurso.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett
    Inside Spain Nr 105 (25 March - 21 April) William Chislett Summary Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index. Parliament rejects Catalan independence referendum. Government narrowly misses budget deficit target, Bank of Spain upgrades GDP growth forecast. Ibex-35 companies generate 63% of their revenues abroad. Foreign Policy Spain holds its 11th position in Elcano’s Global Presence Index Spain was again ranked 11th in the Elcano Global Presence Index, which measures the positioning of countries outside their own borders (see Figure 1). The index is based on a broad array of economic, military and soft presence dimensions. Figure 1. Elcano global presence ranking and scores, 2013* Ranking Score 1. United States 10,417.0 2. Germany 386.1 3. United Kingdom 367.8 4. China 334.4 5. France 308.2 6. Russia 281.0 7. Japan 241.7 8. Netherlands 212.7 9. Canada 203.6 10. Italy 172.4 11. Spain 164.4 (*) Out of 70 countries. Source: Real Instituto Elcano. Over half of Spain’s global presence (54%) is due to its soft dimension (see Figure 2). 1 Figure 2. Spain’s global presence index absolute values and % share in the index of the economic, military and soft presence dimensions 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2011 2012 2013 Economic presence 11.4 18.3 25.2 46.4 63.8 68.0 76.4 76.7 % of global presence 27.2 34.4 36.8 43.8 44.2 44.0 46.0 46.7 Energy 1.0 0.6 1.5 3.1 3.7 4.6 4.7 7.7 Primary goods 2.4 5.1 5.6 9.9 12.9 14.4 17.5 17.7 Manufactures 2.8 4.6 5.8 9.7 10.8 11.8 14.4 12.6 Services 4.9 7.1 9.1 16.5 21.4 21.7 24.7 23.9 Investments
    [Show full text]
  • 1356Th Meeting, 9 October 2019 10 Legal Questions
    MINISTERS’ DEPUTIES CM Documents CM(2019)125 29 August 20191 1356th meeting, 9 October 2019 10 Legal questions 10.4 European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages a. Fifth report of the Committee of Experts in respect of Spain Item to be considered by the GR-J at its meeting on 19 September 2019 In accordance with Article 16 paragraph 3 of the Charter, the Committee of Experts of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages submits its fifth report on the application of the Charter in Spain to the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe. The report contains proposals for recommendations to be addressed by the Committee of Ministers to Spain. The Spanish Government has been given the opportunity to comment on the content, in accordance with Article 16 paragraph 3 of the Charter. 1 This document has been classified restricted at the date of issue. In accordance with the Deputies’ decision (CM/Del/Dec(2001)765/10.4), it will be declassified after examination by the Committee of Ministers. Website: www.coe.int/cm CM(2019)125 2 The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages provides for a control mechanism to evaluate how the Charter is applied in a State Party with a view to, where necessary, making recommendations for improving its legislation, policy and practices. The central element of this procedure is the Committee of Experts, set up under Article 17 of the Charter. Its principal purpose is to report to the Committee of Ministers on its evaluation of compliance by a Party with its undertakings, to examine the real situation of regional or minority languages in the State and, where appropriate, to encourage the Party to gradually reach a higher level of commitment.
    [Show full text]
  • Informe Raxen Especial 2017
    Movimiento contra la Intolerancia Informe Raxen Racismo, Xenofobia, Antisemitismo, Islamofobia, Neofascismo y otras manifestaciones de Intolerancia a través de los hechos Especial 2017 Alerta y Monitorización del Extremismo Xenófobo y de los Crímenes de Odio Índice Editorial: Alerta y Monitorización del Extremismo Xenófobo y de los Crímenes de Odio Esteban Ibarra ................................................................................................................. 3 I. ACCIÓN INTERNACIONAL CONTRA EL RACISMO, LA XENOFOBIA Y LA INTOLERANCIA 1. UE: Prevención de la radicalización que conduce al extremismo violento ................. 9 2. Consejo Europa. ECRI. Protección de los migrantes en situación irregular contra la discriminación ........................................................................................... 13 3. OSCE: Recogida de datos y monitorización de delitos de odio .................................. 17 4. ONU-CERD: Directrices de Alerta Temprana ............................................................. 21 5. UNESCO: Promoción de la educación como instrumento para prevenir el extremismo violento ............................................................................................ 25 II. INICIATIVAS, ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES Y TRIBUNALES 6. Informe Raxen: Registro, Monitorización y Análisis en España de Incidentes de Odio, Discriminación Racista, Xenófoba y de Intolerancia ................................................. 27 7. Oficina Nacional Delitos de Odio. Ministerio del Interior. Resumen Estadístico
    [Show full text]
  • La Red El”Ctrica Operacišn
    ALUMINIO ESPAÑOL ASTILLERO A.C.V. BABCOCK AS PONTES DE XISTRAL TABIELLA CARRIO FERROATLÁNTICA GARCÍA RODRIGUEZ ALONSOTEGUI TRASONA ABOÑO ACERIASA NERVACERO ORZÁN LEMONIZ SIERO ARKALE SABÓN GRELA SOTO DE RIBERA CACICEDO SANTURTZI ERRONDENIA SAN CRISTOBAL PUENTE DE S. MIGUEL (F 400 kV) GATICA PASAIA IRÚN MOUGUERRE MEIRAMA NARCEA PENAGOS MESÓN DO VENTO LADA ORTUELLA HERNANI CANTEGRIT BASAURI PEREDA GUEÑES AZPEITIA SIDEGASA LA JARA ABADINO HERNANI CARBUROS (F 400 kV) ITXASO AGUAYO TUBACEX LA GAUDIERE MONDRAGÓN ORMAIZTEGUI CAZARIL SANTIAGO II VILLABLINO AYALA T. NERVIÓN LAS ONDINAS REMOLINA VELILLA ORBEGOZO ARISTRAIN PRAGNERES PORTODEMOUROS ANLLARES MATAPORQUERA VITORIA-GASTEIZ ORCOYEN PEÑADRADA GAMARRA BENOS BAIXAS GAROÑA ALÍ FORJAS ALAVESAS LAC LA ROBLA GUARDO BARCINA CORDOVILLA D´OO STA. MARINA PUENTELARRA TABESCÁN COMPOSTILLA ERISTE MORALETS COMPOSTILLA II C.N. S.M. BIESCAS II TIBO BELESAR MIRANDA TAFALLA LA FORTUNADA SALLENTE ANDORRA SOBRADELO LA LOMBA GAROÑA SANTIAGO SANGUESA SESUE LLAVORSI S. PEDRO VILECHA PONT DE ALBARELLOS S. ESTEBAN MONTEARENAS HERRERA LOGROÑO SABIÑANIGO ESCALONA (F 400 kV) SUERT MOLLABAO CORNATEL EL SEQUERO PONTE BIBEY T. FORADADA POBLA VELLE QUEREÑO VILLIMAR ADRALL PAZOS CASTRELO TRIVES PRADA MEDIANO DE SEGUR CERCS QUEL GRAUS DE BORBEN CARTELLE SAN AGUSTÍN CONSO VILLALBILLA GRADO JUIA RIBADELAGO LA SERNA VIC SOUTELO GRIJOTA EL BERBEL MONZÓN (HEC) TUDELA ONCALA CENTELLES BESCANÓ LAS CONCHAS PUEBLA DE TARAZONA SANABRIA MONZÓN VALPARAISO PALENCIA MAGALLÓN POLA PEÑAFLOR CALDERS S. CELONI LA MUDARRA ENTRERRIOS LINDOSO SENTMENAT LA MUDARRA (ID) MONCAYO VILLANUEVA PIEROLA BESCANÓ RENEDO CAN BARBA CENTELLES MIRALBUENO LLEIDA GALAPAGAR GRIJOTA RICOBAYO JALÓN MONTBLANC RUBÍ-C VIC VIC LA MUDARRA CASTRO VALLADOLID MONTE TORRERO SALLENTE S. CECONI TRES CANTOS TORDESILLAS ZARATÁN RUBÍ (F 400 kV) VILLALCAMPO ZAMORA LA MUELA MEQUINENZA MARÍA CASTELLET SENTMENAT SAN SEBASTIÁN LA SECUITA OTERO FUENCARRAL BEMPOSTA ALMAZÁN BEGUES MECO ALDEADAVILA ESCATRÓN RIBARROJA EL MORELL ASCÓ REPSOL PENEDÉS POBLA R.
    [Show full text]
  • The Catalan Struggle for Independence
    THE CATALAN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE An analysis of the popular support for Catalonia’s secession from Spain Master Thesis Political Science Specialization: International Relations Date: 24.06.2019 Name: Miquel Caruezo (s1006330) Email: [email protected] Supervisor: Dr. Angela Wigger Image Source: Photo by NOTAVANDAL on Unsplash (Free for commercial or non-commercial use) Table of Contents Abstract ................................................................................................................................................... 1 Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 2 Chapter 1: Theoretical Framework ......................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Resource Mobilization Theory ...................................................................................................... 7 1.1.1 Causal Mechanisms ................................................................................................................ 9 1.1.2 Hypotheses........................................................................................................................... 10 1.2 Norm Life Cycle Theory ............................................................................................................... 11 1.2.1 Causal Mechanisms .............................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing #12/2019
    BRIEFING #12/2019 A HUNDRED YEARS OF INJUSTICE On 14th October, Spain’s Supreme Court made public its verdict convicting nine political and civil society pro-independence leaders of sedition and sentencing them to a total of 99 years and 6 months of prison and to a similar ban from holding public office1. It is worth remembering that, as pointed out in a communiqué by Agora Judicial- a professional association of judges- “Those found guilty worked together in the calling and the organisation of a referendum on self-determination and that, in itself, is not a crime (...). Such was the decision of the [Spanish] Parliament in 2005 when it excluded from the Criminal Code the call of a referendum without legal base.” Similarly, magistrate and jurist Joaquim Bosch claims that “(…) the verdict attributes to the pro-independence public officials the authorship of sedition through a stream of behaviours linked to the call of the referendum and their calls to go to vote. That attribution of guilt also generates legal doubts, because holding illegal referendums is a conduct that was decriminalized. And encouraging citizens to vote cannot criminalize the summoners for the crimes that may occur subsequently. If it is not a crime to hold a referendum, even less so calling to participate in the consultation. For instance, those who call to take part in a peaceful demonstration cannot be responsible for the offenses that may occur in it. There is no causal link. However, the sentence considers several public officials responsible for sedition, while admitting that they did not participate in acts of passive resistance, nor did they encourage the sitting downs to hinder the actions of [police] agents”.
    [Show full text]
  • Regional Aid Map 2007-2013 EN
    EUROPEAN COMMISSION Competition DG Brussels, C(2006) Subject: State aid N 626/2006 – Spain Regional aid map 2007-2013 Sir, 1. PROCEDURE 1. On 21 December 2005, the Commission adopted the Guidelines on National Regional Aid for 2007-20131 (hereinafter “RAG”). 2. In accordance with paragraph 100 of the RAG, each Member State should notify to the Commission, following the procedure of Article 88(3) of the EC Treaty, a single regional aid map covering its entire national territory which will apply for the period 2007-2013. In accordance with paragraph 101 of the RAG, the approved regional aid map is to be published in the Official Journal of the European Union and will be considered as an integral part of the RAG. 3. On 13 March 2006, a pre-notification meeting between the Spanish authorities and the Commission's services took place. 4. By letter of 19 September 2006, registered at the Commission on the same day with the reference number A/37353, Spain notified its regional aid map for the period from 1 January 2007 to 31 December 2013. 5. By letter of 23 October 2006 (reference number D/59110) the Commission requested from the Spanish authorities additional information. 6. By letter of 15 November 2006, registered at the Commission with the reference number A/39174, the Spanish authorities submitted additional information. 1 OJ C 54, 4.3.2006, p. 13. 2. DESCRIPTION 2.1. Main characteristics of the Spanish Regional aid map 7. Articles 40(1) and 138(1) of the Spanish Constitution establish the obligation of the public authorities to look after a fair distribution of the wealth among and a balanced development of the various parts of the Spanish territory.
    [Show full text]
  • The Regions of Spain
    © 2017 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] A NOTE Julia Clark Chair Estimats Diputats del Parlament de Catalunya, Dear Diputats of the Parliament of Catalonia, My name is Julia Clark and I’ll be serving as your Chair for the Parliament of Catalonia. I cannot wait to meet all of you in February. Time is of the essence and the Catalan Republic needs creating! As for a little bit about myself: MUN is my life! Last year, I served on the AmeriMUNC Secretariat as the Charges D’Affaires and currently I am an Assistant Head Delegate of the AU Model United Nations competitive travel team. I have done MUN for seven years, competing at 24 conferences across the US and Canada, and I once chaired a conference in the Netherlands! I’m proud to say that AmeriMUNC will be my eighth time chairing. Outside of MUN, I am also the President of my sorority, Phi Mu. If you have any questions about greek life or collegiate MUN, I’d love to chat via email or at the conference. I’m personally very excited to be forming our own new nation, the Catalan Republic. I just studied abroad for four months in Madrid, Spain and was at the center of the real life action surrounding the Catalan independence movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Europa L’Entrevista Ja Som a L’Estiu I Moltes De De La Nostra Voluntat
    La Veu Butlletí de Reagrupament Independentista Europa L’entrevista Ja som a l’estiu i moltes de de la nostra voluntat. Europa les esperances de la primavera ens espera com un estat més i Dr. Moisès Broggi: ja no les tenim... només depèn de nosaltres de Una esperança: que el voler-ne ser protagonistes. “Cada vegada hi ha Parlament Europeu fos El company Jordi Gomis ho menys arguments competent per regular el tenia molt clar, i com ell va dret de ciutadania de la UE; deixar escrit: «És una obvietat per continuar sent una altra: que la situació que si Catalunya fos un Estat, part d’un estat que econòmica no ens endinsés no tindríem espoli fiscal, i en un pou de la mà de la per tant, els recursos dels que ens ofega” incompetència espanyola. disposem es multiplicarien PÀGINA 4 La Comissió Europea ens automàticament. Més enllà de ha dit que el Parlament no desempallegar-nos d’un Estat és competent per regular que xucla els nostres recursos Recordem Jordi Gomis sobre la ciutadania europea, i ens ofega econòmicament, Un altre Franco però ens ha indicat dos fets les dades també demostren molt importants: admet la que els estats petits de la UE Dèficits i balances possibilitat de secessió d’una han crescut molt per sobre fiscals part d’un Estat membre i que els grans, prenent les considera la solució en la dades que van des del 1979 /&(- negociació dins l’ordenament fins els nostres dies... En jurídic internacional. definitiva, tenim dues opcions: D’aquesta forma la Comissió esperar que després de 23 Resultats de 30 anys Europea desmenteix les anys
    [Show full text]
  • Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
    Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya
    [Show full text]