Kuwait's Endless Elections
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Kuwait Submission to the United Nations Human Rights Committee
KUWAIT SUBMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE 117TH SESSION, 20 JUNE- 15 JULY 2016 Amnesty International Publications First published in 2016 by Amnesty International Publications International Secretariat Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom www.amnesty.org © Amnesty International Publications 2016 Index: MDE 17/4145/2016 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. accompan CONTENTS INTRODUCTION -
Labour Migration from Indonesia
LABOUR MIGRATION FROM INDONESIA IOM is committed to the principle that humane and orderly migration benets migrants and society. As an intergovernmental body, IOM acts with its partners in the international community to assist in meeting the operational challenges of migration; advance understanding of migration issues; encourage social and economic development through migration; and uphold the human dignity and wellbeing of migrants. This publication is produced with the generous nancial support of the Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration (United States Government). Opinions expressed in this report are those of the contributors and do not necessarily reect the views of IOM. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher: International Organization for Migration Mission in Indonesia LABOUR MIGRATION FROM INDONESIA Sampoerna Strategic Square, North Tower Floor 12A Jl. Jend. Sudirman Kav. 45-46 An Overview of Indonesian Migration to Selected Destinations in Asia and the Middle East Jakarta 12930 Indonesia © 2010 International Organization for Migration (IOM) IOM International Organization for Migration IOM International Organization for Migration Labour Migration from Indonesia TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS vii PREFACE ix EXECUTIVE SUMMARY xi ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS 1 INTRODUCTION 3 Purpose 3 Terminology 3 Methodology -
By Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Of
FROM DIWAN TO PALACE: JORDANIAN TRIBAL POLITICS AND ELECTIONS by LAURA C. WEIR Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Adviser: Dr. Pete Moore Department of Political Science CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2013 CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Laura Weir candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree *. Pete Moore, Ph.D (chair of the committee) Vincent E. McHale, Ph.D. Kelly McMann, Ph.D. Neda Zawahri, Ph.D. (date) October 19, 2012 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Tables v List of Maps and Illustrations viii List of Abbreviations x CHAPTERS 1. RESEARCH PUZZLE AND QUESTIONS Introduction 1 Literature Review 6 Tribal Politics and Elections 11 Case Study 21 Potential Challenges of the Study 30 Conclusion 35 2. THE HISTORY OF THE JORDANIAN ―STATE IN SOCIETY‖ Introduction 38 The First Wave: Early Development, pre-1921 40 The Second Wave: The Arab Revolt and the British, 1921-1946 46 The Third Wave: Ideological and Regional Threats, 1946-1967 56 The Fourth Wave: The 1967 War and Black September, 1967-1970 61 Conclusion 66 3. SCARCE RESOURCES: THE STATE, TRIBAL POLITICS, AND OPPOSITION GROUPS Introduction 68 How Tribal Politics Work 71 State Institutions 81 iii Good Governance Challenges 92 Guests in Our Country: The Palestinian Jordanians 101 4. THREATS AND OPPORTUNITIES: FAILURE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND THE RISE OF TRIBAL POLITICS Introduction 118 Political Threats and Opportunities, 1921-1970 125 The Political Significance of Black September 139 Tribes and Parties, 1989-2007 141 The Muslim Brotherhood 146 Conclusion 152 5. -
UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UCLA UCLA Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title To Rig the Rules or To Break the Rules: The Politics of Electoral Manipulation in Autocracies Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98v1w6d0 Author Noh, Yuree Publication Date 2018 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles To Rig the Rules or To Break the Rules: The Politics of Electoral Manipulation in Autocracies A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Yuree Noh 2018 c Copyright by Yuree Noh 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION To Rig the Rules or To Break the Rules: The Politics of Electoral Manipulation in Autocracies by Yuree Noh Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Barbara Geddes, Chair Why do some authoritarian leaders use extensive fraud to control election results whereas others do not? In my dissertation, I identify the conditions under which dictators choose to resort to fraud or not. I argue the importance of social cohesion and citizen networks that facilitate the spread of information regarding rigged elections among citizens. Informed citizens are more likely to solve collective action porblems and mobilize themselves against against the regime. Incumbent elites fear triggering the kinds of popular uprisings that sometimes overthrow dictatorships. Consequently, they avoid using outright fraud in places where citizens are densely enmeshed in civil society associations. I test my argument using cross-national and subnational empirical evidence in addition to case studies of Algeria and Kuwait. -
Changing a System from Within: Applying the Theory
CHANGING A SYSTEM FROM WITHIN: APPLYING THE THEORY OF COMMUNICATIVE ACTION FOR FUNDAMENTAL POLICY CHANGES IN KUWAIT A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by Nasser Almujaibel May 10, 2018 Examining Committee Members: Dr. Nancy Morris, Advisory Chair, MSP / Media and Communication Dr. Brian Creech, Journalism. Media & Communication Dr. Wazhmah Osman, MSP/ Media & Communication Dr. Sean L. Yom, External Member, Political Science ABSTRACT Political legitimacy is a fundamental problem in the modern state. According to Habermas (1973), current legitimation methods are losing the sufficiency needed to support political systems and decisions. In response, Habermas (1987) developed the theory of communicative action as a new method for establishing political legitimacy. The current study applies the communicative action theory to Kuwait’s current political transformation. This study addresses the nature of the foundation of Kuwait, the regional situation, the internal political context, and the current economic challenges. The specific political transformation examined in this study is a national development project known as Vision of 2035 supported by the Amir as the head of the state. The project aims to develop a third of Kuwait’s land and five islands as special economic zones (SEZ). The project requires new legislation that would fundamentally change the political and economic identity of the country. The study applies the communicative action theory in order to achieve a mutual understanding between different groups in Kuwait regarding the project’s features and the legislation required to achieve them. ii DEDICATION ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻟﻤﯿﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ اﻟﻨﻮم ... اﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﯿﻦ ﺑﻌﺪه iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my parents, my wife Aminah, and my children Lulwa, Bader, and Zaina: Your smiles made this journey easier every day. -
1 Executive Summary Kuwait Is the Third
Executive Summary Kuwait is the third-largest economy in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC, after Saudi Arabia and the UAE), and the Government of Kuwait has taken preliminary steps toward liberalizing sectors of its economy in the past year. Legislation passed in 2013 including a new FDI law and a commercial companies law aimed at easing constraints to doing business in Kuwait, and at establishing a “one stop shop” to help companies start operations in Kuwait. In March 2014, the Central Bank of Kuwait announced that foreign banks could open multiple branches in Kuwait – until that time, they could only open one branch. The April 2014 passage of historic telecommunications legislation potentially signals the government may liberalize the telecom sector and create opportunities for more competition in the coming years. After years of delays, the state oil companies in 2014 awarded several high-value contracts to foreign consortia to expand refinery capacities in Kuwait. Moves toward privatization of Kuwait’s stock exchange and its national airline have also begun. Nevertheless, Kuwait is perceived as a difficult place to invest in and do business with, and challenges to operating in the country remain. Kuwait ranked 104th in the world, and lowest in the GCC, on the World Bank’s 2014 ease of doing business survey, and the country has consistently attracted the lowest amounts of FDI in the entire Middle East and North Africa region. Implementation of new legislation has lagged, and significant barriers to foreign investment remain, including regulations barring foreign entities from the petroleum and real estate sectors, long bureaucratic delays in starting new enterprises, and a local business culture based on clan and family relationships that can be difficult for foreigners to navigate. -
Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly Muhamad S
Journal of International Women's Studies Volume 12 Issue 3 Arab Women and Their Struggles for Socio- Article 6 economic and Political Rights Mar-2011 Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly Muhamad S. Olimat Follow this and additional works at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws Part of the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Olimat, Muhamad S. (2011). Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly. Journal of International Women's Studies, 12(3), 76-95. Available at: http://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol12/iss3/6 This item is available as part of Virtual Commons, the open-access institutional repository of Bridgewater State University, Bridgewater, Massachusetts. This journal and its contents may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ©2011 Journal of International Women’s Studies. Women and the Kuwaiti National Assembly By Muhamad S. Olimat1 Abstract Kuwaiti women’s long struggle for a seat in the National Assembly culminated with remarkable success on May 16, 2009. For the very first time in Kuwait’s political history, the women’s movement managed to send four female representatives to the National Assembly. Their electoral success ushers a new phase in Kuwait’s political process in which women finally become active participants. The goal of this article is to examine women’s struggle for political rights, their electoral success, their role in current Kuwaiti politics, their accomplishments, and their future in politics in Kuwait. Keywords: Kuwait, Women’s National Assembly, Sunni, Shi’i Islam, Electoral Impediments, Electoral Success. -
Sport Development in Kuwait: Perception of Stakeholders On
SPORT DEVELOPMENT IN KUWAIT: PERCEPTION OF STAKEHOLDERS ON THE SIGNIFICANCE AND DELIVERY OF SPORT DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for The Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School at The Ohio State University By Badi Aldousari, M.A. * * * * * 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Dr. Packianathan Chelladurai, Advisor Dr. Donna Pastore __________________________ Advisor Dr. Janet Fink College of Education ABSTRACT The current study analyzed the perceptions of 402 stakeholders of Kuwaiti sport regarding the importance of three domains of sport (i.e., mass sport, elite sport, and commercial sport), and the relative emphases to be placed on each of these domains. The respondents were also asked to indicate the organizational forms (public, nonprofit, profit, public-nonprofit combine, and public-profit combine) best suited to deliver related sport services in the country. The stakeholder groups were administrators of federations (n = 57), administrators of clubs (n = 80), administrators of youth centers (n = 50), coaches of clubs (n = 78), coaches of youth centers (n = 57), and elite athletes (n = 70). The gender distribution of the respondents was 355 males and 47 females. They ranged in age from 19 years to 70 years for a mean of 39 years. The statistical procedures included exploratory principal component analysis, computation of Cronbach’s alpha, multivariate analyses of variance (MANOVA) followed by univariate analyses (ANOVA), and chi square analyses. The results provided support for the subscale structure of survey instrument modified from Cuellar (2003). Further analyses indicated that the six groups were almost unanimous in considering elite sport as more critical than the other two domains of sport. -
Elections and Parliamentary Activity in the GCC States. Broadening Political Participation in the Gulf Monarchies Since the 1990S
Andrzej Kapiszewski ELECTIONS AND PARLIAMENTARY ACTIVITY IN THE GCC STATES. BROADENING POLITICAL PARTICIPATION IN THE GULF MONARCHIES SINCE THE 1990s 2 0 0 5 European U niversity Institute Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies Sixth Mediterranean Social and Political Research Meeting Montecatini, 16-20 March 2005 Elections and Parliamentary Activity in the GCC States. Broadening Political Participation in the Gulf Monarchies since the 1990s Andrzej Kapiszewski Krakow, Poland © 2005 All rights reserved No part of this paper may be distributed, quoted or reproduced in any form without permission by the author. For authorised quotation(s) please acknowledge as follows: „Paper presented at the Sixth Mediterranean Social and Political Research Meeting of the Mediterranean Programme of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute, Montecatini Terme, March 2005”. Introduction There is an overwhelming agreement that a deficit of freedom undermines human development. As is also well known, there is a dramatic gap between the levels of democracy in Arab countries and the rest of the world1. In particular, none of the 16 Arab majority countries has a democratically elected government. At the same time, the combined GDP of all Arab countries is less than that of Spain, and labor productivity in these countries dropped between I960 and 1990, while it soared elsewhere in the world. Even Africa outperformed the Arab region in rates of economic growth, etc. Nevertheless, there is a group of Arab states in which the situation is quite different from the portrait painted above: the monarchies of the Gulf. Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates and Oman, members of the so-called Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), are among the richest countries in the world. -
Kuwaiti National Security and the US-Kuwaiti Strategic Relationship
KUWAITI NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE U.S.-KUWAITI STRATEGIC RELATIONSHIP AFTER SADDAM W. Andrew Terrill September 2007 Visit our website for other free publication downloads http://www.StrategicStudiesInstitute.army.mil/ To rate this publication click here. This publication is a work of the U.S. Government as defined in Title 17, United States Code, Section 101. As such, it is in the public domain, and under the provisions of Title 17, United States Code, Section 105, it may not be copyrighted. ***** The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. This report is cleared for public release; distribution is unlimited. ***** This work has benefited greatly from the comments and suggestions that friends and colleagues provided on earlier drafts. Space and privacy limitations prevent me from acknowledging everyone, but some individuals deserve my special gratitude. I would particularly like to thank Professor Mary Ann Tetreault of Trinity University in San Antonio, Texas, for detailed and exceptionally helpful comments based on her deep understanding of Kuwaiti issues. Sarah E. Womer provided a number of useful and insightful comments that allowed me to benefit from her strong understanding of the region and previous time in Kuwait. Lieutenant Colonel Robert Friedenberg of the U.S. Embassy in Kuwait was an indispensable source of support and assistance on my 2006 and 2007 visits. He has been an especially helpful and informed source of insight, contacts, and information based on his long and valuable service to the United States in Kuwait and elsewhere in the Middle East. -
Kuwait Country Report BTI 2016
BTI 2016 | Kuwait Country Report Status Index 1-10 5.85 # 57 of 129 Political Transformation 1-10 4.38 # 84 of 129 Economic Transformation 1-10 7.32 # 24 of 129 Management Index 1-10 4.29 # 85 of 129 scale score rank trend This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2016. It covers the period from 1 February 2013 to 31 January 2015. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2016 — Kuwait Country Report. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2016. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. BTI 2016 | Kuwait 2 Key Indicators Population M 3.8 HDI 0.814 GDP p.c., PPP $ - Pop. growth1 % p.a. 4.3 HDI rank of 187 46 Gini Index - Life expectancy years 74.5 UN Education Index 0.646 Poverty3 % - Urban population % 98.3 Gender inequality2 0.288 Aid per capita $ - Sources (as of October 2015): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2015 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2014. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.10 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary Kuwait has, again, seen two turbulent political years. In the period under review the National Assembly was dissolved, an election and a special election took place, two cabinets were installed and an alleged coup plan by a member of the ruling family was hotly debated. -
Nutrition Country Profile : State of Kuwait
NUTRITION COUNTRY PROFILE STATE OF KUWAIT Kuwait Nutrition Profile – Nutrition and Consumer Protection Division, FAO, 2006 1 Acknowledgments This profile was prepared by Dr. Nawal Al-Hamad, Food and Nutrition Department, Ministry of Health, Kuwait, in collaboration with Amélie Solal-Céligny, Chiara Deligia and Giulia Palma, Consultants, and Marie Claude Dop, Nutrition Officer in the Nutrition Planning, Assessment and Evaluation Service of the Nutrition and Consumer Protection Division, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. The Administration of Food and Nutrition, Ministry of Health, Kuwait, would like to address its special thanks to Mrs. Prasanna Prakash, for her precious collaboration in reviewing the data, and in discussing and preparing this document; to Mr. Abdul Rahman Al Mansouri, Assistant Undersecretary for Statistics and Census sector, to Dr. Khalid Affan, Economic Consultant, and to Mrs. Al Kharaz, Head of Foreign Trade Sector, from the Ministry of Planning, for the data provided; to the Statistics Department of the Ministry of Health, for the data provided; to Mr. Ahmed Hussein, for his assistance in secretarial work. Kuwait Nutrition Profile – Nutrition and Consumer Protection Division, FAO, 2006 2 Summary Kuwait is a small urban state located on the coast of the Persian Gulf. The country’s economy is dominated by the oil industry. Petroleum is the main source of national income. Agriculture is limited by the lack of water and arable land and by harsh climate conditions. Most of the food commodities for human consumption are imported, with the exception of aquatic resources which are plentiful. However, most of the captured fish and seafood is not consumed but is exported.