Public Architecture, Space and Identity in Six
Poleis in Asia Minor: the Observer through Time
(from the 2nd Century BC to the 3rd Century AD)
by
Simon James Young
MA, BA (Hons)
(ORCID 0000-0002-7263-7305)
Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
May 2017
The School of Historical and Philosophical Studies
The University of Melbourne
Supervisor: Dr. Heather Jackson Abstract
Research on public architecture and its development in the poleis of Asia
Minor from the Hellenistic to Roman imperial period has often tended to focus on individual building types and to regard them as a series. This approach overlooks a building's role in the overall cityscape and its intended effect on the observer. Yet studies which examine the notion of the cityscape for ancient observers often make only a passing reference to the archaeological record. The identity of this observer has also tended to be ill defined. The observer, who was either a resident or visitor to these cities, experienced public architecture as well as other objects on public display, and derived meaning from their placement, decoration and overall connection to the cityscape. This thesis will consider the social and historical context as well as the archaeological record in regard to the development of different types of public architecture and other displays in specific poleis in Asia Minor. The placement and motivations for these elements' construction, their role in the cityscape and their reception by those who experienced them will be discussed. The period discussed begins with the increased diffusion of Classical-style poleis in the 2nd century BC, and ends at the beginning of the 3rd century AD. This study will employ a number of carefully chosen case studies: Balboura, Lyrbe/Seleukia, Pessinus, Ephesus, Pisidian
Antioch and Kremna; and thus will apply a specific rather than general approach. The discussion will consider the evolution and character of these poleis' cityscapes and the effect they had on ancient observers. By doing so, a greater understanding of the overall cityscapes' contemporary meaning and the impact of these public displays will be gained.
i Declaration
This is to certify that – i) the thesis comprises only my original work towards the PhD except where indicated in the Preface, ii) due acknowledgment has been made in the text to all other material used, iii) the thesis is fewer than 100,000 words in length exclusive of tables, maps bibliographies and appendices.
ii Acknowledgments
I wish to extend my sincere gratitude to the many people who have assisted me on this journey. I am greatly indebted to Dr. H. Jackson, who supervised the completion of my thesis. Her encouragement, knowledge and experience was invaluable at the final stages of this PhD. I also wish to thank Prof. G. R.
Tsetskhladze, who supervised the formative stages and beginning of my thesis. He urged me to undertake a PhD after he supervised the completion of my MA, and his insightful comments, support, introduction to the excavations at Pessinus and wholehearted sharing of skills and experience will never be forgotten. I also wish to thank Dr. F. Vervaet, my associate supervisor, for his insight on Roman political practices. I am also grateful to Dr. H. J. Kim for his temporary supervision and discussions about cultural identity.
I extend my thanks to the director of the British Institute at Ankara, Dr. L.
Vandeput, who supervised me during my 6-month Endeavour Fellowship there. Her advice to me and vast expertise in the monumental architecture of Hellenistic and
Roman Asia Minor were vital for the development of this thesis, and I am very grateful for her suggestions for improvement on sections of my thesis. I also thank Dr.
M. Massa, who re-inspired my faith in GIS and to Dr. M. H. Kan for his insights on our visit to Lyrbe. Thanks also go to Prof. T. Corsten, at the University of Vienna, who invited me to spend a 6-month study visit there, and I would also like to thank
Prof. M. Meyer at the Institute of Classical Archaeology at the University of Vienna for giving me the opportunity to share my research in a collegial environment at an evening seminar and with a lively discussion following. I am grateful to Dr. M.
Steskal, whose recommendations on how to best tackle the enormous subject that is
Ephesus were invaluable.
iii I would also like to thank the University of Melbourne School of Historical and Philosophical Studies for making this research possible with an Australian Post
Graduate Award, and generous funding opportunities for fieldwork. I would also like to thank the Australian government for the endowment of the Endeavour Fellowship, which permitted me to spend an extremely productive six months in Ankara, and the
Sydney-based Near Eastern Archaeology Foundation for assisting in funding a second field trip to Turkey. I also thank my family, especially my mother and S. Leach, and express my sincerest gratitude to N. Dotson and the Dotson family.
iv Table of Contents
Abstract...... i
Declaration...... ii
Acknowledgments...... iii
Introduction...... 1
Chapter 1 – Literature Review...... 9
Chapter 2 – Urban Public Display and the 'Observer'...... 28
Identity...... 28
The Most Uncertain Observer: the Hellenistic Period Farmer...... 32
A More Certain Observer: Licinnia Flavilla...... 35
The Most Certain Observer: James Williams...... 38
Observations...... 39
Building Types...... 68
Chapter 3 – Small Cities: Balboura and Lyrbe...... 85
Balboura...... 86
Lyrbe...... 117
Chapter 4 – a Provincial City: Pessinus...... 143
Chapter 5 – a City of Privilege: Ephesus...... 198
Chapter 6 – Two Roman Colonies: Pisidian Antioch and Kremna...... 252
Kremna...... 252
Pisidian Antioch...... 284
Conclusion...... 321
Bibliography...... 330
Ancient Texts...... 330
Appendix: Translations of Selected Ancient Sources...... 370
v List of Illustrations...... 451
Illustrations...... 465
vi Introduction
A sense of communal identity is clearly apparent in Greek poleis in Asia
Minor, manifested through public architecture, statuary and other displays.1 This phenomenon is especially evident within poleis in the 2nd century BC in Asia Minor, modern Turkey, until their decline at the end of the Roman period.2 The ancient literary record provides some indication of this when it mentions cities deciding on and taking political action, such as alliances, provocations, the instigation of new laws, the dedication of statues and so on. However, the mechanisms that maintained, promoted and provided for a continuance of a community identity that was expressed in the cityscape of individual cities are only partially understood. On the ground, the evidence in Greek poleis also offers tantalising clues suggesting the systemisation of an ideology of community identity through the remains of public buildings and other
1 The author has opted to transliterate Greek words to the Latin alphabet and to employ the English plural conventions for the sake of consistency, except where this would be unwieldy, i.e. the plural for 'polis' remains 'poleis', 'topos' is 'topoi' and so on. 2 The period discussed in this thesis begins from approximately the 2nd century BC and ends at approximately the beginning of the 3rd century AD. However, material from earlier and later periods is sometimes utilised when it is necessary for background to the discussion. When the term 'Hellenistic period' is applied in this thesis, it means from the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC to the Battle of Actium in 31 BC, and the term 'Roman period' means the Roman Imperial period, i.e. from 31 BC to the end of the period discussed in this thesis, unless otherwise indicated. When the discussion employs the term 'polis/poleis' or 'city', this refers to a Classical-style polis, unless otherwise stated. For more on the definition of a Classical-style polis, see Farrington, Hansen, and Hansen and Nielsen (Farrington 1995:121; Hansen 2000:170; Hansen and Nielsen 2004:7). The term 'boule' is employed to refer to elected city authorities, as this is the most attested in inscriptional evidence. The area is constrained to the geographical region known as the region of Asia Minor to the Romans, with a greater focus on the western part of Asia Minor (for a description of the region, “Western Anatolia”, see Shipley (Shipley 2000:87)). All ancient sources are abbreviated following the Oxford Classical Dictionary conventions. While the author wished to provide his own translations of all the ancient sources mentioned in the text, this was not possible in the time allowed. Accordingly, a sample of the author's own translations is included at the beginning of the appendix of selected ancient sources.
1 physical manifestations as well as their position within the city plan. In past scholarship, however, there has been a tendency to view the elements of the urban landscape as separate objects and strictly within the tradition of Greek or Roman architecture, effectively removing them from their context, and then to examine them by collecting them in a series.3 This thesis challenges this approach within the context of six poleis in Asia Minor by placing public architecture and other elements back into the cityscape to discuss their interrelationships, considers how observers on the street may have interpreted them, how this may have contributed to a sense of civic identity and evaluates whether this approach is useful in gaining a better understanding of these cities' public spaces.
The hypotheses that will be tested could be framed in the following way. If the primary motivation of city planners, architects and artisans was to create a sense of collective or communal civic identity through publicly displayed buildings and objects, in what ways did these hold different meanings to various types of ancient observer? Were the desired reactions from contemporary observers the key motivator behind the construction of these public displays? To what extent was the city as a whole—not just the city elite—involved in the conception and construction of communal buildings and other symbols of community? The testing of these hypotheses may result in a more precise understanding of both the architecture itself and the reaction it was intended to provoke. By attempting to understand this, a greater insight will be gained into the motivations behind the planning and development of the urban landscape in the poleis discussed in this thesis, as well as the overall impact of the collective cityscape. To test these hypotheses, the author has
3 This will be discussed in the Literature Review.
2 visited the cities that make up the case studies in order to seek new and relevant observations about the cityscape that have not been documented in prior scholarship.
The epistemology of this thesis is largely objectivist, as the discussion mostly centres on the physical remains of architecture and of other public monuments, as well as some discussion regarding questions of style and dating. On the one hand, the methodology of the research is quantitative, as it depends on archaeological reports and studies that contain details such as construction materials, measurements, the relative position of buildings to one another and to other objects. These architectural symbols are agoras, basilicas, stoas, prytaneions, inscriptions, statues, streets, architectural reliefs with a symbolic program, city walls, city gates, stadiums, temples, theatres, bath houses, monumental fountains and gymnasiums. The discussion will also draw on literary, epigraphic and numismatic evidence that is connected to public architecture. Any gaps in material knowledge will be supplied with suitable comparisons to known contemporary or near contemporary counterparts, and rigorously supported by empirical evidence. Speculation on the material record will be carefully reined in, and will be similarly supported by material evidence. 3D models will be utilised to present views of cityscapes at appropriate points in the discussion.4 On the other hand, the methodology is participatory. The researcher
4 The 3D models in this thesis were created by the writer unless otherwise stated. The camera height is always positioned at 178 cm from ground level and at 90 degrees on the x axis, i.e. looking straight ahead. The models are to scale and carefully follow published archaeological reports containing elevation drawings and site plans. The terrain topography was obtained from Google Earth and is to scale, although flattening of approximately 500 cm was sometimes necessary to regularise street surfaces. The material textures, where possible, were sampled from photographs of material from each site, but when this was not possible, similar material samples were utilised from similar material at other Greek or Roman sites. It should be noted that the models are primarily intended to afford the reader with a better understanding of the public spaces discussed from the street view but, of course, they cannot presume to be completely accurate and complete. On the limitations, usefulness and pitfalls of such models, see the discussion on p. 46.
3 placed himself on the ancient city streets and spent time there in order to experience the remains of the urban landscapes to garner a relativistic and subjective experience of the cityscape. The author also will consider this subjective and relativistic impact of the cityscape on both the ancient and modern observer.
This leads on to the thesis' ontological approach, which is post-positive, in the sense that “... theories, hypotheses, background knowledge and values of the researcher can influence what is observed”.5 To some extent, it will be necessary to make relativistic observations about the physical objects that are identifiable as intended for public use, and the motivations for their construction. These may be explicit, as is the case for inscriptions recording benefaction, or implied. In order to make meaningful relativistic observations, an understanding of city culture and its relationship to public architecture must be established.6 Among these are the political and social factors that are closely linked to the economics of building. The interplay between various levels of political and economic control, in terms of the construction and reception of symbols of community, is poorly understood, and a detailed discussion of this will offer a contribution to this area of study.
This thesis will consider the plausible subjective experience of two broad categories of viewers of ancient architecture: residents of the city and visitors to the city, as these two groups represent the intended audience for these objects. A third category, the modern observer, will also be considered to provide a pointed contrast, as this group may tend to distort the significance of ancient objects by making
5 Robson (1993:27). 6 In this thesis, culture means “... a particular form or type of intellectual development. Also, the civilization, customs, artistic achievements, etc. of a people, esp. at a certain stage of its development or history” (Simpson and Weiner 1989:121–22).
4 unconscious comparisons to perceived modern social phenomena and motivations for displays of public architecture and other symbols.
Regarding the specific cities chosen for this thesis, the writer offers a useful classification of four different types of city to ensure they are representative rather than arbitrary (Fig. 1). These types are as follows: two smaller satellite cities, Lyrbe and Balboura;7 a large provincial city, Pessinus; an influential city and the capital of a province, Ephesus; and two Roman colonies, Kremna and Pisidian Antioch. The classification of these cities into types not only provides a valuable framework, but also reflects observable differences between them. The decision to contain the study to six case studies, but cities chosen as representative of their type, avoids the tendency to attempt to analyse the whole of the Graeco-Roman world, and also ensures that the study is broad enough so as not to over-represent any single geographical area in Asia Minor. The limited number of cities also provides an opportunity for the in-depth and specialised analysis which is required of a PhD.8
The structure of the thesis is as follows. First, in the Literature Review, a summary of the debates centred around questions related to the nature of civic identity within the poleis will be presented, as well as some discussion on the proposed motivations behind building projects. This will be followed by a critical appraisal of the literature relevant to the general study of Greek and Roman architecture and then by a section that will review the scholarship and primary sources on the subject of a contemporary observer's experience of public architecture. A further section will summarise literature on the usefulness of such concepts as 'Hellenisation' and
7 Although there is some debate around the secure identification of this city as Lyrbe, and not Seleukia, the writer defers to Nollé, see p 118. 8 Much of the impetus for this doctorate arose from the writer's MA thesis on the agora in Asia Minor (Young 2012).
5 'Romanisation'. Then the following section will critically discuss the literature available that is specifically related to the architecture of individual building types, as well as other public monuments that are present in the individual cities in the thesis.
The review will also summarise the current state of research in each of the case studies in this thesis.
Chapter 2 will provide a necessary social and cultural framework. It will examine arguments that relate to the nature of the identity of ancient and modern observers.9 The discussion will suggest the types of observers who may have been witness to the poleis at various stages of their development. A framework of identity will be proposed and three examples of observer will be presented: two ancient and one modern in order to illustrate the methodology.10 The discussion will also seek to identify any pitfalls that a modern observer may fall into when constructing interpretations of ancient architecture. A discussion on the motivations of public building will be presented, what the physical symbols of community were, and what their relationship to observers was. This will be discussed in terms of how they contributed to the communal ideology within the polis. In order to understand the impetus for public building projects, the political fabric of the Greek polis will also be summarised in this chapter. Political influences were among the most powerful in building projects, and broad levels of hierarchy can be distinguished. These levels changed over the period in question. Social factors are closely linked to the economics of construction, as wealthy benefactors often donated buildings to cities. An understanding of the interplay between various levels of political and economic control, in terms of the construction of symbols of community, is necessary and a
9 See p. 28. 10 For this thesis, a 'modern' observer means from the 19th century AD onwards.
6 detailed analysis of this must be presented before a discussion of the cities can proceed.
From this advantageous position, the discussion will lead on to an in-depth examination of the four categories of city. The main focus of these discussions is on archaeological material and historical evidence. Within the context of this material evidence and in light of the arguments presented in Chapter 2, a variety of observers that are constructed from the template of identity will be discussed in terms of their potential subjective experience of the city. Chapter 3 will discuss smaller cities, as a discussion on smaller cities connects well to the previous section on individual observers.11 An individual may tend to become lost in a larger city, whereas in a smaller city, individuals make a bigger impression. Balboura was appropriately chosen, as it has been recently extensively published. Its development from foundation to abandonment is now among the best understood of poleis in Asia Minor.
The second city chosen for this chapter is Lyrbe, which exhibits an extraordinarily well-preserved Hellenistic agora complex and, as this thesis begins with the
Hellenistic period, it is included at the beginning of the discussion of case studies. In
Chapter 4, a larger provincial city, Pessinus, will be considered.12 Although this city was admittedly not as influential as Pergamon or Ephesus, it nonetheless played a leading role in its regions, and followed the trends of its more powerful neighbours. In
Chapter 5,13 a city that benefitted from a higher status over its neighbours will be carefully examined. While Pergamon enjoyed an almost unparalleled dominance and influence in the region during the early Hellenistic period, Ephesus largely overtook this position from the beginning of the imperial period. This chapter will seek to
11 See p. 85. 12 See p. 143. 13 See p. 198.
7 understand how this powerful position affected each of these cities' architectural development. Chapter 6 on Roman colonies, will conclude the case studies.14 Some cities in Asia Minor were refounded as Roman colonies at pre-existing Hellenistic cities. This chapter will consider the effects of Roman colonisation on the cities of
Kremna and Pisidian Antioch. The question of identity at these cities is of great importance, especially in terms of discussions related to Hellenisation and
Romanisation.
In the Conclusion,15 the discussion presented in Chapter 2 and the case studies presented in Chapters 3 to 7 will be summarised, and the conclusions presented in each chapter will be reviewed. Finally, closing remarks will be made, as well further observations. Ultimately, this analysis of the physical symbols of community in the cities in this thesis seeks to disentangle the complex interactions of the various levels of social hierarchy, and how these interplayed with public architecture and other manifestations of public display. Most importantly, after an in-depth discussion of these material remains, the thesis may also shed light on the role of the ancient observer in the cityscape by drawing on the historical and archaeological record, as well as evaluating the usefulness of this approach. Ultimately, the strengths and limitations of employing an observer-based methodology will be brought into sharper focus.
14 See p. 252. 15 See p. 321.
8 Chapter 1 – Literature Review
Examples from the ancient literary record and from inscriptions attest to Greek cities in Asia Minor acting collectively when undertaking political action, provocations, the instigation of new festivals and so on.1 Yet, until recently, the exact nature of the connection between collective civic identity and public architecture has received surprisingly less attention than it deserves. This brief literature review seeks to highlight some of the trends and difficulties related to this subject.
First, an overview will be presented which exemplifies some of the difficulties in defining civic identity. This will be followed by a summary of, and comments on,
Aristotle's Politica. This will lead to an overview of both traditional and more contemporary methodologies for the study of Greek architecture, followed by a short review of the economics and munificence behind public building. The chronological and geographical scope of this review is wide, but primarily focusses on the first appearance of substantial public architecture in Greek poleis around the 7th century
BC, up to around the close of the 2nd century AD.
The exact nature of the ideology by which the Greeks considered themselves citizens of a polis is complex and only partially understood. Using Athens of the 5th century BC as a starting point has proven helpful for many researchers, as there is comparatively more material available to consider when compared to other Greek cities, and this provides a useful background to the period under discussion in this thesis.2 In some studies, Athens' democratic system was used to attempt to construct a
1 Listing all ancient sources is impractical for this review; however, some key writers are Andocides, Apuleius, Aristotle, Arrian, Herodotus, Hesiod, Homer, Plato and Strabo, also see Young (Young 2011:20, note 54). See Wörrle for one of the best examples of an inscription recording the institution of a festival in a Greek polis in the 2nd century AD (Wörrle 1988). 2 Past scholarship has tended to place emphasis on “... sites considered historically and/or culturally significant...” (Barletta 2011:614). Also, see A. H. M. Jones (A. H. M. Jones 1958:75).
9 model of Greek civic identity.3 Yet, this approach may have contributed to some unsound conclusions. In 1998, Ober argued that “discourse-as-power”, i.e. the role of public speaking, was fundamental in creating the identity of an Athenian.4 For Ober, an ordinary citizen in Athens armed with this political identity:
“... maintained personal dignity and political equality... restrained
the privileges and power of elites... and... thereby protected
themselves from certain forms of socioeconomic exploitation and
political dependency... the values of equality and freedom that he
gained by the possession and exercise of citizenship were
substantive and central to his identity”.5
These values sound familiar to the modern ear. For this reason, the approach has received criticism, as it seems to appeal to our 21stcentury AD sympathies for democracy and philosophical debates on the nature of identity.6 Ober's view of
Classical Athens via this modern framework is exemplified when he cited Taylor's
1989 work on modern identity to support his arguments.7 Taylor's work discussed the emergence of identity, not only in terms of Plato and the moral self, but also through the most significant philosophers up to the modern age. Constructing arguments through the eyes of a 21st century AD observer about identity in Classical Athens is also evident in Buck's 1998 introduction to a discussion on Athenian democracy, where he stated:
3 A. H. M. Jones (1958:10–19); Ober (1998). 4 Ober (1998:102, 117). 5 Ober (1998:31). 6 Shipley (2005:19). 7 C. Taylor (1989:115–26).
10 “Modern historiography is grappling with the problem of how to
place the individual in proper relationship to his community and
his times, in both social and economic terms”.8
The struggle to define identity in the modern era may have added confusion to the nature of Greek identity instead of clarifying it.9 One must remember that the
Athenian model of democracy was not universally present in, or supported by all
Greek poleis,10 and perhaps should not be tied so directly to the emergence of public architecture.11
One of the best ways to consider the subject of citizen identity and public architecture in the Greek polis is to refer to the ancient authors themselves on the subject. The most complete and influential work from the Classical period is
Aristotle's Politica. Schooled in Athens, Aristotle linked political systems and the well-being of the citizen to the physical layout of cities. His emphasis was overwhelmingly on practicality, and he admitted that the execution of these ideal cities may be difficult to realise.12 He was also concerned about Hippodamian street planning and its negative effect on the aesthetics of a city, advising a pleasant combination of regular planning in public areas and irregular planning in domestic
8 Buck (1998:7). The considerable body of theory regarding the interaction between observers or “actants” and observed objects (actant network theory) and their impact on the subject of Classical archaeology are conveniently summarised and expanded on by Westin (2012). Although Westin's conclusions and summaries are taken into account in this discussion, it is beyond the scope of this thesis to explore the entirety of this complex debate. 9 Shipley sets out to test “... the propositions that planned town layouts expressed specific ideas of what the ideal polis should be and specifically whether they were inherently egalitarian or democratic”, an idea he ultimately rejects (Shipley 2005:335–37). 10 Cartledge (2000:408–9); A. H. M. Jones (1958:75). 11 Boersma (2000). 12 Arist. Pol. 7.1330b; Long (2005:164). Also, see note 154 on page 64.
11 quarters.13 Aristotle also prescribed the best location for a city to maximise public health, defence and security. He suggested the ideal position of certain public buildings such as temples and agoras: where they might be most conveniently placed for the activities that were carried out there.14
It must be borne in mind that when Aristotle wrote Politica, the Greek polis had long been established, and would continue to proliferate and were extended after
Alexander the Great's conquests (334–323 BC).15 Aristotle's planning suggestions, rather than being the proscription for an ideal polis that did not exist, might instead be seen as a commentary on what he thought to be the best features of the cities he knew.
Aristotle was more concerned with the practicalities of political life, and he does not linger on the details, informing us that there is no difficulty in imaging them.16 That may have been the case for him, but it is certainly not for us.
These details concern the activities that took place in the shared culture of a typical Greek citizen.17 Meetings of public officials, markets, exercise, the education of youth, religious worship, processions, military activities, literary activities, elections, athletic, dramatic and musical contests, dining, manufacturing of goods and trials all played a role in defining the identity of a citizen in the polis.18 As Ober
13 Arist. Pol. 7.1330b.33. 14 For a discussion on town planning that took both ancient sources and the archaeological record into account see Wycherley (Wycherley 1976:15–35). 15 For an account of Greek colonies, see Tsetskhladze (2006, 2009a), which has an extensive literature review and case studies. On the details of individual cities, see Hansen (Hansen 2000) and Keen and Fischer-Hansen (Keen and Fischer-Hansen 2004). On problems relating to Aristotle's description of the ideal polis compared with the real development of city planning from the Archaic to the Classical period, see Shipley (Shipley 2005). 16 Arist. Pol. 7.1331b.19. 17 Hansen (2000:143). 18 Again, the ancient literary and archaeological records provide ample evidence for all of these activities. Listing individual sources for each is impractical in this review. See ... Continued on p. 13
12 observed, the part played by public speaking was certainly important but these other pursuits should not be ignored. The viewing of these activities was equally important,19 and many public buildings exhibit seating for spectators. A substantial amount is known about these activities from Athenian sources and evidence from further Greek poleis is gradually growing. Inscriptions and other material have shed a great deal of light on the subject, especially from Asia Minor.20 Participation in these urban activities was a significant part of what identity was, and these activities required suitable spaces and public buildings to accommodate them. In contrast to a larger civic identity, Casson notably explored the identity of specific individuals, with considerable success, relating to the experience of travel.21
Now we shall turn to a selective review of the scholarship of Greek architectural history, which has often been discussed quite separately from notions of identity. The most common approach to the subject has been for authors to either focus on the entirety of Greek or Roman architecture,22 or on individual architectural features like stoas, temples or water features.23 In 2011, Barletta provided a valuable
Csapo, Jones and Lavan for a discussion related to the various activities in poleis (A. H. M. Jones 1958:11; Lavan 2006:160–66; Csapo 2010). 19 Rutherford (2013:146). 20 For evidence about the activities of a Greek polis from its colonisation to its desertion employing archaeological and epigraphic evidence, see Coulton et al. (Coulton et al. 2012a:136). In Oenoanda in the 2nd century AD, specific public offices are recorded in some detail in the Demosthenes inscription, as well as their importance within the hierarchy of the polis, evident by their position in a festival procession (Wörrle 1988; Rogers 1991). 21 Casson (1994:190–92, 193–94, 292–99). 22 Adam (1990); Gros (1996); Lawrence (1957); Robertson (1977); Ward Perkins (1981). 23 Ayrton (1961); Balty (1991); Barletta (2011:621–26); Coulton (1976); Farrington (1995); Glaser (2000:414–51); Stinson (2008:79–106); Ward Perkins (Ward-Perkins 1955).
13 review of the literature that covered the history of the discipline of Greek architecture and highlighted those generalising tendencies.24
An individual city examined as a case study offers an antidote to the dangers of abstraction, generalisation and typological methodologies. It helps to clarify motivations for construction and the role of public architecture in city life.25 Studies of this type exist, although at times they are either too light on material,26 or apply excessively generalised approaches.27 Other studies go further by commenting on the juxtaposition of public architecture and its relationship with a city's residents.
Important among these are Martin and McDonald.28 Although general in his approach at times, Martin combined this with specific case studies to good effect. One example is his discussion on religious architecture. First, Martin highlighted the physical relationship this architecture had with both the site of the sanctuary and the altar, in general terms,29 and then he provided clear case studies.30 The benefits of this approach are made clear when contrasted with Tzonis and Giannisi, who concluded that the development of religious architecture was due to vague and abstracted notions of “confidence and knowledge”.31 Martin, perhaps more precisely concluded that:
24 Barletta (2011:620–29). 25 “Research on individual communities serves both to extend the field of view when we consider widespread developments and to provide a check on overgeneralization” (Shipley and Hansen 2006:68). 26 Steele (1992). 27 Radt (2006a). 28 Martin (1974); MacDonald (1982, 1986). Although almost 40 years old at the time of writing, Martin's insights have “... proven sufficiently enduring” (Barletta 2011:626). 29 Martin (1974:223). 30 Martin (1974:333–34). 31 Tzonis and Giannisi (2004:99).
14 “... the architectural complexes of sanctuaries, agoras and
gymnasia could not be detached from the urban framework that
formed the core of the political community; in particular the
Hellenic conception of the polis, the city-state, required autonomy
and independence for all the institutions that made it unique”.32
In another example, when discussing the origins of Hellenistic architecture,
Martin observed that there was a profound shift in city planning with the emergence of what he called the “monumental ensemble”. To this abstraction, he ascribed four factors, which he then discussed in terms of specific case studies.33
In a later influential study, MacDonald took up Martin's approach and applied it over a broad geographical area within a Roman context.34 MacDonald, along with
Martin, saw architectural grouping as an interconnected system, or an “armature”.35
However, for both writers, a pure case study approach was limited. Both writers took their case studies and compartmentalised them into typologies, rather than focussing on any one city in depth, and for both Martin and MacDonald, generalisations tended to detract from precise understanding. This is exemplified when Martin stated that:
32 Martin (1974:337). 33 The first, political evolution and the “centralizing tendencies and ostentation of the Hellenistic princes”. Secondly, there was a shift in aesthetics towards “plastic and pictorial effects... as well as monumentality”. Thirdly, the influence of painting and sculpture, and finally, buildings began to lose their autonomy and become integrated with structures around them, “monumental masses thus became dependent” (Martin 1974:374–78). 34 MacDonald (1982). 35 MacDonald employed the term urban armature to describe the practice of linking different areas of a city by use of architectural elements. The origins of a town's armature often evolved from the easiest approach to an open space suited for meetings (MacDonald 1982:23–29). Armature clearly ordered the way that a visitor experienced the city in a “sequence of approach” (2013:350).
15 “Our aim here is to be aware of nuances, and not to formulate the
precepts of a code but to pursue the great trends that express the
various aspects of the life and history of the Greek city”.36
There is value in such an approach, especially being vigilant of the nuances in particular cases, rather than pursuing the “great trends” that have been covered more than adequately by other writers.37 Applying generalisations runs the risk of detracting from the value of case studies. The need for which was shared by Mitchell, who saw:
“... room for much more sharply focused work on particular
building types... or on particular cities, with a view to establishing
firmer chronologies, and above all to assessing what the buildings
can tell us about the culture, and about the social and economic
life of a specific community”.38
Nonetheless, the enduring contribution from Martin and MacDonald was the view that public architecture became indivisible from the political community and other public activities in the polis.39 The exact nature of the connection between the citizen and public architecture is debatable, and various attempts have been made to link developments in architecture with the political community. Barton suggested that public architecture informed and controlled a citizen's activity:
36 Martin (1974:323). 37 Barletta (2011:621–22). 38 Mitchell (1995:8). 39 A view shared by Tzonis and Giannisi “... the study of ancient Greek architecture is bound up with heuristics and politics” (Tzonis and Giannisi 2004:13).
16 “Public architecture at least presents us with the official view of a
society and provides the background against which its individual
members live their lives; indeed, in certain respects it controls the
way in which they spend their time—as participants in political
processes, as spectators at entertainments, as worshippers at
religious ceremonies, and so on”.40
The reverse is surely also the case. Accommodating the activities that were part of city life in appropriate buildings was undoubtedly a primary concern to citizens, not only to provide a backdrop for them. This was a position held by Tzonis and Giannisi:
“With the intensification and increased organization of social and
political life, a new type of building was developed during the
fourth century B.C.E.”.41
In 1967, Scranton sought to link philosophical movements, perceived interior states and views of the world with architecture.42 This is ultimately unsatisfying, as it is too abstracted and unsubstantiated in many of its conclusions. For example:
“In general, the novelty of Hellenistic architecture was to develop
the form of the interior—and even more, of exterior space thus
40 Barton (1985). 41 Tzonis and Giannisi (2004:142). 42 Scranton (1967).
17 asserting the reality and unity of corporeal and incorporeal
being”.43
The connection between philosophy and architecture was taken up again by
Thomas in 2007, arguably with more success:
“The architectural readings of the creation of the world gave
buildings a special place in ancient philosophical debates about
the character of natural and artificial forms”.44
In an original study, Tzonis and Lefaivre attempted to separate the pure aesthetics of Classical architecture from its politics and context within the city.45 This was valuable, as it defined the rules of Classical architecture in the most abstract way, and separated architecture from its physical context to the extreme.
On the specific connection between architecture and identity, Tzonis and
Giannisi suggested that:
“… the development of Classical architecture and the drive to
create a unique, coherent system of forms—a canon—has to do
with the construction of a Hellenic identity and the process of...
Panhellenism”.46
43 Scranton (1967:46). 44 E. Thomas (2007:242). E. Thomas also discusses the differences between public building by patrons in contrast to authorities, as well as the various religious and public use of buildings and notions of identity (E. Thomas 2007:71–90, 237–244). 45 Tzonis and Lefaivre (1986:ix). 46 Tzonis and Giannisi (2004:238).
18 Yet, once again an abstracted approach does not address the specifics of how this was achieved or what that identity was. Thomas took the issue further:
“This present book... attempts... to consider the significance of the
architecture of this period (AD 138–61) for contemporaries. Its
focus is the question of architectural meaning. In the ancient
world, buildings were not only a backdrop and setting for social
interaction but also a form of social language. The language had
meaning not just for the professional group who constructed those
buildings, but for the whole population who experienced them”.47
There is no doubt that once constructed, public architecture had a subjective and physical effect on those who experienced it, and on this point Segal pertinently raised these questions:
“... while in its monumentality it inevitably caught the eye, did it
also captivate the heart? Did it ever enchant or only overwhelm?
In other words, were Augustus, Hadrian and the emperors that
came after them indeed successful in fostering the 'transcendent'
medium they envisioned as the embodiment of the cultural unity
they sought for their universal empire”.48
47 E. Thomas (2007:1). 48 Segal (1997:4).
19 Although he asks the questions, he does not answer them, but rather goes on to provide another detailed typology of public buildings. The nature of how a contemporary observer experienced architecture was also considered by Thomas:
“How an individual in ancient Ephesus or Carthage perceived a
building, and the particular emotions generated by those
perceptions, can no longer be recovered today. Viewers, no doubt,
articulated their sensations to others and discussed their reactions,
but such ancient conversations have vanished without a trace”.49
Thomas went on to discuss other evidence from the ancient world, including speeches, wall painting and poetry.50 He provided an in-depth analysis of Lucian of
Samosata's descriptions of architecture to support his thesis. Indeed, Lucian is one of the best sources on the subjective experience of interior public space in the 2nd century
AD. His short lectures on a bath building and a public-speaking hall described reactions, opinions and impressions of two contemporary buildings. In Hippias,
Lucian expressed appreciation for a number of features of the bath: the height of the entry steps, the use of imported marble, good lighting, orientation to sunlight, ease of transitioning from one space to the next, well-thought-out proportions, toilets and time telling devices, both visual (a sun dial) and acoustic (a water clock with horn).51
In De domo, Lucian articulated what is praiseworthy about a well-decorated public hall: size, correct proportions, beauty, illumination (again), gilding, pictures, well- proportioned decoration, orientation to sunlight and suitable windows for every
49 E. Thomas (2007:208). 50 E. Thomas (2007:208–20). 51 Luc. Hip. 5, 7–8.
20 season.52 He also proposed that the reaction of such a space was quite different for a cultured and uncultured man. The uncultured observer of a finely decorated room could only cast his eyes about, look at the ceiling while gesticulating in appreciation, while a man of culture could be moved to make a speech and be inspired to reach great levels of eloquence that matched the greatness of the room.53 Tellingly, he described the program of wall painting, which contained mythological scenes and a statue of Athena, musing on the allegorical and moralising tales they contained.54
Indeed, Lucian points out that the power of the tongue is no match for the eyes,55 and on the decoration he added: “The exactness of their technique and the combination of antiquarian interest and instructiveness in their subjects are truly seductive and call for a cultivated spectator”.56 This highlights the didactic meaning of interior decoration and statuary of public buildings, the intention was that the observer would, in some way feel compelled to interact with it. Lucian writes further on the distinction between the classes. One figure from the working poor from this period who merits more detailed attention. His purely satirical account of the descent into Hades paints a picture of how an imagined tyrant felt about public building, and how, at least one of the inhabitants of the polis, a shoemaker, felt powerless or indifferent towards it.57 The elite tyrant is revealed to be a self-serving greedy and corrupt individual who tries to bribe one of the three Fates, Klotho, out of death so that he can, among other things,
52 Luc. Dom. 1, 5. Jenkyns observes: “… that descriptions of interiors in Roman literature tended to dwell upon expensive and impressive surfaces” (Jenkyns 2013:363). 53 Luc. Dom. 2, 4, 13. 54 Luc. Dom. 22. 55 Luc. Dom. 19. 56 Luc. Dom. 21. 57 Luc. Catapl.
21 complete building projects for posterity.58 At the other extreme, the shoemaker is elated at the prospect of dying, as his life has been a misery in which he had had no freedom to decide the course his life had run.59
Thomas concluded that:
“The monumentality of a Roman building was judged by the
response to it. That response was primarily visual, but other
senses such as smell, touch, and hearing contributed to produce
the impression of monumentality... No wonder that contemporary
orators were inspired by monumental buildings to achieve
monumentality in their own texts”.60
The record of subjective reactions to public architecture is not completely lost.
Thomas showed that reflections on architecture from other sources can be collected and analysed, and that they are useful in understanding the experience of a contemporary observer. Jenkyns significantly furthered this approach, collating ancient sources in order to arrive at a better understanding of the aesthetic experience of city space.61
Work on ancient senses, sense-experience and audience observation has become the focus of some research in recent years. Hamilakis’ broad exploration of
58 Luc. Catapl. 10. 59 Luc. Catapl. 14. 60 E. Thomas (2007:235). 61 Indeed, the enormous amount of material collected in his index locorum gives some indication of the enormous scope of this endeavour (Jenkyns 2013:376–95). Aldrete applies the methodology of an empty “traveller” and “visitor” to evoke the sensation of walking through imperial Rome (Aldrete 2014:45–67). Kemp ties together a clearer defined (but still abstracted) observer with the experience of physically observing the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias (Kemp 2016).
22 the senses, is a highly abstracted philosophical work, which, while thought provoking, does not serve to narrow in on an individual ancient observer’s experience of architecture.62
Another important consideration in this review is the question of public benefaction and its role in civic identity. Increasingly, in the Roman period especially, identity became very closely entwined with building projects in Greek poleis. At this time, the case was that either private benefaction became more frequent than publicly funded building projects,63 or that the elite who paid for buildings were more forthcoming in naming themselves in inscriptions on their projects.64 The question of who actually paid for these buildings is a fraught one, and it remains unclear if the elite individuals named on buildings were wholly financially liable. One popular hypothesis is that it was a complex game of tax relief and subsidies from the public treasury.65 A short but informative article by Burton provided a summary and a reappraisal of the economic evidence of the financing of building projects in provincial cities.66
In 2012, Spawforth suggested that the boom in building projects in the 2nd century AD in the east was because nobles:
62 Hamilakis (2013). Within this genre of abstracted discussions on senses, see also Butler and Purves (Butler and Purves 2013). 63 Plin. Ep. 10.39; Zuiderhoek (2009). 64 Jones M. F. (1987); Mitchell and Katsari (2005). 65 Burton (2004); Ratté (2008:26); Zuiderhoek (2005:173). 66 Burton (2004).
23 “... came to understand that those who played this costly game
were more likely to attract the higher patronage indispensable for
promotion to the highest Roman orders”.67
But this idea was conceivably a little indiscriminate, as it included the period from Augustus to Antoninus Pius and in a number of different provinces.68
Zuiderhoek's more specific research was centred on Asia Minor and examined the politics of munificence in detail. He ultimately concluded that donations of public buildings were motivated to perpetuate the elite class's right to rule, but once again he tended towards generalisations, as he collated and summarised data over a wide region.69
We have seen in this review how a modern standpoint and bias toward democratic principles may skew our understanding of the model of the civic identity of a Greek citizen. Recent scholarship has re-evaluated the importance of Aristotle's
Politica in helping to understand the role of public architecture in a polis, seeing only a few connections with democratic principles. The model of a citizen's identity seems to be closely tied with the shared cultural activities of a polis. Yet, studies on the history of Greek architecture have tended to isolate and generalise by removing the citizen from the equation. Writers such as Martin and MacDonald sought to place architecture back into the city along with its surroundings and considered its interrelationships. Importantly, Thomas provided an approach that keenly focussed on the observer and his experience.
67 Spawforth (2012:209). 68 For the dangers of overgeneralised models of benefaction, see Mitchell (Mitchell 2005). On the public value and issues related to civic benefaction, specifically in the case of aqueducts, see Keenan- Jones (Keenan-Jones 2013:251–253). 69 Wandsnider (2015:75); Zuiderhoek (2005).
24 A methodology Barletta approved of:
“Increasingly, the study of Greek architecture aims to place
buildings into not only their architectural but also their social
context... As more scholars direct their attention to the role Greek
architecture played in the community, we can expect to develop a
deeper understanding of both the structures and the society that
built them”.70
Thus, Thomas' observer based analysis and Martin's methodology of identifying interdependent architectural relationships in individual cites could be applied to specific case studies to yield fresh perspectives. It is within the context of these architectural studies—both of the cityscape and individual monuments—and recent research into the cultural development of the region that makes the present study timely.
The emergence of poleis in Asia Minor and their subsequent development under Roman imperial domination has often been described within the conceptual frameworks of Hellenisation and Romanisation.71 These two processes seem to suggest an almost conscious intention to bring a city culture into line and the usefulness and veracity of this has recently been brought into question.72
70 Barletta (2011:630). 71 Also, see De Ste. Croix on the effect of Roman administration in Asia Minor (De Ste. Croix 1981:529). 72 Waelkens and Vyncke (2010). Although framed within an extensive commentary of Lucian, see Lightfoot’s comments in terms of literary ‘Hellenisation’ and ‘Romanisation’ (Lightfoot 2003:11, 82, 168).
25 As discussed, the overwhelming tendency of studies into the nature of architecture in the Graeco-Roman world, has been to discuss individual buildings grouped as a series, rather than as a collective within the cityscape. These studies, however, provide an invaluable resource from which to draw. A comprehensive review of the key studies related to the building types discussed in this thesis will be presented below.
By focussing on specific case studies, and minimising the goal to arrive at generalisations and wider trends, a valuable understanding may be gained of the connection between notions of identity and public architecture. In terms of the literature available for such studies, it can be divided into two categories: archaeological and architectural description, and discussions relating to the cultural development of the city. Barletta offered an excellent summary of different approaches to Greek architecture with extensive examples and bibliographies,73 and a standard work on Roman architecture that employed a typological approach, and extending to Asia Minor, remains Gros.74 Hansen and Fischer-Hansen published an excellent survey and discussion on monumental Greek political architecture,75 and
Jacobs has also produced a comprehensive study that combined a typological approach within a social context that is based on material evidence.76 These publications were indispensable sources of material for this discussion. Barletta's general comments and conclusions about the current state of research into Greek architecture could equally be applied to the Roman period:
73 Barletta (2011). 74 Gros (1996, 2001). 75 Hansen and Fischer-Hansen (1994). 76 Jacobs (2013).
26 “As more scholars direct their attention to the role Greek
architecture played in the community, we can expect to develop a
deeper understanding of both the structures and the society that
built them.”77
Discussions on the literature published on the cities as case studies will be presented within the chapter relating to that case study in order to provide context to the discussion.
77 Barletta (2011:630).
27 Chapter 2 – Urban Public Display and the 'Observer'
Identity
In order to understand the impact of public architecture on ancient observers, this thesis will first consider the nature of the identity of those who might find themselves in a position to view it. However, the usefulness of identity as a framework within archaeological analysis is at times questionable, and the definition of identity is notoriously difficult to pin down. Current scholarship still grapples with concepts of modern and ancient identity; the field of enquiry is complex, at times mystifying, highly theoretical and extensive.1 Although the scope of this thesis does not permit an exhaustive discussion of debates on identity per se, it is vital to outline some of their key features, in order to settle on the most suited explanation for the arguments presented in this thesis.
Theories on identity often take on a conceptual and theoretical framework.2
Those who have followed this theoretical approach to the formation and reception of identity tend to see it as a threefold process: I talk about myself, you talk about me and others talk about me.3 Only once this tripartite interrelationship is complete, does true identity emerge. One objection to this approach is that when we apply this to something like physical gender, the results become troublesome, in the sense that the statement “I am girl, you are a girl, she is a girl” may be irrefutable to some, and we might conclude that in this case, a manifestation of identity that is primarily physical need not be something created by a three-way dialogue.
1 Hu (2013). 2 I am indebted to Kelly's convenient summary of some of the major trends in debates in the field of modern identity studies (Kelly 2012). 3 Sfard and Prusak (2005).
28 Some argue from a more quantifiable position, maintaining that identity is something that is formed in childhood and remains persistent over time,4 while others advocate that identity is an evolving phenomenon, that is unstable and ever-changing; a so-called “life course”.5 In this vein, Kidd identified three types of identity: individual identity, social identity and cultural identity,6 and it is this framework that seems to be the most useful way of thinking about identity for this thesis, as it is post- positivist,7 i.e. that there are aspects of identity that are observable and can be measured.
Following this model of identity, an appropriate place to begin is by outlining its quantifiable elements, especially those which seem to transcend culture and time
(Fig. 2). In this way, this template of post-positive identity can be usefully applied to the observers of public architecture in this thesis. The first conspicuous manifestation of identity is physical gender. The next important physical identifier is age, as different stages of life demand different roles and duties. Other physical attributes of identity include height, weight, health—and the physical characteristics of ethnicity.
Ethnicity is perhaps one of the most complex identifiers, as in both the ancient and modern world, genetic ethnicity has at times been confused with culture.8
4 Erikson (1963); Vander, Zanden and Pace (1984). 5 Levinson (1986:3); Paris et. al. (2001). 6 Kidd (2002). 7 Or at the least, it is a critical realistic approach (Robson 1993:41). 8 S. Jones (1997:15); Hu (2013:372); Orser (2004); A. D. Smith (1987:23–46). It is true to say that ethnic differentiation existed during the period in Asia Minor and the key groups for this thesis are as follows.The Greek speaking people of the western coast of Asia Minor (Ionia), the Carians to the southwest, the warlike Pisidians inhabiting the Taurus mountains in the western part of Anatolia, the pastoral Phrygians in Central Asia Minor and the ferocious Celtic Gauls who occupied a territory to the east of Phrygia during this period. On the Ionians see Hueber and Thür (Hueber 1997:29, Thür 1995:64). On the territory of the Carians, see Cohen (Cohen 1995:36). On Pisidian ethnicity, see Waelkens, Poblome and Vyncke (2010:45).For an overview on Phrygian ... Continued on p. 30
29 The next broad group of elements are defined by an individual's relationships.
Family relationships and roles are integral parts of identity: a mother, daughter, father or son, child, cousin, adoptive family member, all have distinctive roles to play according to culture.9 Sexuality and sexual preference play a major role in shaping an individual's identity,10 as does place of birth or origin.11 One's mother tongue and language proficiency in learned languages for multilingual individuals is a significant aspect of an individual's identity as is material wealth, social status, profession and level of education: most importantly, literacy. Differing levels of material wealth can leave a physical record, which is at times observable within the archaeological record.
Examples are jewellery, housing and funerary monuments and, rarely, more perishable personal effects. Clothes and outward appearance played an important role in defining identity.12 Religious affiliation is an important factor in defining identity, which is observable in both funerary practices and religious buildings as well as smaller physical expressions of worship,13 such as shrines and votive offerings. Each
ethnicity, see Thonemann (2013:1–40). On the Gauls, see Mitchell (1993:3, 13, 15–16). 9 Fathers' names were habitually used to identify Greek individuals on statues, in contracts and in literature. 10 For a summary of sexuality in the Greek and Roman world, see Johnson and Ryan (Johnson and Ryan 2005:1–12). 11 This was especially the case when an individual was away from their home polis, as the polis of origin might be added to a name to properly identify that individual (Demetriou 2012:1). This became important with the increased mobility of Greeks in the Early Hellenistic period (Shipley and Hansen 2006:63). A telling fragment from the late 3rd century AD lays out the regulations for the self- identification of Greeks in contracts, which had to include: place of origin, military rank, father's name and deme (Bagnall and Derow 1981:211, no 125). Another way a citizen might identify themselves was through their profession (see the discussion on the allotment inscription at Balboura on p. 91 (Coulton et al. 2012a:74)). 12 Chaniotis (1998:232–33). See Massaglia for a discussion on the Phrygian peasant cloak (Masséglia 2013:112–14). 13 Devreker et al. (2003:293).
30 individual also displays particular likes and dislikes within their culture that extend to many areas, such as the type of food an individual prefers, the type of leisure activities they indulge in, the cultural activities they pursue and the sporting activities they either participate in or attend. Manners, or the adherence to what is perceived as correct behaviour within a group is a feature, and connected to an individual's sense of right and wrong, in other words the acting out and adherence to a sense of justice that includes an individual's own moral compass. This sense of justice also applies to the greater political arena wherein a larger collective, such as a polis acting together, decided on appropriate punishments or rewards for other political entities. Although the action is ostensibly taken collectively, the individual will ultimately decide whether such an action taken is reasonable or unreasonable, regardless of whether they are involved in the process of collective justice themselves or not.
Finally, an individual's name is a key indicator of identity.14 This is a curious package of meanings that one has no choice in, it is bestowed by the parents shortly after birth: and, in most of cases, the choice is carefully made by the family to afford the newborn child with the best chance in life. A name carries a myriad of identity markers, some of which were mentioned above: language, family affiliation, profession, place of origin in some cases, and at times a deeper meaning that may indicate religious affiliation.15 An infant is, in this way, imprinted with an identity that
14 The etymology of Ancient Greek names could also provide an indication of the person's origin (Hornblower and Matthews 2000:10). Also, see Hansen and Nielsen on the role of an individual's name and its importance within the polis (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:66–67). For names as indicators of culture in Asia Minor, see Mitchell (Mitchell 1993:175–76). 15 Davies (2000:20–21).
31 he or she might believe is set, or inevitable. A name can embody a package of social roles that he or she may need to live up to.16
The features of identity as summarised above form the basis of a template of identity that one might usefully employ to suggest a plausible profile for different types of observer. Case studies like these can then be usefully employed in considering the effect of the public architecture presented in this thesis. In the following sections, the template suggested above will be applied to: a 2nd century BC individual, a 2nd century AD individual and a 21st century individual. These three categories of individual were chosen as they all represent potential observers of ancient public architecture, and who may have experienced it in widely differing ways. Fleshing out a profile for each of these types of individual may place us in a better position to discuss the effect of ancient public architecture on them. Three example thought experiments are presented here in order to illustrate the methodology that will be employed to suggest observers in later chapters for each case study. These three individuals will serve as examples of the methodology within the context of the present discussion, but will not be used as observers in the case studies.
The Most Uncertain Observer: the Hellenistic Period Farmer17
16 We must be mindful, however, that we may never understand the psychology that “... led the Greeks... to give their children names which are ugly, ridiculous or scatological, and why these names, which might be appropriate to a newborn child, remained even after the child had grown up...” (Fraser 2000:150). 17 On the difficulty of knowing about the lower classes, see De Ste. Croix (De Ste. Croix 1981:349). For a possible 5th century BC farmer and his activities, see Osborne (Osborne 1991:122–29). There are ongoing debates about the numbers of Greeks who lived on farms in the chora rather than the city, especially in the Hellenistic and Roman eras, as well as the proportion of how many of them were wealthy, middling or at subsistence level. Hanson argued for a “small and equal farm size” during this period to reflecting an “egalitarian” polis political structure, and that the “… rare Athenian landowner probably owned no greater than four to five more times land than the average ... Continued on p. 33
32 The first case study presented is an illiterate Hellenistic period resident of a polis. For the identity of this type of observer, the empirical evidence at one's disposal is sparse. For convenience, we shall call him Knemon, after the elderly farmer from
Menander's Dyskolos.18 We might situate this imaginary older farmer in the 2nd century BC in the chora of Kremna (Fig. 1). He may have been born on the family farm about 10 km from the polis centre and about 2 km from a local village/market.19
His grandfather probably had the same name, and he may have had siblings.20 As a landowner, any male siblings would have had to find other forms of employment elsewhere,21 as they would not have received the family farm as an inheritance.22 Any sisters would have been married off.23 He received the necessary provisions to survive childhood, although his parents may have reasonably anticipated that he would not survive to adulthood.24 His childhood may have been short-lived with little or no formal education, and he would have been put to work on the farm as soon as he was
yeoman” (Hanson 1995:181–182, 188). In contrast, N. F. Jones argued that the relationship between the wealthy urban population and their subsistence rural counterparts was defined by its inequality (N. Jones 2004:48–90). For further discussion on the economics of rural cultivation and wealth distribution that draws on archaeological and literary sources, see Foxhall (Foxhall 2007:21–54). 18 Men. Dys. 19 For evidence on the existence of these smaller villages within the greater chora in the 2nd century BC, see Coulton, and Shipley and Hansen (Coulton et al. 2012a:28, 36, 88, 99; Shipley and Hansen 2006:63). 20 For Greek naming conventions in the 2nd century BC (with Aristophanes' Strepsiades' naming of his son after his grandfather as an example), see Davies and Fraser (Davies 2000:19; Fraser 2000:150). 21 Shipley and Hansen (2006:63). 22 The rules for inheritance seem to have varied from polis to polis, and most evidence comes from Athens in the Classical period, but the preference seems to have been for the eldest male to inherit the family lot of land (Asheri 1963:6). 23 See the discussion on the case study for Licinnia on more about the role of women in the polis on p 35. 24 Weerakkody (2006:214).
33 able. He could speak either the local language,25 or a Greek dialect as his mother tongue, and could understand koine from its similarity, but he may not have been able to read or write.26 His sexual preference was irrelevant, and he would have probably been married, but may have taken mistresses or younger male lovers outside of the home.27 He believed in, feared and respected the gods,28 and made regular visits to local rural shrines to ensure the well-being of his family and crops.29 Although he probably had very little leisure time, he may have attended local rural religious celebrations with those of a similar rank,30 and also annual musical and athletic competitions in the polis or the polis sanctuary.31 Apart from that, he was aware of both the local mythology, as well as a more pan-Hellenic mythology but perhaps with local variations. His house was extremely modest, a small building to accommodate his family and other activities.32 His clothes would have been made by his wife and daughters or occasionally purchased if it was a specialised item like shoes from the
25 For a discussion of the local population and the survival of their language in the region in the Hellenistic period, see Mitchell and Waelkens (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:8). 26 It is unclear whether “subsistence farmers” had a rudimentary grasp of written Greek or had no need for it at all (R. Thomas 1992:10, 155). See Mitchell for a discussion on the linguistic diversity of Anatolian rural dwellers (Mitchell 1993:172–75). On definitions of ancient literacy and ancient library culture, see Harris (Harris 1989:215, 224, 228). Also, see Shipley and Bodel on literacy (Bodel 2001:15–18; Shipley 2000:269–70). 27 Glazebrook and Olson (2014:70–71). 28 For a discussion on rural dwellers' respect for divine retribution in Asia Minor with sources, see Mitchell (1993:188–95). 29 There is extensive evidence of shrines throughout the chora of poleis (Zuiderhoek 2009:9, 81; Milner 1998:3, no. 2). 30 Mitchell (1993:185–87). 31 Festivals were at public expense and attended by all members of the community (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:132). Also, see the discussion on the sanctuary of Mên Askaênos in Chapter 7 on p. 287. 32 An example is the so-called “Vari house”, a well-published “farmhouse” situated in Attica and dating from the second half of the 4th century BC (Jones, Graham, Sackett and Geroulanos 1973:415, 419).
34 polis,33 and most of the food he ate may have been produced by himself and his family.34 He would have disliked tax farmers and public officials, as they appropriated a portion of his yield,35 but he would have considered it bad manners to show them disrespect, perhaps due to a fear of violence,36 or a culturally instilled sense of awe.37
He may have been either a citizen or a “serf”,38 and tax collection also would have meant that it would have been difficult to prosper economically. Also, he may have disliked the insecurity and the danger of living in isolation.39
A More Certain Observer: Licinnia Flavilla
Licinnia Flavilla was a local elite woman who lived four centuries later in
Oenoanda, another polis in central Anatolia (Fig. 1). Her family is quite well-known thanks to the genealogy she set up on her tomb.40 We know that she was probably around 35 years old in AD 165, was most likely born in Oenoanda, and was among the surviving children of her parents Licinnius Thoas and Flavia Platonis, also members of the city's elite. She was also the great-great-granddaughter of Trokondas
Lamba, a local founding father of her city some two centuries prior. She was probably afforded a comparatively luxurious existence within her polis, and had survived all
33 Osborne (1991:142). 34 Osborne (1991:134). 35 There is epigraphic evidence for Ptolemy taxing farm produce on a 240 BC decree from Telmessus, and from an Egyptian papyrus from the mid 3rd century AD, we learn of the potential for abuse within the office of the tax farmer toward grape cultivators (Austin 2006:468–70, 518–23). 36 Mitchell (1993:197). 37 Although Lendon's discussion primarily focusses on the Roman period, a similar sense of honour and respect for public officials may have existed in this period (Lendon 1997:18). 38 On the debate on the legal status of rural dwellers, see Mitchell (1993:176, note 109). For a further discussion on the possible mindset of farmers in this period, see Hanson (Hanson 1995:129–154). 39 On the insecurity of the countryside in Anatolia, see Mitchell (Mitchell 1993:165–67). 40 Hall et. al. (1996).
35 the risks of childhood in the ancient world. She may have grown up speaking the local
Greek dialect, which she may have used with her domestic staff, but might have had to learn and speak koine Greek with members of both the local and visiting elite.
Unusually, she may have received a more complete education than most girls,41 which would have included Latin, some philosophy, Greek literature and Homer, and this might have been one of the sources of her interest in genealogy. We might imagine that she was well-fed, and although it is impossible to know what she looked like physically, she probably had typical Mediterranean features (Fig. 3).42 She was probably married to Fronto Licinnius at a young age and is known to have had two children who survived into adulthood,43 but may have had others who did not. Being among the elite members of society, she would have displayed her wealth with costly jewellery, imported clothes or textiles and with an entourage of domestic staff. She did not have any profession, as working for a living for the elite may have been either considered shameful or was simply unnecessary,44 but she may have been involved in
41 See Leftkowitz and Fant for a discussion on evidence from the Giessen Papyri collection of a 2nd century AD girl learning to read (Lefkowitz and Fant 1982:166). Also, see Harris and Morgan (Harris 1989:251; Morgan 1998:48, note 149). 42 Although the portrait included is from Er Rubayat, Egypt, this is only intended to provide a reference point for the general appearance of a female member of the Greek elite. There are arguments to suggest, though, that these portraits are of Hellenised native Egyptians, highlighting again the difficulty in defining ethnicity. In the case of el Faiyum, with its intermingling of populations, ethnicity “... looks a bit slippery” (Bagnall 1997:27). 43 Probably from the age of 17. See Oakley and Sinos for a discussion on the age of betrothal for girls and Greek weddings in Athens in general (Oakley and Sinos 1993:10). 44 Finley's argument that the elite were not commercially active in a meaningful way has been revised considering the huge amount of capital investment needed for large scale ventures (Finley 1973; Adams 2012:234); however, working with one's hands may been perceived as a low status activity (Luc. Somn. 9). Rural manual labour may not have attracted the same negative connotations (Wallace-Hadrill 1991:244–45).
36 some of the local religions and duties related to the imperial cult.45 From her status and keen sense of her position in the local hierarchy, she probably disliked uneducated and illiterate people, especially rural folk,46 finding them below her, and was more interested in the wider world outside of Oenoanda, and especially with her family's connections to the political intrigues of distant Rome, as evidenced in her genealogy.
She may not have been free to move about the city without permission or protection, and as a leisure activity, was clearly interested in genealogy.47 She may have also read widely about historical events, and may have lived in a large residential property in
Oenoanda. This would have been a peristyle house, perhaps with an extensive decorative garden, and that accommodated the household staff and slaves. It was secure from the outside urban space, and much of her time may have been spent there.
Her house probably contained other indicators of her wealth, such as statues in her garden,48 a library, wall paintings, mosaics and so on. The home was her domain:
45 On the rise of evolution of the imperial cult, see Gradel (Gradel 2009). See Hansen and Nielsen for a brief discussion on the likelihood that women participated in the religious life of the polis (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:131). Also see Price on at least one case at Aphrodisias of a woman holding “… a priesthood of the emperors” (Price 1984:211). 46 “Villagers will have been regarded with a mixture of contempt, suspicion, and incomprehension by most city dwellers” (Mitchell 1993:195). 47 The level of restriction, or seclusion, of women in the household in antiquity is debated (Trümper 2012; Johnson and Ryan 2005:2), but it may be the case the Greek women were more heavily restricted than Roman women (Nep. Praef. 6; Xen. Oec. 7.35). To what extent this remained true in the 2nd century AD is difficult to ascertain, although it is interesting to note that Xenophon's Oeconomicus, with its dialogue prescribing the harsh seclusion of wives, was still being read in the 1st century AD in Alexandria (Grenfell and Hunt 1899:120–22, no. 227). Shipley and Hansen argue that in the Roman period in the post Hellenistic world “... élite households appear to have had a more relaxed attitude about controlling women as shown by the way domestic space was arranged” (Shipley and Hansen 2006:61). Nevett suggested a subtle difference: that seclusion was to afford protection for women in the home from men outside the home (Nevett 1994:109). 48 Apul. Met. 2.4.
37 entertaining guests as they came to her.49 She would not have attended male sporting activities such as wrestling, although a woman of her status may have been exempt from the normal rules. She would have attended the women's bath and participated in games or exercise there. As acceptable behaviour, she would consider being treated as anything less than her status as the height of rudeness, and may even have seen it as a punishable offence. She would expect her children to obey her and their father, and would have had a strong sense of duty, and believed in the importance of family and well-considered marriages.
The Most Certain Observer: James Williams
The next case study applies the same framework as the previous two in order to provide a necessary stark contrast, which will underline the vast difference between a modern and ancient observer. With a 21st century observer, we might also test the effectiveness of this approach to better understand the type of bias that we ourselves bring to our observations of ancient public architecture. In order not to offend or cause any embarrassment to any living archaeologists, the writer will address the features of identity in reference to a purely imagined 21st century researcher. His name is James Williams, he is 34 years old and was born in Sydney, Australia, the youngest brother of two elder sisters. He is 182 cm tall, has red hair and green eyes and is of a medium build. His family is from a Scottish and Irish heritage, and arrived in
Australia in the early 19th century AD. He attended a state school, and struggled with his relationship with his mother when he was fifteen. While at high school, he developed an interest in mountain biking and 1980s British pop. He also became
49 See Apuleius where Byrrhena received visitors to her home and led the dinner party conversation, (Apul. Met. 2.19).
38 adventurous in his taste for international cuisine, but if asked about his eating preferences, would say that his favourite food was Thai food. He is not keen on traditional Australian sports such as cricket or football but prefers riding, yoga and the gym. He did well at the University of Sydney, and graduated with first class honours and specialised in Hellenistic pottery. He also took three years of German and two years of French. He pursued a PhD at the University of Cambridge, and soon became affiliated with the Pergamon excavations, where he stood out. He is heterosexual and has been in a committed relationship since he was 23, and plans to get married. His family could be described as middle class with moderate financial means. James mostly supported himself in his studies, with assistance from the Australian government. Although he speaks German well, he sees little need to learn other languages, apart from Ancient Greek and Latin, as most people speak some English.
In terms of a sense of justice and values, he is against capital punishment, is deeply concerned by the inequality of wealth in the world, and treats all foreigners with respect, as he believes that all people are equal. He is proud of being Australian, as he believes it is a free country of opportunity. He wears the North Face brand of clothing when he is on excavation, and back at work, he prefers shirts with a collar and dress pants. He wishes to project a professional image. He has a fashionable watch, but does not wear any jewellery. Although his parents are Catholic, he is not practicing but admits to suffering from Catholic guilt. He enjoys the cinema, going out to restaurants and occasionally meeting with friends at the pub. He lives in a modest apartment with his partner in Cambridge, where he currently holds a postdoctoral position, which involves some teaching.
Observations
39 Although this discussion may have encroached on the limits of what might be considered as acceptable speculation on the nature of the identity of ancient observers and the role of modern ones, what does emerge is that the identity of any individual is a complex, time and location specific phenomenon. What is equally evident is that while it is clearly easier to map out the identity of a modern observer, our ability to do so for an ancient observer is extremely limited, and tempts us to fill in the gaps.
Although the example of Licinnia Flavilla might present a much more complete picture than could ever be achieved when attempting to reconstruct the life of our illiterate farmer, does this mean that it is not worth attempting? It is clear that a reluctance to do so, has tended towards a certain vagueness and the use of non- specific terms such as “the observer” or “the visitor” when discussing the effect of public buildings on ancient observers.50 When confronted with this empty term, the strongest urge is to place ourselves, as modern observers in the shoes of that ill- defined observer. We surely must accept that identity is anything but non-specific, that identity by its very nature is the individual quantifiable aspects that, as a whole, make- up a person's self image and the image that they project to the world. This is why, endeavouring to delve into the life and circumstances surrounding an ancient observer is worthwhile in an attempt to understand how this ancient observer received and experienced the public architecture around them.
A modern observer runs the risk of bringing a distorted conception, or lens, to the experience of viewing ancient Greek and Roman public architecture. One important reason for this is the enduring legacy of the revival movement of Classical architecture, which first began in Italy, and has now diffused throughout the world.
50 The Literature Review, contains a discussion on the appearance of the observer in attempts to explain the reception of public architecture.
40 During the Renaissance in Europe, the architecture of the Greeks and Romans was held up as a flawless ideal: the perfect manifestation of what a building should be. A few prominent surviving buildings from antiquity, such as the Parthenon in Athens,
Pantheon in Rome and the Hagia Sofia in Istanbul, survived, and at the same time a large number of ruined monumental buildings were emulated,51 and their styles and ornamentation were incorporated into both public and religious buildings, inspiring reworking of old designs. In turn, these influential Renaissance buildings came to symbolise modern conceptions of power. This occurred again during the Neoclassical
Movement of the mid 18th century AD,52 when a great deal of public architecture, from churches to government buildings and libraries, took on the forms of Greek and
Roman models.53 This trend was not only popular in Europe, but also in the cities of the emerging powers of the New World,54 most notably the United States.55 The net result is that a contemporary Western observer is far from unbiased when viewing either the ruins or reconstructions of ancient buildings. As a 21st century observer, we are surrounded by standing derivations of Graeco-Roman buildings in our cities, and as such—consciously, or unconsciously—will attach meanings derived from our own personal experience, be they political, religious or educational.56 We might call this
51 For a thoughtful and concise summary of the influence of ruined classical architecture on Renaissance and Enlightenment painters and architects, see Wright (Wright 1999). On the impact of the Pantheon, see Jenkyns (Jenkyns 2013:354). 52 Cret (1941:8–9). 53 Spawforth and Walker (1985:92). 54 Honour (1968:57, 107–9, 123–39). 55 The White House, designed and built in the late 18th century AD is the seat of arguably the most powerful government in the world, and is a clear example of Neo-classical architecture associated with politics. 56 Or “cultural conditioning”, as R. M. Taylor described it (R. M. Taylor 2003:255).
41 effect, the “distorted lens”.57 Before embarking on any examination of the effect that ancient architecture may have had on a contemporary observer, it is critical to question if our modern and perhaps distorted impression may lead to false conclusions about an ancient observer's experience of public architecture.
One immediately recognisable result of the distorted lens is what might be described as the “wow effect”.58 This is commonly observed in non-specialist observers of reconstructions of ancient architecture, or visitors to ancient sites.59 The awe-inspiring view, or thought, of monumental or highly decorated ancient Greek and
Roman buildings often leads to predictable responses: “Wow, it's so huge” and “how did they manage to build that back then?”. Such reactions of disbelief and wonder give the impression that we have still not recovered from the rediscovery of the extent and achievements of the Greeks and Romans. Another smudge on the lens of the modern observer is that he or she is faced with an incomplete picture of the ancient cityscape.60 A plan of a city, a computer reconstruction, a visit to an ancient site—or even a virtual reality experience—may succeed in communicating the broader impression of the monumental core of a city; yet however carefully researched the reconstruction may be, it falls short of providing a modern observer with the complete
57 Or as Wright points out when discussing changing subjective reactions to classical ruins from 18th century to 21st century AD observers, “... images, symbols and their meaning are culturally conditioned. They change, and sometimes in changing times they change quickly” (Wright 1999:5). Although Boardman was referring to Greek colonisation, we should be aware of the possibility of thrusting “the desired modern standards on to antiquity” (Tsetskhladze and Hargrave 2011:173). 58 This is the “Gee-Whiz!” factor described by Frischer and Stinson (Frischer and Stinson 2007:69). 59 Many ancient sites in Turkey are marketed as tourist attractions, and accordingly seek to maximise the wow effect through either physical or digital reconstructions with the end to increase tourism income (Gürsu 2013:33–34; Wright 1999:6). Westin calls this the “emotional response” created in the observer by visual reconstruction (Westin 2012:25). 60 Or as Westin coins, “... a vocabulary of limitations” (Westin 2012).
42 experience of walking through an ancient city.61 We must then, as modern observers, accept the incomplete nature of our impression of ancient monumental architecture.
The details, such as the activity on the streets, the type of people who frequented them and the business they pursued, as well as the overall collective effect of the cityscape with its hierarchy of buildings: temples crowning skylines, colonnaded thoroughfares with balconies and dingy narrow side streets leading to crowded insulas, as well as the smells and the noises, are alas far from our reach. As MacDonald pointed out for colonnaded thoroughfares:
“... the photogenic files of columns one sees at many sites... are
misleading with respect both to the original appearance of these
elaborate thoroughfares and to their function as urban elements.
Their walkway roofs are gone, and often their bordering buildings
too, losses that the preservation of portions of entablatures cannot
make good... The effects produced by these shaded corridors...
have vanished forever. Even when the façades of the buildings
have been preserved the light is always wrong”.62
The modern observer brings his or her preconceptions to the experience of contemplating the city, as well as a collection of misaligned symbolic connections and meaning for public architecture. With so many pieces missing from the overall scene, to what extent are we misguided in our interpretation of the intended effect of public building on the ancient observer?
61 See Frischer and Stinson for further discussion on the possible misinformation that a viewer of a virtual reality environment of an ancient city may receive (Frischer and Stinson 2007:69–77). 62 MacDonald (1986:43).
43 Let us consider a carefully cleaned and restored street at an archaeological site. The sun beats hotly down on a summer visit to Perge (Fig. 4). We are met with the desolation and the silence of the space. The weeds, the dust, birds and perhaps the occasional tortoise make us think this place is inhospitable: an image we have come to expect for an ancient ruined city.63 At Balboura, the seemingly impossible inaccessibility and isolation of the location, might tempt us to wonder about the reasons why people would choose this remote mountain top, and how they eked out a living (Fig. 5). However, a visitor to the imaginary ruins of New York, or Melbourne,
Australia, in some distant future may very well ask the same question. Of course, what we can not see as modern observers is the bustling urban activity that occupied those streets and public spaces.64 All we see is a city in ruins, and with that perhaps a certainty that it is a failed urban experiment, an “irremediable decay”.65 The effect might be compared to walking through a 21st century shopping mall stripped of all its commercial activity (Fig. 6). However, it is also true to say that the modern observer has come to expect that digital reconstructions of the ancient world should be empty, white and eerie, and may very well feel as though something is not right when presented with a “more complete” rendering, in the sense that they may feel that there are objects within the scene that “ought not to be there” (Fig. 7).66 One must not forget, that public buildings were not washed out white marble constructions most of the time, but were often brightly coloured or gilded with metal.67 A cursory glance at
63 Westin (2012:54). 64 Jenkyns discusses one experiences a city in terms of the five senses (Jenkyns 2013:1). 65 Wright (1999:2). 66 Westin imagined a virtual reality visitor to the Roman forum in the not so distant future: “To the dismay of the visitor, the components that ought to have populated the visualisation of ancient Rome are not to be found. The blue sky, the white walls and the unbroken lines – these are signifiers which convey Antiquity” (Westin 2012:53–54). 67 See Pausanias' description of the Library of Hadrian in Athens (Paus. 1.18.9).
44 any representation of public architecture in Hellenistic grave paintings or Pompeiian wall paintings immediately shows us that plain uncoloured surfaces on a building were rare (Figs. 8 and 9),68 and if present, were probably to allow the nature of the costly imported marble to speak for itself.
It may be pertinent at this moment to question the reasons behind our desire to reconstruct ancient architecture. A classical architectural historian's goal, and almost expectation, is to recreate in the mind of the reader, visitor to an ancient site or the receiver of research, a clear idea of how an ancient city would have looked.69 This is achieved by a number of processes. The first step is the presentation of information derived from the direct observation of ruins or the results of excavation, detailed drawings, plans or photographs, as well as precise measurements (Fig. 10). Next, a tentative process of connecting the dots is employed, whereby a wall can be assumed to have followed a particular course, or a column series continued along a particular route.70 From this, a ground plan might be sketched out resulting in a 'before' and
'after' reconstruction (Fig. 11). Then, from architectural pieces, decorative fragments and parallels with other known structures, a reasonable attempt can be made at a scale elevation drawing, occasionally with a small Greek or Roman figure added for scale.
Now, with sophisticated software, the realm of 3D reconstructions is gathering pace, and these are increasingly considered beneficial in any modern publication on ancient architecture (Figs. 12 and 13). They can take the form of static shots, or Hollywood style fly-throughs of a cityscape. There is the possibility for virtual reality headsets to
68 Clearly, some architectural vistas are abstracted fantasies, but others are inspired by contemporary sights. On the aesthetic of “the hanging city”, see Jenkyns (Jenkyns 2013:321, 323). 69 Winter explicitly states that: “I hope that the decision to include as many restoration drawings as possible will help students to envisage Hellenistic buildings as complete three-dimensional structures, rather than a series of photographs of ruins” (Winter 2006:4). 70 A good example of this is Coulton's excellent restoration of the agora at Oenoanda.
45 be employed to recreate the buildings within a city and to fully immerse the modern observer.71
Again, one must question the underlying motivation for pursuing such visual reconstructions.72 One possibility is that it gives the modern observer the chance to visualise the cityscape, and therefore gain a better spatial understanding of the physicality of the urban space and the placement of its buildings. Herein lies an inherent difficulty. By placing ourselves, as 21st century AD observers into the ancient cityscape, we will take away a purely 21st century AD interpretation of our observations. The only lasting impressions that we might derive from such an experience are a sense of the scale of the building and some impression of an aesthetic, which might seem vaguely similar to the Neo-classical and Renaissance architecture of our cities. The other significant danger in the increasing realism of digital reconstructions is that these are often employed as the primary source of information for the casual observer and, in the future, may even be the only record of an ancient city or artefact. As more missing details are added, more guesswork is undertaken to fill in the gaps, however, for the casual observer, this guesswork runs the real risk of being interpreted as material remains that exist (Fig. 7).73
If one could take an ancient observer and place a head-mounted virtual reality device on him or her, it is reasonable to say that they would have a completely different experience. The first thing that might strike them is the haunting emptiness of our restorations, and then the errors in our reconstructions. An ancient observer
71 Westin (2012:19). This technology in the field of archaeology is improving at a rapid pace (Rieger and Kolb 2003:209). 72 For further considerations on the usefulness and drawbacks of 3D models, see Hopkins (Hopkins 2016:xiiv–xiv). 73 Westin (2012:30).
46 would also derive a more complex reading from the cityscape, one that is simply beyond us. No matter how advanced and detailed our reconstructions become, the result will be the same. We must then limit the conclusions that such reconstructions might lead us to with our distorted 21st century AD lens and strive to be aware of what is missing. We do not see the busy streets, the different social classes, professions, animals, colours, decorative gardens and trees; we do not experience smells, temporary buildings, construction sites and road repairs that would have greeted the ancient observer.74
Another possible error in judgement into which a modern observer may fall is that although a researcher may clearly see and provide evidence for the success and ultimate demise of an ancient city, this is only with the benefit of hindsight.75 From our 21st century AD perspective, we attempt to sketch out a broad understanding of a city's entire development. So, we must take great care not to start at the end of history and take a backward approach, where ultimate urban demise seems inevitable. An ancient observer was not certain about the ultimate destiny of their city in terms of its urban development and, at times, a city would retain the same appearance for a generation: to its contemporaries, it was in a seemingly static state. The resident of the city grew up keenly aware of its public buildings, which for them had their own associations, meanings and functions. Any major manmade change in the cityscape, especially for the more innovative experiments, must have been met with surprise or delight, and at times was unexpected, or even shocking and controversial.
74 Westin conveniently summarises major discussions on the authenticity of the experience of an observer of reconstructions (Westin 2012:33). Although late Roman, possible traces of transient market stalls are evident at Aphrodisias (Lavan 2015:333). The unfinished “theatron” at Magnesia ad Maeandrum is an example of a construction in progress, but that was never finished (Fig. 14). 75 White also points out that we see the “last state of ruin” as a modern observer (White 1995:27–28).
47 If one could tease out some of the specific differences that might affect our
21st century AD view of cityscapes, this would be useful for our discussion. Indeed, we have already seen the vast possible differences within the range of ancient observers separated by social class and centuries. We, the modern observer, might view the Parthenon with the wow response,76 but an ancient observer may have had an entirely different reaction. Did a grand temple like this perhaps strike a chord of fear into the ancient observer? Were they reminded by that towering edifice of the power of the god or goddess who resided in it and who was ready to swipe at them like some worthless mosquito?77 Or were they were reminded that the protection of the polis, and by extension their lives, depended on the correct observance of ritual and on demonstrations of respect to the gods? Or perhaps they were “... expected to gape in wonder” at the beauty of the building and the riches contained within it.78
Some of the keenest differences between the 21st century AD observer and the ancient observer are found in the positions within social hierarchy and personal freedom. The “liberation” from the Persians at the hands of Alexander in the last quarter of the 4th century BC gave poleis in Asia Minor the renewed chance for self- government, but this may have only presented an appearance of freedom. Over the period in question in these cities, the general rule seems to have been that of a strict hierarchy. Starting with slaves, the majority of the residents of a Greek polis were the illiterate poor, and the governance of the city was firmly in the hands of a tiny elite proportion of society that appears to have become more concentrated in the 2nd century AD.79 We move around our urban spaces with little restriction; however, in the
76 See page 42. 77 For example, see Lightfoot’s commentary of the “watchful goddess” of Hierapolis, and the elaborate rules devotees needed to observe to avoid divine punishment (Lightfoot 2003:82–83, 356, 446, 512). 78 Casson (1994:251). 79 Zuiderhoek (2009:4, 50).
48 ancient polis the extent to which any individual had freedom of movement is largely unknown. We know that the movement of women within a Greek city—although perhaps less so for elite women—may have been heavily restricted.80 Lower class women may not have been able to visit the theatre,81 and a good Hellenistic woman's domain seems to have been the home, engaging in domestic activities, like spinning.82
We might also presume that most illiterate observers were restricted in their ability to travel. A cultivator, for example, may have only visited their polis on market days and on festival days. A slave was dependent on his or her master, and a rank and file soldier was low down the chain of command. Intercity travel, by all accounts, was arduous, and dangerous without protection,83 and seems to have been infamously expensive,84 which highlights another important group of illiterate visitors: those whose professions necessitated travel. Among this category are: sailors; those attending professional actors; athletes and musicians; travelling priests; hairdressers; fresh produce merchants; female flute players, those who travelled with the emperor
80 The best sources for women's role in the household come from the hundred or so marriage contracts from 311–310 BC to the 6th century AD from Egypt (Pomeroy 1984:83). On the subject of the presence and admittance of women in public spaces and the conflict between the archaeological and literary record, see Trümper (Trümper 2012:288–303). Pomeroy argues that: “... travel of the wife is severely restricted” as a 92 BC papyrus contract stipulates that Apollonia, the wife, must not be away overnight without her husband's permission (Pomeroy 1984:97; Tebtunis Papyri I.104). 81 Ovid suggests the theatre as the best place to meet (presumably elite) Roman women, where “they come to see the show and come to be seen” (Ov. Ars. 1.99), and there are provisions for women to attend the theatre under Augustus (Suet. Aug. 44). Ovid also suggests the circus as a favourable location for a romantic outing (Ov. Ars. 1.131). In Theocritus' 3rd century BC Idyll 15, two housewives attend the festival of Adonis and happily talk to strangers on the street (Theoc. 15.66). 82 Effectively maintaining and supervising the household were considered appropriate activities for wives in both Roman and Greek homes (Muson. 4; Suet. Aug. 64.2; Theoc. 15.27). 83 Mitchell (1993:165–67). 84 Spawforth and Walker (1985:88); Habicht (1985:141, note 2).
49 and so on.85 Ancient observers were part of a highly stratified class society that had very different rules to our own and whose political landscape changed over the period covered in this thesis. Although there is no doubt that class and status are important to us in the 21st century AD, we are now used to a certain amount of freedom in the
Western world, and this may have been less so for ancient observers.
Syngeneia (family relationships),86 and social class played a more significant role in the identity of a citizen and their relationship to their city than it does for a modern observer.87 This sense of genealogy could even extend to an elite member of a city who might claim descent from a god or goddess, or mythical founder, and this resulted in a social hierarchy within the polis that would seem alien to us. These claims of kinship could also form the basis of intercity diplomacy and alliances.88
Nevertheless, a world where there was an enormous gap between the ultra rich, who controlled the city's public funds and political processes, and the vast majority who barely survived might be more recognisable to us in the 21st century AD.
Most importantly, the nature of identity of ancient observers changed enormously over the period under consideration in this thesis.89 A useful analogy
85 For detailed information on women's skilled labour, see Lefkowitz and Fant (Lefkowitz and Fant 1982). The type of traveller changed considerably over the period discussed, see Casson (Casson 1994:76–77, 122, 130–47). On those who travelled with the emperor, see Halfmann (Halfmann 1986:103–10). 86 Spawforth and Walker (1986:88–89, 95). 87 On this question in the Hadrianic period, Spawforth and Walker state that: “The Greek cities were traditionally pre-occupied with questions of civic origin (which they perceived largely in genealogical terms)” (Spawforth and Walker 1986:104). 88 Spawforth and Walker (1986:89). 89 For a recent discussion and bibliography on the difficulties on tracing identity over time in the archaeological record, see Hu (Hu 2013:371). S. Jones saw ethnic identity as “... shifting, situational, subjective identifications of self and others, which are rooted in ongoing daily practice and historical experience, but also subject to transformation and discontinuity” (S. Jones 1997:14–15).
50 might be the way in which we, as modern observers, appreciate a three-hundred-year- old church compared to how an observer in the 18th century AD would have. For the
18th century observer, the church was a fundamental public institution because religion played such an important role in society while, for us, we see the same church and value its role in the cityscape as a heritage building.90 One of the greatest errors we could make is to place all ancient observers of architecture in the same basket, or under the same label of “the observer” or “the visitor”.
The changing nature of the identity of ancient observers over time seems almost impossible to comprehend due to the lack of evidence. Yet the alternative we are presented with, and one that is often embraced, is to simply ignore the observer, and describe ancient public architecture as discrete objects bearing little relationship to the inhabitants of the city. However, if one takes into account the physical and literary information that has survived, this may be enough to at least make an attempt at an approximation of what the observers of an ancient city had in their minds while conceiving, creating and then observing public architecture over the course of several centuries. The social systems of the polis were constantly evolving phenomena, where traditional values, forms of government and religion were not set in stone.91
Visitors to a city encountered a polis for the first time, and their impression of the city was of concern to the more permanent residents. It is worth considering,
90 As Westin maintained an “... object is not an entity which can be separated into artefact and context, but a hybrid made up of associations spread over both space and time” (Westin 2012:1). 91 Baldini and Lippolis (2013:116). Ossi and Harrington point out that in Pisidian Antioch “... to a Hellenistic Antiochene, late antique Pisidian Antioch would largely have seemed like a foreign city, but in certain places, such as the continually refurbished theater, he might have felt right at home” (Ossi and Harrington 2011:32). On the impact of the imperial cult within the regional context of Asia Minor, see Price (Price 1984:78–100). For sources and commentaries on the particulars of emperor worship in the provinces, also see Beard, North and Price (Beard, North and Price 1998:255–259).
51 specifically, what kind of visitors were anticipated by city officials when they constructed public buildings over the course of the city's history. Of these, there were illiterate and literate visitors. Of course, it is virtually impossible to gain insight into the experience of an illiterate visitor. Literate visitors were able to read dedicatory statue bases, grave monuments and decrees, and thus gain a keen understanding of the social hierarchy of the local elite families. These visitors were also the ones who, when returning home, would give an account to the other elite members of their own city, be it honest or exaggerated, and be able to record their observations in writing.
Therefore, making a good impression on this class of visitors was of utmost importance.
One such group of literate visitors were those on political business. In the
Hellenistic period, we find state dining rooms associated with the agora and from ancient sources, we know that ambassadors were sent with petitions or to negotiate politics with neighbours; panels of foreign judges to settle disputes; and envoys who were sent for a variety of reasons, such as in advance of major festivals.92 These would rank among the highest class of visitor—of course they would have had their entourage with them, their slaves and other attendants, perhaps illiterate, but still able to discuss their experiences with friends and families at home. This group too should be considered as non resident observers. Then, there were the mercenaries and itinerant soldiers who might be stationed at a city, as they were at Kremna, in 24/5
BC.93 There were religious pilgrims who, like in the case of the Asklepion at
Pergamon, might spend considerable time as guests in a city.94
92 Ager (1996); Coulton (1976:17); Shipley and Hansen (2006:43); Spawforth and Walker (1986:88); Tod (1948, no. 202). 93 Mitchell (1995:45). 94 As did Aelius Aristides at Pergamon between AD 130 and 171 (Pearcy 1988:377). 52 Royal officials of Hellenistic period courts sent to collect taxes, make declarations or negotiate agreements, would have been among the first to visit those newly-founded poleis considered in this thesis in the 250s BC. For these visitors coming across a pre-Hellenised settlement, such as that at Düzen Tepe near
Sagalassos, the reaction would have probably been an acute sense of superiority, while they would have shown respect to the older pre-settled Greek cities, like
Miletus, and reacted with wonder. These visitors may have demanded and lobbied for proper protection with fortifications for the city, as well as other public buildings and a functioning boule (council of elders) before they could even commence political processes or business. As representatives of the Hellenistic kings, they may have offered their assistance, both financial and technical, so that their next visit would be more successful and the loyalty of the city to the Hellenistic ruler be set in stone.95
This category of visitor would surely have been impressed at their next visit to see city walls under construction or completed. The next generation of government officials would only have heard the stories about when Sagalassos was nothing more than a rude village. They would be welcomed at the city's mighty gates, ushered into official visitors' accommodation and dined at the polis' expense. They may have even felt a little uneasy about the increasingly militarised nature of the settlement and the city's ability to defend itself.
The political landscape shifted enormously with the coming of Rome, and so did the type of literate visitor a city might anticipate. Roman governors would expect to be met outside gates, which in part may have influenced the gate's appearance.96
95 This argument may offer further explanation for the motivation behind the construction or gifts of stoas to Termessos, Aspendos and other cities (Coulton 1976:55; Mitchell 1999:171). 96 Jacobs (2013:63). For a broad discussion of trends in Hellenistic architecture with the coming of Rome, see Tomlinson (Tomlinson 1995:62–75, 92–104).
53 Their impression of the city might have resulted in respect for its age old traditions of self-rule.97 The governor may have shown curiosity for ancient buildings, especially heroons, and would have been entranced by any kind of connection with the Iliad and the Odyssey or other well-known works and places connected with Greek mythology and literature.98
Another category of literate and influential visitors were the wealthy Roman businessmen from around the 1st century BC.99 This class of Roman visitor may have been impressed by the then centuries-old solid stone construction of the city walls and its public buildings. In his native Italy, buildings of a similar age had been invariably constructed from mud brick.100 He may have relished the opportunity to be immersed in Greek language and culture, and would have been in awe of the temples and the agoras, wondering what treasures they might hold secret,101 and in some cases, how he might get their hands on them.102 Apart from those who greatly admired Greek culture, more conservative Romans may have looked upon the luxury and extravagance of the Greeks as a debilitating force to be avoided and censored.103
We know from ancient sources that the city-states in Asia Minor in the 2nd century AD took care to keep up with their neighbours,104 and it is very clear that
97 Plin. Ep. 8.24.3; Dignas (2002:112); Spawforth and Walker (1985:78). 98 See Casson on ancient tourism and interests of visitors (Casson 1994:138–147, 198–199, 218, 230– 232, 233–237). For the main touristic destinations in Asia Minor in the Roman period, also see Casson (Casson 1994:236–237). 99 Coulton (1976:66). See Grenfell et al. for a Roman senator on a touristic trip in Egypt in 112 BC (Grenfell, Hunt and Smyly 1902:127, no. 33). 100 Boëthius (1978:35). 101 On temples acting as museums and storerooms for treasure, see Casson (Casson 1994:239–246). 102 The most well-known example is Verres with his plundering spree throughout Greece and Asia Minor, which provides an extreme example of a 1stcentury BC Roman's appetite for Greek sculpture and art (Cic. Verr. 2.1.45–61). Casson (1994:247–248). 103 Spawforth (2012:9). 104 Zuiderhoek (2009:39, note 6).
54 trade, political communication and even tourism in that period was practiced.105 One of the most powerful Roman visitors in the 2nd century AD to Asia Minor was the emperor Hadrian, whose visits can be firmly connected to building projects.106 There may even have been the literate Roman period tourist like Pausanias in the 2nd century
AD. Pausanias shares his reactions and description of the buildings he saw in Greece and describes some parts of Asia Minor, and provides valuable insight into subjective experiences of architecture. He was most interested in the past rather than his present, and the sacred rather than the day to day, which gives us a clue about the concerns of this type of visitor.107
Other groups during the Roman period might include merchants and religious cults, like the eunuch priests in Apuleius,108 sailors in port cities, soldiers,109 governors dispensing justice with travelling assizes,110 audiences for the numerous musical or athletic competitions that were celebrated in poleis across Asia Minor,111 those carrying letters and on official business;112 and even short-term visitors such as farmers, who might regularly journey to the polis from its villages in the chora to sell its produce.113 However, for a different ancient observer, like a Roman period architect, the ancient buildings of Asia Minor and Greece might have provoked a different reaction. Winter points out that no architect from this period “... standing
105 Casson (1994:229–230). 106 Dio Cassius 69.4; Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:99); Spawforth and Walker (1985:93). 107 Arafat (1996:45); Casson (1994:230–232). Typical touristic destinations were tombs, battlegrounds, temples and artworks, such as painting and sculpture (Casson 1994:233–237). 108 Apul. Met. 9.8–10. 109 Henderson (1998:xi). 110 Casson (1994:130–137); Kantor (2013:145). 111 Chaniotis (2004:385); Coulton et al. (2012a:137, 1986:83). 112 Casson (1994:219). 113 See Coulton on evidence of villages within the chora (Coulton et al. 2012a:28).
55 before the Parthenon or the Stoa of Attalos, would have been moved to design and construct his own buildings in such an inefficient, laborious, and time-consuming manner”.114
Lucian’s tale of the shoemaker represents two extremes, it highlights keenly felt social divisions between the ultra rich and the working poor in the 2nd century AD, and thus gives us good reason to rethink the motivations behind the euergetism of the elite: that it was not always for the public good. These examples of Hellenistic and
Roman visitors suggest an underlying intention behind public building, or the beautification of a polis, that it was undertaken to impress these visitors, and this motivation is underestimated in discussions relating to public architecture. All of these visitors to a city would have received an impression from the public architecture, and this in turn may have produced a sense of pride for the permanent residents of the city.
The make-up of the polis at any one time was a rich mix of both resident and visiting observers. Clearly, this varied collection of observers all had different motivations, needs and business to undertake while present in the city, all of which informed how they received impressions of public architecture. The question remains though, to what extent did these observers, and their potential impressions of public architecture, influence city planners and architects of new buildings?
Let us return to the discussion of public benefaction and its possible political motivations. A widely accepted explanation behind the motivation of public building, and also supported by epigraphic evidence, was that public building was motivated by a sense of “public euergetism”.115 It is the notion that the politically-minded elite had a duty to undertake some type of public munificence in order to be considered a worthy
114 Winter (2006:242). 115 Zuiderhoek (2005, 2009).
56 candidate for public office.116 It has often been remarked that the type of building that these elite undertook consisted of monumental flamboyant constructions like theatres and monumental fountains rather than invisible expensive public infrastructure, such as sewers or aqueducts.117 Let us put aside for a moment the idea that these investments were for the public good and that the real reason behind them was to provoke a specific reaction in a type of observer that would directly or indirectly benefit the builder or the builder's city.
A specific example of such an elite builder may help to illustrate this. Zoilos,
Caesar's freedman, triumphantly returned home a very rich man to his native city,
Aphrodisias in the 1st century BC, and then outlaid a substantial amount of his wealth for the public good of his native city, namely a new theatre, a much improved Doric agora and possibly other improvements.118 What a wonderful gesture of selfless benefaction for his hometown, we might think. With the benefit of hindsight, we know that Aphrodisias was to become a privileged successful polis, and it thrived well into the 6th century AD, so we might see this as a harbinger of things to come. We must remember though, that when Zoilos returned, Aphrodisias was an unimportant backwater, a small cult centre among many scattered rural settlements, perhaps with a tiny agora and serious drainage problems.119 I would argue that Zoilos' primary aim in constructing the theatre and better agora was for his own benefit.120 Indeed, his
116 For this there were three preconditions: wealth (facultates), participation in the rhetorical-juridicial culture (paideia) and the munificence within the framework of the polis (euergesia, munificentia) (Devijver 1996:107). 117 The aqueduct at Aspendos may be an exception to this (Zuiderhoek 2009:28). 118 Reynolds (1982:11–16, inscription 2); Ratté and R. R. R. Smith (1998:233); Young (2012:59). 119 On the subject of flooding at Aphrodisias, see Erim and Ratté (Erim 1986:91; Ratté 2001:141–43). 120 Medvecky's research found that individuals are more likely to invest in public infrastructure that delivers long term benefits if they perceive there may be value for future family members (Medvecky 2012:18). 57 motivation may very well have been to attract new citizens to the city from the countryside. A new theatre was the best that the ancient entertainment system had to offer, equivalent to opening a multiplex cinema in a sleepy country town or suburb, as well as a clean water supply or a dole.121 Zoilos had tasted the urban sophistication of
Rome, but he had also learned the importance of winning followers with acts of generosity and public spectacle.122 An increased population in Aphrodisias meant more taxes to collect and a higher status for the city,123 with a corresponding higher status for Zoilos and his descendants. Zoilos may have wished visitors to the city who observed these new installations to be attracted to move there permanently, so that they could be closer to entertainment facilities and a system of governmental control.
He wished the local elite who saw these new buildings to concede that Zoilos had superior economic power and to subordinate themselves to him.124 Perhaps the only option left open to them was to hand over the political initiative to him: his voice in the boule would be the loudest. Zoilos used his contemporaries' reception of these projects as a means to consolidate and increase the taxable population—to quash any doubt that the rival elite may harbour about his right to be in a leading position within their ranks, and to ensure that future generations would remember him as a great benefactor, and place his descendants in a similar position. Effectively, his was an investment with immediate, short and long term benefits. These benefits ostensibly were for the good of the city, but would have benefitted Zoilos most of all. Another
121 On water supplies and the impact of elite benefaction in times of crisis, see Jones (Jones 1940:211– 219). 122 On the types of entertainment available in cities, in general, see Casson (Casson 1994:205). 123 For evidence on tax collection from public workshops in Aphrodisias, see Zuiderhoek (Zuiderhoek 2009:40). 124 It seems that in the century or so since the polis had been established, the local elite had not managed anything to the scale of Zoilos' efforts (Ratté 2010:255).
58 motivation behind Zoilos' lavish investments was that with such displays of wealth and influence, he may have hoped to receive honours from the city and that a statue of himself or an inscription lauding his achievements would be set up in a public place.
Turning now to the non-elite of Aphrodisias. Our primary point of reference tends to be the elite, because it is their work that is the most conspicuous, and those literate few had the ability to record their deeds in inscriptions. Although the corpus of these inscriptions represents only a partial glimpse of the whole, it is far more than we possess for the illiterate majority. Apart from fleeting references in ancient sources to the lower classes, some inscriptions—especially grave epitaphs, laws and contracts
—125 practically all we can refer to for the lower classes and their experience is the archaeological evidence from their farms, city houses and burials. The political change that Zoilos brought to Aphrodisias must have presented challenges, and we must consider whether those who moved to Aphrodisias were convinced that it was a good idea.126 What was the trade-off? Were conditions in the rural hinterland so poor that living in a larger polis would have been so much better? We must then entertain the possibility that the incorporation of those rural 'poor' into the polis structure of
Aphrodisias may not have been in their best interests, and possibly even against their will.127 On their own smaller settlements, although they were more than likely taxed, they may not have seen a public official for long periods.128 These smaller settlements must have had their own established hierarchies and social fabric that would no longer exist within the polis' social context. In the larger polis system, there was no escape
125 Thompson (2006:95). 126 For the sympolity of the smaller rural districts, see Reynolds (Reynolds 1982:11–16). 127 As may have been the case when Lysimachus relocated the Ephesians to a new city, see p. 198. 128 For example, distance could be a real constraint for remote parts of the chora, the walking distance between the furthest rural settlements and the polis at Balboura was up to six hours (Coulton et al. 2012a:38).
59 from the local boule and its administration.129 But before we imagine a population whose land was forcibly expropriated, and who were uprooted from their homeland, there is another model that is worth considering, and perhaps a more attractive one.
Those who moved into the city were those who could afford to: they retained their agricultural lands while maintaining a city house. The majority of the working poor most likely remained on the land labouring, and for them, not much changed.
From this, we might tentatively conclude that any public building in the polis was necessarily closely related to politics, and there seems to have been, broadly speaking, three levels of politics at play.130 The most powerful was, at the same time, the most likely to change: the absent ruler. In the Hellenistic period, the first and highest level were the successors of Alexander, the so-called Hellenistic kings, replaced later by Roman imperial authority. The second level was at the scale of the city, and this was represented by the boule, and within that, the local elite. At the lowest level was the greater bulk of the population: the ordinary citizens, and this level seems to have been the most conservative to change.
Building projects directly instigated by absent rulers are smaller in number than those that may have been set in motion by individual cities' boules. Hellenistic rulers' building initiatives can be most clearly inferred from their royal capitals, such as at Pergamon, the seat of the Attalid dynasty.131 Cases of Hellenistic rulers
129 Thonemann suggested that in Phrygia, at least, withdrawing to remote rural areas may have been a strategy for rural dwellers to avoid being subjugated to an administration's attempts at “centralization” (Thonemann 2013:39–40). 130 For a good overview of the relationship between local politics and the Hellenistic Kings, and later Roman imperial rule, see Jones (Jones 1940). 131 This was especially true under the reign of Eumenes II and Attalos II (first half of the 2 nd century BC), when Pergamon experienced a building boom, presumably by order of the monarch (Radt 2011:24).
60 commissioning the building of stoas, for example, in other cities are also attested, although it is uncertain if they directly financed all such construction projects.132
Public building projects undertaken by Roman imperial patronage are rarer in Asia
Minor, but do occur at Ephesus, the capital of the province of Asia, during the Roman period,133 and at Roman colonies, such as Pisidian Antioch.134 By far the most abundant evidence for the construction and payment for public buildings derives from either the boule or individual members of the elite, both in the Hellenistic and the
Roman period. It is within the sphere of the boule that the relationship between the city and the absent ruler was most keenly felt.135 Arrian writes that part of the
'liberation' that Alexander offered the cities of Asia Minor, was the abolishment of oligarchies and the installation of 'democracies',136 a policy largely followed by his successors.137 However, it is clear that the existence of these democracies depended on the Hellenistic king's support of them,138 while at the same time the king was
132 Although not exhaustive, some illustrative examples are: in Pessinus, the enlargement of the temple complex, perhaps by the Attalid king Attalos I (241–197 BC) or Eumenes II Soter (197–159/8) and gift of a marble colonnade (Strab. 12.5.2–3); Termessos the stoa of 'Attalos' by Attalos II (159/8–139/8 BC) (Winter 1966:129), in Miletus by the Seleucid king Antiochus IV (175–163 BC) (Hellman 1999:85–87; Coulton 1977:18), in Athens a stoa by Attalos II in the 150s BC, and a stoa by Eumenes in the early 2nd century BC (Shipley and Hansen 2006:67). On the political agenda behind such benefaction, see Köse (Köse 2005:160). 133 Scherrer (2001:71). 134 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8). 135 For example, when Alexander decreed that exiles could return to their homelands in the summer of 324 BC, the details of how this would play out legally were left to the city councils to work out (Tod 1948, no. 202; Bagnall and Derow 1981:4). 136 Arr. An. 1.17.8, 1.18.2; Shipley and Hansen (2006:57). 137 Antigonus in 315 BC declared that all Greeks would be free, ungarrisoned and living under their own laws (Dio. Sic. 19.61.3.7). Also. see an inscription from between 268 and 262 BC from Klazomenai and Antiochus I's commitment to support the democracies of Greek cities (Dittenberger 1903:348, no. 222; Bagnall and Derow 1981:41). 138 Tyriaion could only become a polis with Eumenes II's assent ca. 188 BC (Shipley and Hansen 2006:80).
61 dependent on individual cities' loyalty to ensure his military strength.139 By and large, the minutiae of a polis' affairs were left to the boule, a group of elected officials and an office ostensibly available to any citizen but probably drawn from the city's elite families.140 Importantly for this thesis, they were the body that approved the type and placement of public buildings and monuments in urban spaces,141 as well as their maintenance and repair.142 As is quite often the case, most of our knowledge about the specific structure of a boule, and how it would function, comes from Athens, but it is likely that, despite differences from polis to polis, there were fundamental similarities.143
By the Hellenistic period city councils had developed a high degree of sophistication,144 and apart from the elected representatives, including the important position of chairman and secretary,145 more permanent offices had been created, especially in wealthier cities.146 Under Roman rule, the internal governance of Greek
139 Shipley and Hansen (2006:60). 140 Busolt (1920:465); Shipley and Hansen (2006:58–59). 141 Although there is little direct evidence on the mechanism, as Dickenson points out, cities could refuse benefaction, as Ephesus did when Alexander offered to rebuild the temple of Artemis (Dickenson 2013:61; Coulton 1977:18). Also. see Johnston on the rejection of benefaction, but in a Roman context (Johnston 1985:115–17). 142 See Zuiderhoek for the AD 170 inscription for Carminius Claudianus, a benefactor who both constructed and repaired public buildings (Zuiderhoek 2005:3–4). 143 Busolt (1920:479). 144 Busolt (1920:485). 145 Busolt (1920:477). 146 Among those offices were: tamias (treasurer), kosmetes (the magistrate in charge of the ephebes), astynomos (a magistrate in charge of public safety, streets and public buildings), agoranomos (a magistrate in charge of buying and selling of goods), odopoios, (a magistrate in charge of making roads), proxenos (an official charged with ensuring the rights of visiting foreigners), teichopoios (a magistrate in charge of building and maintaining fortifications); as well as a gymnasiarchos (superintendent of athletic training); and in some cities, architekton (a publicly employed architect) (Busolt 1920:481; Coulton 2012a:136–37; Casson 1994:93).
62 poleis seems to have remained intact despite occasional difficulties and the appearance of some new offices.147 From the middle of the 1st century AD to about the
AD 220s, there was a “boom” in public munificence by private individuals, and this may also indicate a growing gap between the ruling class and the ruled.148 These benefactions could be made during the donor's lifetime or left in a will.149 It seems that the boule remained in place as the official body, and they had the ultimate decision whether such gifts could be carried out.150 The Roman governor could also become involved in the decision making process of public buildings, most notably recorded by
Pliny in his correspondence to Trajan at the beginning of the 2nd century AD.151 Pliny asks for advice on how he should instruct building projects to proceed, and complains about the vast amounts of money invested—and wasted—on such extravagances:
Trajan suggests that the unfinished aqueduct might be benefitting someone financially. The letters also reveal that the boule was still involved in building
147 For example, this was the case at Ephesus in ca. 88 BC (Bagnall and Derow 1981:104, no. 57). When the grammateus at Ephesus stepped in to disperse the crowd in the theatre who had gathered in opposition to St. Paul, he mentioned that if the citizens had a grievance, they could either take it to the local courts or to the proconsul, suggesting that both the local and Roman imperial system were available (Acts 19.38). See p. 296 on the fate of the boule in Pisidian Antioch. There is disagreement about the extent to which the social and financial status of municipal offices remained unchanged (Dmitriev 2005:217). 148 Zuiderhoek (2009:154). De Ste. Croix argued that by the 2nd century AD, there was no election of public officials “from below” (De Ste. Croix 1981:532). Vujčić challenged this view arguing that: Roman administration did not destroy civic institutions, civic assemblies existed everywhere and were central to civic life and the decision-making process (Vujčić 2009:168). 149 Zuiderhoek (2005:3–4). 150 Although Johnston's article is a general discussion on Roman law, the issues he mentions facing municipalities are equally applicable to the poleis of Asia Minor, that: “Bequests to towns illustrate the interplay of private and public law remedies and the tension between the desires of individuals and of local government” i.e., the desires of the benefactor may not always be within the best interest of the town (Johnston 1985:121, 124–25). 151 Plin. Ep. 10.39, 49.
63 projects, such as the baths in Claudiopolis and, as Zuiderhoek observes, the construction of the theatre at Nicea reveals that both private benefaction and the boule were working in tandem.152
Although individuals such as Hellenistic kings and wealthy benefactors emerge as the principle driving force behind the proposal of public buildings, it is equally true that the polis' boule, given authority to govern from the time of
Alexander's liberation, remained the constant platform for negotiation, decision making and planning for the development of public space.153 Far from being autocratic and impulsive in their practices, the elected members of the boule operated systematically. They were expected to meet regularly, discuss important issues and to vote on decisions according to the laws and constitution of the polis,154 which represented the interests of the citizens.155 Importantly, there are indications that there were strict regulations governing the approval of and construction of new buildings.156
Public buildings, once completed, remained the property of the polis, and as such, any income derived from them helped to line the city's coffers. New buildings for a polis would have represented one of the most costly undertakings, and surely any money available preferably would have been spent on the maintenance of existing buildings.
Construction was a lengthy, costly prospect, and for these reasons we should assume that the boule's decision to agree to a new public building was not undertaken lightly.
152 Zuiderhoek (2009:30–31). 153 Coulton (1977:19–20). 154 These Hellenistic period constitutions might be divisible into three types: tyrannis, oligarchia and demokratia (rule by one, few and all) and had their origins in the Classical period (or earlier); however, our knowledge of the specific details of their organisation outside of Athens is very poor (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:83, 1338–40). 155 Busolt (1920:465–66). See Rogers on the often forgotten role of the demos in the decision-making process (Rogers 1991:99–100). 156 Busolt (1920:627–28).
64 Once details regarding the zoning, planning, timetable for construction, subdivisions of work, and guarantee of completion had been tendered to the boule for consideration and discussion;157 and the building project was deemed appropriate, it was officially approved by the boule.158 A special building commission seems to have been established to proceed with the project.159 It is unclear to what extent individual architects bid for the project.160 The architect of the Hellenistic period was heir to a centuries-long tradition,161 and in some cases, might have occupied a permanent public position within the polis.162 After receiving a down payment, 163 the architect would be responsible for giving “... the necessary orders to the workmen until the building was finished”,164 and followed a body of regulations that protected the contract and also ensured that the project reached completion.165 Workmen, stonemasons, sculptors and other craftsmen and women, were also employed and paid salaries.166 In terms of financing, there is evidence from Knidos in Asia Minor from
157 See Scranton's discussion of such a document from 4th century BC Athens (Scranton 1960:166). For a collection of primary sources and succinct summary on this process, see Busolt (Busolt 1920:628). Also, see Jones on the subject of internal polis politics (Jones 1940:270–276). 158 Johnston (1985:117). 159 See Scranton for a compilation of inscriptions relating to this and Coulton for further discussion (Scranton 1960:178–80; Coulton 1977:20–21). 160 Barletta (2011:628); Busolt (1920:628); Coulton (1977:15); Scranton (1960:167). 161 Winter (2006:237). 162 Coulton (1977:29). 163 Scranton (1960:169). 164 Coulton (1977:15); Pl. Plt. 259e–260a. 165 For example, as revealed from a partial inscription from Tegea in the Peloponnesos from the 4th century BC (Scranton 1960:162). Lucian described a contemporary architect, Hippias, admiring his many achievements in other areas of study, and valued his ability to keep to a building contract (Luc. Hip. 3). 166 Coulton (1977:21). It is clear that within the workforce there was a division of labour between the heavy lifting and the finer sculptural work. It is possible that architects could also act as sculptors, and indeed treatises on the subject of architecture were produced from the middle of the 6th century BC, “... a tradition which was continued down to the Hellenistic period” (Coulton ... Continued on p. 66
65 the 3rd century BC, that the boule, or in this case a religious sanctuary, the council of priests, might request the treasurer to solicit interest free loans in exchange for the lenders having their names displayed on the building, to be repaid from future income derived from the building's activities, in this case a stoa.167
A new type of highly decorated monumental building was in demand during the public building “boom” of the 2nd century AD and presented new challenges to architects and craftsmen.168 Huge amounts of money were invested in this type of architecture, which might place great strain on a city's treasury.169 Apart from the internal structures, which might consist of brick faced rubble or dressed stone, a large volume of (mostly marble) architectural pieces were required to face the internal structures, construct entablatures, and erect columns (Figs. 15 and 16). These pieces were roughed out in quarries by skilled craftsmen, transported and more than likely finished off on site at permanent local workshops.170 These local workshops, apart from finishing off larger architectural pieces, were also probably involved in the creation of elaborate architecturally decorated sarcophagoi.171 By the 2nd century AD, the marble trade had become a huge industry, with many quarries owned by the emperor himself.172 Although it might be tempting to see this change of style as
1977:23–24). Pliny the Elder mentions an Iaia of Kyzicus, a painter and an ivory sculptress between 116–120 BC (Plin. HN. 35.147). Also, see Fant and Lefkowitz (Lefkowitz and Fant 1982:217, note 16). 167 Scranton (1960:173); Dareste de La Chavannes (1880:342). 168 Winter (2006:241). It should be noted that building projects slowed down in Asia Minor from the 1st century BC to the 1st century AD, with some exceptions, the most important being Pisidian Antioch where the Imperial temple carries mason's marks in Latin, pointing to the possibility that Roman architects were involved in the planning and construction of this building. However, Rubin asserts that he examined these marks and identified them as Greek letters (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:115; Rubin 2011:34). 169 See the discussion on p. 63. 170 Asgarı (1988:120); Beykan (1988:130). 171 Young (2003:182). 172 Fant (1988:152).
66 emanating from Rome,173 it seems that the expertise was primarily sourced locally in
Asia Minor, or from Greece.174
While we see the scale, building techniques and level of organisation in monumental buildings in an ancient city as a testimony to the skill of the craftsman and builders who executed them, an ancient observer may have interpreted the scale of these buildings in terms of their relative importance within the social hierarchy. It would be reasonable, then, for the temple of a city to be among its largest buildings, given the dominant role of the gods, with buildings related to the boule close behind, followed by buildings erected by the local elite. Although this could seem an overly simplistic observation, the monumentality of such buildings might have stated its relative importance, i.e. the larger the building, the greater the respect afforded to the institution it housed, and so the greater protection they would provide to the city. For those elite members who oversaw their construction, these buildings also conferred a clear vindication of their right to rule.175 Elite citizens like Zoilos crowned the city's social hierarchy, and they are often the focus of discussions on monumental building.176 Especially in the 2nd century AD, when the local elite portrayed themselves with statues in and on public buildings as only slightly subordinate to the divine and the mythological founders of the city and later, the imperial family.177
173 Winter (2006:241). 174 Trajan berates Pliny in a letter when he asks for an architect to be sent from Rome to Asia Minor, informing him that most of the architects in Rome were summoned from Greece (Plin. Ep. 10.40). On Roman period architects, see Wilson Jones (Wilson Jones 2000:26–30, 39–40, 56–57). 175 Parker Pearsons and Richards argue that “monumentality is power” (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994:3). 176 Zuiderhoek (2009). 177 As was the case in the bouleuterions of Aphrodisias and Ephesus and the Gerontikon at Nysa (Bier 2011:105). For a convenient summary of this phenomenon in monumental fountains, see Richard (Richard 2012:241–44).
67 These public monuments paid for by the elite for the greater good of the city may well be a double edged sword; on the surface they were a public convenience, but they also subtly suggested the threat of violence, death or extreme punishment. If the elite of the city were not given the appropriate respect, or if the correct civic duties were not afforded them by the majority poor of the polis, there would be consequences.
Building Types
At this point, it is timely to discuss individual building types and the effect that may have had on ancient observers. The first is an example of public architecture that was highly visible: a polis' fortification walls (Fig. 17).178 At face value, the impression they gave seems to be among the easiest to decipher. Walls, it may be argued, universally represent a number of qualities, and affect observers regardless of their identity. To all observers, ancient or otherwise, walls signify a barrier, and mark out the territory within as separate to that outside. This was certainly the case for the
Hellenistic polis. In the 2nd century BC, newly erected Hellenistic stone walls must have conveyed a sense of strength and permanence. For an elite Hellenistic resident, the impression they may have given was that of safety from the hostile and unpredictable political climate outside, but for a slave or a disadvantaged member of the polis, these same walls may have signified a prison with little chance of escape.
For a visitor to the city, the impression—depending on their motivations—would have been diverse. The 1st century BC foreign ambassador from Ptolemaic Egypt might have seen the walls and their fine workmanship as a testimony to the city's ability to organise itself; his accompanying mercenary bodyguard might have looked at the
178 Or as Hansen remarks “... when the poet alludes to a polis in general, or a polis in fairyland, it is once again the walls that are the essential characteristic” (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:135).
68 same wall and despaired of any possibility of scaling it at night, before being shot down by one of the guarded watchtowers, which he also would have noticed, was well-manned. For a merchant, the walls may have given visual confidence in the level of organisation of the polis, and he may have assumed protection of his rights, and so this was an enticement to trade there. In later times, a Roman tourist may have seen these same walls as the stamp of the city's pedigree, and although they were no longer needed for practical defence, the walls proudly announced a centuries long history.
How might the distorted lens affect the 21st century AD archaeologist? He or she might note the fine ashlar masonry of Pergamon's city walls and, attempt to date them stylistically, while the 21st century AD tourist might wonder how ancient people could build such structures. It is clear that our modern observation of “wow, how did they build this?”, does not go far enough to explore the complex relationship public architecture had with its observers.
Statues of politicians, athletes, heroes and gods in the polis are perhaps among the most informative when it comes to how the individuals portrayed saw themselves, and how they wished to be seen by all classes of observer both at the time they were first erected and well into the future.179 Statues were intimately connected to the architecture around them,180 and for that reason they should be considered in their context whenever possible. Carved architectural reliefs also played an important part in the iconographic repertoires of public buildings.181 The statues and reliefs were painted, producing a heightened effect of realism for the ancient observer, creating a
179 “Honorific statues were the most important concrete symbols of the honour or time with which cities repaid benefactors” (R. R. R. Smith 2007:203). For a commentary on the choice of clothing on statuary, and how it informed self-representation, see R. R. R. Smith (R. R. R. Smith 1999, 2007:205). Aristodemou provides a discussion on the symbolism of statuary and architectural displays (Aristodemou 2011:192–97). 180 R. M. Taylor (2003:144).
69 connection between the subject of the statue and the viewer, something we as modern observers simply do not perceive (Fig. 18).182 Statues were often placed in agoras, near or in theatres or baths, in academies and schools;183 anywhere the citizenry might gather for communal events.
Monumental streets are perhaps not treated as fully as other types of public architecture,184 and were an extremely potent symbol of the urban landscape in hundreds of cities across the Roman empire.185 They expressed a type of architectural refinement, which seemingly mixed elements of the Roman via portica and the Greek stoa.186 These elaborate constructions provided for the typical activities to be found in the older Greek stoa,187 and they also articulated existing thoroughfares by creating a sense of monumental urban space, or “stable backdrops for town life”.188 Main thoroughfares were provided for pedestrian and, in most cases, vehicular traffic, and connected a city's gates with focal points of urban activities.189 These streets were the arteries of circulation for the city, allowing for clearly signalled and well-connected transitions throughout the urban space. These streets tended to evolve by following
181 Some examples are: at Perge on the theatre façade, the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias as well as the foundation myth reliefs on the Aphrodisian basilica. For sculptural friezes with mythological programs in Asia Minor, also see Newby (Newby 2015:213). 182 This “visual vocabulary” was legible to ancient observer, but perhaps “awkward” to the modern view (R. R. R. Smith 2007:204, 217). 183 R. R. R. Smith (2007:203). 184 Gros (1996:106); Young (2012:1). 185 Also known as “eastern stoas”, “colonnaded avenues” and “Syrian colonnades” (Zuiderhoek 2009:82). 186 Zuiderhoek (2009:82). 187 Coulton (1976:9–17). 188 MacDonald (1986:48). For an authoritative discussion on the colonnaded street as an architectural phenomenon, see McDonald (MacDonald 1986:33–51). 189 MacDonald concludes that “The minimum requirement for a street to be a thoroughfare is that it connect a main gate with a cardinal plaza” (MacDonald 1986:33).
70 the lines of the most efficient approach to the city centre from the chora, or by following the route of an established religious procession, and were then often formalised in orthogonal blocks, or insulas. As these streets were the most transited in the city, it seems inevitable that they became a favoured location for honorific display and architectural refinement. The addition of double-storey porticoes on one or both sides provided shelter from the rain and sun as well as access to shops, private residences and side streets, which in turn led to, often crowded, urban insulas. Most
Graeco-Roman cities possessed one or more of these colonnaded streets by the late
Antonine period, and they may have been known as plataias.190 Many streets were further articulated with arches, propylons or passage architecture at points of transition, and furnished with statues and public inscriptions, such as letters from emperors, treaties or edicts.191 The colonnaded street provided the ancient observer with a clear sense of direction from the moment he or she entered a city, and as this visual vocabulary was so widespread, any 2nd century AD visitor from the Graeco-
Roman world would easily be able to recognise the visual cues of the street and navigate his or her way to the main centres of the city. Shop owners occupying the buildings under the colonnade might sometimes form associations and take collective action.192
From at least the Archaic period, temples were constructed by Greek poleis,193 and later provided an important vehicle for the diffusion of the imperial cult in Asia
Minor. One of the most important functions was the protective influence on the city
190 MacDonald (1986:43); Rivalland (2012). 191 One of the best preserved examples in this thesis is the Embolos in Ephesus, see p. 205. On the political significance of propylons, see Ortaç (Ortaç 2002:182). 192 For a summary of such cases, see Mitchell and Waelkens (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:219–20). 193 Hansen and Nielsen (2004:130).
71 that they were believed to exert. Regular sacrifices by the citizens of the polis were required to ensure the well-being and prosperity of the city.194 There were officials to ensure that each representative of the citizenry provided their due share to the sacrifice, for example, the right number of oxen.195 Secondly, temples were often repositories for spoils of war or other financial resources, could provide loans for interest to be used for community activities, and may have played a role in social welfare.196 The temenos was an inviolate space that separated the sacred from the secular and could provide asylum.197 The religious activity that centred around them also provided a means for the local elite to show their authority by being granted or assuming priesthoods, often in exchange for a significant financial outlay.198 Temples were by no means limited to the interior of the polis, but would often be located in extra-urban sanctuaries, which were connected to the polis via a sacred processional way.
194 Ferguson (1989:48). 195 Coulton et al. (2012a:88). 196 In Plautus, Palaestra is sheltered in the temple of Venus (Pl. Rud. 1.5). See Cohen on temples acting as “lending banks” (Cohen 1992:42, note 2). Also, an inscription details how sacred monies owed to the goddess should be paid back (Tod 1948, no. 202; Bagnall and Derow 1981:4). In the Hellenistic period, the temple of Artemis at Sardis could exploit agricultural land for monetary benefit, while in the Roman period, the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, commanded a large fund, part of which was used to pay victors in athletic games (Burton 2004:319; Prentice 1912:526). Also, see Hansen and Nielsen (2004:130). 197 For a brief discussion on ancient sources on this distinction, again, see Hansen and Nielsen (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:130). Also, see Marinatos on functions of Greek sanctuaries (Marinatos 1993:180- 182). 198 Garland (1984:78–79). For a discussion on Greek religion as an instrument for taking possession of the new territories with references, see de Polignac (de Polignac 1995:98–106). On Roman colonisation in Asia Minor and its interactions with the local population, see Alcock’s remarks (Alcock 2005:327– 329).
72 What was the effect of a temple on the ancient observer? Plautus, Pausanias,
Xenophon of Ephesus are among some ancient authors who describe the effect of observing temples.199 Sommer has recently posited, when discussing Hellenistic temples in the Beqaa Valley in Syria, that they provided a “... collective identity as well as territorial integrity...” and were symbols of the “... settled, rural populations' victory over the pastoralists of the mountains”.200 At the same time, they were an
“outstretched hand” and an “invitation” to the local people.201 It is true that the temple was often positioned where all observers could see, and considering that all were subject to the will of the gods, the temple would have had a “collective” effect, an opportunity to gather there under the protection of the god or goddess. Of course, the more imposing the temple and the richer the decoration, the more powerful the deity would have seemed. It is reasonable to suggest that the sight of a great temple may have been a motivation for the local population to adopt the model of a Hellenistic polis, and when Asia Minor was brought into the sphere of Rome, imperial cult temples would have played a similar role. Often larger, more costly and more richly decorated than their older counterparts, the sight of an imperial temple would have impressed on the observer the absolute authority of Rome as well as the ubiquitous protective and retributive power of the emperor.202
199 See discussion in note 196 above on Plautus. Pausanias describes numerous temples throughout his Pausanias Graeciae Descriptio. One indicative case is the Temple of Hera at Olympia, where he focusses on the appearance of the building and the identity of the artists responsible for the creation of the many statues there (Paus. 5.17; Arafat 1995:461). Xenophon of Ephesus uses the festival at the temple of Artemis as the backdrop to a romantic novel (X. Eph. 5.3). 200 Sommer (2013:77). 201 Sommer (2013:77). 202 For example, in Apuleius' Metamorphoses, when Lucius attempts to invoke the name of the emperor to appeal to a universal sense of justice, hoping that the inhabitants of a village might save him (Apul. Met. 3.29).
73 Religious practice was not limited to temples; there were altars at home, rural shrines and smaller shrines within the city itself, but this thesis is concerned with manifestations of religious belief at the scale of the city, and that necessarily means that which centred around temples and intramural displays. Polis-wide religious ceremonies, and especially processions connected with temple architecture, were an important opportunity for citizens to publicly gather and participate in an activity that defined a key part of their identity. It has been argued that only a very generalised understanding about religious practice can be reconstructed from the layout of buildings,203 but in the case of Asia Minor we are fortunate enough that the instructions for the procession of a mid 2nd century AD festival has survived, and most importantly the order of the participants from most important to least important. This is contained in an inscription from Oenoanda that details the procession of an athletic festival that was religious in nature,204 and it involves the sacrifice of bulls.205 Here, through the order of the participants, the social hierarchy of the city is plain to see: first came the agonothete (the leader of the festival), without whom the festival could not take place; next the civic priest and the priestess of the imperial cult; next the priest of Zeus; next the three panegyriarchs (responsible for the festival's financial and organisational matters);206 then, the secretary of the boule; followed by the five prytaneis, and so on through the offices of the local boule, and then finally the
203 Revell (2013:24). 204 Athletic and musical competitions were normally connected with a religious festival (Welch 1998:118). 205 Wörrle (1988). Another informative inscription that details the procession from Miletus to Didyma provides “... unique information on the itinerary of a sacred procession, complete with a list of religious ceremonies to be performed on the way”. These included the singing of paeans, burning of incense and the offering of sacrifices (Polinskya 2006:86). 206 Trebilco (2006:123).
74 representatives from the villages of the chora.207 Thus, a formal procession was an ideal occasion to demonstrate the relative importance of each member of the polis. By the mid 2nd century AD, the imperial cult was at the top of the hierarchy, followed by
Zeus, the boule and finally the villages. Here it is very clear that religion could not be separated from “... socio-economic, historical, ideological or political...” concerns.208
The agora was central in the life of the polis from earliest times. Starting out as a roughly marked area where citizens could meet,209 by the Hellenistic period the agora had became the focus of public buildings.210 It was the favoured location for setting up laws and decrees,211 and was quickly associated with commerce and justice.
Although the best understood agora is the Athenian agora, the form of an agora was probably heavily influenced by developments and experiments in town planning on the Ionian coast, especially at Miletus.212 Here, the Hippodamian plan may have squeezed the agora into a more regular shape.213 Quite often the defining edges of an agora, especially in the Hellenistic period, were emphasised by the addition of stoas,214 which could accommodate many of the commercial and political activities that had come to be practised there. Stoas around the agora might contain storage space for the city, shops, or public dining rooms and accommodation.215 They offered shelter to those who were at the agora, a place to display the spoils of war or even
207 Rogers (1991:92). 208 Raja (2013:41). 209 Lato on Crete and Elis on the Peloponnese are good examples of early agoras (Papadopoulos and Schilling 2003:281; Wycherley 1966:293, 1942:21). 210 Shipley and Hansen (2006:55). 211 Hansen (2000:160). 212 Arist. Pol. 2.5.1267; Gill (2006:6, 14); Young (2012:15). 213 For more on the application of the Hippodamian system in Asia Minor, see Shipley (Shipley 2000:89–90). 214 Shipley and Hansen (2006:56); Coulton (1976). 215 Ault (2005:152); Casson (1994:91); Coulton (1976:9–17); Köse (2005:157).
75 painting. Most famously, the stoa Poikile in Athens also accommodated Zeno to whose philosophy, Stoic, the stoa gave its name.216 Agoras might also be situated along processional routes, as was the case of the Athenian agora,217 and perhaps the upper agora at Pergamon. In Asia Minor, following the lead of Pergamon with its terraced monumental citadel,218 the agora became an almost closed orthogonal unit,219 and this was the case for many of the cities in this thesis. Also, the prytaneion,220 mint, bouleuterion and other essential public buildings for the administration of a polis were often grouped around the agora, or close by. In the Roman period, the older
Hellenistic agora was often preserved, or enlarged to accommodate a commercial basilica; or additional agoras or a forum in some cases, were built.221 The agora might also feature a monumental fountain in the Roman period, strengthening its role as a space dedicated to the public good.222 It seems that although the absent ruler changed over time, the citizens of the polis were loathe to part with their original agora as the agora might have represented the heart of communal life in the polis.223
During the Hellenistic period, the bouleuterion “... became a specialized variety of building for the first time”224 and was more often than not closely associated
216 Diog. Laert. 7.5.5–7.5.12. 217 Camp (2004:32–35); Papadopoulos and Schilling (2003:296). 218 Radt (2001:48). 219 Martin (1974:374). 220 Miller (1978). For an in-depth discussion on the prytaneion and all known examples see Hansen and Hansen-Fischer (Hansen and Fischer-Hansen 1994:30–37). 221 Ephesus and Kremna are two examples that will be discussed in more detail. 222 Examples are at Aphrodisias, Diocaesarea, Ephesus, Miletus, Pergamon and Sagalassos (Richard 2012:259–80). A potable supply of water was a way to gain political favour from as early at the Peisistratids in Athens in the 6th century BC (Glaser 2000:420–21). 223 Lavan (2006). 224 Shipley and Hansen (2006:56).
76 with the agora and a basilica.225 This building was a lavishly decorated covered hall containing seating in either a Pi-shape or a U-shape,226 and in this way it resembled a small theatre.227 Apart from accommodating meetings of the boule, this building could also host musical, poetry and oratory performances.228 Behind the small stage, the scaenae frons could incorporate a program of statuary, which might include the local elite, members of the imperial family, depictions of the demos, or other mythological characters related to the city's foundation.229 The similarity of the boule and the theatre evoke a sense of the machinery of the city council in action: the oratory performances of the elected members of the council presenting a variety of issues, such as the possibility of the construction of a new public building, and the ensuing responses, discussion and voting.230 The decorative program may have been intended to inspire and provide visual aids to exposition.231 Indeed, the act of viewing was central to many of the polis' shared activities.232
The theatre as an architectural type has been carefully documented and studied in numerous publications,233 and its role within the city in defining social relationships is crucial.234 It is also useful in estimating the size of a polis and its chora. While there
225 Gros (1996:245). 226 McDonald (1943:272). 227 On the different types and a catalogue of all known bouleuterions see Hansen and Hansen and Fischer (1994:37–43). For a definition of bouleuterions and their different forms, see McDonald (McDonald 1943:251, 255–72). 228 Kockel (1995:34); McDonald (1943:278); Taeuber (2011:98); Young (2012:29). 229 Bier (2008:162); McDonald (1943:275); R. R. R. Smith (2002); Young (2012:29). 230 On the importance of rhetorical performance for politicians with references, see Chaniotis. 231 See the discussion on the Lucian's description of a public hall on p. 7. 232 Rutherford (2013:146). 233 Of particular note is Sear's study (Sear 2006). See Chaniotis on the importance of the theatre in the polis (Chaniotis 1998:224). 234 Csapo (2010). High status seating and carved initials reserving places on seats emphasis the importance of viewing (Rutherford 2013:146).
77 is debate regarding exactly what kinds of entertainment were enjoyed in these theatres over time,235 there are two ways in which the theatre as a building contributed to the identity of the observer over the period. At times, the theatre seems to have been much too large to accommodate the residents of just the city, and this might be because they were built so that all members of the polis, including those of the chora, would be able to participate as an audience or as an assembly in a popular debate,236 or they were used by larger cities that were leaders of a confederacy to hold regional meetings, and if necessary, emergency meetings.237 Also, the theatre provided yet another opportunity to reinforce the social hierarchy of the polis, and this is often seen when permanent reservations with family names were inscribed on seats in theatres.238
By the 2nd century AD, the scaenae frons of theatres had become an elaborately decorated screen wall, with fantastic architecture and niches for statues.239
The sculptural program followed a variety of themes: gods typically occupied the upper levels, the imperial family underneath, and the local elite beneath them.240 Other scenes, such as processions might feature, like that of Tyche who carries a representation of Artemis of Perge from the city's extramural temple (Fig. 19).241
Similar to the procession described at Oenoanda,242 this 2nd century AD frieze shows
235 It seems that Attic tragedy and Old and New Comedy remained popular throughout the period of this thesis (Nervegna 2007:41, 2013:63–119). 236 Vujčić (2009:166). 237 As was the case in Laodikea, with its two substantial theatres (Sperti 2000:81–91). Some examples of emergency meetings: Paul at Ephesus and the mock trial in Apuleius (Acts 19.29; Apul. Met. 3.2.21). For a convincing argument that theatres were primarily entertainment facilities rather than just political meeting places, see Hansen and Fischer-Hansen (Hansen and Fischer-Hansen 1994:51). 238 Lavan (2015:333, note 46); Roueché (1989:223). 239 For the emergence of “façade” architecture in this period with references, see Aristodemou (Aristodemou 2011:165). 240 İnan (1997:65–83). 241 Öztürk (2009:51); Özgen and Özgen (1988:209). 242 Wörrle (1988). 78 the order of participants and perhaps their identity, as the faces seem to be portraits. A great deal of investment went into theatres, and imagery from the theatre was extremely popular for all types of decoration in different contexts, from theatre masks on architectural decoration, to the subject of wall painting and mosaics.243
It is likely that the audience was more concerned with the artistic programme that occurred in the theatre, rather than the overall design of the building. The plays, music or poetry presented on stage, apart from providing entertainment, contained moral lessons, satire, and religious instruction. Theatres and drama instructed the audience and defined a world view, much in the same way that a church sermon did, or Hollywood films do today. The theory that these theatres were permanently converted for gladiatorial shows in the 2nd and 3rd centuries AD is ultimately unsatisfactory.244 One only has to look at the lavishness of the decoration of theatres to realise that the 2nd century AD theatre was probably not the preferred location for a bloody fight to the death. The second sophistic, the cultural revolution in the Severan period, when Hellenistic culture centred around music, poetry and athletics was actively revived, is testimony to the interest of the great cultural achievements of the past.245 This is one argument against theatres used exclusively for Roman spectacles in this period,246 another is Pausanias' extensive knowledge of the Classical past.247 The old masters were surely continuously performed in theatres, in the same way Homer
243 For an introduction to the subject and bibliography, see Newby (2015:553–61). 244 Compare Verlinde on the conversion of theatres to gladiatorial arenas, with Nervegna for evidence on the continued performance and enjoyment of “old” Greek dramas in theatres throughout antiquity (Verlinde 2010:130; Nervegna 2007:40–41). Welch also supports the view that theatres were converted for gladiatorial and hunting displays in the Greek east (Welch 1998:122). Robert provides a lists of theatres with signs of adaptation for gladiatorial displays (Robert 1971:34). 245 Rogers (1991:93). 246 Rogers (1991:93); Young (2012:98). 247 Habicht (1985:142–43). 79 was far from forgotten.248 The theatre provided a forum for the consumption of cultural material, and also an opportunity for spectators to view their own place within the stratification of society within the seating arrangements of the cavea. The action on stage was a reflection of their own society, with stock characters they knew well from their own daily experience. The decoration of the scaenae frons 249 was recognisable from public buildings on the streets outside the theatre that was the stage for real life.250 So, the ritual of theatre played its part in perpetuating a pan-Hellenic literary culture, language and value system, and gave spectators a way to understand the urban world outside the theatre's walls. It was a place where the citizens of a polis could laugh together,251 cry together and possibly voice opinions together.
Regular musical and athletic competitions were central to a polis' calendar, and they often formed a part of the regular religious festivals, which were a “... universal feature of Greek life”.252 Religious and athletic festivals encouraged the coming together of an audience as spectators,253 and the collective adulation of the athletic victor. These heroes were held up as role models, and statues of them were erected in prominent public spaces, at times along with military heroes and great benefactors.254 Prizes for artistic performance and sporting prowess could be won, and
248 Nervegna (2007:41). 249 The permanent architectural background of a stage in a Roman theatre. 250 Jenkyns proposes that in many ways the “world was a theatre” (Jenkyns 2013:1–2). On the importance of theatre and the theatricality of public life, see Chaniotis (Chaniotis 1998:220, 250). 251 The festival of laughter takes place in the theatre (Apul. Met. 3.2.21). 252 While Pritchett's discussion derives from Pausanias' description of Greece, numerous festivals in Asia Minor are attested from inscriptions (Pritchett 1999:223). 253 Rutherford (2013:142–43). 254 This was the case at Oenoanda (Young 2012:93). On the high number of athletic statues in the Greek east, see Fejfer (Fejfer 2008:37).
80 they offered the opportunity to welcome guests from other poleis.255 Athletic competitions, such as running, javelin, discus, boxing and wrestling took place in a stadium, whereas artistic competitions, as mentioned above, in the bouleuterion or theatre.256 The stadium was a U-shaped building, usually 1 stade long (178 m) and made use of the slope of a hill for seating.257 By the Hellenistic period, stadiums had begun to become monumentalised with permanent seating, and by the 2nd century AD, many were provisioned with a cavea of stone seating and could also accommodate
Roman type spectacles, like gladiatorial and hunting displays.258 Like the theatre, seats could be permanently reserved with inscriptions.259
Gymnasiums were architectural complexes that accommodated the intellectual and physical education of Greek boys (and sometimes girls).260 While pre-Hellenistic gymnasiums were most likely extra-urban, by the Hellenistic period, monumental gymnasiums had become an integral part of a city's public facilities and had become
“true universities”: they were athletic, intellectual, and religious centres.261 In their most basic form, gymnasiums would consist of two elements, dromoi (a place for
255 “Cities would recognize one another's festival, appointing theorodokeoi (“envoy-receivers”) to entertain sacred theoroi (envoys) sent out by the organizers in advance of a major festival” (Shipley and Hansen 2006:63). Also, see Rutherford (Rutherford 2013:4–6). 256 Bier (2008:161–63); Hall (1979:163); Welch (1998:118). 257 Welch (1998:118). 258 Welch(1998:121–22). Gladiator statues at Ephesus suggest that this was a popular form of entertainment there (Robert 1971:25). 259 Welch (1998:130). 260 Giovannini(1993:270–71); Shipley and Hansen (2006:56); Winter (2006:116). An inscription detailed how an endowment from a Polythroos should be spent, and provides insight into the type of education a young resident might expect. The endowment stipulates the appointment of a range of instructors: three grammar masters for both boys and girls, two gymnastic masters, a lyre or harp teacher, an arms instructor, an archery and spear-throwing instructor: recitals of music to be held in the bouleuterion and rhetoric presentations to be held in the gymnasium (Bagnall and Derow 2004:131–33; Dittenberger 1915, no. 578). 261 Delorme (1960:3,7).
81 running), and palaestra (a wrestling school).262 The palaestra was the most distinctive feature of a gymnasium, as it was often surrounded by a colonnaded portico that contained rooms for washing, dressing and instruction.263
Monumental bath houses reached the Hellenistic poleis of Asia Minor in the
Roman period and were easily associated with the established gymnasium system.264
This type of leisure activity swept across the empire in the late 1st and early 2nd century AD and was a pan-Roman practice. These lavish structures also signalled a change in habits.265 This type of socialising, with its highly controlled connected architecture, was a new way that all citizens of a polis could express their identity.
Famously, bath houses were intended to be the great equaliser, with the anecdote that an emperor himself might at times join the bathers.266 Baths were richly adorned with statues, mosaics, paintings and stucco and no city was complete without one. Here citizens were free to exercise, admire statuary and socialise.267 But what effect did bathing and bath houses have on ancient observers? Perhaps one look at their own terrible naked bodies compared with the perfectly sculptured figures surrounding them would have provoked horror, or inspired bathers to reach such perfection.
Another effect was pride in the achievements of the builders, as Byrrhena proudly boasts to Lucius about how wonderful the baths and public buildings were in her
262 For a convenient summary of gymnasiums during the Hellenistic period, see Winter (Winter 2006:123–34). 263 Harris (1989:134–35); Winter (2006:118). 264 Yegül (1992:312). 265 Delorme argues that by the Augustan period, gymnasiums' primary function had shifted to that of bathing (Delorme 1960:3). 266 For a detailed discussion on the probability of this story, see Fagen (Fagen 1999:190–92). 267 Casson (1994:209–10).
82 native town.268 Bath houses were also places to casually bump into friends and old acquaintances,269 where rich and poor alike could mix.270
These monumental bath houses required an enormous amount of water and, for this reason, the construction of aqueducts has often been associated with the addition of bathing complexes.271 This infamously expensive investment in public infrastructure, struck awe in the beholder, and might at times exceed cost estimates, as
Pliny complained to Trajan about Bithynia in the 2nd century AD.272 Aqueducts not only provided water for baths, but were put to other purposes within the city. They became a feature of the chora, and often terminated at elaborately decorated monumental fountains;273 they might fill the pools of a cascade down the centre of a street like they did at Perge and Pisidian Antioch, and could even be used for industrial purposes like milling wheat for bread: Pergamon boasted 8 aqueducts.274
From the 2nd century AD, they would become vehicles for the self-promotion of the imperial program and for the local elite who had a hand in their construction.275
The collective effect of public buildings and other public displays on observers is complex, and depended greatly on the type of observer and the moment the observation was made. For this reason, it is not always useful to generalise.
268 Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:312). 269 Apul. Met. 1.6–10; 2.19–20. 270 For an excellent overview of different uses over the Hellenistic and Roman period, see Yegül (Yegül 1992:2–36). 271 Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:302). 272 Plin. Epist. 10.4.1; Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:301). 273 'Monumental fountain' is a more useful term than 'nymphaeum' as argued by Richard (Richard 2012:14–30). 274 Procop. Goth. 5.19.18–27; Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:304). Also, see Wikander for a discussion on the ancient sources for water mills (Wikander 2000:394–97). See Oleson on industrial uses of aqueducts (Oleson 2008). 275 Richard (2012:239–44).
83 However, it does seem that what public architecture and display did have in common over the period in question was that they provided a space for and encouraged shared activity for a large proportion of the polis. These activities might take the form of processions, attendance of plays and other artistic performances, or Roman spectacles; political and commercial activities and sporting activities; or even the provision of water and transit from one part of the polis to another. Participation in these shared activities allowed for individual members of a polis to see themselves in context with their fellow citizens, be they of a higher or lower status, and to see themselves in the context of the public space where the activity was taking place. This acutely informed an ancient observer's interpretation of public architecture and display. Participation in these activities is something that is out of reach for a modern observer, making accurate interpretations difficult; however being aware of this deficiency may go some way to improving our understanding of the experience and significance of public architecture and display for those ancient observers.
84 Chapter 3 – Small Cities: Balboura and Lyrbe
Even the greatest poleis emerged from small settlements, and when they were laid out, decisions were made that shaped both their character and evolution for centuries to come. In many larger cities, like Ephesus and Pergamon, this early phase is often poorly understood, as only meagre traces from those foundation years remain, while in others, like Pessinus, the Hellenistic phase of the city is buried deep beneath layers of modern occupation. However, in poleis that did not become thriving urban centres, like Balboura and Lyrbe, and that were abandoned in the late Roman period, a view of these fledgling years is less confused by the passage of time. In the case of
Balboura, which has been the subject of an extensive field survey and examination,1 a number of fairly certain deductions can be drawn regarding the evolution of the city from its establishment to abandonment, and in particular, its chora has yielded important data. Thus, the social organisation of Balboura and its development from its
Hellenistic foundation to the Roman period, and how this related to the remains of its public architecture will be the focus of the first part of this chapter. Lyrbe, on the other hand, is comparable in size but has been less intensively studied, and unlike Balboura, this city possesses a number of extraordinarily well-preserved buildings. Thus it offers an excellent opportunity to discuss a small city with better preserved buildings in light of the discussion of Balboura.
1 Coulton et al. (2012a). Indeed, the Coulton et al. 2012 publication on Balboura is so extensive that it must necessarily form the basis of much of this discussion. Its findings will also keenly inform the discussion of the ensuing case studies in this thesis.
85 Balboura
When Spratt and Forbes visited Balboura in the spring of 1842, they immediately recognised the site as a “city of some importance”, after noting its many ruins on both sides of a river bank (Fig. 1).2 It was revisited a number of times in the
19th century AD and sporadically in the 20th century AD.3 In the 1980s, Coulton and his team recognised the rare opportunity the site offered to examine a polis with an “... apparent absence of permanent settlement during much of the medieval and early modern period”.4
The results of the intensive survey in the city's chora are one of the most important contributions to our understanding of the emergence of Hellenistic poleis in
Asia Minor, and shed light on many aspects of life outside the city, such as the types of settlement found there and rural religious practice. It has long been recognised that, from the Archaic period, poleis were more than just the monumentalised city centre and its buildings: they also comprised the chora, a carefully divided and distributed territory, whose agricultural activities were essential to the survival of its citizens.5
However, the physical remains of this system are tantalisingly rare in the vast majority of poleis.6 The previously mentioned Demosthenes inscription,7 from
2 Spratt and Forbes (1847:267). 3 See Coulton et al. for a concise summary on research conducted at the city prior to the 1980s' survey (Coulton et al. 2012a:12–14). 4 Coulton et al. (2012a:1). 5 Hansen and Nielsen (2004:70). 6 It is highly likely that the divisions of the chora on most occasions had some relationship with the divisions of the tribes of the city. Tribes in the local confederation of cities, the Tetrapolis, which Balboura belonged to, are attested at Kibyra on a statue base at the theatre (M. F. Jones 1987:370). Knoepfler and Hansen note the practically infinite problems in locating division of the chora on a map or on the territory (Knoepfler and Hansen 1997:364). 7 See p. 74, note 204.
86 neighbouring Oenoanda, lists the names of thirty five villages or so from the city's chora, illustrating the important role these rural settlements played in city life, and the position they occupied within the highly stratified politics of the polis in the 2nd century AD.8 There is no reason to doubt that Oenoanda's smaller neighbour Balboura possessed a similar arrangement, and this has been largely borne out by the survey.
More importantly for this thesis, rural inhabitants as a group of observers of the public architecture of cities are by far the least understood, and yet the motivation behind public building and its resulting impact must have, at least in some way, taken them into account.
The city of Balboura is located in a mountainous region in the northern part of
Lykia, approximately 100 km due west of modern Antalya, and about 6.5 km southeast of the modern village Altınyayla. The country that made up its chora seems to have been occupied from at least the Early Bronze Age,9 but had been deserted from between 500 BC to 200 BC,10 which would have made it attractive land for colonists. The city that emerged supported itself for over 1,000 years from various agricultural activities. These included the cultivation of corn and grapes and animal husbandry; however there is little evidence for the exploitation of olives, probably due to the altitude of the site.11 There is a steep, easily defensible hilltop, bordered on the southern side by a river that commands excellent views of the valley below and surrounding vicinity (Fig. 5). The hill is now known locally as Asar Tepe, among other names, and it rises between 150 and 200 m above the surrounding countryside,
8 Mitchell (1990:183–85); Rogers (1991:92); Wörrle (1988:4). 9 Coulton et al. (2012a:47). Also, see Patterson for a summarised history (Patterson, J. R. 1991:157– 58). 10 Coulton et al. (2012a:54). 11 Coulton et al. (2012a:100–117).
87 reaching 1650 m above sea level.12 This was the location that was selected as the site for the city,13 between 200 and 175 BC, probably during a westward push of independent Pisidian colonists.14 Although some see a Pergamene influence at work that encouraged the foundation of Balboura,15 the city's establishment was more probably connected to the Ptolemies in order to strengthen their border against the
Seleukids.16
As this thesis discusses the potential observers of public architecture, and because Balboura has yielded such a great deal about the inhabitants, a discussion about the identity of these city dwellers follows. From the allotment inscription,17 we learn that a relatively high proportion of names present at Balboura during those foundation years have been attested at Pisidian Termessos.18 The cultural make-up of the new settlement may have been similar to that of neighbouring Kibyra, where there were at least three influences at work: Pisidian, Lydian and Kabalian, and where these respective languages were spoken, as well as koine Greek.19 In terms of Balboura's
12 Coulton et al. (2012a:67). 13 Coulton et al. (2012a:72). 14 Coulton et al. (2012a:58, 61, 63); Coulton (1982:122–31); Eilers and Milner (1995:85); Hall and Coulton (1990:149); Kearsley (1994:51). 15 McNicholl (1997:123, 152). 16 Cohen points out that the Seleukids were the most active colonisers during this period (Cohen 1995:22). It is important to note that a 2ndcentury-BC Balbourian mercenary, discussed later in this chapter, ended his days in Sidon, an important naval base for the Seleukid empire (Musti 1984:192; Parlasca 1982:6). Roth and Sekunda in Coulton et al. convincingly argue that there was a Ptolemaic garrison in Sidon between 150 and 145 BC, and that we should place the mercenary here (Coulton et al. 2012b:129–38; Coulton 1990:148; Roth 2007:355, 11.12). Coulton notes that from 189 BC to 167 BC Lykia was controlled by the Rhodians, and sees a strong influence in Balboura by the presence of coins of this type (Coulton et al. 2012a:64, 77; Hall and Coulton 1990:148). 17 This inscription is discussed on page 90. The short text was not included in the Appendix as it is simply a list of names and occupations. 18 Hall and Coulton (1990:130, 136). 19 Strab. 14.4.7; Coulton et al. (2012a:64); Mitchell (1993:173)(1993:173).
88 early political organisation, and administrative offices, it has been suggested that, initially, there was no boule, as there are no inscriptions at either Balboura, or neighbouring Oenoanda to suggest its existence.20 However, there was certainly some kind of civic administration at work that actively regulated public records, such as the ownership of land and the management of public building, as we shall see.21 By 189
BC, Balboura had become part of a political league, the so-called Kibyratic Tetrapolis, ruled by the Moagatid tyrants, who were based in Kibyra, and that included the cities of Bubon, Balboura and Oenoanda (Fig. 20).22
The territory commanded by Balboura was comparatively huge when compared to poleis in Greece: it extended to around 345 km2, and perhaps this was to compensate for the low productive capacity of the highland area.23 During the city's early settlement, and up to AD 43, the borders of the polis' territory were probably still being expanded,24 and according to an inscription, apart from the central polis, there were at least five villages in the chora.25 Communication between these settlements and the city may have been limited to natural highland routes during this period,26 and the walking distance from the furthest point of the chora to the other would have taken over six hours.27
The most significant, and earliest inscription from this period is the allotment inscription, which provides a unique glimpse into an administrative process at work
20 Coulton et al. (2012a:136). 21 i.e. the allotment inscription. 22 Strab. 13.4.17; Hall (1976:191); Coulton et. al. (2012a:78). 23 Coulton et al. (2012a:31). 24 Coulton et al. (2012a:28). 25 Coulton et al. (2012a:28). 26 Coulton et al. (2012a:31). 27 Coulton et al. (2012a:38).
89 during the early years of the polis. It may also reflect wider practices in other 2nd century BC poleis in Asia Minor, and elucidate a process of which there is a complete absence of any other known contemporary literary or epigraphic evidence.28 The text is inscribed on a rectangular stone that originally supported a stele, presumably with more names, and is inscribed on four faces. It was reused in the city's later fortifications, and probably brought down from the upper acropolis where it may have been displayed.29 This list of names plausibly records allotments of land for colonists.
On the whole, from the surviving inscription, it seems that the division of land was mostly “egalitarian”.30 The acropolis area could have supported between 850 and
1,400 people,31 which reflects the number on the allotment inscription, which suggests that the landholding population was around 1,100 at this time.32 The term dekania, which appears in the allotment inscription, is an intriguing one, as it may relate either to a parcel of land, or a type of military organisational unit first seen in Ptolemaic
Egypt.33 A variation of the term appears in the Roman period Demosthenes inscription at Oenoanda,34 which names archidekanoi within the sacred procession, whose duty was to ensure that villages supplied the correct number of sacrificial oxen.35
28 Hall and Coulton (1990). See Jackson for a summary, bibliography and ancient sources on the practice of Seleukid allotment distribution (albeit in Syria), where a veteran could expect a house proportionate to his status and farm plot with provisions to carry out agricultural activity (Jackson 2014:19–20). 29 Hall and Coulton (1990:110). 30 Coulton et al. (2012a:88). For a discussion on the processes of allotments in classical Greek colonies, see Isager and Skydsgaard (Isager and Skydsgaard 1995:123–26). 31 Coulton et al. (2012a:76). 32 Coulton et al. (2012a:88). 33 Hall and Coulton (1990:144). 34 Mitchell (1990:186). 35 Coulton et al. (2012a:99).
90 The names themselves are perhaps the most revealing part of the inscription:
75% of them are local, and as already mentioned, many have a strong connection to
Pisidian Termessos.36 This in turn raises a number of possibilities, either that the local population decided collectively to form a polis, or that they were encouraged, or compelled to do so by incoming colonists from Pisidian Termessos. For some of the names, the trade of the individual is noted: a bronze smith, a shoemaker, a potter, secretary or scribe and a priest.37 Indeed, there are archaeological traces of a local ceramics industry from the acropolis from this early period.38
The presence of specialised tradesmen and coin issues early in the city's history hints at the existence of a well-organised local economy and social hierarchy.39
These tradesmen presumably operated from workshops within the city, but may have also been allotted some land for personal use; to provide themselves and their family with food and an income.40 If that is the case, several models might be suggested. One model is that these urban tradesmen only derived income from their work in the city, or that they possessed slaves or hired workmen to labour in the field on their behalf;41 or even that they maintained a city as well as a country residence and divided their time between tending the fields and practicing their trade. The high status Hellenistic style rural settlements in the chora certainly support this latter view.42
36 Coulton et al. (2012a:65); Hall and Coulton (1990:145, 149–52). 37 Coulton et al. (2012a:74); Hall and Coulton (1990:140). 38 Coulton et al. (2012a:74). 39 Coulton et. al. (2012a:79). 40 Although the Kerkyra Melaina decree dates from the Classical period, it is “... the only decree preserved concerning the distribution of private land in a new colony”, and outlines a process whereby new colonists could expect both a lot of land in the chora as well as in the city proper (Isager and Skydsgaard 1995:124). 41 The view endorsed by Coulton (Coulton et al. 2012a:89). It would also suggest a poorer rural working class, perhaps the local inhabitants were employed by the incoming Pisidian colonists. 42 Coulton et al. (2012b:335). See note 1 in this chapter.
91 In the Roman period Oenoandian chora, there were varying classifications of settlement, komai (smaller) and monagriai (larger) and perhaps another type, which may have been established in the Hellenistic city.43 Indeed, within the Hellenistic period chora of Balboura, a variety of rural settlements ranging from small to large village types, to individual high status residences have been identified.44 These early settlements would have necessarily depended on some type of defensive system to ensure their survival from attack.45 Defensive towered structures located around the chora from the Hellenistic period could have housed militarised landholding elite in the early days of the settlement, and might be seen as “... strong statements of ownership on disputable ground”.46 One of these castles has produced fine tableware dated to the mid 2nd century BC,47 a further indication that elite families did not necessarily spend all their time at the city centre.
Balboura has yielded a great deal of material evidence connected to the religious life of its inhabitants and their cults, which in turn has highlighted a clear contrast between religious practice in the city proper and the chora.48 Although the only datable evidence is from the Roman period, some of these religious cults may have originated in the Hellenistic period. Within the context of the city, Roman period priesthoods are known for the Sebastoi (Emperors), Zeus Philios with Herakles and
Ares, and Dionysos, however, only one temple has been securely identified: that of
43 Coulton et al. (2012a:99); Mitchell (1993:178). 44 On the social relations between elite landowning individuals, villages and their workers, see Musti (Musti 1984:196–97). 45 From Coulton's catalogue, these are: Dr.51, Tyriaion (village), Bğ.62, Çb.15, Çb.16a, Dğ.38, Gl.83, Gl.85, Kh.102, Kh.103, Kz.89 (smaller rural settlements) Bk.31, Çb.16, Dğ.37, El.47 (fortified sites), Çl.20, Çm.108 (high status) (Coulton et al. 2012b:331–405). 46 Coulton et al. (2012a:91). On the polis' right to self-defence, see Mitchell (1993:195–97). 47 Coulton et al. (2012a:91). 48 Coulton et al. (2012a:144).
92 Nemesis. The worship of other gods is also suggested by a statue base of Dionysus located in the agora.49 Coin evidence attests to the polis' recognition of Zeus, Athena,
Demeter, Hermes and Herakles, and so they may have also been worshipped in the polis.50 In the Roman period, a statue for Tyche was set up on the northwest street, but the cult of the Sebastoi probably dominated the others, and this is reflected by the fact that this priest precedes the other participants in the Demosthenes festival procession from neighbouring Oenoanda.51
The material remains of rural cults in the chora paint a different picture, and suggest that the Dioskouroi and the Triad were by far the most revered gods, as well as one relief to Artemis Lagbene and four to the club-wielding Rider God.52 Although the names of the Dioskouroi do not appear on the reliefs, they must have been known, as many Balbourians were called Kastor and Polydeukes, and a Dioskourides, the
Balbourian mentioned on a stele in distant Sidon, places the cult from the mid 2nd century BC at least.53 The question remains whether the cult was brought to Balboura by the early settlers, or was already established there, but most likely these were
49 Rousset (2010:19). Remains of cult practices related to Dionysus in the chora are not attested (Coulton et al. 2012a:145). 50 Coulton et al. (2012a:76); Head (1911:964). 51 Coulton et al. (2012a:144); Wörrle (1988). It seems that both the cult of Nemesis and the Sebastoi were purely urban phenomena et al. (Coulton et al. 2012a:144). 52 Coulton et al. (2012a:145). On the presence of Artemis Lagbene, which was perhaps based at Lagbe, it is unsure if the Balbourians took part in this cult, whose image features a woman riding a boar, or sometimes only the boar (Coulton et al. 2012a:147). “Reliefs of the Triad characteristically show three identical males in short tunics, with double axes over their left shoulders and their right hands lowered, usually to a dog or a snake or both”. The club-wielding Rider God: could be Kakasbos, Herakles, Maseis, Kyras “... is normally shown as a rider in a short tunic wielding a club in his right hand; the right arm is usually raised but its position varies”, these gods were probably not Pisidian (Coulton et al. 2012a:148). 53 Coulton et al. (2012a:64). Istanbul Archaeological Museum inventory no. 1490.
93 Hellenised versions of local deities.54 The strength of this rural practice should not be underestimated “... the number of votive reliefs suggests that these local cults were more strongly established than the Hellenised divinities of the city”.55
In terms of an overlap between rural and city material evidence for religious practice, there is a relief with the Dioskouroi and the club-wielding Rider God in the city, but none for the Triad.56 Apart from the Balbourian elite taking on the names of the Dioskouroi, the small size and simplicity of the reliefs in the chora might suggest that these mostly appealed to non-elite members of the polis,57 and this suggests a significant difference in cultural practice between the chora and the city:
“These cults, so physically connected to the landscape, would be
a familiar experience of daily life, tying the inhabitants to their
countryside”.58
It was within these social circumstances that public building works in the
Hellenistic period emerged at Balboura. One of the enduring expressions of this is the city's fortification walls—essential to ensure the success of the vulnerable fledgling polis during the unstable political climate of the 2nd century BC (Fig. 21).59 The main entrance to the Hellenistic city was probably via a gate on the western side of the acropolis,60 but unfortunately, little can be said about the internal organisation of the early city or its public buildings. One is struck, however, by the resemblance of this
54 Coulton et al. (2012a:148). 55 Coulton et al. (2012a:151). 56 Coulton et al. (2012a:150). 57 Coulton et al. (2012a:151). 58 Coulton et al. (2012a:152). 59 Coulton et al. (2012a:70). 60 Coulton et al. (2012a:68).
94 settlement pattern to that of early Pergamon, where the highest most easily defensible point of the acropolis accommodated the military strength of the polis, along with its magazines, garrisons and arsenals (Figs. 22 and23). Pergamon, and perhaps
Balboura, had at least two layers of fortification atop the acropolis in its initial stages, which in turn marked out distinct precincts.
One would expect that there was at least one temple in the early city to accommodate one of the many gods that were worshiped there, and indeed a
Byzantine church located on the acropolis may have been converted from a
Hellenistic temple61 or other convenient public building.62 There are also some fragments of a Doric façade near the Roman agora on the eastern side of the acropolis that arguably may be fragments of an extramural temple, although this building could equally have been a tomb.63 Although no Hellenistic cemetery has been found, there are reused grave markers from this period that were found in the vicinity of the city.64
The absence of a Hellenistic agora raises some questions. Coulton argues that in the early years, the city could have been ruled by a tyrant, thereby doing away with the necessity of a political agora,65 and indeed Strabo writes that this system was the norm for the Kibyratis.66 However, negative evidence on the location of the agora does not preclude the possibility that it may have existed and has yet to be identified.67
61 Coulton et al. (2012a:76). 62 Temples were not invariably converted into churches; other public buildings could also be reused as a church (Jacobs 2013:283, table 4.1). As there is no evidence, architectural or otherwise, of either a dominating acropolis temple or gymnasium, they may not have existed, and this will only be settled after excavation of what lies below the topsoil (Coulton et al. 2012a:79). 63 Coulton et al. (2012a:76). 64 Coulton et al. (2012a:76). 65 Coulton et al. (2012a:77). 66 Strab. 13.4.18. 67 As we shall see, an agora was one of the most central architectural expressions of public life in this period in even a small settlement like Lyrbe, and for Balboura to possess such a ... Continued on p. 96
95 It has been suggested that the theatre could have been used as the public meeting place, or that the flat part of the acropolis would make a good location for an agora.68
It is almost certain though, from the volume of ruined construction material on and around the acropolis that there was an abundance of construction activity there,69 and in all likelihood further Hellenistic remains await discovery (Fig. 24).
More than likely, the Upper Theatre belongs to the Hellenistic period.70 As
Bier rightly pointed out, a theatre was a high priority for any polis, as these were vehicles for social cohesion, and played an active role in the acculturation of the local inhabitants.71 Additionally, a fine wall constructed from polygonal masonry is located just to the east of the theatre, and is supported by a terrace, measuring 20.55 m by at least 6 m.72 Coulton believes this may have been part of a type of market building, which was common throughout Pisidia.73 This market building may have been connected to an agora.
“Both the Upper Theatre and the terrace building must have come
close to the line of the southern city wall, but almost the whole
southern side of the circuit is lost, so the critical relationship
between theses structures is unknown”.74
well-constructed theatre but no agora seems odd, see page 122. 68 Coulton et al. (2012a:77). 69 Coulton et al. (2012a:74). 70 Bier argued that the theatre “... cannot be later than the early 1st century BC” (Bier 1994:45). 71 Bier (1994:31). 72 Coulton et al. (2012a:77). 73 Köse (2005:143–51). 74 Coulton et al. (2012a:77).
96 To summarise: sometime around the 2nd century BC, a group of Pisidian colonists made their way to the territory of the Kibyratis, either of their own accord or by the active encouragement of an absent Hellenistic ruler for strategic reasons, in order to strengthen borders between empires and to protect military routes.75 The region had largely been deserted since around 500 BC, but one must suppose that there was a small rural local population when these colonists arrived. The new settlers quickly established themselves on the acropolis, which they heavily fortified—not in fear of a local uprising—but rather to defend themselves against the machinations of competing Hellenistic rulers, or against a land grab by ambitious neighbouring poleis, or a combination of both factors. At disputed, or strategically vulnerable points of the chora, fortified towers were constructed in order to provide security for the agricultural activity that was essential for the survival of the new settlement. The acropolis formed a type of citadel, with the highest point receiving at least two fortified precincts, and a domestic area was laid out on the more gentle southern slope. Although the only other known public building project was the theatre on this slope in the Hellenistic period, it is reasonable to suppose that the city also possessed a market building, whose remains may be the terracing near the theatre, and possibly an associated agora. There may have also been a temple inside the city walls on the acropolis, and perhaps an extramural one. The allotment inscription attests to the existence of a type of public administration (a scribe),76 a polis religion (a priest) and various tradesmen, who all held parcels of land throughout the chora. The epigraphic
75 A practice initiated by Alexander and continued by Hellenistic rulers (Cohen 1995:20–21). 76 Although Hall and Coulton pointed out that the scribe could have simply signified “... someone who could write (perhaps a rare accomplishment) rather than the holder of an official post” (Hall and Coulton 1990:140). However, the very existence of the allotment inscription strongly suggests a complex mechanism of city record keeping and a more comprehensive perishable written document, of which the inscription is a summarised public representation.
97 and material evidence from Balboura and from its neighbour Oenoanda, indicate that
Balboura quickly established a carefully legislated model of civic administration based around the concept of a polis, and that perhaps this model was introduced or imposed on the local inhabitants by the incoming colonists. The allotment process was memorialised in an inscription set up in the upper part of the acropolis, and the size of the lots that were distributed within the chora presumably reflected social status.77 Possibly, boundary stones or other visible markers were laid out in addition to those that marked out the borders, and perhaps the lots themselves, further cementing the divisions of property within the chora's landscape.78 Not all rural residences were equal, and this is observable in the varying types of buildings there. Some elite members of the city may have maintained high status dwellings in the countryside, probably as well as domestic quarters in the city.
With the colonists, Balboura had become an official polis territory where individuals owned land to cultivate, where specialised tradesmen could operate, and bureaucrats could service a wider citizen body. This in turn suggests that there was an active political assembly of some description from the very outset, as such a body was needed to propose, ratify, divide up the allotments and oversee the major building projects of the fortifications and theatre and possibly other public buildings. The corollary is that Balboura operated under a system of law that was enforced by administrative machinery. It is unfortunate that there is no surviving reference to any
77 For evidence on the possible size of these lots, see Billows (Billows 1995:160–64). On territorial boundary stones from literary sources see Hansen and Nielsen (Hansen and Nielsen 2004:70, note 6). 78 Xenophon points out the disastrous implications of the removal of boundary stones for the polis (Xen. Hell. 4.4.6); Isager and Skydsgaard (1995:120).
98 of these civic institutions, as this would have provided invaluable information on specific details.79
But what of the observer of these Hellenistic buildings in the early phase of
Balboura? As we have seen, the city most likely possessed a population of over 1,000 individuals in the 2nd century BC,80 and only the names of some individuals are recorded, however, I would like to focus on one individual known to us from a different source. His name was Dioskourides, and his painted grave stele was found in the 19th century AD in Sidon where he was interred sometime between 150 and 145
BC (Fig. 25).81 We might apply the template of identity to this individual to seek to gain an understanding of the impact of the Hellenistic architecture of his period. At the end of his military training, perhaps in the 160s BC, and before his departure from
Balboura, Dioskourides would have been a young man. He may well have been educated at the polis' gymnasium,82 and he must have received at least rudimentary military training in order to have been able to carry out the duties of a professional soldier. He would have been in good physical condition, and from his identification as
Pisidian on his grave stele,83 he may have been a member of the elite,84 thus his family
79 Coulton et al. (2012a:77). 80 Hall and Coulton (1990:147). 81 Parlasca (1982:6). Sekunda in Coulton et. al. discussed this individual at length as well as the arguments for dating his grave stele (Coulton et al. 2012b:129–38). 82 Although there are no traces of a gymnasium building, there must have been at least a provision for the education of the youth of the polis, as this was a core civic activity of all Hellenistic poleis. As Delorme points out, the presence of a gymnasiarch did not necessarily guarantee a gymnasium building (Delorme 1960:6). 83 Coulton (1990:149). 84 This family is not attested on the allotment inscription. Coulton suggests that the lost section of the allotment inscription “... might have shown that the elite of Hellenistic Balboura preferred names different from those of the lot-holders and more similar to those of their successors” (Coulton et al. 2012a:138).
99 would have had enough material wealth to equip at least two sons for a military career. He was the son of an Exasbos and had a least one brother, Keraias, who had joined him on this military mission, and who would later set up his grave stele.85
There are many possible reasons why he and his brother contemplated leaving and ultimately left Balboura: he may have had few future prospects by staying in his home city; little chance of inheritance; he may have been a landless citizen, or pushed out by the increasing sizes of high status landholders; or perhaps he was just in the search for wealth and social advancement.86 He spoke koine Greek, and possibly a Pisidian dialect of Phrygian,87 and probably had personal respect for the rural cults of his homeland, i.e. the Dioskouroi (his namesake), the Triad and the other rural deities, as well as the official civic religions of the polis. In terms of his personal preferences, he probably would have enjoyed the polis' festivals, especially the athletic or combative events, and if he had been educated at a gymnasium, would have had at least a rudimentary knowledge of Greek literary works88. He may have also taken an interest in the political events of the local region,89 and in the wider Hellenistic world, and would have been aware of the potential benefits of a mercenary position. He was keenly aware of the “incessant enmity” between the Seleukid and Ptolemaic empires, and especially the recent events of the 6th Syrian war (170–168 BC), which had seen the near Seleukid occupation of Alexandria.90 He would have had a keen interest in all
85 Coulton et al. (2012b:132). 86 All of these factors have been suggested as plausible factors for mercenary types like Dioskourides (Chaniotis 2005:81–82). 87 Coulton et al. (2012b:132). 88 Harris (1989:135). 89 The grave stele of Seättas son of Trokondas from Oenoanda was found with that of Dioskourides perhaps indicating that they, and presumably others from the region, enlisted together (Coulton et al. 2012b:135). 90 Heinen (1984:412, 459).
100 matters military, and a strong sense of the importance of military skill. In a broader sense, he may have had an understanding of the recent events of the successful
Pisidian colonisation of the area in his parents' generation. In terms of manners, we might assume he had respect for his superiors and elders, but he may have looked down on the colonised locals, were he a member of the local elite.
In the 2nd century BC, Dioskourides and other resident citizens, regardless of his or her linguistic or social position, would have seen the acropolis' strong fortifications as a powerful statement of military strength to support the colonisers' claim on the new territories, and possibly their independence. All enfranchised participants in the new polis system may have felt reassured that the laws and the rights they had gained from the emerging polis were protected and permanent, and that the city was capable of defending them. The citadel also symbolised and housed an administrative centre from which the division of the territory into allotments of land was managed and enforced, and from which an extended system of defence with towers and other security measures had transformed the landscape for those who colonised it and lived there. Most importantly, however, the strongly fortified citadel was a constant reminder of the role of Balboura as a “border outpost” between two great kingdoms,91 and at many times warring enemies: the Ptolemies and the
Seleukids. Dioskourides, and other citizens, may have realised that their city was the
“line in the sand” between these two kingdoms,92 and that the conflict could appear on their doorstep at any time.
91 Hall and Coulton (1990:148). 92 In 168 BC, Gaius Popilius, a Roman envoy, supposedly challenged the Seleukid king Antiochus IV to cross the line he drew in the sand around the king and to continue the approach on Alexandria thus making Rome his enemy, or to negotiate a withdraw. Antiochus chose to withdraw (Plb. 29.27).
101 The Roman period had tangible effects both on the cityscape and on the settlement patterns of the chora of this small community.93
“During the years from the Flavian period (AD 69–96) to the
Severan (AD 193–235) the city of Balboura reached its most
developed physical form. A new civic centre was developed
outside of the Hellenistic circuit wall, a new aqueduct was
constructed as well as a bath house”.94
In 43 BC, Balboura's neighbour Oenoanda was expelled from the Lykian
League when it unluckily sided with Brutus, but the League, possibly along with
Balboura, may have gained independence.95 A century later in AD 43, this freedom came to an end, when it was absorbed into a newly created Lykian-Pamphylian province.96 Soon after, Lykia seems to have experienced abuses at the hands of one of their Roman governors, Epirus Marcellus (legate of Lykia, AD 53–56), who the
Lykians unsuccessfully attempted to indict in Rome in AD 57.97 Although the league may have been briefly freed again under Nero (AD 54–68), the province was subsequently firmly established and included within a Roman imperial fiscal domain early in Vespasian's reign (AD 69–79).98 During the ensuing period, the Roman
93 Coulton et al. (2012a:96). 94 Coulton et al. (2012a:125). 95 Jacobsthal and Jones provide a concise summary of the primary sources related to the political changes in the region (Jacobsthal and Jones 1940:27–29). Also, see Coulton et al. (Coulton et al. 2012a:61–80). On the view that Lykia was not freed, but instead was under the governorship of Sextus Marcius Priscus from the “... last years of Nero until the beginning of Vespasian's reign” and a summary for the arguments, see Levick (2005:146, note 65). 96 Tac. 2.79; Patterson (1991:158). 97 Tac. 13.33. 98 Broughton (1934:222); Cagnat (1964:183, no. 489); Coulton et al. (2012a:123).
102 imperial authorities ensured that there was little large-scale conflict.99 Under
Vespasian,100 the situation began to improve, initially perhaps under the influence of
Licinnius Mucianus, who was governor of Lykia (AD 60–63),101 and certainly under
Sextus Marcius Priscus, governor of Lykia (AD 68–69), who most probably selected, enfranchised and enlisted at least one young local noble man from Balboura, and another from Oenoanda.102
During this time, with the absence of an external threat to the city, there was little need for the Hellenistic defensive structures on the acropolis, so a new urban centre was conceived outside the fortifications on a small level area to the east of the acropolis, most likely at some time in the second quarter of the 1st century AD (Fig.
26).103 Along with an aqueduct and bath project, a southwest and northeast street alignment was planned, and at that time the area of the imperial agora may have been laid out.104 These projects have been seen as direct imports from Italy.105 Currently, it is impossible to know whether the active boule that appears from the early 2rd century
AD was in existence before the Roman period.106 On the 1st century AD inscription relating to the construction of the aqueduct (Inventory no. IBb5) only the word
“demos” is supplied.107 Does this suggest that the decision was reached at some
99 Coulton et al. (2012a:123). 100 Vespasian supposedly installed honourable people in the provinces (Suet. Ves. 9). 101 Syme (1995:272). 102 Jameson (1966:125). Although Marcius Thoas is understood to be from Oenoanda, for an argument to suggest he was also Balbourian, see Coulton et. al. (Coulton et al. 2012a:138). 103 Coulton et. al. (2012b:84). 104 Coulton et. al. (2012a:130). 105 Coulton et al. (2012a:130); Farrington (1995:48–49). 106 For a discussion on the evidence and possible organisation of the offices at Balboura, see Coulton et. al. (2012a:136–37). 107 On this inscription, the word demos has been restored, however, on a now lost “almost exact doublet” of this inscription, the 'mos' of demos survived and left little room for ... Continued on p. 104
103 popular assembly of (elite) citizens? It is difficult to see how such a large scale project could be left to such an assembly. Some type of overseeing committee must have been called into existence to ensure the completion of the project:
“The aqueduct, nymphaeum and baths were not the first elements
in the scheme, however. They must have been preceded by the
laying out of the street system of the new urban area, for the main
east-west avenue of the Roman city runs up to the nymphaeum
(which in its first phase was perhaps a simple fountain) and the
baths are built parallel to it”.108
A young Balbourian that governor Priscus enfranchised in the second quarter of the 1st century AD was Sextus Marcius Titianus, whose family may have been from the smaller outlying village in the chora, Tyriaion.109 Titianus then went on to a successful military career and marriage, and his contributions to his city earned him the title of ktistes (founder, builder, restorer). In about AD 100, Titianus' son Titus
Marcius Quirina Deiotarianos was honoured with a statue by the boule and the demos for his military achievements, the base of which proudly names Titianus as his father along with his achievements.110 Indeed, Titianus and his son may have been among the highest ranking individuals in the city. Titianus had ended his military career as a senior staff officer to either a legate or a governor, and would go on to become
Lykiarch.111 It may be true to say that he, or other individuals like him, propelled the inclusion of the word boule (Pleket and Stroud 1985:349, no. 1218). 108 Coulton et al. (2012a:130). 109 Hall et. al. (1996:135). 110 Coulton et. al. (1989:86–87). 111 Coulton et. al. (1989:87).
104 Balboura into the Roman world. When Titianus returned, he must have brought with him firsthand knowledge of the empire beyond Balboura, the might of the Roman army, its organisational skills and a personal understanding of the great opportunities to advance within the new world order.112 He also brought with him a social network of allies and supporters at the highest level of provincial administration. It is no co- incidence that his son followed in his father’s footsteps, no doubt aided by these connections.
To what extent Titianus had a hand in the aqueduct, bath house and new city scheme is not explicitly attested. However, Titianus' relationship with his enfranchiser, the Roman imperial governor Priscus, might hold some clues. Priscus is known to have been involved in the construction of the baths at Patara under
Vespasian (AD 69–79),113 and because it is likely that the aqueduct at Balboura was conceived in conjunction with the bathing complex, the similarity is noteworthy.114
The aqueduct at Balboura was completed around 10 years after Titianus’ enlistment, and so it seems unlikely that he could have had much direct involvement in its construction, as he would have been absent and at the height of his career.115 If he had married before his departure, his elite status wife and extended family may have taken charge,116 or it may be the case that some other local elite families initiated and oversaw the building project under the direction of Priscus,117 which was then
112 Coulton et. al. (2012a:160). 113 Fagen (1999:329; Syme 1995:275). 114 Coulton et. al. (2012b:125). In terms of the plan of the bath building at Balboura, “... too little survives… to be sure of what their original plan was” (Farrington 1995:5, fig. 25). 115 Coulton et. al. (2012a:141, 2012b:87). 116 For more on Titianus' wife, see Hall et al (Hall, Milner and Coulton 1996:134–36). 117 It is interesting to note that Titianus may have set up a statue for his wife in Tlos as had Lucius Iulius Marinus Caecilius Simplex (governor from AD 97–101) (Coulton, Milner and Reyes 1989:87; Hall, Milner and Coulton 1996:135–36; Jameson 1965:54, note 5; Kearsley ... Continued on p. 106
105 completed under his successor Lucius Luscius Ocrea (AD 74–76). Whatever the truth of the matter may be, it is clear that the enfranchisement of local nobles such as
Titianus under Vespasian, their involvement in provincial Roman imperial politics, and the commencement of the first known major urban infrastructure projects since the Hellenistic period coincide. The local nobility at Balboura and its surrounding areas, after having been involved in Roman military careers and the attendant inter- provincial travel, felt an urgency, or were urged, to construct suitable political spaces to ensure their families' and polis’ success within the new social and political order.118
The process that granted these local elite members Roman imperial citizenship, and therefore the admittance and participation in the imperial system of provincial administration, may reflect part of a larger Vespasianic scheme to formalise, and control Lykia via these mechanisms and individuals.119
Whether or not there was a pre-existing boule before this transition to Roman imperial rule, its appearance in the epigraphic record in the early 2nd century AD may in some way be connected to these reforms. A more standard local political assembly might have become necessary for a variety of reasons, such as to incorporate the new offices that appeared, to ensure closer financial control,120 and to be able to operate
1988:43). Simplex is honoured in an inscription at Balboura found near the temple of Nemesis in the 19th century AD, but it has been since lost (Coulton, Milner and Reyes 1989:407, inventory IBb10). 118 Although their ambition could not always be entirely satisfied, for instance in the case of the incomplete lower theatre (Coulton et al. 2012a:132). Suetonius makes a reference to Vespasian rebuilding several cities in different parts of the empire in a better way than before, but does not mention which (Suet. Ves. 17). More generally on Vespasian's connection to building activities in Asia Minor, see Levick (Levick 2005:138, note 40). As Dmitriev points out “... Vespasian has been suspected of exercising unprecedented supervision of the finances of Lycian cities” (Dmitriev 2005:304). 119 The possession of Roman citizenship in this period was of high social value; however, this value diminished as Roman citizenship become more widespread (De Ste. Croix 1981:454). 120 Dmitriev (2005:189–216, 304).
106 with more uniformity with other cities within the new fiscal domain. In the make-up of this post-Roman boule, some of the attested offices are already familiar, such as the agonothete,121 and newer offices appear such as the dekaprotoi, who were responsible for the collection of taxes,122 and the non-citizen logistes, who oversaw the financial details of building projects.123 Each member was also expected to contribute money from their own funds towards the running of the city,124 which would preclude the poorer members of the city from active participation in these political positions in the polis.
After the construction of the aqueduct and bathing complex, there seems to have been a halt in building activity for around 70 years.125 A number of small scale, but significant building projects were commenced during the Antonine period (AD
138–192).126 A Roman period visitor to Balboura in the late 2nd century AD, upon approaching the city from the northeast would have been greeted by a triple arched gateway, Roman in form (Fig. 27),127 and although only the inscription facing the agora survives, its content would have been immediately informative. The gate was
121 The offices known to us at Balboura are: the grammateus (secretary/registrar), the prytaneis (chief magistrate/priest), the agoranomos and in the 3rd century AD, the epimeletes demosion ergon (overseer of public works), the dekaprotoi (chief authorities of the city), the logistes (auditor/imperial commissioner and inspector of accounts), the agonothete (athletics judge/president of games), the panegyriarches (president of a festival), and we may assume there was a gymnasiarch (superintendent of athletic training) but none are attested (Coulton et al. 2012a:136–37). 122 This office, which only appears in Asia Minor from the 2nd century AD, was either occupied by leading members of the council, or was a regularly elected official of the people. On their emergence and their duties, see Dmitriev (Dmitriev 2005:197–200). 123 This officeholder, whose duty it was to oversee the finances for “special occasions”, seems to have been either appointed directly by Roman Imperial authority or by the city (Dmitriev 2005:194). 124 Coulton et al. (2012a:136–37). 125 This was also the case with Kremna, see p. 262. 126 Coulton et. al. (2012a:130). 127 Coulton et al. (2012a:159).
107 dedicated to Septimus Severus, Caracalla Marcus Aurelius Antoninus and Geta by the city of Balboura:
“... built from money left by the will of Polydeukes son of Thoas
son of Menophilos, and erected by his heir Ge alias Paulina, with
Androbios alias Eirenaios, son of Androbios V, citizen of Tlos,
acting as logistes”.128
The inscription immediately made a public statement revealing the identity and ancestry of one of the city's leading families, that the money left in Polydeukes' will was managed by the city administration, and the building project was overseen by a non-citizen of Balboura who had been appointed to the Roman office of logistes.129
The authority of Rome would have been further strengthened by a statue honouring the proconsul, Ti. Claudius Pausanias, which probably adorned the gate.130
The visitor would have then passed through to the agora itself (Fig. 26). Its present state of preservation is poor, and as no excavation has taken place there, a reliable reconstruction remains problematic. However, general observations on the layout of the agora in relation to the lower city beyond it can be determined. Overall, the position of the agora seems to have been largely determined by the topography of the site. It occupies a low flat area, and is flanked by a sloping saddle ridge to the southwest and south. The buildings that were constructed on this ridge would have risen above the agora along a street that may have been accessible via stairs from the gate,131 while to the east of the agora, there are foundations of buildings that occupy
128 Translated by Milner (Milner 1991:47). 129 On the appearance of Roman office of logistes in Asia Minor, see Dmitriev (2005:189–97). 130 Coulton et al. (2012b:95, no. 8). 131 I am grateful for Dr. Vandeput's suggestion on this possibility.
108 approximately the same level. The overall result is an irregular trapezoidal-shaped space. By the 2nd century AD, the visitor to the agora would have found it paved, and with porticos that may have lined the east and west sides.132 Although the building on the east edge of the agora has been identified as a later church,133 its continuing foundations along the eastern edge make it tempting to suggest that this was the location of a small stoa or row of shops. A 3rd century AD visitor would have met several statues from reused bases: for Valens (IBb48), located on the agora proper; and two others, one for Julianus (IBb38) and the other once again for Valens (IBb3).
These were located in line with the foundation of the building that bordered the east of the agora.134
The Hellenistic style Doric building was most likely located in the southwest corner of the agora, fronting the entrance to the northeast street that ran from the agora gate, and may have provided a focal point for the Roman period city scheme
(Fig. 28). One suggestion is that the building was a temple for Dionysus from an inscription found close by, and although Reyes does ultimately date the building to the
1st century AD, he does not rule out a Hellenistic construction date.135
Two streets have been tentatively sketched out on a southwest and northeast alignment. The southwest street seems to have run from the agora gate to an important junction with the northeast street. Indeed at this corner, a high concentration of dedicatory inscriptions has been located, albeit mostly reused. The northeast street also ran at a higher level behind the agora on its southern edge, and was perhaps
132 Coulton et al. (2012b:132). 133 Coulton suggests that the church may have been built on an earlier structure aligned with the agora, but adds that this is at present untestable (2012b:194). 134 Coulton et al. (2012b:98, 10; 99, 11; 101, 12). 135 Coulton et al. (2012b:93, no. 5); Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1988:139–44).
109 accessible from the southeast corner of the agora via steps. The northeast street terminated with a monumental fountain at the western end, where the steep cliff of the acropolis begins. This street also featured the most well-known, and among the most important surviving monumental honorific architecture from the Roman city: the tripartite Onesimos and Meleager monument (Figs. 26, 29).136
Near the corner of these streets, the visitor would have also encountered a seemingly innumerable number of statue bases and inscriptions that honour victories at a local agonistic festival, the Meleagria, which was established in AD 158 with the approval of Antoninus Pius.137 Nine statue bases are now located within the southwest church, and five were rebuilt into the corner of a building facing the monument to
Onesimos. The only base that is in situ, is that of Tyche located at the southeast end of the northeast street, and was dedicated by a Stephanos, who was active in the middle of the 2nd century AD.138 The position of this statue is telling, and it is a reasonable hypothesis to suppose that most (if not all) of the reused statue bases from within the southwest church, and those built into the corner wall once lined this important northeast street.139
One of Balboura's most significant remains of public architecture from this period is the ensemble that occupied pride of place at this important juncture of the northeast and southwest streets, from west to east: the exedra of Onesimos, the temple
136 This will be discussed in more detail below (Coulton, Milner and Reyes 1988, 1989). 137 Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1989:54); Coulton et al. (2012a:141–42); Coulton et al. (2012b:407–10, fig. D1). 138 Coulton et al. (2012b:90–91). 139 Coulton et al. (2012b:133). Coulton's explanation that the placement of the bases in the church were so that they could be used as pedestals to support columns in the nave is paralleled elsewhere (Coulton et al. 2012b:195). See Jacobs on the use of pedestals in later interior church decoration with some examples (Jacobs 2013:372).
110 of Nemesis, and the exedra of Onesimos. Much has been written about the inscriptions that these buildings have yielded, and this in-depth study keenly reveals the intimate relationship that dedications and statues had with the public architecture it was associated with, which in so many cases is lost on the modern observer:
“Thus the surviving remains and inscriptions allow us to
reconstruct about 20 m of High Imperial street architecture at the
centre of Balboura, together with (in outline) the accompanying
display of honorific sculpture. But in addition to its physical
appearance, we can also see something of the rich social and
political, religious and festive life in a small second-century
Anatolian city, with its outside connections ranging from the
Lycian League and Attaleia to the Emperor in Rome. It is
extraordinarily hard to separate the various aspects, because they
belong to a tightly interconnected, organic whole; the cult of the
emperors is celebrated in the games provided by Meleager, and
the spirit of the Council and People is extolled through the
munificence of Onesimos. The social range runs from magnates
like Meleager to the city's slave official, and the stark
juxtaposition of these two, and their comparable behaviour in
spite of differences in rank constitute a noteworthy feature of this
complex. Some hint of problems appears in the reference to a
sitometrion, and the buildings are modest; but in its small way the
111 city seems to be thriving, and Meleager's festival was still being
celebrated more than sixty years later”.140
However, less has been written about the function of the buildings, and especially the cityscape and the street which they occupied. The exedra of Onesimos was located at the very juncture of the southwest and northeast street, and as can be seen by the reconstruction, provided seating in a u-shape (Fig. 29).141 This exedra commanded an excellent vantage point for those gathered there. The walls were low enough to easily see over them, and the position of the exedra extended far enough forward to allow an unobstructed view from the following angles. Those seated on the north bench were in a line of sight of traffic at the south end of the southwest street, those seated on the west bench could see the traffic at the east end of the northeast street, while those on the eastern bench enjoyed a line of sight to the west end of the northeast street and the monumental fountain (Figs. 30–33). All those seated there were also within speaking distance of each other, and so would be able to comment to each other about the going-ons on the street. The statues that adorned this exedra were personifications of the city: the boule and the demos, and a statue of the public slave
Onesimos, who constructed the exedra.142 This exedra was positioned at a key axis of the monumental street, and it is appropriate that such a vantage point at the heart of the city should be adorned with such civic personifications. This exedra may well be the symbolic heart of the Roman city.
The northeast street gradually rose and culminated at a small open area that was closed off by a monumental fountain at the western side, and was bordered on the
140 Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1989:62). 141 Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1988:128–29). 142 Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1988:133–34).
112 northern edge by a bathhouse. To the southwest, the acropolis crowned the scene with the line of the Hellenistic wall, and presumably other buildings (now lost). The same logistes that oversaw the construction of the agora gate, Androbios alias Eirenaios, seems to have been involved in the construction of the new monumental fountain at the termination of the northeast street.143 The other public buildings that are typical of a city from this period have yet to be identified. There must have been a palaestra to celebrate the wrestling events that so many victors were honoured for, and this may have been the small court to the east of the bath building, or the site of the southwest
Church.144
By the Severan period (AD 193–235), Balboura controlled 700km2, almost double its original territory, and it is probable that skirmishes and border disputes had been gradually expanding Balboura's territory up to AD 43, and had definitely concluded by AD 100.145 In the chora, surveys have revealed an apparent abandonment of some Hellenistic sites after the transition to Roman rule, as well as a marked change in material culture: overall, there was a continuous decline in sherd numbers between the 2nd century BC and the 3rd century AD.146 This trend signals a clear change in cultural practice: the elite started to focus more of their attention on the development of the polis, rather than their rural homes.147 The transition to the
Roman imperial administrative system may have cemented the status of these smaller centres as vicus (village) units.148 Better systems of communication were also in place
143 Milner (1991:51–52, no. 16). 144 Coulton et al. (2012a:133). 145 Coulton et al. (2012a:80–83). 146 Coulton et al. (2012a:96). 147 Coulton et al. (2012a:98). 148 Mitchell (1993:179).
113 in the first half of the 1st century AD thanks to the construction of roads and security,149 which in turn meant that travel in and around the chora became faster, and this mobility would have enabled the elite of Balboura to begin to distance themselves from the rural hinterland and manage their holdings from the urban centre.
Additionally, during the Roman period, there is an overall drop in the comparative number of sherds on the acropolis at Balboura city compared to the Hellenistic period, which might suggest either a decline in population, or as Coulton posits, a redistribution of population to these newer residential urban areas.150 Another explanation is that settlements grouped together to further their interests.151 Although sherd evidence is absent from many of the rural sites “... an assumption of continuity is reasonable... for the continuing life of the city depended on the continuous functioning of its rural settlements”.152 There is also evidence that suggests that the rural cults survived into the Roman period, with activity for one cult dated from the 1st century AD “... and three to the second or third quarter of the third century”.153
Although it is difficult to identify the emergence of large estates in the chora period, the presence of dekaprotoi and eikosaprotoi “... implies considerable differences in wealth”, and there may up been up to 20 of these estates at Balboura, indeed, larger estates were present in neighbouring Oenoanda: Demosthenes promised to lease part of his estate to pay for the quadrennial festival.154 In Kibyra at least, there were well- established systems for the running of large estates that included rent payers who
149 Coulton et al. (2012a:33). In general, travel had become easier in the Roman period (Casson 1994:122). 150 Coulton et al. (2012a:134). 151 Mitchell (1993:185). 152 Coulton et al. (2012a:152). 153 Horsley (2007:250, nos. 83–83). 154 Coulton et al. (2012a:156).
114 were overseen by a steward or administrator.155 There is also evidence from inscriptions in Balboura that suggests various roles in these estates and their possible locations, including the owners of villages “... all this is far removed from the more or less egalitarian land-holdings suggested by the Allotment Inscription, which must have played a major part in the Hellenistic exploitation of Balboura's territory”, and this leads to a hypothesis that the drop in sherds may have been due to an increase in the number of poor tenants.156 This observation fits the hypothesis, that the Roman period saw a rapid increase in the level of disproportional wealth, a view supported by
Zuiderhoek.157
Coulton identifies three strands of acculturation: “... the city culture of western
Asia Minor, the culture of Roman Italy and the culture of Lycia” and among these, there was cross-pollination: Rome was influenced by the Greek East and Western Asia
Minor by Rome “and Lycia by both”.158 The institution of language and forms of the
Hellenistic polis, funerary monuments and games was from “... a desire to belong to the high-status world of Hellenistic culture”.159 Roman emperors and governors are honoured but in Greek. Coulton remarks on the difficulty of assigning cultural identity to names,160 however in general, the inhabitants of the chora tended to continue to use local names as well as Greek, whereas the elite of the city overwhelmingly favoured Roman names.161 While the absent ruler changed, the
155 Mitchell (1993:163–64). 156 Coulton et al. (2012a:157). 157 Zuiderhoek (2009:4, 50). 158 Coulton et al. (2012a:159). 159 Coulton et al. (2012a:159). 160 Coulton et al. (2012a:160). 161 Coulton et al. (2012a:161).
115 religious and perhaps cultural practices of the rural, and presumably poorest members of the polis, did not.
When considering what this Roman period architecture meant for the elite of the city who built it, we might expect that in this urban environment, a poor illiterate tenant farmer going to Balboura and through the Roman agora would have had a very different experience. The inscription on the agora gate, if he had been able to read it, may have inspired him with awe and incomprehension that a single man could orchestrate such a construction. The statues of the victors in the Meleagria would have seemed perhaps superhuman, and operating within a social sphere that he could never aspire to be a part of. Onesimos the public slave, had placed himself among the mythological representations of the city as well as next to the temple of Nemesis, and must have seemed to be, to this poor tenant, a demigod, a force driving the mechanisms and spiritual powers of the city and who was sanctioned by Nemesis herself. The names and cult of the emperor, as well as the stories of a distant Rome, added to this sense of another intangible world that he imagined, and perhaps caught glimpses of in the few imperial monuments within the city. When he imagined the
Capitoline temple in Rome, did he imagine his local temple of Nemesis or other, as yet unknown, imperial cult temple? This man must have felt much more comfortable in the environs of his rural home, among the country of his ancestral gods, and away from that interprovincial network that he might never be a part of.
116 Lyrbe
Lyrbe is situated on the fringes of Pamphylia and Kilikia at the foothills of the
Taurus mountains and the Pamphylian plain.162 It is about 12 km northwest of Side and 14 km south of Etenna, with the Manavgat river flowing to the east approximately
4 km distant at its closest pass, near the modern village of Şihlar (Fig. 1).163 This was established on a strongly defensible position about 350 m above sea level,164 protected on the northern, western and eastern edges by sheer cliffs (Figs. 34 and 35).165 The city commanded spectacular views of the surrounding countryside and the coast, and there was an active spring within the city.166 The two mountain passes that occur to the northwest of the city and their path to the valley would later be emphasised by two minor Roman roads, the first approximately 2 km to the east, and the second about 3 km to the west. The tip of the northern part of the acropolis would have afforded an excellent view of these two routes.
Daniels reported that he had visited Lyrbe in 1841, soon after which he succumbed to malaria in Antalya but his companions Spratt and Forbes, did not report how he had identified the site.167 Lanckoroński briefly mentions the city and that
Luschan had also visited the site in the late 19th century AD.168 Heberdey and Wilhelm visited soon after, albeit briefly, and were impressed by the aqueduct to Side below
162 Merkelbach and Stauber (2002:164). 163 Based on the distances plotted with a GARMIN GPS device, not “five miles west” (Bean and Mitford 1965:4). 164 This elevation is obtained from both a GARMIN GPS device and Earth topography data from (NASA Land Processes Distributed Active Archive Center 2011). 165 Bean and Mitford (1965:4); İnan (1998:66). 166 Bean and Mitford (1965:4). 167 Spratt and Forbes (1847:xiv). 168 Lanckoroński (1892:185).
117 the acropolis and the standing ruins of the city.169 In 1906, Rott visited and described the ruins briefly.170 Bean and Mitford reached the site in June of 1962 and gave the most complete description of the ruins as well as recording some inscriptions.171 İnan had first visited the site in 1949 and continued to do so until the late 1970s, with some excavation, and her efforts culminated in the publication of the most comprehensive report to date, including the first detailed plan of the city, agora, baths, churches and other buildings.172 This publication remains the most comprehensive and is the source of much of this discussion.
The firm identification of the site as Lyrbe is not entirely certain, and we await the discovery of clear evidence to settle the matter.173 Bean and Mitford defend the polis' identification as Pamphylian Seleukia, arguing that this is the city recorded in the Stadiasmus,174 while Nollé's identification of the site as the Lyrbe described in
Ptolemy's geography, is the most widely accepted.175 Although Ptolemy is among the few ancient writers to mention Lyrbe,176 there are coin series and other archaeological artefacts from the Roman period that clearly attest to Lyrbe's existence.
Yıldırım notes that more investigation into Lyrbe's social and cultural interactions might aid in understanding the site,177 and accordingly such information
169 Heberdey and Wilhelm (1896:134). 170 Rott (1908:66). 171 Bean and Mitford (1965:4–6). 172 İnan (1998). 173 Yıldırim (2013); İnan (1998:15); Nollé (1986:207, note 54). 174 Peripl. M. Rubr. 216–217; Bean and Mitford (1970:18–19); Cohen (1995:340–42). 175 For a summary of the debate, see Cohen (Cohen 1995:342, note 7). 176 For a summary of ancient sources, see Nollé (Nollé 1986:206, note 53). Lightfoot argues that the city's appearance in Dionysus Periegtes’ popular 2nd century BC geographical poem, Orbis Descriptio (line 859) was copied from Ptolemy's geography (Lightfoot 2014:33). 177 “Söz konusu kentin adı, mimari yapısı ile diğer kültürlerle olan siyasi ve sosyal etkileşimi konusundaki bilgilerimiz şimdilik sınırlıdır. Bu bilgilerin artması ve başlıklar ... Continued on p. 119
118 must necessarily be sought from non-literary sources. There can be little doubt that the city was founded with defence in mind from the context of its regional setting, there can be little doubt. The polis had an important connection with the nearby major port of Side to the south, with whom it would have shared a border. Another ancient site, Orokonda, has been tentatively identified as a settlement from Lyrbe's chora,178 it is located approximately 10.5 km to the east and overlooked a mountain pass,179 which ties in neatly with Lyrbe's identification as a defensive settlement. Etenna, which lay approximately 14.5 km to the north, may have been Lyrbe's northern neighbour,180 and possibly Aspendos to the west. The struggle for control of the
Pamphylian plain, noted in the Balboura section,181 may provide the political context in which we might place the foundation of this strategically important city.182 Lyrbe may have been founded before 218 BC by the Ptolemies during the struggle to control the plain as a satellite defence for Side,183 which was an exceedingly important port strategically, as it was a crucial stopping point for shipping routes from the Near East,
için öngörülen varsayımların kesinlik kazanması, ileride gerçekleştirilecek olan sistemli araştırmalar ve kazılar ile mümkün olacaktır” (Yıldırım 2013:291). 178 Mitford (1980:1253, note 99). 179 See Pleket, Stroud and Strubbe for possible Hellenistic civic institutions at Orokonda prior to the Treaty of Apamea (188 BC) (Pleket, Stroud and Strubbe 1995:373, 1228). An inscription possibly dated to the 2nd century BC attesting a heroon in the territory of Lyrbe is false, as Bucak-Şihlar; Düden waterfall is in the territory of Perge and not Lyrbe (Çevik 1996:92, fig. 28; Pleket, Stroud and Strubbe 2003:448, no. 1337). For the inscriptions from the bath house and the Rhodos inscription, see Şahin (Şahin 1999:40–41). 180 For their military involvement in the siege of Pednelissus see Polybius (Plb. 5.73). Etenna probably bordered Lyrbe's chora to the north (Nollé 1992:69). 181 See p. 88. 182 For a summary on the difficulties clarifying the territorial disputes, see Cohen (Cohen 1995:335– 336, note 2). 183 For a concise summary of the history of Side, see McNicholl (McNicholl 1997:142–43).
119 Cyprus, and Egypt.184 Antiochus III's defeat at Magnesia (190 BC) and Hannibal's defeat at Side mark the climax of this struggle.185 Another period in which to place
Lyrbe's foundation is after the Treaty of Apamea in 188 BC, when the city founders may have been encouraged by the Attalids, who sought to protect their newly gained territories, and this would tie in with the dating of the agora complex discussed below.186 The aforementioned mountain passes to the northwest of Lyrbe (Fig. 36), led to the territory of warlike mountain dwellers: first that of the Homoneides and then to the Isaurians.187 In order to safeguard the mountain passes from the Taurus mountains to the north, an outpost like Lyrbe would have been necessary to safeguard against possible incursions by either tribe or the Seleukid armies crossing from their territories to the east.
The sheer proximity of such an important port as Side, and the hostile tribes in the Taurus mountains beyond the passes, argue strongly in favour of a Sidetan involvement in the foundation of the city as well as a strong cultural influence.188
McNicholl dates the construction of the city walls of Side to between 225 and 188
BC, and so we might posit that Lyrbe was fortified as part of a larger defensive scheme for the region at this time.189 Lyrbe's close relationship with Side is further emphasised by coin types that share reverse images, and an inscription for a victorious
184 Nollé (1987:259). 185 That the inhabitants of nearby Side were terrified by the insecure political environment is evidenced by two groups of buried coin hoards in the region, the first in the decade of c. 205–195 BC and then no less than 9 hoards in the late 190s BC (Meadows 2006:155). 186 McNicholl suggests that after the Attalids acquired territory in Pamphylia west of the Cestrus “... in or shortly after 188 BC”, they attempted to expand it (McNicholl 1997:119). 187 Strab. 12.6.3–4. In fact, the Homoneides remained unconquered in the Roman period (Mitchell 1993:71–72). 188 İnan (1998:92). 189 McNicholl (1997:156, table 11).
120 Lyrbian wrestler located in Side and dated to AD 241.190 One coin type from Lyrbe, which probably represents an omphalos, may be connected to the Sidetan Pythian oracle,191 a connection further strengthened by the discovery of a bronze statue of
Apollo in nearby Şihlar.192 However, omphalos motifs on coin types are not limited to
Side. Overwhelmingly, the iconography of Syrian Apollo seated on an omphalos appears in a Seleukid context starting from the 3rd century BC.193 So, a Seleukid foundation of Lyrbe can not be completely ruled out. Despite the few material remains that have come to light to suggest a date for the foundation of the city, a small collection of ceramic finds from the agora from Areas 1–7, and the Nektarion,
Basilica M, and the bath building L represent periods from the late Hellenistic to the late Roman periods including Cypriot Red Slip Ware (Figs. 34 and 37).194 Only one piece found in the agora has been dated to the Hellenistic period (2nd or 1st century
BC).195
The city is approached by a sharp incline of approximately 300 m, until one is met with the remains of a substantial fortification and gateway on the south/southeastern side (Fig. 38).196 The gate consists of a courtyard inside the wall flanked by two towers outside the wall. It is clear from the differing building materials used, that this fortification was rebuilt at various times; however, part of the
190 Nollé (1986:207). Nollé also identifies two roads from Side to Lyrbe (Nollé 1991:342). 191 Side seems to have been a prophecy centre and a sister city with Delphi (Nollé 1989:47–49). 192 İnan (1998:11). 193 It would be impractical to cite the many examples; however, see Robinson and Davis, and Lockett (Lockett 1938:nos. 3101–3103; Robinson and Davis 1936:nos. 256, 355–357, 360–362). In a smaller volume, a snake around an omphalos also appears in the same century in Pergamon (Ashton, Ireland and Hodges 2007:nos. 860–874). 194 Poblome later identified two red slip ware pieces as having been produced in Sagalassos (Poblome 1999:322). 195 İnan (1998:93, number 6, 101, note 175). 196 Bean and Mitford (1965:4); İnan (1998:66).
121 original finely dressed ashlar masonry remains, as does what seems to be part of the base of the exterior towers, which could be dated stylistically to the Hellenistic period
(Fig. 39).197 The best local parallel of the ground plan is the east gate at Side, which also displays two projecting towers and an inner courtyard (Fig. 40).198
Passing through this fortification, there are few visible material remains of buildings until, approximately 125 m north of the gate, one is met with an impressive façade wall and entrance to a modest agora (Figs. 41 and 37).199 Perhaps somewhat overlooked by scholarship, the outer façade of this agora is extremely informative on the dating and interpretation of the agora complex as a whole. Most important is the fact that it remains largely intact at full elevation, leaving no doubt about its arrangement. Details such as post holes and windows make it clear that the façade fronted a three-storey complex. From the bottom to the top, the lower courses of stone that make up the foundation of this building resemble logs,200 or pulvinated masonry/bossages,201 and incorporate a window at ground level.202 The window is
197 McNicholl (1997:152). 198 McNicholl (1997:154, fig. 35). Winter dates the walls at Side to the 100s BC, as they apparently follow Philo's advice on fortifications, while McNicholl argues they were built no later than 188 BC (McNicholl 1997:156, table 11; Winter 1971:200). It should be carefully noted that the gate at Lyrbe has been extensively rebuilt and reworked, so that only a small amount of the Hellenistic masonry remains, and so the layout could well be later. 199 Lavan posits that Lyrbe's agora is possibly 3rd century AD (Lavan 2006:226). Yıldırim, after a careful study of Ionic capitals associated with the lower galleries, concludes that the structure could date from the early Roman period (Yıldırım 2013:291). 200 “... its lower part composed of handsome cushioned masonry” (Bean and Mitford 1965:5). 201 A relatively close parallel, kindly suggested by Dr. Vandeput, is Pednelissus' north wall, dated provisionally to the end of the 3rd or 2nd century BC. Işin, in her article on Pednelissus, briefly mentions other parallels including Lyrbe. She also suggested a date of the last quarter of the 3rd century BC for its construction (Işın 1998:114). For a discussion of the bossage/pulvinated technique on walls, see Orlandos (Orlandos 1968:170–72). 202 Not windows as Bean and Mitford surmise, but probably doors (Bean and Mitford 1965:5).
122 contemporary with the original construction, as it fits seamlessly within the pulvinated/bossage course, of which seven courses are visible. This window would have looked out onto the street below, now under several metres of debris, as well as the main approach from the gateway to the agora. Resting above this base is a pseudo- isodomic ashlar wall, capped by a raking cornice and a possibly later window. Behind the façade were Areas 9 and 13, and a small gateway, Gateway D to Gallery 2 (Fig.
37).203 This curious mixture of building techniques at first seemed to indicate that the upper course was laid over an earlier structure;204 however upon inspection of the wall from the interior, it is clear that the base was laid at the same time as the upper courses (Fig. 42),205 and this strongly suggests that the lower pulvinated/bossage courses were incorporated into the overall design. The use of pulvinated/bossage courses is thought to have emerged in Greece at the beginning of the 3rd century BC and spread through Asia Minor by the successors of Alexander the Great.206 As the pulvinated/bossage courses form the foundations of the market building complex, and if they were a primarily Hellenistic phenomenon, we might reasonably date the first phase of the entire complex to no earlier than the 3rd century BC and probably after.
To the writer's knowledge, there are no examples of this technique employed in construction during the Roman period.
The internal area of the agora occupies a space of 52 m x 66 m, and was probably enclosed by a portico on four sides:207 this was a Doric-style agora, perhaps
203 İnan (1998:17–20). 204 As they were at Pednelissus (Vandeput: email correspondence). 205 I am indebted to M. H. Kan for this observation. 206 Orlandos (1968:170). 207 İnan (1998:16). Bean and Mitford note parallels with Alinda, Aegae and elsewhere (1965:4). A pi- shaped agora does not seem possible, as the pulvinated/bossage courses extend at least 10 m along the southern edge of the agora.
123 similar to the Doric agora at Kremna.208 It is immediately apparent that this agora was extensively rebuilt and remodelled over time, and possesses elements that stylistically date from the Hellenistic period, the Roman period,209 and the late Roman period.
Indeed the small collection of ceramic finds supports the hypothesis that the city was continuously occupied until at least the 7th century AD.210 This civic centre was carefully planned as a whole complex, and strategies were employed during its initial layout to either overcome or exploit its placement on a hillside.
The largest building on the agora, and the closest to the gate, is what was most likely the polis' bouleuterion. One inscription on the building contains the relatively rare word nektarion (a type of medicine, or perhaps related to honey),211 and thus the building has assumed this name (Fig. 43).212 This building is preserved to two storeys, and is fronted by four doorways: two large in the centre and two smaller flanking them. The larger doorways' moulding is intricate and well-executed. A row of seven windows crowned the doors, and these would have maximised afternoon light. The absolute identification of this building is uncertain, as no inscriptions identifying its function have come to light. Bean and Mitford propose that the building is an odeion.213 It is more likely that its primary use was as a bouleuterion, and there are several factors that favour this identification. First, it is the largest building on the agora, and its prominent position finds parallels with known bouleuterions in other
208 See page 8. 209 These are: the inscription, arched Gateway F and the Ionic capitals of the western gallery (İnan 1998:37). 210 İnan (1998:101). 211 İnan (1998:33). 212 İnan (1998:27). 213 Rott posited that the building was a bouleuterion, and Bean and Mitford doubted the building had a commercial function, and supported the view that the building was a bouleuterion/odeion (Bean and Mitford 1970:5; Rott 1908:66).
124 cities.214 The absence of rafter holes on the outer façade suggests that the agora's portico stopped before the building in order to emphasise its height and importance.
The interior of the building is difficult to interpret,215 and it is clear that the space was reused and remodelled many times, however, the interior gives clues into its layout, function and development. The elliptical arrangement of the plan would make it ideal for seating, and one can see a crude sloping base that may have formed part of the foundation for seats.216 Indeed, here part of such a foundation seems to be in situ (Fig.
44). Although at first glance this foundation seems to have been constructed from loose stone and mortar, the material is more likely to be the roughly cut conglomerate that was widely used for the construction of other parts of the agora. In the middle of the two larger doorways there is a large niche. This niche could have housed a statue of a city founder, or perhaps a personification of the demos god, as was the case in
Aphrodisias and Ephesus.217 Or, the niche may have been added later to install an official statue portrait of the emperor. The approximately 10 m span of the roof suggests a later period.218 It is also possible that this bouleuterion was remodelled and expanded in the Roman period over an earlier structure, as the door heights mismatch with the eastern gallery, and there seems to be inconsistency in the joints between this
214 I.e. as was the case at Miletus, Aphrodisias, Ephesus and Aspendos. 215 İnan (1998:33). 216 Unlike Bean and Mitford, who commented that there was no evidence for seats (Bean and Mitford 1965:5). 217 For the bouleuterion at Ephesus, see p. 89. The scaenae frons of the interior of the bouleuterion at Aphrodisias consisted of a two-storied columnar display that incorporated statues of personifications of the demos and boule flanked by portrait statues of a priest and priestess, while on the second storey stood two poet-philosophers that were flanked by Artemis and Apollo (Bier 2008:154). 218 Ulrich demonstrates that spans such as this could only be achieved with a tie-beam truss ceiling, which may have been transmitted to Asia Minor from the west in the early Roman period (Ulrich 2007:138, 144, table 3).
125 building and the adjoining portico.219 Another noteworthy feature is the presence of two rows of rafter holes in the interior (Fig. 45). The first row extends to about the middle of the two larger doorways, and the second below the windows. The upper postholes must have supported a floor, and they are just the right distance from the window below to allow for a person to stand and look comfortably out of the upper windows. Such a ceiling and upper floor would have also blocked the light to the interior. It is likely that these floors were added later in the building's history.
Access to these windows would have allowed the observer a clear view of the agora, and the coast, and may have been one of the most commanding views of the city apart from the fortifications' defensive towers. The argument for a later remodelling is also supported by the lower row of post holes, as this floor would have blocked the door ways, and spoiled the effect of a monumental entrance to the building. When considering that the rear windows were remodelled as arrow slits, it is clear that this building was converted for military use when the agora was fortified in the late Roman period.220
The Doric portico surrounding the agora is well-preserved, and is characteristic of Hellenistic period entablatures.221 Due to the amount of entablature surviving, the precise angle and many details of the roof of the portico have been determined (Fig. 46). Behind the east portico was a series of seven rooms interpreted as shops, which are partially carved from bedrock and partially built from stone, and all porticos around the agora were fronted with a water drainage channel.222 The lower
219 Again, an observation by M. Kan. 220 Bean and Mitford suggested that this second floor was added later to accommodate shops (Bean and Mitford 1965:5). 221 In terms of the intercolumniation and metopes, it is comparable to Priene, Aigai and Magnesia (İnan 1998:36). 222 İnan (1998:27–30).
126 storey of the eastern portico consists of pseudo-isodomic masonry, while the upper storeys are a mixture of irregular stone and mortar with some dry masonry, which strongly suggest later repairs (Fig. 47).223 The ceiling of the portico served as a floor for an upper story, indicated by the doors,224 and strongly borne out by the presence of a stairway on the eastern side (Fig. 48).
From the Nektarion, the first three rooms to be met (Rooms 5, 6 and 7 on
İnan's plan) were the largest (Fig. 37), perhaps betraying the relative importance of the activities carried out there, due to their proximity to the bouleuterion. These were followed by two smaller rooms (Rooms 4 and 5), which flanked the grand staircase where there is a small later door at the top, probably built over an earlier larger gateway.225 This stairway gave access to the eastern domestic area of the city, and there is a strong suggestion that there was a street leading from it.226 The first of the last two rooms with an impressive arch possessed a finely worked Doric entablature
(Room 1),227 and the second was slightly larger with a rectangular door (Room 2).
İnan cites the presence of arches in the agora as an indication that the agora complex may date to the Roman period.228 However, arches do not necessarily betray the presence of Roman builders, and they were often used to support higher structures in the Hellenistic period.229 Hellenistic architects readily employed both an arch and a rectangular doorway in a Doric entablature in nearby Sillyon, and at the east gate in
Side (Fig. 49).230 What is more, the arch of Room 1 was not a main feature of the
223 İnan (1998:32–33). 224 Bean and Mitford (1965:5); İnan (1998:35). 225 İnan (1998:32). 226 See the discussion on the city plan on p. 8. 227 İnan (1998:31). 228 İnan (1998:36). 229 Winter (2006:246–47). 230 McNicholl (1997:153); Winter (1971:324).
127 façade, and was not visible from the porticos due to its position on the far northeast corner. It is noteworthy that its neighbour (Room 2), made use of a rectangular door, which was visible from the north portico, and thus needed to fit the overall scheme of the porticoes. The use of arches within the agora, then, does not preclude a Hellenistic period date.
The arrangement of the north portico contrasted with the east as it did not feature an orderly row of shops.231 From west to east one first encounters a square shaped room, identified by İnan as a library (Room 10),232 underneath which was a small basement accessible from outside the agora. This room was followed by the vaulted Gate F (Fig. 37). A peculiar rectangular room 4.48 m x 10.91 m (Room 11) identified as an exedra, was fronted by four elegant Ionic half columns, consisted of two storeys, and had an intricate threshold/door-mechanism device.233 These door mechanisms are not present in the middle and side openings, and are similar to the
Temple C2.234 It was in this room that an Orpheus mosaic was unearthed. Orpheus, with his clear connection to music, would be a suitable choice of theme for a room intended for entertainment. So, this may have been a public dining room,235 a place where some citizens had earned the right to dine at public expense, and where foreign ambassadors or judges could be entertained. The frieze from Gate F continues on to the exedra, and the portico beneath that was decorated with colourful mosaics (Figs.
231 İnan (1998:23). 232 See page 61. Only the eastern walls of this building seem to date from an earlier period of construction, as all the other walls have been heavily repaired. 233 İnan (1998:26–27). 234 İnan (1998:27). 235 A similar room, interpreted as a dining hall, lecture room or kaisersäle (law court) was identified at Aphrodisias, connected to the north agora (Ratté and R. R. R. Smith 2008:719).
128 50 and 51).236 It seems that the northern side of the agora was somehow connected with “... patronage from elite members of the city”.237 Just in front of this portico
(Room 12), there are the remains of a small chapel, which İnan argues was most likely a converted Roman period temple.238 However, when the writer visited in 2014 and 2015, he did not see any traces of ancient architecture, but rather a structure made with spolia (Fig. 52).
The western side of the agora presents an ingenious way to make best use of the topography of the site.239 The exact number of rooms at the level of the agora on the western side is difficult to determine at present, but it was probably seven rooms, which matches the supporting vaults below. This row of rooms masked a sophisticated subterranean complex that lay at its foundation.240 The gallery beneath the agora level rooms comprised two underground porticos, the westernmost with access to the lower street level. They were separated by a wall constructed with seven vaults, in order to bear the massive weight of the two storeys above. It is also possible that a series of vaulted rooms extended under the agora. Only one of these remains unblocked, and it exhibits fine ashlar masonry vaulting techniques in its interior, which are reminiscent of Pergamene architecture (Fig. 53). The other arches either did not lead to vaults or were blocked up or filled in at a later date (Fig. 54). This gallery supported the
236 İnan (1998:25). 237 İnan (1998:23); Pleket and Stroud (2001:513, no. 1557). Horsley argues against its identification as a library but rather a meeting place for philosophers, and dates the mosaic to the 4th or 5th centuries AD (Horsley 2000:80–81). 238 İnan (1998:35). 239 Described as a “market hall” by Dinsmoor, who cites similar arrangements in Aegae, Alinda and Assos (Dinsmoor 1950:293–94). See Köse for an extended discussion on the development of the market building as a type influenced by Pergamene architecture, and who places Lyrbe at the end of the series, which might favour an Attalid period construction (Köse 2005:139–44, 152). 240 Bean and Mitford suggest the south side of the Asklepion at Pergamum as a parallel (Bean and Mitford 1965:5).
129 western portico at the level of the agora, and like its northern and eastern counterparts, it featured a row of rooms and a covered walkway, clearly indicated by the exterior façade of the southern wall. The discovery of Ionic column capitals and their stylistic analysis has led to some speculation about the dating for the entire agora, however these capitals probably belong to a later remodelling.241 It is tempting to suggest that this side of the agora accommodated shops for the city's food supplies. The galleries below may have served as secure storage for grain or other produce, and were easily accessible from the rooms above, perhaps via stairs or ladders.
The south portico of the agora was heavily remodelled in the late Roman period, which makes the area difficult to interpret. Despite this, large dry stone vaulting similar to the west portico is observable, and this, coupled with the remains of the pulvinated/bossage courses on the outer façade suggests that the portico may have had a similar two or three storey arrangement with subterranean rooms. Apart from the façades of Galleries 1 and 2, Rooms 9 and 13 and the foundation, little is currently observable from the first building phase. It is clear that the area served some military purpose in the city's later history. A roughly constructed wall enclosed the agora from Room 13 to the Nektarion, effectively turning the entire agora into a fortress.242 On the south portico, much of the street level vaulting was also filled in, and a late Roman period gate is observable in the first vault (Gate M).
Soon after the construction of the agora in the Hellenistic period, in the 2nd century BC, an official visitor, such as an envoy, may well have stopped at Lyrbe
241 İnan dates the decoration to the Roman period by finding a parallel with the Temple of Vespasian in Rome (İnan 1998:23). A Roman period date for these capitals is also supported by Yıldırim (Yıldırım 2013). The primary evidence for a later, perhaps imperial remodelling is the addition of a wall and column to the interior of the south wall that made use of mortar (Fig. 55). 242 İnan concluded that the current state of preservation of Rooms 9 and 13 do not allow for a reconstruction (İnan 1998:17).
130 before continuing to the mountain passes of the Taurus mountains. This type of literate non-resident observer most probably experienced the recently founded city.
Although there is no attestation of envoys at Lyrbe, we now know a great deal about their social position and activities, thanks to a comprehensive study recently undertaken by Rousset.243 This study compiled a database of over 1,000 individual
Greek envoys during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, but as yet has only published a summary of its conclusions. From these general conclusions, we can suggest that our 2nd century BC envoy was male and from a leading family of his home city.244 He will have been a “protagonist” in many activities of civic life at home, including filling religious or administrative posts, as well as offering economic support to local institutions, such as the gymnasium. He was also probably involved in local building projects or supplying his city with vital public foodstuffs such as oil.245 Regardless of his birthplace or mother tongue, he would have spoken and written Greek to a very high standard and certainly would have placed great value on the precise use of Greek in diplomacy, written agreements and the wording of public inscriptions. He would have certainly felt that the proper organisation of a city's administration was important. Upon approaching Lyrbe from the valley below (Fig. 56), he may have been struck by the height of the settlement from the surrounding Pamphylian plain, as a modern visitor is, as well as by the sheer cliffs that rose up on either side of him before he reached the gate (Fig. 57). The gate, he may have remarked, was of fine workmanship, testifying to the craftsmanship of the builders and the internal
243 Rousset (2013). 244 Perhaps a similar type of individual as theoroi, who were sacred delegates that represented their cities at festivals, announced upcoming festivals, consulted oracles and made dedications (Rutherford 2013:2). 245 Rousset (2013).
131 organisation of the city. Once through the fortifications, the pulvinated/bossage on the agora façade would have reinforced this impression of strength, as this architectural motif was normally reserved for city walls. It would have heightened the message that the settlement was primarily a military one. The outward form of this façade and its windows, communicated to the envoy that there was a substantial stoa on the other side. Immediately to the right of the entrance, this visitor would have encountered the façade of the most important building of the city, which was most likely the bouleuterion, but would also have been drawn towards, and invited to interact with, the Doric portico (Fig. 58). Via these porticoes, the visitor would have been led by the armature, which began at the entrance of the city, to continue in a northerly direction, while admiring the row of shops to his right, and the perfectly answering stoa to the west (Fig. 59). This uniform appearance, of course, masked the complexity of what lay behind those columns, where a complex series of subterranean vaults built up the hillside but were invisible to him. The portico created a sense of uniformity, symmetry and was essentially an enclosed civic environment. For all he knew, he could have been in a Doric portico in Pergamon (Fig. 12). Should he have wandered into the open space of the agora, and had he looked up from its centre, he would have seen the upper storeys and perhaps realised that he was being observed (Fig. 60). As he continued north he would have noticed a marked change in the rhythm of the rooms behind the porticos. The richly decorated exedra and other high status buildings may have been where he could expect to be entertained by the city. Overall, we might imagine that our Hellenistic period envoy would have been pleasantly surprised by the workmanship and engineering of the market building agora complex, which was strongly reminiscent of the Hellenistic state that had patronised it. He would have borne this strongly in mind during his negotiations with the city. He may have also
132 seen Lyrbe as the last outpost of civilisation before continuing his journey further north into less hospitable mountainous regions.
One of the greatest challenges in understanding Lyrbe in both the Roman and
Hellenistic periods is its city plan beyond the agora complex (Fig. 34). The agora was aligned at a tangent to the city gate, a Hellenistic practice, according to İnan,246 and on the ground, this north to south arrangement is indeed the strongest observable armature. It would seem reasonable that there was some manner of street connecting these two areas. The directional pull from the gate was accentuated by Gates A and F within the agora itself, and further strengthened by the addition of a Tetrapylon at some time in the Roman period. The area immediately north and beyond Gates A and
F warrants further discussion, as its importance has been underestimated. It seems that it was both the nexus of a confluence of streets, and also the site of public and private building, yet there is nothing to indicate architectural connective points in this area.
To the northeast of this area, there are the remains of a Doric style temple (Temple
C2), as well as large building blocks. Temple C2 has proven difficult to date,247 and has been tentatively identified as a temple, andron, library, bouleuterion, or a gerontikon.248 That it was a temple to either the imperial cult or one of the gods who was worshipped in the city would be the most likely explanation. There are also several cisterns in this area, and what may be terracing to partially flatten a part of the small valley below (Feature T) (Fig. 37).249
Substantial remains of street corners occupy the northern part of this area
(Features H, K and R), and İnan ultimately concludes that it is difficult to determine
246 İnan (1998:36–37). 247 İnan (1998:70). 248 Bean and Mitford (1965:6); İnan (1998:71). 249 This vaulting could also be more remains of cisterns.
133 the overall structure for this large collection of what appear to be late Roman period residential type buildings.250 They most probably indicate the existence of insulas, and the presence of cisterns certainly adds weight to the identification of the area as a high-density residential zone. Some residential buildings are spectacularly preserved to several storeys,251 and the masonry of the houses is similar to repairs in the agora.
Thus, when considering their relatively good state of preservation, and the similarity of techniques between the buildings and the later repairs in the agora, one would favour a date in the later period of the city's history.252
Traces of streets and street corners occur throughout the city but are of a higher density near and around the agora. The buildings to the east of the agora seem to be smaller and less dense units, and so these could have been of a higher status.
This area was accessible by the stairway on the east side of the agora. The other plentiful remains of residential type buildings that are further from the agora are mostly poorly preserved, making it difficult to interpret them. However, their orientation can aid in proposing an overall city plan.
The thoroughfare, which led from the south gate to the bouleuterion and the agora beyond, seems to have terminated at the ensemble around Temple C2. The existence of other streets were identified and sketched out on İnan's plan, however a clear relationship between them did not emerge. In the summer of 2014, the writer made careful note of the position of doorways throughout the city, their orientation and the direction they opened. Given that stone doorways would more than likely be aligned along streets, and that the direction that the door opened would be on to a street, the hypothesis was formed that doorways in situ could be used to indicate an
250 İnan (1998:66). 251 Features D, H and K, Fig. 61. 252 İnan concluded that these belong to a later period as well (İnan 1998:66).
134 overall trend in street orientation, especially when a series of doorways shared the same orientation and opened onto the same (now invisible) street. Standing street corners on surviving houses were also carefully noted as important indicators of streets, and were considered in relationship to doorways. Additionally, it is likely that these standing doorways and street corners belong to the latest period of the city's history, however, a street once laid out would broadly follow the same orientation throughout the evolution of the city. İnan's record of streets were also considered in relation to these observations. The resulting plan that emerged seems to show that a regular city plan existed that was mostly aligned north, and one that occasionally deviated to accommodate the terrain (Fig. 62). The chaotic space around Features T,
K, Y, and Temple C2 as noted, begins to make more sense when one considers this area to have been a type of focal point, or convergence of streets. It is clear then, that the agora should have been provisioned with two gates to this important precinct on its northern side.
Apart from the main thoroughfare from the city gate to the agora, several other main streets of the city plan might be suggested. A north aligned street that joined
Features G, Temple C1 and Feature S and that terminated at the convergence of streets near Features T and K is suggested by the alignment of the walls of buildings, and the orientation of doorways. The important crossroad of Features H and K marks the beginning of an east street, also suggested by doorways, which ascends a hill, and which passes Feature R. This may have given access to the southwest of the city, in the neighbourhood of the bathhouse.253 This area may have also been accessed via a west to east street aligned to Temple C1, but which is scarcely indicated by a fragmentarily preserved doorway. The presence of large ashlar masonry walls in this
253 Bean and Mitford (1965:4).
135 sector as well as the bathhouse indicate that it may have been an area of some importance. The placement of the bath complex to the west of the plateau was most probably motivated in order to take advantage of the spectacular views over the valley and towards the sea. This complex, described by İnan and Yegül, is extremely well- preserved. Its layout is typical of a series that Farrington identified as “... bath buildings with a central rectangular covered gallery”.254 İnan dates the bath, at the earliest, from the 4th or 5th century AD, which corresponds with Farrington's wide range of possible dates.255
Of note is the absence of a theatre at Lyrbe. One might expect that it was located somewhere near this 'recreational' area of the city. It may have collapsed and fallen off the cliff side, as was the case at nearby Sillyon. In any case, it awaits discovery. Another main thoroughfare from the convergence of streets along the western side of Feature H gave access to a residential area to the north, while the staircase in the agora serviced the eastern and northeastern sectors of the city. The western gallery of the lower agora contained many (now filled in) doorways (Fig. 63), and the absence of substantial remains between Feature S, T and B might suggest that this was a small open plaza with access to the lower galleries of the agora. If this is the case, Feature T, as mentioned above, may have been constructed to regularise the terrain to better allow access from the crossroad to the north.256
If we accept that Lyrbe was established in the Hellenistic period primarily as a defensive buffer polis for the port of Side, then it follows that the city may have lost this role during the ensuing Roman peace, which as Nollé pointed out, was often the
254 Farrington (1995:34). 255 İnan (1998:40). 256 This arrangement has a parallel in the area north of the propylon in Kremna, where cisterns also served to regularise uneven terrain, see p. 7.
136 case for such defensive outposts.257 Perplexingly, it is only from the mid 2nd century
AD that the first known coins struck at Lyrbe begin to appear. The earliest known issue is that of M. Aurelius (AD 161–180) and the last to Saloninus Valerianus (AD
258–260). Although later than Balboura, the gods on these coins might also give some indication of the urban cults that were worshipped in the city. Unsurprisingly, Apollo
Sidetes appears, as do Hades with Kerberos, Ares, Athena voting, Dionysus, Helios, a
Goddess with a spear, Hekate triformis, Nike and a seated City-goddess.258 One peculiar coin type reveals what seems to be the image of a local cult, “... a tree on a beehive-shaped base between two barriers with a grid”, which is dated to Gordian III
(AD 238–244).259 Roman period marble statues of Leto, Asklepius and Aphrodite have also been found in and around Lyrbe, as well as a spectacular bronze of Apollo
(Fig. 64).260
Another possible piece of evidence that dates from the 3rd century AD is a papyrus fragment, which was recovered from the Egyptian city Herakleopolis
Magna.261 Nollé argued that this fragment, which details the contract of sale of a young Pontic slave, including the place of sale, should be restored with the name
Lyrbe. He proposed that this slave was purchased in Lyrbe, and was then transported to Egypt, and if true, this would add further evidence to support the identification of the city as Lyrbe, as, he argues, it must have been close to the well-known slave market, Side.262 If we accept Nollé's hypothesis, the document would also provide a
257 Nollé (1988:258–59). 258 Head (1911:723). 259 von Aulock (1966, no. 5697). 260 İnan (1998:75–81). 261 This fragment is now lost (Berliner Griechische Urkunden no. 937; Nollé 1986:207). Also, see Horsley (Horsley 2000:58, note 41). 262 Strab. 14.3.2; Nollé (1986:208).
137 snapshot of at least one of the city's economic activities in the 3rd century AD. A century later, Lyrbe appears on the list of the Third Ecumenical Council of Ephesus
(AD 431) in connection with Pamphylia,263 and as we have seen from the small sample of pottery that has been collected and analysed, the city was probably abandoned at some time around the 7th century AD.264 Among the Roman period inscriptions that survive from the city and its immediate environs are a 2nd or 3rd century AD inscription attributing the construction of a temple to the son of Rhodos from his own money, perhaps Temple C1, and a longer partially intact epigram on the death of a young boy and possibly his father, which was reused as flooring in the bath house.265
The Rhodos inscription attests to at least some building activity in the Roman period, and a Tetrapylon-style arched entrance that was added to the south portico of the agora may well belong to the 2nd century AD, at a time when this form of building was fashionable (Fig. 65). Some of the earlier Doric columns surrounding the agora needed to be removed and rearranged for the archway's inclusion within the scheme.266 This may have been among the earliest Roman period buildings, along with Temple C1 “... seemingly tetrastyle prostyle”.267 The remodelling of the western portico may also belong to this period of construction, and the extraordinarily well- preserved bath building certainly belongs to the Roman period.268 It seems that, unlike many of Lyrbe's Pamphylian coastal neighbours, the city did not experience the same
263 Concilia Oecumenica 1.1.2.18.17. 264 İnan (1998:101). 265 Pleket and Stroud (2002:597, nos. 1881–1882); Şahin (1999:41, no. 2). 266 İnan (1998:17). 267 Bean and Mitford (1965:5). 268 Farrington suggests a wide range of possible dates for these kinds of baths from post-Flavian to “... as late as, or later than” the Severan period (AD 69–193) or later (Farrington 1995:36).
138 'boom' of monumental building activity, with imperial temples, grand theatres or monumental fountain houses. No colonnaded street is apparent,269 nor a new Roman period agora, as was the case at Balboura. This however does not preclude the possibility that monumental Roman period projects await discovery, especially just to the north of the agora. The importance of the city as a defensive outpost in the
Hellenistic period simply did not endure during the Pax Romana, and its remote location meant that, although it remained occupied, it ceased to attract the same attention.
For the man who may have visited Lyrbe to purchase a Pontic slave in the 3rd century AD, the Hellenistic agora would have appeared much as it had four centuries before. He would have been drawn to the modest Tetrapylon at the entrance of the agora, and to his right the imposing façade of the Nektarion (Fig. 66). Upon entering the agora, he may have been struck by the old world charm of the Doric orders, and, had there been statues set up there, may have paused to read them to garner some information about the city's past. Alternatively, he might have seen the lack of contemporary building as testimony that the city had already seen its greatest day, and that it was a backwater. He may have noted that there were some attempts to
'modernise' the city with the Tetrapylon, the possibly newer bouleuterion, but he may have ultimately concluded that the inhabitants had had to satisfy themselves with a modest remodelling of the existing agora, and that they simply could not afford anything grander.
In summary, in the Hellenistic period, Lyrbe guarded over a strategically important location, as it controlled a key route of access from Side to Pisidia and subsequently to central Anatolia beyond. Its straddling position between two roads
269 Rivalland (2012:144).
139 meant that it was a border town, and a military outpost. In terms of size, having begun as a modest settlement, it would always remain so; however, its agora was constructed with many sophisticated features and was well-planned, suggesting that its design may have been commissioned, pre-planned, instituted or assisted by an absent
Hellenistic ruler's decision to establish a secure military colony here, much in the same way as at Balboura. This organised foundation of the city included the provision of finely wrought fortifications, and probably a regularly laid out system of streets. In fact, the fine workmanship of the vaulting under the agora and thus its initial building phase is strongly reminiscent of Pergamene work, as is the Doric agora. Such massive infrastructure projects must necessarily have been accompanied by some kind of executive committee to oversee them. The city was continuously occupied from its foundation until its abandonment in the late Roman period, and the agora was maintained and modestly remodelled over the entire period. Again, decisions on this work would have been managed by a public committee of some description, who would have met in a bouleuterion. After its sophisticated beginnings and investment in building, the city never commanded much economic power, and so in the Roman period only modest additions were possible, such as a monumental Tetrapylon, and perhaps a small Roman period precinct to the north of the existing agora, to show the local boule's attempts to keep up with the developments of their richer coastal neighbour Side. If it is true that the Nektarion is a Roman period addition, it is noteworthy that the committee that met there proposed and approved the construction of one of the grandest buildings in the city. The small population probably survived with some agriculture, hunting and from the water it collected in its many cisterns, as well as the natural spring (not evident to the author on his visit). The traces around the city of both higher density accommodation, and the less dense and more widely
140 spread out houses might testify to some social stratification within the population. The possible dining hall in the agora suggests that there was a local elite, and that entertaining important visitors was important for the city. It is clear that there was regular civic planning in terms of streets, but within the large area of the acropolis, a relatively small part seems to have been occupied. Perhaps the unused portions were used for agriculture, as they seem to have been at Kremna. If so, this, coupled with an independent water supply, would have meant that Lyrbe was ideal for withholding against a siege. A Byzantine church in the agora attests to the survival of the city into the Christian period, as does a large necropolis church.270 Later in the city's history the role of the city as a military strategic position returns. Roughly constructed fortifications that transformed the agora into a fortress suggest that Lyrbe was still considered a viable military staging area in the late Roman period.
For modern observers, Lyrbe poses many challenges. The heavily pine- covered area of the acropolis has ensured a steady supply of needles and therefore ground cover for much of the site. The agora, with its central paving, was immune to this process as the paving prevented trees from taking root, and so this may give some account to its excellent state of preservation. However, many areas of the city, especially north of the agora may very well hide equally substantial remains. Our impression of the city as mostly void of ruins and major building features may be false, especially when one considers the depth of fill of some of the doorways in this area (Fig. 63). The heavy ground cover also gives the modern observer the impression of a lack of streets or street planning, whereas as we have seen, this was not the case.
Other modern observers have perhaps overemphasised the importance of some seemingly Roman features, such as arched vaulting and Ionic column capitals in the
270 İnan (1998:40–65).
141 lower galleries of the agora. However, dry stone vaults were employed and these are well-attested in the Hellenistic period, especially at Pergamon, and thus we should not discount that this structure dates from that period. The Nektarion with its uncertain identification, may well be a product of a Roman period modification of the agora and connected in some way with the Tetrapylon on the southern portico of the agora. If this is the case, the pains which the architects took to retain the original appearance of the earlier agora have even fooled us, the modern observer. As noted, it is unlikely that a 10 m roof could have been spanned without some internal support in the
Hellenistic period.
Lyrbe must, for the time being, retain some of its secrets as well as its certain identification, and more details about those who lived there. What is certain is that there must have been an active central planning body that oversaw the defence of the city, the provision of a market building and the regular planning of streets.
142 Chapter 4 – a Provincial City: Pessinus
“Before the beginning of our era, Pessinous had no monumental
civic buildings; no coins were struck by Pessinous as a civic
entity. All characteristics of Greek civic life were lacking”.1
Pessinus provides an excellent case study as it will allow for an examination of the urban development of, in many ways, a unique polis. An analysis of the city from an observer's point of view may serve to penetrate some of the city's planning mysteries. In 1834, Texier identified the location of Pessinus in the central Anatolian highlands, at the site of the modern village of Ballıhisar (Fig. 67).2 This city was the renowned home of the cult of the Anatolian mother goddess Kybele.3 He wrote how he was struck by the ruins of the many grand public buildings, among which was a theatre replete with seats, and in front of it, a recently denuded hippodrome.4 Texier was followed by other travellers in the 19th and 20th centuries AD, some of whom recorded more details or made attempts at making sense of the urban plan of the city.5
Interest in the site waned until 1966, when a University of Ghent expedition led by Lambrechts arrived to survey and excavate the site. These activities focussed mostly on Sectors A, B and D (Fig. 68).6 Survey and excavation at the site continued
1 Strubbe (2005:ix). 2 Texier (1839:163–70). 3 A collection of ancient testimonia has been collected by Strubbe (2005:233–89). 4 Texier (1839:166). Devreker strongly doubts that there was ever a hippodrome (Devreker 1984:32). 5 For a general summary of the 19th century AD travellers, see Devreker (Devreker 1984:32–37). 6 Lambrechts (1967:113–31). See De Laet for a summary of the work of the Belgians during this phase (De Laet 1984:10–12). An overview of the Sectors was compiled by Krsmanovic: Sector A (necropolis), Sector B (Imperial temple complex), Sector C (necropolis), Sector D (the 'quay system', but more likely a colonnaded street (note DR = right bank, DL = left bank)), Sector E (Byzantine house), Sector F (terrace walls near the current dig house), Sector G (theatre), ... Continued on p. 144
143 until Lambrechts' death in 1974. After a pause, the Belgian project recommenced in
1986 with a survey under the leadership of Devreker.7 Devreker concentrated on learning more about both Sectors B and I, as well as conducting other test trenches throughout the site.8 A Pessinus database of all finds and excavation reports, dubbed a
“thesaurus” of iconography, was produced with the intention of making it publicly accessible online, however, this is yet to appear.9 Verlinde's unpublished 2012 PhD thesis gives an unparalleled and comprehensive synthesis of the Belgian work conducted in Sector B.10 The Belgian team went on to excavate and to survey Pessinus until Devreker's retirement in 2008, when the project was handed over to the
University of Melbourne under the directorship of Tsetskhladze from 2009. The
Melbourne team conducted surveys in nearby Tekören and elsewhere, produced the most accurate maps of the city to date and excavated in Sectors R and S (Fig. 68).11
The University of Melbourne concluded its investigation there in 2013.12
Sector H (a colonnaded square in front of Sector B), Sector I (necropolis and a late antique fort), Sector J (Byzantine walls and an Ottoman cemetery), Sector K (“multi-period” housing), Sector L (housing and later possible basilica), Sector M (a sondage near Sector K), Sector N (early Roman period porticoed house), Sector O (Imperial Roman and Byzantine walls), Sector P (Roman Imperial period houses), Sector Q (“multi-period” housing), Sector R (terraced area to the south of the village) and Sector S (Byzantine fortress) (Krsmanovic 2008:3). 7 See Tsetskhladze for the key publications regarding this phase (Tsetskhladze 2013:43, note 1). 8 Devreker (1989:319–27); Devreker (1990:275–80); Devreker et al. (1991:269–90); Devreker, Thoen and Vermeulen (1992:341–50); Devreker and Vermeulen (1993:262–69). Sector I was well-published in 2003 (Devreker, Thoen and Vermeulen 2003). 9 Devreker et al. (2007:176). 10 Verlinde (2012). The writer is aware of Verlinde's published book on the sanctuary but was unfortunately unable to incorporate it into this discussion. 11 Tsetskhladze et. al. (2010). 12 For a short bibliography on the Melbourne team's work, see Tsetskhladze et al. (Tsetskhladze et al. 2014:112–13).
144 Pessinus remains an enigmatic site.13 The city seems to defy understanding in terms of its overall layout, as it breaks many of the rules of what we might expect from Greek city planning. First of all, the choice for the location of the settlement is puzzling.14 The city is positioned at the bottom of a poorly defensible valley prone to flooding, which cuts into a treeless, desolate plateau landscape that stretches out from the foot of the Arayit or Günyüzü Dağı. Ancient sources suggest that Pessinus was active in local and regional politics from the Hellenistic period onward,15 yet surprisingly little indication of public architecture from this time has come to light.
No fortification walls are apparent, which are normally a conspicuous feature of most poleis in Asia Minor. Apart from the so-called canal system at the base of the valley, or Sector D, that featured colonnades, there seems to be no firm indication of a coherent system of streets, nor is there any agora, forum, gymnasium or bathhouse.
What is more, one of the only public buildings to have been located and extensively studied, the imperial Roman period “theatre-temple” in Sector B, seems to exhibit a design that is unique in the ancient world. The political make-up of Hellenistic
Pessinus has also been the subject of debate, as it seems to have operated as a
“temple-state” administered by the priests of Kybele.16
While the plateaus around Pessinus are desolate and for the most part treeless, much of the land in the alluvial valleys and plains to the south of the city makes for excellent agriculture and grazing. The environment may not have changed greatly
13 Tsetskhladze (2013:56). 14 For a thorough description of the local geography and a bibliography of the geological surveys undertaken by Ghent, see Stoops (Stoops 1984). 15 Strubbe (2005:ix–xii). 16 For a good summary of publications on the subject of the “temple-state”, see Tsetskhladze and Avram (2014:151, note 1).
145 from antiquity, except for perhaps some deforestation of the plateaus.17 There are three types of landscape within the territory of the city: the mountainous region to the north, with some sources of water but poor vegetation, the flat marly plateaus that make up
60% of the territory with degraded vegetation, and river vales which are often watered by seasonal streams and are ideal for mixed farming.18 Vermeulen sums up the area thus: “the environment… can be imagined as an agricultural zone, with fields and pastures, and some areas with higher or wooded vegetation”.19
On the foundation of Pessinus, myths abound. Writing in the 1st century BC,
Diodorus Siculus relates the story of how king Midas built a temple to Kybele there, and that there were annual sacrifices to ward off pestilence.20 Herodian attributes the name of Pessinus to the Greek verb pesein (to fall), perhaps because, he thought, the cult statue had fallen from the sky.21 A little material evidence for an early Phrygian presence at Pessinus from the 6th century BC was found in Sector B including some ceramics and wall foundations,22 but it may well be the case that the main settlement was not at Pessinus but rather at nearby Tekören, or possibly Hamam Tepe.23 The
Phrygian settlement probably occupied the east side of the valley, ending just before
Sector G.24 The mountainous and relatively fertile region around Tekören, with its
17 De Dapper (2001:87). 18 Vermeulen (1999:276). 19 Ervynk, Cupere and van Neer (1993:124). 20 Diod. Sic. 3.59. For a summary of ancient sources see Strubbe (2005:233–72). 21 Hdn. 1.2. 22 Devreker (1984:14); Lambrechts (1968:287). Although, Tsetskhladze warns that in terms of ceramic evidence, it is extremely difficult to distinguish between grey ware from the Phrygian to Hellenistic periods (Tsetskhladze 2012:187). 23 Tsetskhladze (2012:193). 24 Tsetskhladze (2012:193, fig. 12).
146 granite outcrops, would have made a good choice for this Iron age culture.25 As
Tsetskhladze notes that while “Pessinus itself gives some evidence of Late Phrygian occupation... it is the surrounding sites that present it for the 8th–6th centuries BC”.26
These earlier settlements may have been consolidated with Pessinus at a later date.27
One suggested reason behind the decision to create a new centre in Pessinus was that there were more agricultural opportunities in the large river valley,28 or that the site of
Pessinus was better suited for monumental public architecture.29 Verlinde believes that
Philetaerus (282–263 BC) may have had a hand in the reestablishment of the settlement, just as he had instigated a new Kybele cult centre in Pergamon.30 Another possibility is that the 3rd century BC settlement occurred because it was connected in some way to security during the Galatian invasion.
Nothing is mentioned about Pessinus from Alexander's campaigns but
Devreker believes that Cicero inferred that the Seleukids knew of the temple and its treasure when he mentions “Asian kings” paying respect there.31 Pessinus and the surrounding area must have been affected by the 278/7 BC Celtic invasion of the region by forces of between 150,000 and 300,000, as some sources report.32 Of the
25 Vermeulen (1999:276). See Tsetskhladze for references on the suitability of a Phrygian settlement within this type of topography (Tsetskhladze 2009b:709, note 38). Also, see Kahya (2015:55–57). 26 Tsetskhladze (2012:194). Verlinde argues that the modest Phrygian settlement at Pessinus was not established much earlier than the 4th century BC with buildings aligned along the river bed (Verlinde 2012:289). 27 See Tsetskhladze for a well-considered argument on this scenario and a bibliography on prior survey work and research in this area (Tsetskhladze 2009b:703–17). Geophysical work and survey also support this view (Tsetskhladze et al. 2010:353; Tsetskhladze et al. 2012:317–20; Tsetskhladze et al. 2012:337–41; Tsetskhladze 2013:50, 63–65). 28 Vermeulen (1999:280). 29 Tsetskhladze (2009b:707). 30 Verlinde (Verlinde 2012:290). 31 Cic. Har. Resp. 13.28.8; Devreker (1984:14). 32 Mitchell (1993:13–15).
147 three Celtic tribes, the Trokmoi, the Tektosages and the Tolistobogioi, the last settled between Gordion and Pessinus, yet somehow, despite their presence, the sanctuary maintained a political identity and independence.33 These were difficult times for the region, as Hellenistic rulers struggled to hold back the invading Celtic forces.34
Under these uncertain political times, with a tenuous peace with the Celts, fortifications would have made good sense. At sometime in the 3rd century BC,35 a military structure was built on the small hill in Sector B at the southeast of the valley, with a wall of emplekton masonry between 2.2 m and 3 m wide (Fig. 69).36 This “1st
Citadel Phase” may have started out as a fortress, perhaps with watchtowers, and could have also functioned as an arsenal, sign post or barracks with storage facilities for guards.37 The construction appears to have been surrounded by a meandering defensive circuit wall. This citadel's focus was presumably at the top of the small hill, but all traces of this were removed during the early Roman period. Verlinde suggests that Pessinus had “... evolved from a budding Phrygian settlement along the Gallos riverbed into a crucial town, at least parts of which suddenly became worth, or even needed, defending”.38 In terms of city planning, this has important implications for the size of the city at this time, as Sector B could have been either the central last defence, or more likely, a protective barrier at the boundary of the city limits.
33 Devreker (1984:14). 34 Mitchell (1993:18). Around the end of the 270s BC, Antiochus I won a decisive battle against the Celts, with the aid of elephants (Bar-Kochva 1973:5). Attalos I prevailed again in 240 BC (Strubbe 2005:ix). 35 This is based on ceramic studies discussed in Verlinde's PhD thesis (Verlinde 2012:36). 36 From Verlinde's thesis these sections of wall are “... B3-16; B4-25; B4-42; B4b-25; B5a- 24/35; B2- 25; B5b-78; B6-142” (Verlinde 2012:30, 36).Verlinde (2010:116–33). 37 Verlinde (2012:37). 38 Verlinde (2010:116).
148 It may be timely to comment briefly on the importance that has been afforded to Sector B. It has been suggested that, by virtue of the fact that Sector B has yielded the earliest material evidence for occupation in Pessinus, that the settlement must have begun in this area and spread out.39 The reality, however, is that there is no such certainty. While it is true that it remains one of the best excavated and understood sectors of the city, to claim that it represented not only the centre of the genesis of urbanisation at Pessinus, but also that it remained its primary focus, is misleading.
The University of Ghent carried out many test trenches around Pessinus, and revealed both domestic and public use over many areas around Ballıhisar, and from a survey carried out by the University of Melbourne, it is clear that the extent of the Hellenistic settlement was large, about 18 hectares,40 and that the Roman city grew to comprise an area of about 88 hectares (Fig. 68).41
During the cessation of outright hostility between the Celts and the Attalids in the second half of the 3rd century BC, there was intermarriage between wealthy
Pergamene and elite Celts, otherwise known as Galatians.42 Yet, although these newcomers were to become closely intertwined within the civic institutions of
Pessinus, the city would never fully allow the Galatians to gain the upper political hand. Instead, as a political entity, the city would align itself with Pergamon against the Galatians in these years, and ensure that the highest echelons of the civic
39 Devreker called Sectors B and H “the monumental Roman core” (Devreker and Schwertheim 1994:105). 40 Tsetskhladze (2012:187). 41 Tsetskhladze (2012:287). 42 Mitchell (1993:28).
149 priesthood of the city would remain out of reach, and be reserved for “native”
Phrygians.43
While some hold that the culture of the Hellenistic world had little or no impact on Pessinus,44 it seems that the opposite was the case. As well as the appearance of the typically Hellenistic fortification in the 3rd century BC in Sector B, in this period, from ceramic evidence, wine from Thasos and Lesbos was probably imported.45 Pessinus had become an important staging area for military action, presumably against the Galatians and probably closely connected to Pergamon, and at least some of its inhabitants had developed an appreciation for the finer things that the
Hellenistic world had to offer. If it is true that Pessinus was to become the greatest emporion of the region as Strabo says, then at this early stage, the city may have already been a fledgling centre for the diffusion of Hellenistic material culture and practices for the region.46 The civic organisation of Pessinus in this period is unclear, but may have been a type of temple-state. A group of priests led by a high priest, who was always called Attis, seems to have formed the governing council.47 This initial political make-up was probably reflected in its later iteration when it is referred to in
43 From inscriptions from the Roman period, we learn that of the ten high priests of Kybele who ranked below the high priest, the top five would always be Phrygians; followed by five Galatian priests as well as a “... subordinate board of galloi, presided over by the archigallos” (Strubbe 2005:xii). 44 “The Anatolian provinces were marked by deep cultural and social diversity and blending that was only superficially tempered by the Hellenizing period that followed the conquest by Alexander the Great. The inland regions especially were only marginally and reluctantly affected by genuine Romanization” (Devreker, Thoen and Vermeulen 2003:338). 45 Verlinde (2012:290). 46 Monsieur and De Paepe noted the presence of Italian and Kos type ceramics from between 150 and 125 BC might indicate intense commercial activity at this period with the greater Mediterranean world outside (Monsieur and De Paepe 2002:170). 47 Mitchell (1993:48–49). The subject of the nature of this temple-state, along with varying debates about its forum and function are beyond the scope of this discussion.
150 Roman period inscriptions.48 Coin evidence from Pessinus, albeit all from the Roman period, records an active religious life.49
There may be other indications that Pessinus was becoming more Greek and less Phrygian at this time. Although far from certain, burials with Hellenistic grave goods may have begun in the late 3rd century BC.50 In 1992, Sector L was excavated, which is an area less than 80 m to the northeast of the fortress at Sector B. It revealed continuous domestic occupation, possibly from the 3rd century BC, to the Byzantine period, which suggests that the early settlement was not purely a military organisation.51 The Hellenistic period housing in Sector L was also aligned with the 1st
Citadel Phase on a northeast southwest axis,52 following the central valley (Fig. 70) and this shared alignment between the fortress and domestic architecture suggests at least some attempt at regular city planning.
The extent of the territory that Hellenistic Pessinus administered can not be defined with certainty; however, it is plausible that to the south its neighbour was
Orkistos, with the Sakarya river, the ancient Sangarios, making up the boundary between the two (Fig. 67).53 The northeastern boundary could have been in the region
48 Strubbe (2005:33). 49 The coins of Pessinus represented: Kybele, Kybele and Attis, Athena, Zeus, Aphrodite, Apollo, Artemis, Asklepios, Demeter, the goddess Karpopsoros, Dionysus, Hades-Serapis, Herakles, Hermes, Helios, Harpokrates, Hygiea, Isis, Mên, Mithras, Nemesis, Nike, Poseidon, Selenus-Hecate, Tlesphore, Aequitas, Gallos, Homonoia, Roma, as well as a distyle temple, a tetrastyle temple, a hexastyle temple and an octostyle temple (Devreker 1984:24). 50 The primary evidence for this is from the necropolis in Sector A. Waelkens tentatively dates two tombs to the 3rd century BC. The first, Tomb II 13a, on the basis of the form of the interred lamp, and Tomb 33 no. 2, on the basis of an unguentarium (Waelkens 1984a:62–63, 71–72, 74). Verlinde challenges this view in his thesis where he suggests that these pieces belong to the 1st century BC instead (Verlinde 2012:26–27, note 106). 51 Devreker and Vermeulen (1996a:70, fig. 3). 52 This is approximately 50 degrees from true north. 53 Devreker (1984:19).
151 of Istikalabağı, where a boundary stone was located dating from the reign of
Caracalla, and this may have eventually separated the region from the Roman colony of Germa.54 The territory may have included the village of Karacören, but it is unlikely that Hellenistic Pessinus' territory extended further east than Mount
Dindymos.55 Verlinde notes that “... while there is uncertainty about the location of the western border with Midas City, the eastern frontier with Gordium was in all probability formed by the Pürtek river”.56
The close of the 3rd century BC ushered in the beginning of significant political change as well as a transformation of the city. Roman and Pergamene political interests brushed very close to Pessinus indeed. In 204 BC, a delegation from
Rome accompanied by Attalos I himself arrived at Pessinus and persuaded the city to give up the cult statue of Kybele so that it could be transported to Rome.57 Another interaction between Rome and Pessinus occurred in 189 BC, while Cn. Manlius Vulso was on a military mission in Galatia.58 Vulso was met by two priests of Pessinus at the
Sangarios river, Attis and Battakes, who predicted victory for him.59 In some way, this gives the impression that the Pessinuntian priesthood had taken an active interest in the political destiny of Rome.60 Although Livy recorded that the Pessinuntians gave up
54 Devreker (1984:19). 55 Devreker (1984:19). 56 Verlinde (2012:24). Verlinde also supports Strobel's argument that the chora was much larger, comprising part of the western side of the Sivrihisar Dağları and the Porsukk river including Troknada, modern Kaymaz 30 km west of Sivrihisar (Strobel 2007:7). 57 Dio. Sic. 34/35.33.2; Hdn. 1.11.3–5; Livy 29.10.4–29.11.8; Devreker (1984:14–15). 58 The objective of the mission remains a matter of debate. It may have been to punish the Galatians, or to force the Seleukids to honour the terms of the treaty of Apamea, see Strubbe (Strubbe 2005:ix, note 6). 59 Polyb. 21.37.5–7; Devreker (1984:15). 60 Verlinde reported an increase in the number of Italic amphoras “... suggest an increasing Roman presence during the late Hellenistic period”. This neatly corresponds to Pessinus'... Continued on p. 153
152 the cult statue of Kybele willingly, one can not help but think that they may have felt disgruntled by this loss. It has been suggested that in exchange for the image, the kings of Pergamon embarked on a building program in Pessinus that included an enlargement of the temple complex and the addition of a marble colonnade.61 No trace of either structure has been convincingly identified.62 Nonetheless, it seems clear that from the correspondence between Pergamon and the priests of Pessinus,63 the Attalids viewed the temple-state as sovereign and were united in a common cause: their continuing struggle agains the Galatians.64
It is unclear if Pessinus had officially passed to the authority of Pergamon, or how for that matter, but if it had, this shift may have been part of the reorganisation of the region after the treaty of Apamea in 189 BC.65 Alternatively, Pessinus may have been permitted to retain some degree of independence as a temple-state. In any case, from around 163 BC, royal correspondence between Pessinus and Pergamon took place.66 These letters are extraordinarily unique documents that give insight, not only into the history of Pessinus, but also the relationship between a vassal city state and its
Hellenistic ruler. The first set of letters, dating from 163–157/6 BC comprise communications between Eumenes II, Attalos II and the great priest of Pessinus,
increased political contact with Rome. 61 Strab. 12.5.2–3. Devreker argued for a date shortly after 204 BC, while Strubbe thought these works commenced after 183 BC (Strubbe 2005:x; Devreker 1984:15). 62 Verlinde contended that the Pergamene style capitals that were found near the road to Dinek can be stylistically dated to the Hellenistic period and that this may be evidence that the colonnade and temple were located outside of Dinek, and not in Pessinus (Verlinde 2010:113–16). 63 For a commentary on the letters, see Strubbe (Strubbe 2005:1–17, nos. 1–7). For the latest addition, see Avram and Tsetskhladze (Avram and Tsetskhladze 2014). 64 Devreker (1984:17). 65 Devreker (1984:15). 66 Devreker (1984:15).
153 Attis.67 They are treated as equals in the letters.68 This is not surprising, given
Hellenistic rulers' enthusiasm to be seen as liberators and protectors of freedom.69 In
Letter 1 dated to 163 BC, Eumenes II invited the priests of Kybele to inspect topoi
(place/region) of the Pessongoi, an otherwise unknown tribe.70 This shows that the priesthood had the authority and infrastructure to carry out administrative processes such as these in its own territory.
In Letter 2, Eumenes II responded to an accusation that the high priest's brother, a certain Gaul, Aioiorix, had stolen votive offerings from the temple.71 This letter reveals that the Galatians had penetrated the ruling elite of Pessinus,72 but also that the local administration could appeal to their Hellenistic ruler if a resolution of a dispute required arbitration. Letters 3, 4 and 5 were from Attalos II and deal with agreements between the ruler and a Menodoros, envoy of Pessinus, about military action against the Galatians, probably supported by Prusias II king of Bithynia.73
Letter 5a deals with the terms of land divisions for mercenaries.74 This letter reveals that the priests of Pessinus, again, were involved in divisions and ownership of territory and in administrating allotments of mercenaries. In Letter 6 dated to 189/188
BC, Attalos II requested that the high priest Attis send administrative staff in order to take possession of a territory, while Letter 7, dating from 157/156 BC reveals a complete turnaround in foreign affairs. Pergamon finally accepted the terms of the
67 Devreker (1984:16). 68 Devreker (1984:16). 69 See p. 4 note 6. 70 Devreker (1984:16). 71 Devreker (1984:16). 72 Devreker (1984:16). 73 Devreker (1984:16). 74 Avram and Tsetskhladze (2014:151–81); Ricl (2014:141–46).
154 treaty of Apamea and resolved not to act without Rome.75 It seems from this correspondence that Pergamon treated Pessinus as a sovereign state and they were united in a common cause: their continuing struggle agains the Galatians, in a way a contradiction, considering that the Galatians had become entrenched within the ruling class of the city and that the political system had evolved to incorporate them within the priesthood.76
Operating at such a level of independence, it would be reasonable to suggest that the governing body of Pessinus was capable of administering public building projects and the city's layout. However, one conspicuous feature of a well- administered city are its fortification walls, which Pessinus seems to lack entirely.77
As Pessinus was located on the lowest visibility class,78 the city may have opted for a series of watchtowers on the plateaus surrounding it,79 which may have been constructed around the city from the 2nd century BC.80 Pessinus' primary defence might have been that it was hidden from sight.
Between the last quarter of the 2nd century BC and the first quarter of the 1st century BC, a new building was erected on the site of the older fortification (Fig.
75 Devreker (1984:16). 76 Devreker (1984:17). 77 Tsetskhladze (2013:53; 2010:353). 78 Brackman and Dapper (1995:150). 79 (Devreker and Vermeulen 1995:124); (Tsetskhladze et al. 2010:355). Apart from the large fortresses at Sectors I and S, a small watchtower may have been located overlooking the southwest part of the plain, see Tsetskhladze et al. (2012:314, figs. 29 and 31). This may the tower been identified by Vermeulen, but is not clearly indicated on the published plan (Vermeulen 1999:278, fig. 8). 80 Verlinde cited Devreker and Vermeulen (Verlinde 2010:117). Vermeulen and Devreker suggested that one tower could be late Hellenistic or early Roman from both the construction method: “... large regularly cut blocks of limestone”; and pottery scatter; however the ceramics are not published, see Devreker and Vermeulen (Devreker and Vermeulen 1995:122–23, fig. 11).
155 71).81 “Phase 1” of the citadel was overhauled and enlarged, and the orientation of the complex was altered from approximately 50 degrees from true north to one of approximately 25 degrees from true north. The new Sector B complex, or Verlinde's
“Phase 2”, featured a gate, forecourt, guardhouses and terracing walls, which further extended the top of the small hill.82 The building continued to be embellished, renovated, decorated and reorganised up until about 80 BC.83 This date is strongly suggested by analyses of the decorative style of the stucco found in relation to the neighbouring square, Sector H, which point to the last quarter of the 2nd century BC and the early 1st century BC.84 The remains of imported ceramics and high quality
Hellenistic masonry-style stucco work found within these Phase 2 contexts led
Verlinde to the opinion that this was evidence of elite occupation.85
At the same time, the large colonnaded square, Sector H, was constructed close to this substantial building (Fig. 72 and 73).86 While initially interpreted as an agora,87 Verlinde argued that this construction was an open air palaestra or peristyle connected to the elite residence,88 which opened in a northwesterly direction toward
81 This precise dating is by virtue of a careful ceramics study carried out by Verlinde (Verlinde 2010:117, 2012:49). 82 Verlinde (2012:36–37, 38–43). 83 Verlinde (2012:49). 84 Verlinde (2012:78); Laken (2007:185). 85 After careful ceramic analyses from 'closed' contexts, Verlinde concluded the following on this second phase: “The whole operation, i.e. the construction of a large fortress as some sort of annex adjoining the original fortress and covering the latter’s terrace, seems to have happened between 125 and 80 BC as is clear from the vessels and stucco” (Verlinde 2012:49). 86 Verlinde's plan showed this new arrangement aligned due west; however, according to the accurate maps produced by the University of Melbourne, and satellite imagery, the portico in Sector H is aligned at 25 degrees from true north, quite different to the alignment of the valley (Fig. 73). 87 Lambrechts (1971:253); Devreker et al. (1999:109); Devreker et al. (2003:149). 88 Verlinde (2010:126).
156 the valley.89 This would mean that the square opened up to what may have been a paved esplanade behind DR 18, DR 19 and DR 20 (Fig. 74).90 The predecessor of the colonnaded square remains a mystery.91 While Waelkens believes that the square was connected to the later Roman imperial temple complex,92 Verlinde saw the area as purely part of the citadel,93 and in this way he sought to solve the discrepancy between the axial alignment of the square and the temple.94 Verlinde also rejected Waelken's view that the square was surrounded by an Ionic portico on all three known sides.95
Instead, he proposed that it was only Ionic on the northern side and without a frieze, and Doric on the remaining sides, like the gymnasium of Eudemos in Miletus. He cited evidence to suggest that it supported a wooden architrave, from the presence of charcoal in the excavation, and pointed out that Vitruvian rules on maximum intercolumniation would disallow a stone architrave.96 Based on a single sherd, he gives a terminus post quem for the colonnaded square of between 130 and 100 BC, but only if the sherd was not intrusive.97 Thus, while it is an attractive explanation, it must remain a theory. Verlinde rightly pointed out a Pergamene influence at work, the structure was an enclosed porticoed area “... surrounded on three sides by Doric colonnades and a central more monumental Ionic portico resulting in a pronounced axiality”.98 On the function, he believed that it was too small for an agora, but may
89 Verlinde (2010:119, 2012:89). 90 See discussion on Sector D below on p. 168. 91 Verlinde (2012:58). 92 Waelkens (1986:39). 93 Verlinde (2012:70). 94 Verlinde (2012:70). 95 Waelkens (1986:47); Verlinde (2012:58). 96 Verlinde (2012:66). 97 Verlinde (2012:77). 98 Verlinde (2012:84).
157 have been used as a gymnasium.99 Ultimately, Verlinde concluded that this “fortress palace” was the residence of an oligarchic elite,100 perhaps even the residence of the priests of Kybele, the rulers of the temple-state.101
During the 2nd century BC, the city of Pessinus clearly underwent a physical transformation. Not only was Sector B completely remodelled, but in terms of city planning, it is likely that there was a greater reorganisation that was reflected in a new system of city layout that extended beyond the confines of the Sector B. This, of course is not to suggest that the reorganisation was led by the new Phase in Sector B, as this is currently impossible to know for certain, as much of the city remains unexamined. It is true that systematic street and urban plans were being implemented in other cities across Asia Minor in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC.102 One need only cite the royal correspondence, dealings with Roman statesmen and generals as well as the presence of luxury items from the world beyond as evidence for an influx of Greek culture and ideas. Low-density Hellenistic period farming activities may have been identified by survey,103 and the necropoleis in Sectors A and I, and possibly S, were used in earnest during this period.104 Could these changes be connected to the new layout of the citadel, and zoning of space within the city?
Pergamon's decision not to act without Rome, as seen in Letter 7 in 157/6 BC, may have sent a ripple through Pessinus' political establishment. Rather than turning
99 Verlinde (2012:88). 100 Verlinde (2012:55). 101 Verlinde (2012:55). 102 On systematic city planning in this period, see Halfmann (1983:117). 103 Vermeulen remarked that these were noted on extensive surveys conducted by the University of Ghent; however, the precise details of these await publication (Vermeulen 1999:280; Devreker and Vermeulen 1995:119, fig. 4). 104 For Sector A, see Waelkens (Waelkens 1984b), on Sector I, see Devreker et al. (Devreker et al. 2003) and on Sector S, see Tsetskhladze et al. (Tsetskhladze et al. 2014:81).
158 to Pergamon for arbitration and protection, in 102 BC, a member of the ruling class of
Pessinus felt compelled to appear before the Roman senate in royal robes and a crown to complain about the abuses of the temple, either because Pergamon could no longer help, or that the abuses had been at the hands of a Roman citizen. Perhaps this was a publicanus.105 An important figure to emerge in this period was Deiotaros, who exercised a unifying control of the region in the war against Mithridates,106 and was later named as the king of Galatia upon Pompey's reorganisation of the area.107 He was to remain an influential figure for years to come.108 There may have been a tetrarchy in Pessinus in this period under the authority of Deiotaros,109 who was to become “... the most powerful dynast in Anatolia, and an indispensable agent in Roman plans for
Asia Minor”.110 However, after Deiotaros rallied with Pompey in the lead up to
Actium, his fate is unclear, and he died in about 40 BC.111 The region passed on to
Amyntas in 36 BC, and Pessinus finally became a part of the Roman imperial administration after his death in 25 BC, when the province of Galatia was created with Ancyra as its capital.112
In Strubbe's view, it was the coming of Rome that finally made Pessinus a city in its own right. “It has been argued that Pessinous and other Galatian cities received a constitution based on that of the cities in Pontus-Bithynia, imposed by the lex
105 Devreker (1984:17). 106 Mitchell (1993:31). 107 Devreker (1984:17); Mitchell (1993:27). 108 Note that coin of Deiotaros was found in the mouth of an individual on the so-called acropolis, see (Devreker 1990:275). 109 Devreker (1984:18). 110 Mitchell (1993:36). 111 For sources, see Mitchell (Mitchell 1993:37). 112 Devreker (1984:18).
159 Pompeia”.113 Within this new constitution, politically, the city may have become a polis in a more standardised sense, i.e. with a boule, a sacred assembly, an ecclesia, agoranomoi, epidoseis, a gymnasiarch, a paidonomos, a grammatopylakion, a tameion, and a tribal system for its citizens.114 All of these would have required public buildings to accommodate them. It is unknown whether any of these public offices had existed in the previous political makeup. Apart from the Attalid letters, which were copied and publicly displayed in inscriptions in the Roman period,115 there is a paucity of any public inscriptional evidence before 25 BC. The setting up of these letters has been interpreted as a gesture to remind the city's new rulers of its historical, and perhaps continued importance and privilege in the face of Roman imperial administration.116 It is worth noting that it was also around this time that Strabo wrote the most comprehensive description of Pessinus, mystifying its distant past.117 In the
Roman period, as previously mentioned, there were ten priests for Meter that were subordinate to a head priest, which, as remarked above, may have been a residue from the earlier temple-state political system.118 Pessinus may have played a key economic role in the region as a trading centre. According to Strabo, the city was the largest emporion of the region,119 and so it seems Pessinus was no stranger to visitors from afar.120
113 Strubbe (2005:xi). 114 Devreker (1984:18–19). 115 Devreker (1984:18). 116 Devreker (1984:18). 117 Strab. 12.5.2–3. 118 Strubbe (2005:xii). 119 Strab. 12.5.2–3. 120 In the Roman period, a Saturninus, citizen of Alexandria is attested at Pessinus (Strubbe 2005:97– 98, no. 77). Cicero also remarks that “from ancient times”, Persians, Syrians, kings of Europe and Asia as well as Romans, discharged vows they had made at Pessinus (Cic. Har. Resp. 13.28–29).
160 An inscription from the left hand anta of the Roman imperial temple at Ankara testified to the involvement of Pessinus in the Roman imperial cult. It informs us that under Tiberius, and during the first year of Silvanus as governor, the high priest of the
Roman imperial cult at Ankara gave a public feast at Pessinus with 10 pairs of gladiators and a year's supply of olive oil for two tribes, the Tektosages and
Tolistobogioi, and also donated a statue of the emperor.121 We know that Pessinuntian men served in the Roman army both locally and also in Egypt, Dalmatia, Moesia
Inferior and at Rome, affording them and their descendants Roman citizenship.122 M.
Lollius Montanus, a prominent Pessinuntian from the Augustan period, is known from a statue base written in Latin that may have been part of a larger building, and demonstrates the cultural forces at play. This Roman citizen was perhaps from the
Galatian Tromentia tribe, his uncle was Greek and his wife had a Phrygian name.123
Verlinde suggests that individuals, such as Lollius, may have been a “driving force” in the Roman imperial building projects at Pessinus.124 Another inscription, but this time in Greek, from the 1st century AD or first half of the 2nd century AD, is a grave stele set up by an M. Leibios Deiotaros for his wife Lollia, who may have owed her name to the first governor of Galatia, M. Lollius: her husband proudly carried the name of the great Galatian king of the previous era.125
The change in Pessinus' administrative and political system may be perceivable in the countryside. While surveying the surrounding area, the Belgian team noted differences in the use of landscape in the Roman period compared with the
121 Waelkens (1986:69). 122 Strubbe (2005:12). 123 Lambrechts and Duthoy (1969:303–4); Strubbe (2005:117). 124 Verlinde (2012:294). 125 Lambrechts and Duthoy (1969:307); Strubbe (2005:118, no. 101).
161 Hellenistic period with “... more systematic land use, such as artificial irrigation in the valleys, the spread and ideal location of isolated farms... and the probable presence of small specialised nuclear sites, for central processing and storage of agricultural products”.126
The coming of the road network in the Roman period in Asia Minor had an enormous effect on all cities, and this was also the case in Pessinus.127 The road from
Ancyra to the Roman colony Germa (Fig. 75), passed through Pessinus and was accompanied by a second major investment in public infrastructure: an aqueduct that flowed beside it, starting at İstiklalbağı and perhaps ending near Sector J.128 A second water system supplied the city from a source near Sadıkbağı, 8 km northeast of
Ballıhisar, which may have ended near the theatre (Fig. 76).129
In 1882, Humann described a Roman road in the vicinity of Pessinus lined with occasional sarcophagi.130 Although the road with traces of an aqueduct had been noted and described previously by the Belgian team,131 it was not until 2010 that an accurate plan of its route was produced from the west of Istikalabağı to about 1.8 km north of Ballıhisar,132 and this allowed for a crucial re-evaluation of the urban plan
(Fig. 77). The coming of a steady water supply and a road to Pessinus, the writer believes, was part of a larger project in order to monumentalise, and articulate the city with the empire beyond. This project involved the symbolic destruction of the Phase 2
126 Vermeulen (1999:279). The survey conducted has not been fully published and so the evidence on which he based these observations awaits confirmation. 127 Mitchell (1993:63). 128 Tsetskhladze et al. (2010:342–43). 129 Devreker and Vermeulen (1996a:77); Devreker and Vermeulen (1996b:92). 130 Humann (1890:28). 131 Waelkens (1984b:51, fig. 29); Devreker and Vermeulen (1996a:77, 1997a:132). The 8th excavation season, mapped aqueduct near Istikalabağı (Devreker and Vermeulen 1996b:92). 132 Tsetskhladze et al. (2012:307, fig. 22).
162 citadel in Sector B,133 and the construction of a new Roman imperial temple in its place that may have been aligned to face the incoming road (Fig. 78). Thus, the
Roman imperial temple project would create both a physical connection to the Roman empire beyond Pessinus, and a careful articulation to the colonnaded street in Sector
D.
Contrary to the Belgian's view, it is clear that the Roman road did not enter more or less at the same point as the modern road.134 At about 2.5 km north of
Ballıhisar, the road takes a slight but deliberate turn west, positioning its trajectory away from the gully from which the modern road enters, and towards one further to the west (Figs. 77 and 74). This gully opens into a valley that ideally positions the road to approach Sector B frontally. Although its construction date is yet to be established, this massive engineering project aimed to connect Ancyra, Germa and
Pessinus, and arguably passed by the Roman imperial building projects in Pessinus
(Fig. 75).135
The street in Sector D changes its orientation 44 degrees to the west near the minaret of the mosque at Ballıhisar, edging toward the probable trajectory of the
Roman road.136 Closer to Sector B, DR 18 indicates that the street curves to the west at a sharper angle, and cuts across the current course of the river, and DR 21 clearly follows this change of direction, seemingly bringing the bank into alignment with the
133 Devreker and Vermeulen (1997b:503). 134 Devreker et al. (2003:33–34). The discovery of a church on the “western platform” plateau, site F084, which would have overlooked this road might add further strength to this argument (Tsetskhladze et al. 2014:97–98, figs. 12–13). 135 The earliest milestone yet discovered from the road from Ancyra/Germa/Pessinus dates from the Flavian period (French 2012:11). However, an absence of earlier milestones does not preclude an earlier date of construction. 136 Lambrechts (1971:259).
163 Roman imperial temple complex (Fig. 74).137 When projecting the course of this curve with the general trajectory of the entry point of the Roman road, these seem to meet up. If this is the case, this has important implications regarding the alignment of the temple and the Roman imperial building projects. This turn in the bank not only brought the colonnaded street in Sector D in alignment with the temple, but also connected it to the Roman road and world beyond.
In the early Roman period, Sectors B and D underwent significant architectural development. The whole complex in Sector B was largely dismantled,138 the terrace wall yet again extended, and a so-called “temple-theatre” complex was constructed (Fig. 78). Whatever had crowned the earlier terrace was completely removed to make way for the new temple, as well as many of the traces of the earlier
Phrygian and Hellenistic period structures. Construction probably began after
Galatia's establishment as a province, between 25 BC and 25 AD according to ceramics discovered within the foundation fill.139 The temple was most likely dedicated to the Roman imperial cult, and as Verlinde points out, it was made of harder material than previous construction projects perhaps because of improved roads, and this made the transportation of construction material easier.140 The significance of building a Roman-style temple on top of the earlier Hellenistic construction should not be underestimated: it represented a real shift in authority.141
Attempts to interpret the temple complex's unique design have led to a variety of fanciful theories. Lambrechts, when excavating the temple in 1971, remarked that
137 Waelkens (1984b:138). 138 “If any Hellenistic or older structure had existed in this location, prior to the construction of the temple, they were fully removed in the process of levelling” (Verlinde 2012:97). 139 Verlinde (2012:102). 140 Verlinde (2010:127). 141 Verlinde (2010:132).
164 the steps with benches on either side that he had revealed did not constitute a theatre, but rather the seating was ideal for spectators to watch a procession to the temple,142 and this, in the writer's view, remains the most likely explanation. However, in the following year, he proposed that it is a “... sort of theatre”,143 and this interpretation has prevailed in ensuing publications.144 After the construction of the temple was securely dated to the Roman period, and with the view that the steps and seats constituted a “theatre”, a theory emerged that the “theatre” probably accommodated the gladiatorial combats that are attested in the inscription from the Roman imperial temple in Ancyra.145 Intent on defending the theatre interpretation, Waelkens embarked on a careful study comparing temples which were associated with complete theatres, and concluded that the Pessinus temple was a direct import from Republican
Italy.146 By the Devreker period, its identification as a temple-theatre was firmly set.147
At another extreme, Verlinde, in an attempt to find a parallel, concluded that the combination of a theatre and a temple ultimately derived from the Roman East via a treaty of mutual tolerance with the Parthians in 20 BC.148 Verlinde, in developing the interpretation and in an effort to fill in the theatre theory, suggests that the steps were seats, and that the colonnaded structure in Sector H had been removed in order to
142 Lambrechts (1971:254). 143 Lambrechts et. al. (1972:156). 144 Waelkens (1984b:52). 145 Devreker (1984:20); Strubbe (2005:279). 146 Waelkens (1986:67). Verlinde rightly saw a similarity between the foundations for this temple and the older Temple of Athena Polias Nikephoros in Pergamon and that this was evidence for lingering Hellenistic traditions rather than the Italian connection that Waelkens was seeking (Verlinde 2012:105, 108). However, he also notes an Italian connection: “The temple in Pessinus may also have been the first traditional peripteral temple in Anatolia to introduce the Corinthian order” (Verlinde 2012:123). 147 Devreker (1999:108). 148 Verlinde (2012:181–83).
165 make room for a temporary arena for gladiatorial displays.149 To support this argument, Verlinde points to a 0.36 cm marble plinth moulding at the base of a podium in the “orchestra”, “... which seems to have supported a marble parapet which is now missing”.150 He then goes to great lengths to support the argument for gladiatorial displays, which ultimately pin on what “seems to be” a missing parapet.151
Verlinde himself admits that the small size of the area could preclude gladiatorial combats, pointing out that there was only seating room for 400, but in order to remedy this, he argued that the steps accommodated standing room for 650.152 These steps, on average 26.4 cm-high, are the optimal height for stairs, and the average height of the benches, 0.52 m is perfect for seating.153 Verlinde, with a very imaginative solution, assuming that Sector H had been demolished, supplies a wooden seating arena for the gladiatorial displays (Fig. 79).154 Yet, he based his argument on an absence of evidence of post holes, because they had been “ravaged” by Late Roman and
Byzantine occupation.155
From steps to watch a procession to the temple, to a “sort of theatre”, to a theatre, to an arena for gladiatorial battles, Verlinde concedes that “... as far as I can judge, the specific morphology of the stairway-theatre is unique within the wide array of Hellenistic-Roman theatres”.156 Then, one surely must accept that it is simply not a
149 Verlinde (2010:131). 150 Verlinde (2012:173). 151 Verlinde (2012:184). 152 Verlinde (2012:187). 153 Verlinde (2012:174, note 807); Waelkens (1987:47). The author can attest to the fact that the steps are the ideal height for stairs and are uncomfortable to sit on, while the benches are the ideal height for sitting. 154 Verlinde (2012:192). 155 Verlinde (2012:192). 156 Verlinde (2012:180).
166 theatre, discard this interpretation and return to Lambrechts' first, and most reasonable view that its primary function was to gain access to the temple via the stairs, with some seating supplied for spectators during a procession. With regard to the gladiatorial combats, these probably took place in the city's theatre, where there would have been more space and more seating available. In light of the probability that the Roman imperial temple faced the Roman road, one might venture that the spectators on the benches were ideally placed to watch a procession from this direction. A point that Verlinde made, seemingly in contradiction to his theory of a temporary wooden gladiatorial arena was:
“The cavea of the stairway-theatre faced west, with its back to the
temple which must have towered impressively over the backs of
the spectators. At least at some point of its history, the theatre
must have formed an organic unit with the temple, serving as the
monumental approach of the latter”.157
Concerning the view from the seating, Verlinde erroneously points out “... that the stairway-theatre of Pessinus rendered a vista of the Augustan colonnaded thoroughfare on the Gallos river”.158 However, the orientation of the temple shows that this was not the case: the view was directed to about 290 degrees from true north, toward the valley that the road most likely entered. It is true though, as Lambrechts suggested in 1971, that the view of the temple itself from the street would have been impressive,159 but the spectators themselves were not positioned to watch Sector D.
157 Verlinde (2012:172). 158 Verlinde (2012:181). In fact, many of his drawings incorrectly orientate not only the theatre, but Sector H as well. 159 Lambrechts (1971:256).
167 The best known extent of the street in Sector D begins when the curve in front of the temple complex at Sector B straightens to follow a course northeast to a fork in the river valley—a total distance of approximately 500 m (Figs. 80 and81).
Additionally, over the course of the street, which is poorly preserved, there are openings and many steps which afforded access to each side of the valley. Strubbe describes this sector as the “most impressive public building” in Pessinus.160 Sector
D's position, at the lowest point of the river valley, clearly made use of the topography. As this sector has been partially excavated, it can be described in some detail.
Under the directorship of Lambrechts, a number of excavations were undertaken in an attempt to clarify the Sector's role within the cityscape, and it has been aptly described as the “backbone” of the city.161 Early in the excavation, the street was interpreted as an elaborate quay system that was designed to control the intermittent flooding of the presumed “Gallos river”.162 This interpretation derived mostly from the incorrect interpretation of the late 3rd century AD monumental arch at the northern terminus of the sector, which was at first erroneously thought to be a bridge, or sluice system, in order to control the course of an intermittent river.163 From this reasoning, the walls on either side of the valley were seen to be part of a hydraulic system. Colluvial and alluvial deposits in the sector do clearly testify that water flows
160 Strubbe (2005:xi). 161 Lambrechts (1970:262); Waelkens (1984c:93). 162 Lambrechts (1969:275, 277). Although Waelkens argued, on the basis of mythology and iconography that this canal should be identified as the Gallos River, he observes that in the present day the flow is “un mince filet d'eau” (Waelkens 1971:349). 163 Waelkens (1984c:78). Waelkens rejected its interpretation as a bridge and correctly identified it as an arch (Waelkens 1984c:95). It was at this point that the argument for a quay system should have been abandoned.
168 through the valley, a phenomenon that was witnessed on several occasions by the
Belgian team.164 Such a quay system in the middle of a city, however, would be almost unique in Greek and Roman city planning. Additionally, at DR 9 the Belgian team hit paving,165 but do not mention any water damage,166 yet strangely, Waelkens concluded that the street was not paved.167 Nonetheless, it is entirely possible that Sector D had been paved, but the paving was looted. In agreement with Mayer,168 and because so many other cities in Asia Minor possessed monumentalised main thoroughfares in the
Roman period, it is much more likely that this sector was first and foremost a street, but at the same time equipped to deal with occasional flooding.169 Thus, throughout this chapter, Sector D is referred to as a street, rather than the “quay system” or
“torrent” as it has been called in previous publications.
The first section of the street that a visitor would have encountered after passing the temple complex at Sector B on his or her right, would have been the smaller colonnade, sections DR 13 to DR 17, or the so-called “quai á colonnes” (Fig.
81). The smaller colonnade measured around 43 m until it met the beginning of the larger colonnade at DR 12.170 The smaller colonnade is characterised by probably 5 steps punctuated with columns. Behind the smaller colonnade, there was an artificial
164 Lambrechts (1971:258); Devreker (1988:129). 165 Lambrechts (1970:262); Waelkens (1984c:78). 166 Mellink also remarks in his report on the state of archaeology in Asia Minor that in Sector D the “... bottom of the water channel is paved with marble slabs in some places...” although it is unclear from where he obtained this information (Mellink 1971:179). 167 Waelkens (1984c:140). 168 Mayer (forthcoming). 169 Verlinde also conceded the importance of this sector as a street, calling Sector D a canal and the 'cardo', (Verlinde 2012:247). On the dangers of using the term 'cardo', see p. 299 note 5. It is also possible that the course of the intermittent river has changed since antiquity, although this hypothesis would require further investigation (Tsetskhladze 2012:185). 170 Waelkens (1984c:133).
169 fill, presumably to level the surface, that was topped by a pavement that is now gone.171 Verlinde points out that:
“... it would be unreasonable to think that this monumental frontal
approach served as the only way to reach the temple. There must
have been several lateral, less steep roads leading to the temple
terrace. These secondary roads probably came from the canal
zone, probably sector DR13”.172
Indeed, the smaller colonnade may have given an alternative access to the
Roman imperial temple complex via a paved esplanade, suggested by the fill and paving.173 From the stylistic dating of the pottery from the fill, a construction date of around the first half to the middle of the 1st century AD seems likely,174 or roughly contemporary with the temple building project. No remains of monumental architecture were found, strengthening the view that the smaller colonnade was the entrance to a transitional space that was somehow connected to both the Roman imperial temple complex and domestic areas beyond.
Sector L, the area about 30 m northeast from the steps of the smaller colonnade and paved area, attests to the domestic use of the space. Interestingly, the
171 Waelkens (1984c:134). In this area in 1991, the Belgian team uncovered what appears to be a Byzantine church, and at a lower level, Roman period foundations along with column capitals and architectural decoration (Devreker and Vermeulen 1993:269), adding weight to an argument that this is the fringe of an urban monumental core that remained in use until the 7th century AD at the latest. 172 Verlinde (2012:171). 173 Lambrechts went on to suggest that priests would walk down the stairs at DR 13 and that the steps of DR 10 were for supplicants, that the river presumably was free flowing and the supply was cut by an earthquake and that the steps were for people to watch a spectacle (Lambrechts 1970:262). 174 Waelkens (Waelkens 1984c:137–38).
170 orientation of the Hellenistic period and Augustan period domestic architecture in
Sector L align to the section starting at DL 13,175 whereas the 2nd century AD and
Byzantine layers align with the temple complex.176 This jostling of building orientation highlights the complexity of the area, perhaps revealing the difficulties that planners had at this transitional hot spot, and their attempts to reconcile buildings to the earlier “... grid which was aligned with the canal zone”.177 This was also the case at Sector K, near the southeast corner of the Turkish cemetery. The trench revealed domestic housing aligned with a similar arrangement, and with continuous occupation from the late Hellenistic to Byzantine periods.178 Importantly, this area is located on the opposite bank and some 400 m from Sector B reflecting in some way at least, a city wide application of this alignment.
During the excavation of DL 11, on the opposite side of the smaller colonnade, a significant difference in the arrangement was noted, as well as the discovery of many architectural pieces. A fragment of a column, with a diameter of 0.55 m and another unfluted one with a diameter of 0.47 m, might indicate that there was a two- storied construction on this side.179 Part of an entablature was also found, consisting of an Ionic lintel with three fasciae and soffits. This architrave seems to have fallen and broken into two pieces suggesting that they were part of a building that once stood in this location.180 Waelkens believed that these do not belong to the larger colonnade
175 Devreker and Vermeulen's Phase 2 (1996a:70). 176 Devreker and Vermeulen's Phase 2 (Devreker and Vermeulen 1996a:70). Sector Q also points to a high concentration of domestic architecture in this area from the Hellenistic period through to the Roman period (Devreker et al. 2005:152–57). 177 Verlinde (2012:26). 178 Devreker and Vermeulen (Devreker and Vermeulen 1993:265–269, plan 2). 179 Waelkens (1984c:129). 180 Waelkens (1984c:130).
171 further north, but probably to a building that was similar in style to the Ephesian
Augustan basilica.181 After careful comparison, he dated this building to the Augustan period, and concluded that it may have been a precursor to the larger colonnade.182 He went on to suggest that its façade could have mirrored the length of the smaller colonnade in front, that it took its influence directly from Rome, or Pergamon, and that the top story may have been Ionic or Corinthian and the lower Doric or Tuscan.183
Waelkens convincingly argued that an uninterrupted colonnade was constructed that was probably connected to the end of the smaller colonnade at DR 13 further to the northeast. Remains of this larger colonnade stretch on for more than 170 m, seemingly without interruption, on both sides of the street,184 and may be part of a larger single colonnade of approximately 200 m in length. No element of the upper architectural order of the larger colonnade is preserved, although it may have been either Ionic or Corinthian.185 Waelkens further explains that the unusually high number of steps—seven—betray the larger colonnade's primary function as a dam,186 but this could equally have been to cope with the slope of the valley on both sides.
From calculations of the intercolumniation, the columns were probably 4.93 m high, and following Vitruvian ideals, these may not have not supported an upper storey.187
The construction of the larger colonnade is dated to the second half of the 1st century
181 Waelkens (1984c:131). 182 Waelkens (1984c:132). 183 Waelkens (1984c:133). 184 Waelkens (1984c:116, 117). 185 Waelkens (1984c:122). 186 Waelkens (1984c:123). 187 Waelkens (1984c:123).
172 AD or the first half of the 2nd century AD, making it a later prolongation of the smaller colonnade.188
Some 17.5 m north of the larger colonnade, at DL 8, the next section of the street began.189 For another 170 m, until the fork in the valley to the north, this section was characterised by simple stairs ranging between two and five steps, on either side
(DL 7, DR 5, DR 6 and DR 7), perhaps without any supporting structure.190 There may have been more steps that have been removed.191 The presence of steps again gives a strong indication of pedestrian flow from one side of the valley to the other.192
Between DR 6 and DR 7, a section was left without steps, which Waelken's calls a
“ramp”.193 This may be the trace of a major access route to the eastern part of the city.
The final section of the street comprised walls without steps. The wall at DL 3 aligned with the stepped sections DL 4 and DL 5, indicating that it was part of the same system, and was repaired with some elements dating to the 3rd century AD.194 On the opposite side, DR 3 and DR 4 show excellent construction technique, with well- fitting stones, and from the lettering style of what are perhaps mason marks on the stones as well as ceramic evidence, allow us to exclude a date before the 1st century
AD for its initial construction.195 Waelkens concluded that the initial phase should be around the first half of the 1st century AD, again contemporary with the temple
188 Waelkens (1984c:125). 189 Waelkens (1984c:117). 190 Waelkens (1984c:115). 191 Waelkens (1984c:111, 114). 192 Sector K, discussed above, gives at least some indication that there was a domestic area aligned to the steps at DL 7. 193 Waelkens (1984c:111). 194 Waelkens (1984c:97). 195 Waelkens (1984c:107).
173 project.196 However, Verlinde rejects this dating and places the walls in the 3rd century
AD, in connection with the later arch.197
Waelkens summarises the building program in Sector D thus:198 under
Augustus, a basilica-like structure was built at DL 12, a short time after, in the middle of the 1st century AD, the opposite bank received a corresponding structure with an upper floor.199. In the first half of the 1st century, the stepped area was added (DR 5,
DR 6, DR 7, DL 4, DL 5 and DL 7), apart from between DR 6 and DR 7 where a natural ramp was left (Fig. 82). In the 2nd century AD, the stretch between the basilica- like structure at DR 11 and the smaller colonnade was connected via the larger colonnade.200 Perhaps a simple stepped structure like DR 5 was removed in preference for the two colonnades.
As there is only very partial excavation in this area, the approaches to the southwest section of the city and to the theatre must for now be described in the most general terms. The test trenches that were opened in the area between Sector B and the theatre (Sector Q, Sector N and Sector P),201 and to the southwest (Sector O), showed that the areas were domestic zones orientated with the temple, all of which would have required some kind of major access route, presumably on the same orientation. It seems likely that the smaller colonnade and possible paved esplanade to the northwest of the temple complex played a role.
196 Waelkens (1984c:110). 197 Verlinde (2012:247). 198 Waelkens (1984c:141). 199 These corresponds to DR 13, DR 14, DR 15, DR 16 and DR 17. 200 These are DL 8, DL 9, DL 10, DR 8, DR 9, DR 10, DR 11 and DR 12. 201 For Sector Q (orientated northwest/southeast), see Devreker et al. (Devreker et al. 2004:88). For Sector N and O (Sector N is orientated northwest/southeast. Sector O's alignment is not recorded), see Devreker and Vermeulen (Devreker and Vermeulen 1997a:128–30). For Sector P (orientated northwest/southeast), see Devreker and Vermeulen (Devreker and Vermeulen 1998:253–57).
174 The city extended into the valley to the south of Ballıhisar, and this is confirmed by excavation and magnetometry survey in the area:
“The combined magnetic and pottery data clearly show that the
terraces on the southern slopes of the city were inhabited
throughout the settlement history of the site and hence confirm
the early spread of the habitation area to the fringes”.202
This area might have been the valley that Hamilton describes in 1835 as:
“below the village” in a southeastern direction, where the valley “widens considerably”, and where he saw “... substructions [sic] and walls composed of marble blocks marking the sites of houses and the lines of streets”.203 Melbourne
University's study of Sector R revealed remains from the Hellenistic to Byzantine period within a disturbed domestic architectural context.204 While excavation in this area was concluded to have “little archaeological value”,205 it does attest to continuous domestic use of the area probably since the Hellenistic period. Wherever trenches have been opened within the urban centre of Ballıhisar, it seems, they invariably turn up evidence of urban land use. It is highly likely that future investigation will reveal many more areas of both domestic and public use.
The next major phase of building occurred in the late 2nd and early 3rd century
AD in Sector B and H, when in front of the stairs of the temple:
202 Tsetskhladze et al. (2010:354). Contexts 5, 15 and 21 were tentatively identified as an alleyway. i.e. a sign of dense occupation (Tsetskhladze et al. 2012:306). 203 Hamilton (1842:440). 204 Tsetskhladze et al. (2010:347–48). 205 Tsetskhladze (2012:306).
175 “ … a new marble theatre was built on the western part of the
orchestra, [in] the space between its back retaining wall (B7–11)
and the old cavea was filled up to the level of the 15th step of the
stairway”.206
Verlinde argued that the addition of the so-called “Severan theatre”, was accompanied by another revitalisation of Sector H (Fig. 83).207 It seems that Sector H, apart from being cleared as part of the Roman period temple project,208 was refurbished to become what Verlinde describes as a “... full-fledged platea in the mid
Roman period”.209 However, if we dismiss Verlinde's proposed gladiatorial display area in Sector H, this transformation may well have occurred in connection with the
Roman imperial temple project.
A monumental archway at the northern extremity of the street in Sector D was probably constructed in three phases around the same period.210 Sections of the walls to the south were dismantled to make way, giving weight to the argument that these were earlier constructions.211 At a length of 28.48 m and width of 10.8 m, it may have been one of the largest arches known in Asia Minor.212 It was argued that the discovery of a pilaster and cornice to the south of Sector B was evidence for an answering arch at the other end of the street.213 Yet, as there are so many architectural fragments found in this area, and from many different buildings, this may merely be a
206 Verlinde (2012:176). 207 Verlinde (2012:171). 208 Verlinde (2012:189). 209 Verlinde (2012:253). 210 Waelkens (1984c:91, 92–93, 116). 211 Waelkens (1984c:93). 212 Waelkens (1984c:93). 213 Waelkens (1984c:96).
176 “breadcrumb” on a trail of looted stone. Waelkens pointed out that the placement of the arch at the beginning of Sector D, or as I have argued at the end, is not surprising as it signified an arterial road or circulation point.214 The addition of the archway made for a transition from the street in Sector D to the fork in the valleys less abrupt, and acted as a kind of funnel. 215 It also heightened the sense that the monumental street in Sector D was a closed system, as it also masked off the terrain beyond it. It is entirely possible that the Roman road continued out of Pessinus via one of those valleys; however no trace has been identified as yet. This massive arch was a piece of multi-level transitional architecture. The largest bays gave access to the street, and the smaller bays on either side to the upper part of the valley,216 which led to what were probably streets on terracing higher on either side of the valley to the north. There is some evidence of these higher levels and their retaining walls further along the valley.217
Sector L underwent a significant change around the 3rd or 4th century AD when it “... became the locus of a Roman basilica with Corinthian columns. It may have been aligned to the nearby temple”.218 This strengthens the argument that the area behind the smaller colonnade was a focal point.
Sector F, while it has not undergone significant archaeological research, is a prominent feature of the site. It is an artificially levelled terrace to the northeast of
Ballıhisar and is about 270 m northeast of Sector B. Parts of the massive wall that support the terrace are still clearly visible. The area made for a perfect site for
214 Waelkens (1984c:95). 215 Waelkens (1984c:97). 216 Waelkens (1984c:141). 217 Tsetskhladze et al. (2014:76). 218 Verlinde (2012:26).
177 Ballıhisar's school house at the beginning of the 20th century AD, and this was later to become an archaeological research centre and depot. Verlinde reported that the terrace wall “... could never be studied extensively due to its location. It might have belonged to a temple or other monumental building”.219 The terrace, like the Augustan period domestic housing in Sector L, is aligned to follow the edge of the street in Sector D.
The Belgian team tantalisingly reported on having found the foundation of a large building in this area, but strangely did not elaborate after their announcement of it.220
Waelkens briefly mentions that he had identified the remains of houses in the school garden,221 and Krsmanovic sees a connection with the stepped area of DR 7–DR 9 and that it is potentially some public space.222 Tsetskhladze suggested this could have been a site for a shrine, as it is ideally positioned to overlook the settlement.223 It is very likely that this terrace supported either a large public space, like an agora, or a public building.
So much for the visible and archaeologically investigated public buildings in
Pessinus. There is no doubt that the city contains a great deal more undiscovered features. We know that by the 3rd century AD, Pessinus possessed the hallmark public buildings of a Greek city: a gymnasium, a theatre and an archive,224 an inscription recorded that the high priest Attis constructed a building,225 there are fragments of inscriptions from at least two other public buildings,226 and perhaps there was a
219 Verlinde (2012:25). 220 Lambrechts (1970:270). 221 Waelkens (1984c:54). 222 Krsmanovic (forthcoming). 223 Tsetskhladze (2009b:709). 224 Strubbe (2005:xi, 31, nos. 17, 104–105 86). 225 Strubbe (2005:53, no. 36). 226 Strubbe (2005:54, nos. 37–38).
178 synagogue,227 baths and other public buildings.228 Pergamene capitals could come from two different multi-storeyed marble stoas.229 The public office of agoranomos and the boule means that there must have been an agora as well as a bouleuterion, and it has been suggested that the Attalid letters were set up on the wall of a temple.230 The existence of statue bases means there was a place for public display.231 For such an important monumental city, it is bewildering that so little remains. Yet, this was not always the case.
Texier was informed while in Sivrihisar in 1834,232 that 25 km away there was a place that had been used as a source for marble for hamams, fountains and tombs from time immemorial. When he visited this place, which was the modern village of
Ballıhisar, he recounted how he was struck by the sheer amount of ruins of grand public buildings on the site: a theatre replete with seats with a recently denuded hippodrome at its base,233 among many other ruins, the so-called “acropolis” with some buildings,234 a temple with a white marble terrace wall with some columns standing, ruins to the north of what he believed to be temples as well as traces of streets. His city plan, which he fancifully elaborated at a later stage, would entice explorers to further investigate the site, and ultimately ridicule the inaccuracies of the
227 Devreker et al. (2010:66). 228 Tsetskhladze (2013:56). 229 Verlinde (2012:282). 230 Strubbe (2005:3). 231 Strubbe (2005:46, no. 27). 232 Texier (1839:476). 233 Texier (1839:166). Devreker strongly doubted that there was ever a hippodrome (Devreker 1984:32). 234 Later it was identified as a late Roman fortress built over a Hellenistic and Roman necropolis, i.e. Sector I.
179 plans (Fold-out page 1).235 It seems that in his haste, or perhaps because of the lack of a compass and careful on-site notes, he had failed to even properly align the orientation of the theatre. With such gross errors in record keeping, one might easily sympathise with subsequent writers and travellers who took little notice of his efforts, or even completely rejected his observations.
In 2015, when contemplating the empty cavea of the theatre and the narrow gully before it, which winds its way into the plateau to the east, as a modern literate observer, it is difficult to imagine an almost complete theatre and recently denuded hippodrome at its base, or plausibly point to a possible site for the temple of Asklepios
(Fig. 84). Texier presents an excellent opportunity to examine the identity of a 19th century AD literate visitor. By discussing Texier, we will consider how even a few centuries can change “modern” observations of cityscapes. An understanding of the society that produced his world view will help us decipher his observations. When
Texier commenced his studies at the Parisian School of Fine Arts at the atelier of
Debret in 1823, he was 21 years old.236 Napoleon had died in the previous year, and
France was recovering from the turmoil of the Napoleonic wars under the relatively stable restored monarchy of Louis the XVIII (1815–1824). Texier had embarked on his studies close to the end of what we call the Neoclassical Movement in architecture. He was several years too early for the radical “modernist” changes in architectural style that would arrive at the school in 1830.237 Texier's intellectual climate was one where:
235 Verlinde critically evaluates Texier's description of the site, but focussed on its significance in relation to the Roman Imperial temple rather than to the overall layout of the city (Verlinde 2012:7). 236 Charles Félix Marie Texier (1802–1871) (Larousse and Augé 1898:981). For more on Texier's career, see Oulebsir (Oulebsir 2004:98). 237 Cret (1941:9).
180 “The stoic virtues of Republican Rome were upheld as standards
not merely for the arts but also for political behaviour and private
morality. Conventionels saw themselves as antique heroes.
Children were named after Brutus, Solon and Lycurgus”.238
It was in vogue for an artist or architect to be emotionally moved by the grandeur of Graeco-Roman ruins and to write or paint about the experience (Fig. 85).
A treatise on the construction of public buildings published in Paris the year that
Texier began his formal education may well have caught Texier's attention. Borgnis stated as a matter of fact that:
“... the main objective of architecture is to produce agreeable
sensations by the combination of elegant and picturesque masses,
through the choice of the most beautiful forms, through variety
and good taste of ornaments”.239
These “forms” were of course Graeco-Roman inspired architectural designs
(Fig. 86). It was not the case that the foremost architects and artists of Texier's day simply admired Graeco-Roman art and architecture, they felt it was the “true style” and looked to the ancients to attempt to gain insight: the “true style” had been lost and was in urgent need of recovery.240
In 1827 after receiving a favourable report from the School of Fine Arts,
Texier was placed in charge of the inspection of public buildings in Paris.241 He had
238 Honour (1968:171). 239 Borgnis (1823:v). 240 Honour (1968:14). 241 Larousse and Augé (1898:981).
181 emerged a well-educated, eloquent and successful architect. In 1833 at the age of 31, he was charged by the Minister of the Department of Public Instruction to undertake an expedition to Asia Minor.242 As an observer of ancient architecture, Texier clearly stated his views:
“... and as the goal of this publication was more the description of
ancient and modern Asia Minor rather than a purely architectural
work, it was more logical to follow the progression of arts in each
of these countries and to discover how the ancients proceeded in
the midst of successive revolutions to which architecture has been
subjected to reach modern artistic expression.
It is, I believe, the development of this thought that the artists
of our day should be preoccupied with, it will infallibly bring the
philosophy of art out of the chaos that envelops it and may be
used for a new school of teaching in such laborious paths of
invention. Neglecting to consider the evidence provided by the
study of ancient art, making too cheap use of the genius of the
Middle Ages, modern art would be in danger of becoming static
for a long time to come.
I mainly strived to publish ancient monuments in their most
extensive details, so that the artist or the archaeologist who would
like to reproduce them, rediscovers in them all the proportions, as
if he had the buildings themselves in view. By analysing ancient
242 Texier (1839:ii).
182 architecture piece by piece, the student will come to classify
styles and deduce their character. The purpose of this work of
patience would be to establish rules of architecture just as we
have today the laws of general anatomy, applied to all beings of
creation”.243
Texier, and his contemporaries, sought in part to discover salvation for the ills of art and society, which he felt was becoming more concerned with the happiness of individuals rather than the public good, and that he could achieve this through recording and rediscovering the ruins of ancient Graeco-Roman cities. The intention was to deliver those published results to Europe where an eager audience were equally engaged in the pursuit of the “true style”, and who could make use of the material to create what they felt was better art and architecture, and as a result a better society:
“Musing on how much antiquity was so desirous to lavish every
perfection of architecture and art to adorn buildings and the
splendour of public life, and casting one's eyes on the modest
simplicity that surrounds the life of modern people especially for
the immense majority who live far from the capitals, one
experiences a feeling of sadness and doubt; one wonders if
modern people have lost that love of perfection, those sparks of
genius that motivated the ancients. It is that the genius of man,
mobile and impetuous as the sea, can like it, in moving leave the
243 Texier (1839:I).
183 shores that were once its domain; it is that the love of the city
having lost everything that the love of the family has been able to
win, the intellectual forces of nations carry themselves toward the
sciences that come together for the happiness of people through
the happiness of individuals”.244
It was part of Texier's stated goal to produce detailed drawings from exacting observation (Fig. 87). One might reasonably doubt he would allow himself such creative licence. So, perhaps Texier's record of the layout of Pessinus should not be entirely discounted as pure invention.245 By carefully analysing his and Humann's plans, we may catch at least a glimpse of a more complete ruined state of the city, and in light of recent archaeological research, will be in a position to suggest further details of the city plan. One must accept, of course that Texier's sketch remains just that: a working-up of rough notes and a hurried visit. We begin by retracing his footsteps. Approaching from the west, Texier encountered what he called the acropolis, with great marble blocks, and remarked that as this acropolis was the first to be met, it also provided the most convenient quarry for Sivrihisar. He saw the
Turkish cemetery to his left.246 The acropolis is clearly Sector I. Further to the east, he mentioned a large terrace wall and a temenos. He described the workmanship as
Attalid, and compares the work to that at Pergamon, but cannot see any trace of the order.247 In addition, Texier reported a round area with columns also to the east, which
244 Texier (1839:VII–VIII). 245 Texier's view that ancient architecture was an expression of perfect forms may have led him to organise his city plan to a more orthogonal layout with the firm belief that this was likely to be more accurate than his observations. 246 Texier (1839:167). 247 Texier (1839:167).
184 he thought may have been a basilica positioned among other temples.248 He noted that there were no city walls evident.249 In terms of general layout, he noted that all the public buildings were placed around the centre of the site, and saw that on the slopes of all the hills there were traces of what he believes to be regular streets.250 In front of the theatre, apart from the recently denuded hippodrome, he saw a large collection of grey blocks, columns, and part of an architrave, and after taking down an inscription identified it as a temple for Asklepios.251 Most of the seating of the theatre was intact but not the scaenae frons.252 On his plan, he shows the cavea as opening toward the southwest, when in reality it opens in the opposite direction: to the northeast. It is with this error that we realise that Texier was completely disoriented.253
Nevertheless, apart from his obvious error, most of the features he described can be plausibly matched to the topography of Ballıhisar. First, if his plan is corrected, in the sense that it is flipped so that the theatre corresponds to the correct alignment of the theatre, some important elements begin to fall into place (Fold-out page 1).
Although Texier's map is not to scale, the general arrangement of the features he recorded do seem to match what is now known about the site. To the northwest of the theatre we find that the so-called “acropolis”, Sector I, is now correctly located. Next, to the west, there is a section of a colonnaded street which is orientated in a southwest to northeast direction; surely that is the then better preserved section of Sector D. At the end of the street is a type of public square, perhaps this is the platea at Sector H.
248 Texier (1839:168). 249 Texier (1839:168). 250 Texier (1839:168). 251 Texier (1839:478). 252 Hamilton (1842:440). 253 Not all modern researchers completely dismissed Texier, Lambrechts laid out a trench where he believed Texier had seen the agora, but came up with nothing (Lambrechts 1969:273).
185 More problematic, but perhaps also intriguing, is the group of sacred buildings that he identified on his plan, including his “Temple of Kybele” and the “Temples of the
Attalid kings”. He noted that this precinct followed the alignment of the colonnaded street. Could Texier have seen the remains of a built-up sacred precinct or public area in Sector F? Travellers after Texier might provide more clues.
Texier's general observations about the site were borne out by Hamilton when he visited the following year, in 1835:
“Every step we advanced gave evidence of the importance and
magnificence of the public buildings with which the city which
once occupied this site must have been adorned, and convinced
me that it was one of no mean repute in the former history of Asia
Minor. Advancing towards the village, the sloping sides of the hill
are covered with heaps of marble blocks and broken columns,
sculptured architraves and friezes, each of which marks the site of
a prostrate temple, a triumphal arch, or other public edifice”.254
Hamilton reported seeing the ruins of various temples, houses, streets, the theatre still with all the seats, columns, an extensive colonnade and building debris.255
He also saw more marble blocks and signs of streets to the east.256 The extensive colonnade Hamilton saw may have been a part of Sector D. Hamilton also noted a rustic basement and a temple with six or seven fluted columns still standing “near the village” aligned southwest.257 While Verlinde accepted that Hamilton may have seen
254 Hamilton (1842:439). 255 Hamilton (1842:440). 256 Hamilton (1842:440). 257 Hamilton (1842:439).
186 part of the street in Sector D, he suggested that Hamilton is wrong “like his predecessor” about his orientation of the temple he saw, in order to support his theory that Hamilton had seen the Roman imperial temple.258 However, unlike Texier,
Hamilton was right about his other descriptions about the orientation of the main features of the village.259 It is clear that he was not disorientated. Consequently, it is very possible that Hamilton had also seen the remains of a temple on the terracing in
Sector F.
The Ballıhisar that Perrot encountered in 1861 seems to have left a completely different impression. For him, the lack of any substantial architectural remains on the site to give support to Texier's plan led him to seriously criticise his predecessor.260 He observed that the theatre seats had now but all disappeared and there were only a few visible remains.261 In 1864, Van Lennep saw the foundations of temples,262 and also described a temple located northeast of the city,263 and to counter any argument that he may have confused it with the Roman imperial temple, as Verlinde suggested
Hamilton had done, Van Lennep described the Roman imperial temple separately and in addition to the first temple.264 In stark contrast to Perrot, he related that Pessinus was the place that the most extensive ruins in a virgin state could be found in Asia
Minor,265 that “... every slight rise in the soil seems indeed to have been taken
258 Verlinde (2012:8). 259 In general, his description of the ravines are correct (N by W, N.N.E, E), and the theatre does align to the northeast (Hamilton 1842:439–40). 260 Perrot et al. (1862:212). 261 Perrot et al. (1862:213). 262 Van Lennep (1870:207). 263 Van Lennep (1870:211). 264 Van Lennep (1870:207). 265 Van Lennep (1870:210).
187 advantage of in order to erect upon it some public building”.266 This is quite an assertion from the well-travelled Van Lennep.
In 1882, Humann recorded a similar situation, and noted that the village of
Ballıhisar consisted of approximately 100 houses.267 Humann also produced a basic plan of the site that convincingly confirmed some of his predecessor's observations
(Fold-out page 1). On his plan, Humann noted the correct orientation of the theatre, but also a field of ruins where one would expect Sector F to be, his “Ruinen 860”. He also mentioned that to the east there was a tall terrace rising 6 m above the village.268
We should note that this field of ruins is orientated southwest to northeast. Of course, without excavation in Sector F, one can not claim that it was a terrace that supported a temple. Yet, it may prove to be a reasonable hypothesis that Sector F was reported as a built-up monumental precinct by 19th century AD travellers, and although the exact nature of the area is unclear, that was positioned upon terracing walls that overlooked the street below in Sector D.
There remain some important questions to be answered: where are those extensive ruins that so inspired Texier to draw up his plan, and also impressed
Hamilton? How is it that Ballıhisar possesses only small traces of architecture on the surface in the present day? A casual visitor to Pessinus now is struck by its lack of ruins, echoes of the disappointment first voiced by Perrot. Texier recorded looting activities were in progress, making larger blocks smaller in order to transfer them to the Sivrihisar cemetery, and that in his estimation, it had been going on for the previous three centuries.269 Both Texier and Hamilton had seen a theatre complete
266 Van Lennep (1870:213). 267 Humann (1890:28). 268 Humann (1890:30). 269 Texier (1839:167).
188 with seats and the recently denuded hippodrome. Van Lennep, on seeing the theatre , remarked that a good number of the seats were still in place (Fig. 88),270 and also that many blocks had been removed to Sivrihisar.271 Perrot reported that Pessinus was used as a quarry and that it had been and still was the primary occupation for the inhabitants of Ballıhisar.272 At the turn of the century, Koerte remarked on the continued uncovering and transportation of stones to Sivrihisar.273
It seems fairly clear that two processes have been at work at Pessinus since its abandonment, sometime between the 6th and 11th centuries AD.274 The first is the continued use of Pessinus as convenient quarry for worked stones for building projects in Sivrihisar, and secondly that the spread of modern Ballıhisar has concealed many of the ruins that were visible to Texier and some of the earlier visitors.275 On a day spent in Sivrihisar in April 2015, the results of looting became immediately clear: many architectural elements from Pessinus are now in Sivrihisar.276 One early bathhouse in Sivrihisar even contains columns and capitals of a type that are present
270 Van Lennep (1870:212). 271 Van Lennep (1870:211). 272 Perrot (1862:207). 273 Koerte (1900:440). 274 Devreker et al. (2003:383–86). 275 Lambrechts also noted that all we can know about Pessinus must be conjured up from beneath Ballıhisar (Lambrechts 1969:272). 276 These are buildings which clearly contain finely worked architectural pieces of an ancient provenance. The dates for the construction of these buildings were collected from the 2015 tourist visitor brochure supplied by the city council, which had no sources mentioned, and from information boards in the city, thus the reliability of the construction dates should be viewed with caution. These are: Seydi Mahmut Türbesi Camii (1232, this date is from a plaque on the building), Hamakarahisar Camii (AD 1259), Hazinedar Camii and Hoşkadem Camii (ca. AD 1274), Ulu Camii (AD 1275), Namazgah (Bayram Musalla) Camii (13th century AD to AD 1810), Kurşunlu Camii (AD 1492), Aziz Mahmud Hüdai (AD 1543–1623), Akcami Minaret (AD 1793) and the Armenian church of Sivrihisar (AD 1881).
189 in the dig-house at Ballıhisar, perhaps the one mentioned by Waelkens (Fig. 89).277 It must not be forgotten that a great deal of Pessinus' most important inscriptions came from the now destroyed Armenian cemetery at Sivrihisar.278
The continuous construction of mosques and other buildings in Sivrihisar from at least the 13th century AD in itself testifies to the extent and duration of the systematic looting of the site for well-worked stone. While it is difficult to estimate how much Ballıhisar has grown, Texier's plan, probably unreliably, marked 51 houses, and Humann records approximately 100 houses,279 and by 1984, Stoops estimated that the city had around 800 inhabitants.280 Now, Ballıhisar has well over 150 houses to judge by satellite imagery. It is highly likely that much of the ancient monumental core lies beneath these buildings.
This massive robbing of architectural pieces for reuse as spolia, which began from the Byzantine period,281 and reached a fever pitch after the Turkish occupation of the territory, and the growth of modern Ballıhisar over the site, has greatly impaired our ability to ascertain both the position of monumental buildings within the city plan as well as their extent.282 Indeed, we must accept that still very little is known about the arrangement of the city.283 Be that as it may, we may now be in a position to put forward some preliminary summaries of the urban development of Pessinus from its foundation up to the Roman period.
277 Waelkens (1986:49, note 58). Also discussed briefly in Devreker et al. (Devreker et al. 2003:8). 278 Inscription numbers: 1–7, 17–18, 24, 29, 30, 40, 51, 70, 77, 80, 84, 85, 92, 99, 100, 106, 110, 116, 120, 122, 132, 159 and F5 (Strubbe 2005). 279 Humann.(1890:30) 280 Stoops (1984:39). 281 For example, the basilica in Sector L seems to have made use of spolia (Devreker and Vermeulen 1996a:73). 282 Bittel also defends Texier's observations in light of sustained looting on site (Bittel 1967:146–47). 283 Tsetskhladze (2013:56).
190 It seems that even before the coming of Rome, the lowest point of the valley in
Pessinus naturally provided a southwest to northeast orientation for buildings on the site, between 45 and 50 degrees from true north. From the late Phrygian to Early
Hellenistic periods, the east bank and its slope toward Sector S may have been a preferred location for building. Along the edge of the valley in the 3rd century BC, at least one fortified position has been identified, that at Sector B. This fortress was aligned along the valley, and was connected to a major terracing project. The remains of substantial terracing of uncertain date are also evident at Sector F, under the dig house and school, and this was aligned along the valley. Although 19th century AD travellers' accounts strongly suggest that this was the site of a temple, but without excavation and further investigation it must remain a hypothesis. Sector B would become an important transit point within the city plan, and at some time in the 2nd century BC, the terracing was expanded and the orientation slightly modified to approximately 20 degrees from due north. The reasons for this are uncertain, it might have been in connection with the growth of the city, which may have involved expanding the fortifications of the old city, whose limit was Sector B, just before
Sector G, this defensive system consisted of a broad distribution of towers on the plateaus.284 This would have allowed for security in the area around Sector G with its theatre of an uncertain date, as well an extended domestic area on the plain to the south in the vicinity of Sector R. An important crossroad for the circulation of traffic was somehow related to Sector B, as the 2nd century BC change in orientation of buildings seems to have opened up a clear path to the theatre. The limited excavation in Sectors N, P and Q with their early Roman period housing seems to support this
284 Tsetskhladze et al. (2010:353–54).
191 view in terms of their orientation. The new orientation would facilitate traffic along this axis.
Around the time that Pessinus became part of the province of Galatia in 25
BC, another major phase of construction took place. The orientation defined by the
Hellenistic citadel was retained, but that building was completely removed and replaced with a potent symbol of Roman imperial power: an imperial temple, probably for the imperial cult. This complex further solidified the new orientation and may have been connected to the construction of the new road so that the temple was frontally approached by travellers entering Pessinus from Germa. The road probably entered Pessinus from a valley to the northwest. Other public buildings, such as colonnades and paved areas seem to have been associated with Sector B, although their precise layout remains unclear. By introducing a gentle curve in the street, Sector
B was seamlessly joined to the older orientation of the street in Sector D and made for a pleasing vista of colonnades and possibly a basilica that were constructed soon after or in conjunction with the Roman imperial temple project. By the early 3rd century
AD, this approximately 500 m long thoroughfare was adorned with at least two colonnades, one earlier and smaller and the other later and larger, and terminated with one of the largest arches known in Asia Minor, which adapted to the multi-level terraced nature of the valley and city by providing two-levelled access via its central and lateral bays. There are ample examples of stairs between the sides of the valley, clearly placed to allow for a free flow of pedestrian traffic from one side of the valley to the other.285 Notable on the street are the remains of what seems to be a road,
Waelken's “ramp”, which may be the vestiges of a major access route to a section of the city on the slope to the north of the dig house, perhaps to an area connected in
285 Krsmanovic (2008:18).
192 some way to Sector F. While Krsmanovic may underplay the importance of Sector D, pointing out that too much focus on it “... has arguably contributed towards a misleading picture of the feature in the context of other evidence” and highlights the need for other sectors to be carefully examined especially related to “... issues of town planning, accessibility, and control of movement in an urban space”,286 it is hard to ignore the fact that so many of the buildings in Pessinus took their orientation from this natural feature. However, we must also accept that as this is the most visible and lowest feature in the city, it is difficult to judge what lies beneath the alluvial deposits on either of the banks not only in the centre of Ballıhisar, but also in Sector G, on the west side of the city and to the south of Sector B.
Thus, the monumental core of Pessinus as we know it from the east bank, was characterised by terraces that overlooked a grand colonnaded street in Sector D. The monumental buildings were executed to exploit the height of the slopes over the river valley, perhaps to create architectural vistas. For example, the Roman imperial temple, and perhaps a sacred precinct in Sector F would have risen above the columns of Sector D for an observer there. The many steps on the edges of Sector D would have invited the view upward towards these buildings. This theme is repeated at the
Roman imperial temple.
Although the temple complex remains the best understood of the monumental buildings at Pessinus, it is clear that it was not the only focus of the city in the Roman period. Other areas, like those around Sector G and Sector F, and especially those covered by modern Ballıhisar on the east and west bank must also be considered carefully as potential candidates for urban centres.
286 Krsmanovic (2008:23).
193 Klaudia Th[...] was a literate resident observer of the Roman period architecture of Pessinus,287 and lived around the second quarter of the 1st century AD.
She had twice been high priestess of the imperial cult probably in her own right,288 and so occupied the upper echelons of Pessinuntian society. While the physical appearance of a typical Pessinuntian resident of the 1st century AD is unknown, a good sample of bones from a family tomb from between the 4th–6th centuries BC has been studied. These individuals seem to have been healthy and well-fed, and with a low incidence of death in childbirth,289 and we might propose that the population in
Klaudia's time were not much different. Her immediate family was also elite: she was married to a Pylaimenes who occupied a number of high-ranking public offices, such as the high-priesthood of the Galatian koinon, he was sebastophant and agonothete, and they had at least one son who would also go on to a successful career within local imperial politics.290 Klaudia was no doubt literate, a skill she would have needed to carry out her office, and her Roman name suggests that her parents, who could remember the early days of Roman imperial control at Pessinus, were keen on her establishing herself within the Roman imperial political system. In terms of personal taste, she may have enjoyed the local diet of the region's inhabitants, which has been gleaned from archaeozoological studies. Hunting did not seem to have played a major role, apart from fishing, whereas animal husbandry did, as there is evidence for
287 Strubbe (2005:23, no. 12). 288 On the subject whether this office was given solely on the basis of marriage to a high-priest, see Kearsley (Kearsley 2005). 289 This conclusion was reached on the basis of a study conducted on a minimum number of individuals of 100 from what seems to have been a family tomb in use possibly between the 4th and the 6th centuries BC Tsetskhladze et. al. (2014:101). 290 Strubbe (2005:24).
194 domestic animal meat consumption.291 How Klaudia became wealthy is not attested; however, in terms of industry, textiles and wine may have played a part in the local economy and her wealth. A local Klaudianos made a gift of two cloaks and clasps to
Trajan,292 perhaps a local product, and as they were gifts to an emperor, they may have been of a high standard and a typical Pessinuntian product. As high-priestess of the imperial cult, Klaudia would have actively promoted the Roman imperial political system, and this may have given her, or her husband, reason to hope that their children might profit from Roman imperial careers. We do not know whether Klaudia was from a local Phrygian or Galatian stock, or if her family was from another part of the empire;293 in any case, she may have felt superior to the lower class of citizen.
What greeted Klaudia when she approached Pessinus shortly after the construction of the road and temple in the Roman period is currently unknown.
However, the Roman imperial temple on top of the small hill in Sector B would have been at least one of the visual focal points—a destination to aim for. Upon entering the city, the road became one of Pessinus' main thoroughfares, and upon arriving at the Roman imperial temple, she may have been visually invited to approach it.
Although DR 19, DR 20 and DR 22 are difficult to date without ceramics, it has been suggested that they gave access from the street to a paved area in front of the temple.294 What exactly lay in front of the temple stairs in place of the old peristyle of
Sector H is beyond our current understanding, however it may be reasonable to
291 Devreker and Vermeulen (1996b:94); Devreker et al. (2005:157); van Peteghem (2008:152); Gruwier et al. (2010:160–61). 292 Strubbe (2005:17, nos. 8–9). 293 On the ethnic mix at Pessinus, see Strubbe (2005:xii–xiii). As Pessinus was an important emporion, there were probably foreigners present. For a Syrian married to an Alexandrian, who was buried at Pessinus, see Strubbe (Strubbe 2005:97–98, no. 77). 294 Waelkens (1984c:141).
195 suggest that it was some type of platea, as was the case of the Tiberia Platea in
Pisidian Antioch, a kind of “paved esplanade”.295 Klaudia would have immediately been familiar with the slope of the valley upward on both the east and west bank.
Before her, the stairs from the street enticed her upward to the paved area, where further stairs in front of the temple continued the theme of ascent.
Had she passed by the temple, she would have perceived a turn in the road at
DR 21, which had now become a main thoroughfare of Pessinus (Fig. 90). Turning the corner would have opened up an incredible sight. Stretching before Klaudia would have been what seemed like an endless vista of colonnades, the end of which were masked from site by the small curve at DR 12 (Fig. 91). At this meeting of the ways, she was presented with a variety of options. To her right was the smaller colonnade, again with steps, giving access to the possible esplanade which connected the Roman imperial temple complex. Beyond this, it must have been articulated in some way to the domestic area and theatre area in Sector G.296 The second option was to follow the curve in the road to the northeast and a colonnaded street in Sector D, while the third choice was to continue to what was perhaps a more residential area to the southwest.297 Traces of the route south may be suggested by sections DR 18–20 and
DR 22, which, as we have seen, also may have given access to the frontal approach of the temple.
Advancing around the curve at DR 12, the sight of the larger colonnade would not have failed to fill her with a sense of pride. Perhaps under the portico of these
295 See p. 305. 296 While it is likely that there was a theatre in an earlier period, is possible that the theatre in Sector G was constructed, or refurbished, at sometime in the Hadrianic period (Strubbe 2005:49, no. 31). 297 Core samples were taken from this area by the University of Ghent, revealing ceramic deposits at 3 m, perhaps revealing the fact that much of this area has been buried beneath deposits from colluvial deposits (De Dapper 2001:87).
196 columns she could have seen statues of local benefactors, city founders, some of whom were part of her family. Crowning the colonnades to the east, and seemingly floating above them, was the complex of buildings in Sector F, perhaps a temple. It is tempting to associate the female panther found “near the schoolhouse” with this complex (Fig. 92).298 Always, and on either side, she was invited to leave the valley and venture upward via the many steps, that led up. Perhaps a trace of one of these connections between Sectors D and F has survived in the garden of the school house.
Here, the clear foundation of an ancient structure articulated by the half-buried remains of steps, around 30 m in length and about 2 m wide descends from the terrace of the schoolhouse toward Sector D (Fig. 93).
The use of substantial terracing at Sector F, for the complex at Sector B, as well as other locations at Pessinus, reveal a Greek, and perhaps Pergamene, taste for terracing. In other cities, these terraces were often constructed around an acropolis, but in the case of Pessinus it seems that the valley provided the necessary slopes for the levelling and the construction of monumental buildings, perhaps to create architectural vistas. A great deal awaits to be discovered at Pessinus, but at this early stage, the city certainly shows signs of innovation in the planning of its urban space.
298 Bittel (1967:6).
197 Chapter 5 – a City of Privilege: Ephesus
From the mid 2nd century BC, Pergamon had begun to lose its leading position in Asia Minor to Ephesus. From that time to the Roman period, the home of the
Artemision flourished. While it is true that there were other urban centres of significant cultural and political influence at that time, Ephesus in many ways was a leader. The city was located on the western coast of Asia Minor at the mouth of the
Küçük Menderes river, the ancient Kaystros, approximately 2 km west of the modern
Turkish town of Selçuk (Fig. 1). The urban landscape is complex and multilayered, whose development spans many centuries and 120 years of excavation in 2015.
Ephesus was by far a more ancient city than Pergamon; the Artemision had existed from at least the 7th century BC, and had passed through various incarnations.1 Within this chapter, three phases of the city's development will be discussed: first the establishment of the Lysimachan city, second the enormous influence that Rome exerted when Ephesus became the capital of the province of Asia, and third, the city's
Roman period flowering in the 2nd century AD.2
Within a generation after the Ephesians had diplomatically rejected Alexander the Great's offer to rebuild the temple of Artemis,3 one of his successors, Lysimachus, moved the population to a new location in the early 3rd century BC.4 Even though
Ephesus had supported Mithridates and was punished for this by Rome,5 the city was
1 This discussion does not cover the architectural development of the Artemision sanctuary due to restraints to the length of this thesis. For a summary of its development, with bibliographies, see Bammer, and Bammer and Muss (Bammer and Muss 1996; Bammer 2005). 2 Hueber et al. (1997:39). 3 Strab. 14.1.22. For an overview of the history of Ephesus with some references, see Hueber et al., and Raja (Hueber et al.1997:28–38; Raja 2012:56). 4 Strab. 14.1.21. 5 App. Mith. 4.23.
198 destined for greatness.6 It was to become a showpiece, not only for propagandistic
Roman period building projects, but also for powerful individuals, whether they were members of the local elite, or self-made wealthy individuals. Ephesus stood at a crossroad between the Aegean and the interior of Asia Minor, and it attracted foreign trade and visitors, who were probably one of the city's main sources of income.7 Its interior urban spaces, colonnaded streets and monumental architecture may have also provided inspiration to other cities in Asia Minor, which were undergoing their own expansion under Roman imperial rule. Perhaps in this city, more than any other in this thesis, the sense of political ambition and individual personality is most keenly discernible in its public buildings, due in part to its role as the Roman period capital of Asia, but also largely to the enormous amount of archaeological excavation and extensive scholarship that has been generated on this city.
Indeed, the amount of publication on the subject of Ephesus is staggering;8 however in terms of building history and research on individual monuments, most 21st century work by the Austrian Archaeological Institute contains careful summaries of previous scholarship.9 Other researchers have compiled impressive bibliographies.10
Despite the volume, until recently one challenge that has hampered an understanding
6 Scherrer (2001:69). 7 Halfmann (2001:31). 8 Oster compiled a bibliography in 1987 that contains 1,500 publications on the subject, and since then this number has significantly increased (Oster 1987). This view is echoed by Raja, who, however, conveniently provided a concise synthesis of excavation, history and research summaries of key publications up to 2012 (Raja 2012:56–84). A summary of research activities by the Austrian Archaeological Institute between 1895 and 1995 is presented in Wiplinger and Wlach (Wiplinger and Wlach 1995). For an overview and bibliographies of late antiquity to the modern era, also see Hueber et al. (Hueber et al. 1997:11–13; Jacobs 2013). For the occurrence of “Ephesus” in ancient Greek writers, see C. M. Thomas (C. M. Thomas 1995:115–17). 9 Scherrer (2001:57, note 1). 10 Jacobs (2013).
199 of the overall development and interrelationship of the buildings in Ephesus, has been the lack of a systematic and correct site plan, as well as surveys and research away from well-trodden ground. Inaccuracies in larger scale measurements and relationships between areas of the city led to some erroneous conclusions, such as the view that a major thoroughfare from the south ended in front of the Library of
Celsus.11 Scherrer improved the situation somewhat after producing a GIS of the lower agora in relation to the upper agora;12 however, Groh's multi-faceted approach to the issue, in which he combined precise GPS measurements, a terrain model, magnetic resonance imagery and ground penetrating radar, over an area of 52.2 ha between 2000 and 2006 has become the baseline for any discussion on the urban plan.13 His resulting city analysis convincingly discerns the Late Hellenistic and
Roman period limits of the city, and he devised a nomenclature for the regular system of streets (Fold-out page 2).14 Recent palaeogeographical studies have also added vital information about the receding coastline and its effect on this bustling port city.15
Various foundation myths existed about Ephesus,16 and one in particular centred around Androklos the son of Kodrus, king of Athens, who after killing a boar and driving out the native Carians and Leleges, colonised the region accompanied by
11 Hueber et al. (1997:77). 12 Scherrer (2001:80). Scherrer seriously criticises Hueber et al. (1997:138, note 80). See Groh for a comprehensive discussion on the previous attempts to create accurate site plans of Ephesus (Groh 2006:54–56). 13 Groh (2006:47–49). 14 Groh (2006:52–54). Groh's nomenclature will be used throughout this chapter, i.e. SF = Stadtfläche (city block). 15 Brückner (2012:46–49). 16 Pausanias described Pindar's account of an Amazonian colonisation (Paus. 7.2.7–8). For an in depth discussion on the Amazon foundation myth and the early temple of Artemis, see Mac Sweeney (Mac Sweeney 2013:137–56).
200 Ionians, near a sacred spring at the slopes of Mt. Koressos.17 In the first two decades of the 3rd century BC, Lysimachus took the initiative to relocate a reluctant Ephesian population, who were probably occupying the “upper city” at Ayasoluk hill near the
Artemision (Fig. 94).18 The new site was positioned between two mountains, the larger, Bülbül Dağ, and the smaller, Panayır Dağ (Fig. 95). The site was evidently chosen for a number of reasons: it had a favourable harbour, it could be easily defended, and perhaps because of its climatic conditions, the sea breeze along the east-west streets would have created a pleasant microclimate.19
Ephesus was well-known to the Late Hellenistic world and is mentioned numerous times within the literary record, and three broad themes emerge. First, the city was renowned for its well-protected sanctuary of great beauty, which was one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, and reputedly had been built in the spirit of cooperation.20 While the Artemision was located approximately 2 km northeast of the
Lysimachan city, it continued to exert an enormous influence on city life.21 A legend circulated that its destruction at the hands of Herostratus coincided with the birth of
Alexander,22 and when Alexander offered to rebuild it, the Ephesians diplomatically refused.23 The sanctuary operated as a refuge and provided guarded protection,24 and it
17 Strab. 14.1.3. 18 Strab. 14.1.21; Bammer and Muss (2007:95–101); Hueber et al. (1997:28, 39); Scherrer (2001:59). 19 Groh (2006:61). 20 Antip. Sid. 9.58; Plin. HN. 36.95. 21 Mac Sweeney (2013:146); Raja (2012:58). 22 Plut. 3.5–6; Strab. 14.1.22. 23 Strab. 14.1.22. 24 Herodotus reports that the Ephesians, in order to gain protection from an attack from Croesus, connected the city to the Artemision with a rope (Hdt. 1.26). In a Plautus play from the 150s BC, a character leaves money at the Artemision at Ephesus with the priest, to be guarded at public expense (Pl. Bac. 2.3). In AD 70, Cicero related the story of a slave who took refuge there and was protected by force (Cic. In Verr. 2.1.85). Antiochus escaped to Ephesus for sanctuary after his... Continued on p. 202
201 was a financial institution of wealth,25 capable of generating income from the interest of loans.26 It was also an important centre of religious and agonistic activities.27 The second theme was that Ephesus was known as a military staging area, and a location for political intrigue. Antiochus III wintered there during his military campaigns in
196 BC, where he was tempted by the beauty of a priestess of Artemis.28 The following year, in 195 BC, Hannibal was a refugee in exile at Ephesus, where he met with Antiochus III, to whom Hannibal offered his military expertise.29 In 190 BC,
Antiochus III's general used Ephesus as a military base against Rome, but later in the season, Antiochus III was defeated at Magnesia,30 and Ephesus received a Roman presence. In 188–189 BC, Manlius Vulso wintered at Ephesus, and received honours from Asia from that side of the Taurus, in appreciation for his success over the
Gauls,31 indeed, the city most likely served as the staging area for his military campaigns. In the Roman Republican period, only Ephesus and Pergamon seem to have had any kind of road inland, and as Ephesus was a port and Pergamon was not, it would have been the obvious choice as a centre of operations for Roman interests
(Fig. 96). Third, Ephesus was known as a great port and place of commerce and business.32 Hannibal was said to have hired a Tyrian attendant called Aristo there,33 defeat at Thermopylae (191 BC) (Plb. 20.8). The sanctuary offered debtors protection and safety from their debts (Plut. De Vitando 3). Also, see C. M. Thomas on the Artemision as a sanctuary (C. M. Thomas 1995:99–106). 25 Scipio wished to plunder the treasures, as did T. Ampius in the mid 1st century BC (Caes. BCiv. 3.33, 3.105). 26 See later on the funds derived from interest for the repaving of the Embolos. 27 Zabrana (2014:24). The Kuretes were in charge (Steskal 2010:241; C. M. Thomas 2010:126). 28 Plut. Regum 34; Liv. 33.38. 29 Hueber et al. (1997:39). 30 Liv. 37.44; App. Syr. 5.27. 31 Polyb. 21.43. 32 Zabehlicky (1995:201). 33 Liv. 34.61.2. 202 and in the 150s BC, Roman conceptions about Ephesus can be glimpsed through
Plautus, in whose plays, characters travelled to the city to conduct business and entrust gold to the temple of Diana.34
Although a clear picture of the general appearance of Ephesus in its earliest period is difficult to ascertain, it is clear that the new city had been conceived on a grand scale.35 The new settlement supplanted “old Smyrna” with a well-organised, well-defended and carefully planned polis typical of the age (Fig. 97). The city was furnished with walls, an earth ramp stadium, a small commercial market by the harbour, public buildings in the region of the upper agora, and fountain houses.36 The upper agora may have also been the location of a gymnasium, perhaps at the eastern end of the agora, however the date, development and form of this structure is poorly understood.37 Ephesus was to become a significant commercial centre: the most important trade route was from Athens, some 350 km away via Aegean islands,38 and the city acted as a hub to the north, the south and the interior of Asia Minor, via river and land routes.39 From the outset, the city must have been no stranger to a transient population of merchants and traders in search of profit.40
The city remained firmly connected to the Artemision—the alignment of its city blocks followed the temple's—and the processional way to the sanctuary would
34 Pl. Bac. 2.3. 35 Groh estimates that it was envisaged that the Hellenistic city would accommodate 50,000 residents, but later the city needed to be enlarged (Groh 2006:114). Hueber had estimated 200,000 in the Hellenistic period (Hueber et al. 1997:41). 36 For the relocation, see Hueber et al. (Hueber et al. 1997:39). For the walls, see Scherrer (Scherrer 2001:62, note 26). 37 It was in use until at least the 5th century AD (Auinger 2011:69). 38 On this route and Ephesus' connection to Rome, see Casson (Casson 1994:152). 39 Groh (2006:80). 40 Halfmann (2001:99). On foreigners in Ephesus, see White (White 1995:35).
203 form the “backbone” of the city.41 During the city's relocation, the sea almost
“washed” Panayır Dağ (Fig. 95)42, and the lower agora seems to have been closely associated with the nearby port. An early cult-related building, the “Crevice” temple, was located to the northwestern most limit of the Hellenistic city (Fold-out page 2).43
This 14.7 m x 22.05 m tetrastyle prostyle temple, with 2 columns in the pronaos, was orientated to the south, but also precisely aligned to the Artemision. Thus, it faced toward the port and perhaps toward the Hellenistic city.44 Dated to 400 BC,45 the temple may have been dedicated to Demeter and Kore.46 Its east side lay exactly along the alignment of Street 60, and its south edge along Street 31, and has been interpreted as having a clear connection to the processional way.47
The processional way approximately followed Street 50, was 5 m wide on average, and it was marked out by wall traces and Archaic period graves (Fold-out page 2).48 Its trajectory was set apart from the regular street plan, instead it seems to have followed the natural topography of the site. While Scherrer maintained the processional way may have started near the Koressian gate, whose location remains disputed,49 Groh argued that it may have begun at the Crevice temple.50 Three broad sections of the city came together in the harbour district, meeting at the so-called
41 Groh (2006:61). 42 Pliny records reports that the sea had once “washed” the temple of Diana at Ephesus (Plin. HN. 2.87). 43 At SF1729–SF1730 (Groh 2006:56). Scherrer thought it may have commemorated the location where Androklos killed the boar (Scherrer 2001:65). 44 Groh (2006:65). 45 Groh (2006:66). 46 Groh (2006:65). 47 Groh (2006:65). 48 Groh (2006:73, 71, 92). 49 Scherrer (2001:62). 50 Groh (2006:71–72). 204 “Triodos”, the area around which was later formalised as an agora.51 Some buildings that were revealed by excavation several metres below this area date to this early phase, and seem to be of a commercial nature, i.e. shops and warehouses.52 During this period, the lower agora was within close proximity to the shoreline, for example, a building at SF1927 probably backed on to the Hellenistic period harbour (Fold-out page 2).53 The processional way entered the Triodos from the northeast, and another path led from Ortygia, located further west along the coast. This was the mythical birthplace of Apollo and Artemis.54 Another route led from the harbour itself.55 The
Triodos, from the outset, was a pivotal confluence of routes that provided access to the harbour, streets to the northeast and southwest and to the valley between the two mountains.56 In many ways, the massive reorganisation and building programs that would be carried out in this area in the coming centuries, emphasised this role.57
Indeed, as Halfmann observed, Hellenistic Ephesus was a city tied to its harbour and processional way.58
After the roads had joined the processional way at the Triodos, the processional way then curved around the southwest slope of Panayır Dağı to form the so-called “Embolos”,59 which followed the gently sloping valley that ascended
51 Halfmann (2001:29). Commonly referred to as the “Tetragonos” agora, for the sake of not assigning a semantic meaning to the space, the locational term “lower agora” will be applied. The same approach will be employed for the “upper agora” which is commonly referred to as the “State agora”. 52 Scherrer (2001:73). 53 Groh (2006:68). 54 Tac. Ann. 3.61. 55 Halfmann (2001:72); Hueber et al. (1997:43); Scherrer (2001:81); Thür (1995:80). 56 Groh (2006:68). 57 Groh (2006:68). 58 Halfmann (2001:8). 59 Scherrer (2001:81). The Embolos is also often referred to as the Kuretes street. Embolos will be employed throughout this chapter.
205 between the two mountains. 60 The processional way then passed through the upper agora area, continued through a residential zone and finally left the city, somewhere near the later Magnesian Gate.61 In effect, the Embolos provided the shortest possible route to the harbour from the upper city and between the two agoras.62
The city's conscripted governing body, the Epicleti,63 were probably involved in overseeing work on the city's public infrastructure,64 as clearly the urban spaces were carefully planned and laid out. The streets were uniformly 3 m wide for the north south streets (the stenopoi), and 5 m wide for the east west streets (the plataiai).65 The defences that protected Lysimachus' fledgling new city were built between the slopes of Panayır Dağı and Bülbül Dağı,66 and were probably completed by 281 BC at the latest.67 At 8.55 km long, the walls began in the northwest at the beach, and closed off the section up to the slope of Panayır Dağı, although the course of this section of the wall is extremely poorly preserved.68 To the southwest, the wall is much better preserved, and averages at 3 m wide—the outer westernmost point is at
Kaleburun Tepe, where there is a building that has been identified with an inscription naming it the Hermaion.69 This sacred building would have been visible to those
60 Bauer (2014:81–90); Halfmann (2001:67); Raja (2013:81); Thür (1995:80). 61 Groh (2006:92). The Magnesian Gate seems to have only have existed from the mid 1st century BC, and was constructed over the Lysimachan wall (Sokolicek 2010a:39, 2010b:378). Also, see Scherrer (Scherrer 2001:63, note 27). 62 Groh (2006:61). 63 Strab. 14.1.21. The Kuretes cult association seems to have also existed from the Archaic period, and could “... confer political rights such as citizenship... and were located in the Temple of Artemis” (C. M. Thomas 2010:127–28). 64 For a good summary of ancient sources and publications, see Scherrer (Scherrer 2001:62, note 26). 65 Groh (2006:70). 66 Hueber et al. (1997:38); Scherrer (2001:58). 67 Groh (2006:54). Although he provides no reference or reason for this dating. 68 Groh (2006:61). 69 Groh (2006:62). 206 approaching by sea or land.70 Thus, the harbour lay between the watchful eye of the
Crevice temple to the north and the Hermaion to the south. Along the city walls, at the easternmost part of the city, near the later Magnesian Gate, space was left between the wall and the street grid, apart from a glacis, presumably for defence.71
Although the date of the first construction phase of the Hellenistic period theatre is uncertain (Fig. 98), it was no doubt conceived of and commenced at some time in the late 3rd century or beginning of the 2nd century BC along with the other public infrastructure of the city. The theatre may have been positioned between Streets
17 and 19 (Fold-out page 2), although it was later enlarged considerably.72 It is noteworthy that parts of the Hellenistic street system led straight to the entrances of various diazomas,73 raising a possible interpretation as an architectural mechanism for social segregations, that may have been planned into the street system and theatre at the outset. At Miletus, for example, diazomas were not always accessible between each other (Fig. 99). A 2nd century BC peristyle house, above the theatre,74 stands out as an exceptional location for an elite residence (Fig. 100).75 It does not align with the city blocks, but seems more aligned with Street 37, which leads to the harbour, and indeed boasts an excellent view of this (Figs. 101 and 102).76 To the west of Ephesus, the streets are yet to be extensively examined.77 Of the known Hellenistic period public fountains, there was one in front of the theatre (Fig. 103),78 which was dated to
70 Groh (2006:65). 71 Groh (2006:95). 72 Groh (2006:70). 73 Groh (2006:70). 74 At SF1020–SF1021. 75 Baier and Vapur (2011:18). 76 Called a “villa” by Scherrer (Scherrer 2001:83). 77 Groh (2006:71). 78 At SF1925. 207 the 1st half of the 3rd century BC,79 and a fountain in the area SF723–SF724 dated to the 3rd century BC (Fig. 104), but that was out of use by the 1st century BC.80
The upper agora was certainly a focus of public building from the outset of the new settlement,81 although its exact character is still far from certain. From excavation, it is clear that there was a single-bay stoa to the north of the agora, which was aligned to the street grid and dates to between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC.82
Additionally, a clear indication was found of at least one other contemporary public building abutting this stoa, although its exact nature is unclear.83 Of course, stoas opened onto public spaces, and this space was most probably connected in some way to the processional way.84 Traces of terracing on the west end of the agora, and also
0.4 m lower than the later Roman period agora, suggest a levelling of the area in the
Hellenistic period. There is also an indication of a second stoa on the south side of the upper agora from the same period, inviting a parallel with the Athenian agora under
Attalos II, through which the Panathenaic procession ran, flanked by two stoas on the south and east (Fig. 105).85 As mentioned previously, it is possible that there was a
Hellenistic period gymnasium on the east side of the upper agora; however, this is far from certain.
In 133 BC, the city was incorporated into the Roman province of Asia,86 and was the ideal location for a Roman base of operations due to its defensive position,
79 Groh (2006:70). 80 Groh (2006:69). 81 Bier (2011:29). 82 Groh (2006:66); Bier (2011:29). 83 Bier (2011:29–30). 84 Groh (2006:66). 85 Groh (2006:66). 86 Groh (2006:73); Raja (2012:56, note 204). Hueber et al. argued this was the turning point when Ephesus takes over from Pergamon. (Hueber et al. 1997:46).
208 and its now well-established network of sea and land transport. Ephesus retained its role as a sanctuary, trading port, focus of political intrigue and military staging area.
In 89–88 BC, the city supported Mithridates in war against Rome, and participated in the Asiatic Vespers: Roman citizens were dragged from the altar of Artemis and slain.87 However, their support was short-lived. In 86 BC, the Ephesians revolted against Mithridates.88 In the following year, 85/84 BC, Sulla dealt out harsh terms to many cities in Asia Minor with the Treaty of Dardanos, and this included Ephesus.89
In 70 BC, we learn that Lucullus, Sulla's agent, was using Ephesus as a base to administer the Roman rearrangement of Asia.90 Furthermore, in 70 BC in a speech given in Rome, Cicero employs Ephesus as an illustrative example in a discussion on the transport, price and sale of corn,91 presumably because his audience associated the city with this type of activity. Around this time, an Ephesian named Pericles was summoned to Rome for protecting a slave who had taken refuge at the Artemision,92 attesting to the continuing role of the Artemision as a safe haven. Cicero's brother became proconsul in Asia, and he was presumably based in Ephesus in 60 BC for three years,93 and by 58 BC T. Ampius was minting coins there.94 In 57 BC, Ptolemy
XII Auletes arrived at the Artemision from Rome for sanctuary,95 and in 55 BC was escorted back to his throne in Alexandria.96
87 App. Mith. 22. 88 Hind (1994:159). 89 Plut. Vit. Sull. 25–26; Hind (1994:162); Raja (2012:57). 90 Brennan (2000:564); Sherwin-White (1994:239). 91 Cic. Verr. 2.1.191. 92 Cic. Verr. 2.1.85. 93 Brennan (2000:568); Cic. Q. fr. 1.1.2. 94 Brennan (2000:568). 95 Thompson (1994:319–20). 96 Sherwin-White (1994:272); Thompson (1994:320).
209 Despite the punishments inflicted by Sulla, at least one Roman administrator was involved in an act for the public good. In the 50s BC, the prefect Q. Caecilius
Atticus donated oil to a gymnasium, which may have been located in the upper agora,97 and this may well have been Atticus, the friend and correspondent of Cicero.98
In 51 BC on July 26th, Cicero arrived in Ephesus and conducted some business for his friend Atticus, and was there again in 50 BC.99 In 49 BC, Scipio extorted Ephesus and all of Asia, and attempted to rob the Artemision but was summoned to Greece by
Pompey before he was able.100 Julius Caesar arrived in Ephesus in 49/48 BC to hear embassies from Asia after his victory over Pompey at Pharsalus.101 In 48 BC at
Ephesus, L. Antonius drafted regulations to curb the excesses of publicani,102 and in
46–44 BC, Servilius Vatia Isauricus, who was perhaps the proconsul for Asia, assisted
Ephesus in regaining its freedom.103 Perhaps it was this Isauricus, who paid for the construction of a stoa between the stadium and the theatre.104
After Caesar's assassination in 44 BC, Brutus and Cassius took refuge there,105 and increased the size of the sanctuary by two stadia, to include part of the city. No doubt this was to allow them to reside in the city proper while enjoying the protection of the Artemision. They used Ephesus as a centre of operations to collect taxes.106 In
41 BC, Marcus Antonius arrived in the guise of Dionysus, and then stripped the city
97 Aurenhammer and Sokolicek (2011:55). 98 Halfmann (2001:23). 99 Atticus 5.13; 6.8. Casson (1994:151). 100 Caes. BCiv. 3.33. 101 Halfmann (2001:21); Raja (2012:57). 102 Halfmann (2001:21). 103 Halfmann (2001:22). 104 Halfmann (2001:21–22). 105 Raja (2012:57). 106 Raja (2012:57).
210 of its wealth.107 While both Antonius and Cleopatra VII resided in Ephesus, they murdered the Egyptian queen's sister Arsinoe IV, dragging her from the sanctuary of the Artemision.108 In 34 BC, Gaius Memmius, Sulla's grandson was suffect consul.109
In 33–31 BC, Antonius used Ephesus as a base,110 but he was ultimately defeated by
Augustus in 31 BC at Actium. Rome's increased presence and interest in Ephesus is clear from these events, and despite the city's initial disloyalty in the case of
Mithridates, it is evident that Ephesus had become central for Roman political interests and for the administration of the province.
The coastline had been receding gradually since the Bronze Age and continued to do so (Fig. 94), but rather than abandon the city, it may have been at this time that plans for the prolongation of the plain westward from the theatre were first conceived.111 This expansion was evidently to accommodate public buildings rather than domestic ones,112 and a new grid plan of streets for the reclaimed area was envisioned, although large-scale building would not occur until much later. The new
Roman street plan extended between Streets 13 and 31 west of the processional way
(Fold-out page 2).113 Largely based on the Hellenistic plan, the streets were wider and furnished with columns.114 The area behind the warehouses at the lower agora was prolonged, Street 15 lengthened, and the processional way broadened from 5 m to 8 m.115 Major access streets to the harbour were Streets 33, 37 and 41, of which Streets
107 Plut. Vit. Ant. 24. 108 Pelling (1996:12); Raja (2012:57). 109 Webb (1996:83). 110 Halfmann (2001:21); Pelling (1996:50). 111 Groh (2006:73). 112 Groh (2006:76). 113 Groh (2006:73). 114 Groh (2006:74). 115 Groh (2006:73). 211 41 and 37 were flanked by the smaller Streets 35 and 43.116 Street 33, the prolongation of Street 15, slightly changed alignment to follow the new harbour.117 The western part of the Triodos led to an open area 24 m x 160 m, and further west of this square, the street bent to the south, parallel to the later enclosed harbour.118 West of the harbour, Street 33 narrowed to a standard 5 m plataias, and was incorporated into the existing Hellenistic system of streets.119 The processional way from the Triodos between the valley of the mountains was also enlarged; however, its course and length beyond the upper agora are unknown,120 but it was probably connected to Street 9, which led on to the Magnesian Gate.121 The gate was probably constructed around this time. It was 22.8 m x 25 m with three entrances (Fig. 106),122 and was constructed on top of the earlier Lysimachan wall.123 Street 7 divided this area beyond the upper agora into two quarters: Rows 1–4 were domestic areas and workshops, while Rows
5–7 were domestic areas and public buildings.124 The earliest known indications of workshops near the Magnesian Gate date from the 3rd quarter of the 2nd century BC, as well as near the area SF513 (Fold-out page 2).125
Near the Triodos, at the commencement of the Embolos' ascent, a grave monument was constructed, between 85–50 BC,126 which was probably to honour the
116 Groh (2006:74). 117 Groh (2006:75). 118 Groh (2006:75). 119 Groh (2006:75). 120 Groh (2006:75). 121 Groh (2006:89). 122 Groh (2006:89). 123 See note 14 above. 124 Groh (2006:89). 125 Groh (2006:69). 126 On the dating, the 2nd quarter of 1st century BC, see Waldner (Waldner 2009:292).
212 city's legendary founder, Androklos (Figs. 107 and 108).127 It is a rare example of a
Hellenistic period honorific monument, which is quite well-preserved (Fig. 109). It was set out on a solid core, atop a raised platform with steps on two sides, but not the one facing the Embolos.128 It was a pi-shaped structure that featured two-storeys, the first Doric and the second Ionic. The building's projecting wings framed its central set-back bay, and this arrangement focussed attention on the arched niche on the second level, which most probably contained a statue.129 The curious broken pediment that crowned the structure contained a shield motif whose raking simas were steeper than their counterparts. The low relief friezes that decorated the entablature depicted the story of a military campaign, and on one section, there was a mounted rider that is similar in form to depictions of Androklos pursuing the boar. Another section of the relief, argued Thür, may represent the scene of Androklos' demise at the hands of the
Carians.130 The original construction of the supporting structure strongly suggests that the monument incorporated a water feature, and one that continued to flow into the late Roman period, evidenced by the spolia blocks displaying a Late Roman decorative style, and that are still in place today, marking out the edge of the basin
(Fig. 108). If indeed this monument does honour Androklos,131 a water feature would be in keeping with the theme of the sacred spring Hypeleus that is mentioned in the
127 On the heroon, see Thür (Thür 1995:91). Thür pointed to evidence for later tavernas on the south side (Thür 2009:15). 128 Thür (1995:85). 129 Thür (1995:102). 130 Thür (1995:99–100). 131 Thür concluded that this was the grave monument for Androklos, the legendary founder of Ephesus. This identification was based on the subject of the friezes and the monument's position near the lower agora, which is comparable to many other heroons in other Greek cities (Thür provided a good catalogue of parallels). Thür also evaluated Pausanias' description of the monument's location, described as after the Olympeion and before the Magnesian Gate (Thür 1995:77 note 69, 102–103). However, it should be noted that there is no inscription naming the monument.
213 city's foundation myth. It may have also provided an important model for other monumental fountains that would later appear on the Embolos, and in other parts of the city.
One of the most remarkable features of the Androklos Monument is its benches, replete with lions' feet, which form part of the supporting structure of the lower Doric storey's columns.132 The monument was also laid out to include a small 4 m x 8 m open square on its northwestern side, which was also furnished with benches with stylistically identical lions' feet to those of the monument (Fig. 110).133 This small square extended from the main structure to the edge of Street 50. Of special note is that some of these benches were inscribed with letters,134 similar to the practice observed in theatres to reserve seats. The monument, with its seating facilities and adjoining small open square also with seating, clearly reveal one of its functions: that of a gathering place. No grave chamber is suggested by the building's structural form, nor has any grave been found among its foundations. Thür ventured that this was a
Cenotaph.135
From 44 BC, around the time that the abuses from publicani were curbed, dedications appear in the theatre, and also work is undertaken on its vaulting.136
Around the middle of the 1st century BC,137 a Horologion water (clock) was
132 Thür (1995:83). 133 Thür (1995:89–90). 134 These were Kappa Delta Epsilon and Rho (Thür 1995:89). 135 Thür (1995:102). 136 IvE 6, 2031, 2032, 2033 (note that IvE 2 = Börker et al. (1979), IvE 3 = Engelmann et al. (1980a), IvE 4 = Engelmann et al. (1980b), IvE 5 = Börker et al. (1980), IvE 6 = Engelmann et al. (1980:6), IvE 7.1 = Meriç (1981a), IvE 7.2 = Meriç (1981b)); Graham (2013:392, NaN, 402). 137 Hueber et al. (1997:71.).
214 constructed in the Triodos.138 These buildings, if the Ephesian clock was at all similar to the Tower of the Winds in Athens, provided both a public service and a spectacle of
Hellenistic period technology.139 At Athens, the hour of the day was indicated both by a sun dial and a complex water timekeeping device, as well as a vane indicated the prevailing winds, which were believed to have an effect on health.140 All were displayed in an elaborately and richly decorated manner (Fig. 111).
A new monument was constructed next to the Androklos' Monument, most probably for Arsinoe IV, at some time following her murder in 41 BC (Fig. 112).141
The so-called “Octagon” also displays an innovative form. It rose 13.5 m from the
Embolos,142 and displayed eight Corinthian columns set at the top of an octagonal core, which carried a architrave divided into three fasciae. On the core there was an octagonal cella, which was decorated with a garland frieze with bucrania, roundels and fillets.143 At the foot of this cella, similar to the Androklos Monument, was a bench with lions' feet for spectators.144 The roof was pyramidal in form, leading Thür to argue that this was reminiscent of Arsinoe's home in Alexandria, and was even perhaps modelled on the Pharos lighthouse.145 Between 50–25 BC,146 at the top of the
Embolos, a monument was erected to Gaius Memmius, grandson of Sulla.147 While
138 IvE 7.1, 3004; Graham (2013:392, note 43); Hueber et al. (1997:71–73); Quatember (2008a:22). On a list of ancient references to water clocks as well as discussions and a description on their workings, see Noble and Price (Noble and Price 1968:345 note 4, 346). 139 Quatember (2008a:22). 140 Vitruvius discusses winds and the Tower of the Winds at Athens (Vitr. De arch.1.6.1–5). 141 Groh (2006:93); Scherrer (2001:68, 84); Thür (2009:16). Also on a summary of the dating of the building to soon after Actium in 31 BC, see Plattner (Plattner 2009:101, NaN, 105). 142 Thür (1990:49). 143 Thür (1990:47). 144 Thür (1990:47). 145 Thür (1990:54). 146 Outschar (1990:85). 147 Webb (1996:82). 215 first thought to be a triumphal arch,148 after a re-examination, it was determined to be a monument similar in style to the Octagon, and it stood to a height of approximately
17 m (Fig. 113).149
From the time of Ephesus' inclusion to the province of Asia in 133 BC, it seems that little public building work was undertaken, and it was not until the middle of the 1st century BC that the city recovered from the economic and political turmoil of the preceding era. The refurbishment of the theatre showed a renewed interest in public space, and the construction of a monument for the city's founder with a fountain, as well as the provision of a water clock at the Triodos, show a certain degree of civic mindedness. The Androklos Monument was soon followed by others, and being clearly seen was an important consideration in the design of these monuments. At 13 m above the Embolos,150 the pediment of the Androklos
Monument, and perhaps its statue, would have been visible from both the Tetragonos agora and perhaps the harbour. When the Octagon followed, slightly further up the
Embolos and at 13.5 m, it would have risen above the Androklos Monument. The later Memmius Monument, at the height of the Embolos, and at 17 m, surpassed them both.
One overlooked feature is the significance of the arrangement of the benches on the Androklos Monument, and also on the Octagon. Those seated at the Androklos monument would have enjoyed carefully directed lines of sight. The front of the monument featured no seats, probably so as not to detract from the impact of the elaborately architecturally framed façade and statue. Those seated on the eastern side of the monument would have had excellent views of the Embolos as it ascended. The
148 Alzinger and Bammer (1971:87). 149 Outschar (1990:82). 150 Thür (1995:87).
216 benches on the western side of the monument, along with the small open square, were angled in such a way that those seated on the monument side were the best positioned to view the water clock and traffic from the harbour area. Those seated on the benches below may have had their view somewhat restricted, but those on the outer seats would have at least seen someway up the slope of the Embolos. That this seating was considered to be of high value, is strongly suggested by the carved letters on the first four benches on the north side of the six rows. Perhaps most importantly was that the seated spectators on the rows of benches, and on the monument could see each other, which was surely to facilitate some kind of interaction. They may have kept one another informed about who was approaching from either direction of the Embolos.
So, not only did the monument command a key location at the juncture of the city's pedestrian flow, but it also afforded those who gathered there an excellent vantage point of the Triodos. We might wonder why these seats were reserved on the
Androklos monument. Although no interpretation of the function of the carved initials was offered by Thür, it is tempting to consider whether the citizens mentioned by
Strabo, who were, or at least believed themselves to be, descendants of Androklos, were among those who gathered there.
Augustus no doubt recognised the potential of Ephesus as a base of Roman control when he stayed there for half a year after Actium in 31 BC, and agreed that the city could establish an imperial cult there.151 The new emperor made the city the seat of the proconsul,152 and thus the capital of the province of Asia. With the city's renewed freedom, the incoming political regime signalled major urban
151 Cass. Dio 51.20.5. Raja argued that perhaps it was at this time it became the capital of Asia (Raja 2012:58). 152 Scherrer (2001:69).
217 developments.153 The silting up of the harbour continued unabated,154 and this would guide the urban development of Ephesus once again. Taking advantage of this, the
Ephesians embarked on a massive expansion on the newly available land. As mentioned above, this expansion had probably been planned in the late 2nd century BC and partially begun, but had not been fully developed. Overall, the character of this new enlarged harbour district would be on trade infrastructure, Roman imperial monumental display and buildings for public benefit, while the older Hellenistic city above remained a mix of public and residential areas.155
The Artemision still captured the imagination of its contemporary visitors.
When Vitruvius described the temple in some detail in about 15 BC,156 it is clear that he had visited and admired it. The temple continued to be an important focus of city life, and during Augustus' political reorganisation, the size of the sanctuary was returned to its original bounds,157 perhaps in connection with his leadership in renovations using the temple's revenues in 5/6 BC.158 Taking advantage of the sanctuary's past association with the enemies of Augustus, and the legendary figure of
Alexander, Augustus set up an inscription documenting his role in the project; tellingly the Latin letters were larger than the Greek.159 The temple's “renovation” may have involved a financial restructuring as well as a purely physical make-over. Some
50 years later, in AD 44, the city set up an inscription in gratitude for the funds that were made available from the temple, which were used for repaving the upper agora,
153 Halfmann (2001:24). For a summary and table of investment in public building during this period, see White (White 1995:51, 54, table 2). 154 Groh (2006:72). 155 Groh (2006:79). 156 Vitr. De arch. 2.9.13, 10.2.15. 157 Raja (2012:58). 158 IvE 5, 1522–1524; Graham (2013:384, 388). 159 Graham (2013:385). 218 thanks to Augustus' efforts. Additionally, at sometime in the 1st century BC, the sacred hearth was moved from the Artemision to a new prytaneion in the upper agora,160 and this may have resulted in the Artemision losing some political sway.161 The Kuretes were an important annual assembly of leading men, who were closely involved with the sanctuary, the annual festival for the birth of Artemis and the prytaneion,162 and despite moving to the Lysimachan city, they were probably still closely associated with the administration of the Artemision.163
Other significant urban improvement building projects were undertaken by
Augustus, such as the Aqua Julia,164 and the Embolos was repaved.165 The lower agora was regularised during this period (Fig. 114),166 probably not as a commodities market, but rather to accommodate offices or administrative functions.167 It was surrounded by colonnaded stoas with shops; the west stoa featured basements, and the east stoa was built over Hellenistic terracing.168 The lower agora was accessed via its gateways: the west gate led to the Medusa Gate and Ortygia,169 the north gate to the
Theatre plaza, and the best preserved of them, the south gate of Mazaeus and
Mithridates, to the Embolos and processional way. These two freedmen of the Roman imperial household constructed the gate in 3–2 BC (Fig. 115).170 Unlike its present
160 Steskal (2010:41); C. M. Thomas (2010:127). 161 Steskal (2010:41). 162 C. M. Thomas (2010:127). 163 Bauer (2014:178–79). 164 IvE 2, 401; Graham (2013:395); Halfmann (2001:24); Scherrer (2001:74, note 83). 165 IvE 2, 459; Graham (2013:394). 166 Groh (2006:77). On the dating of the complex and also the Harbour gymnasium's dating to the Hadrianic period, see Bier (Bier 2011:67). 167 Groh (2006:86). 168 Hueber et al. (1997:74). 169 Groh (2006:105). 170 IvE 7.1, 3005, 3006; IvE 3, 851; Halfmann (2001:29); Graham (2013:391). An inscription records Mithridates as a freedman (Graham 2013:391, note 40). 219 condition, the gate was not free standing, but rather was part of the Augustan stoas that surrounded the agora, and should therefore be interpreted as an entrance to a market building. It exhibits a three bayed form, and acted as a “funnel” for pedestrian and vehicular traffic.171 Both sides of the gate were conceived independently. The first, facing on to the square at the base of the Embolos, was highly visible, and displayed a bilingual inscription to their patrons: Mazaeus to Augustus and Livia, and
Mithridates to Agrippa and Julia (Fig. 116).172 Graham pointed out that the Latin inscriptions, by virtue of their position on the frieze of the projecting arches, show the dominance of Latin, while the Greek inscription in the centre, is set back, shorter and more utilitarian.173 The side facing the agora would not have been visible, as it was built into the interior Augustan stoa and would have seemed to have made up part of that structure (Figs. 114 and 117). This gate is compelling evidence of a powerful growing merchant class of freedmen: Mazaeus was not a native Ephesian, but probably east Anatolian or Syrian.174
The “Roman-style” street, i.e. lined with columns, was a new concept for Asia
Minor at the time and the processional way was also widened and provided with columns to follow the same theme, especially at SF723–SF724 and SF824 (Fold-out page 2).175 Along the processional way on the Embolos, a continuous succession of domestic architecture has been extensively researched, which dates from the Augustan period. These are the so-called “Terrace” houses, and they were also preceded by
171 Hueber et al. (1997:74). 172 Hueber et al. (1997:76). 173 Graham (2013:392). 174 Halfmann (2001:30). On the growing wealth of Roman period merchants also see Casson (1994:126). For a list of all known prominent foreigners in Ephesus and their contributions, see White (White 1995:66–79). 175 Groh (2006:79).
220 columned halls, between 4 and 5 m wide (Fig. 118).176 In this way, the Embolos' role as a connection between the lower and upper city and their respective agoras was strengthened in this period, while still retaining its character as the sacred processional way.
The remodelling activities in the lower agora were echoed in the upper city,177 centred on the dense concentration of public building in the upper agora. This agora was a 58 m x 155 m sized square, whose north side was fronted by the Hellenistic period two-bayed stoa. Behind the stoa, in SF616, there was a banquet house.178 A prytaneion was constructed in the last decades of the 1st century BC in SF618, which was fronted by a Doric courtyard (Fold-out page 2, Figs. 119 and120).179 The courtyard, which was approximately 5 m wide, could also be accessed from the west via Street 11.180 The use of Doric architecture was rare in Ephesus, and it has been suggested that it was employed here as a reference to the Greek homeland.181
Although this does not account for its use at the Doric gateway on the southeast corner of the agora. Three copies of the cult statue of Artemis Ephesia, as well as fragments of other sculpture, were ritually buried at the prytaneion at the same time in the Christian period.182 The rooms of the building accommodated the sacred hearth, as well as many of the activities necessary for the polis and other cults: Demeter
Karpophoros, Kore, Sosipolis, Apollo Klarios, Apollo Manteios, Theos Kinnaios and
176 Groh (2006:93); Halfmann (2001:26). 177 Commonly referred to as the “State agora” for the sake of not assigning a semantic meaning to the space, the locational term “upper agora” will be applied. The same approach will be employed for the “lower agora” which is commonly referred to as the “Tetragonos” agora. 178 Groh (2006:91); Steskal (2010:239). 179 Steskal (2010:239). 180 Groh (2006:91). 181 Steskal (2010:241). 182 Aurenhammer and Sokolicek (2011:53, fig. 7); Jacobs (2010:297). 221 Tyche are attested.183 A Rhodian peristyle occupied the northeast part of SF618 (Fold- out page 2), which is precisely in the middle axis of the agora.184
Street 11, which was the continuation of the Embolos and the processional way, was interrupted by the agora and its buildings. The processional way probably crossed the agora,185 and continued along Street 9 via an 8.4 m wide two-bayed Doric style gate, which was connected to a stoa on the southwest side (Fig. 119).186 The details of the east edge of the agora are uncertain, but there seems to have been a further 16 m wide stoa there, which was connected to the Doric gate, and also connected to the east chalcidicum (entrance hall) of the later basilica stoa.187
In light of Augustus' work at the Artemision, the construction of an aqueduct, the remodelling of both the upper and lower agoras, as well as repaving the
Embolos,188 it is little surprise that he was honoured as ktistes.189 However, it is unlikely that the emperor managed all this alone, and a “personal circle” around him has been suggested.190 One of these was no doubt Iulius Nikephoros, who was made prytanis for life in 18 BC, the same date that the list of prytaneis, which had been maintained at the theatre, came to an end,191 Mazaeus and Mithridates no doubt had
Augustus' blessing, as well as a G. Sextilius Pollio.192
183 Steskal (2010:241). 184 Groh (2006:91). 185 Groh (2006:91). 186 Groh (2006:91). 187 Groh (2006:91). 188 Groh argued that the construction of the lower agora was connected to the city becoming the capital of Asia (Groh 2006:78). 189 IvE 2, 52 61; Scherrer (2001:71, note 1). 190 Halfmann (2001:26). 191 IvE 1a, 9; Scherrer (2001:59, notes, 67, 69 and 85). 192 Halfmann (2001:26).
222 In AD 11, Pollio replaced the Hellenistic stoa on the north edge of the upper agora with a three-bayed 20.3 m wide, 164 m long basilica (Figs. 119 and 121), which would have towered over the other buildings.193 Stinson saw this as the first in a series of “... an eastern regional type of the Roman basilica”, characterised by “... elongated floor plans and broad rectangular halls at one or both short ends”.194 The western edge of the basilica protruded from the edge of the agora, and it may have acted as an architectural end point for the ascent from the Embolos as well as a propylon-style monumental entrance to the upper agora. Although aligned obliquely, the civic basilica at Aphrodisias performed this function.195 Portraits of Augustus and Livia were found buried in ruins of the building.196 In the centre of the agora, and perhaps contemporary with Pollio's basilica, a 15.5 m x 22.2 m prostyle temple was constructed.197 It was orientated towards the Artemision and was probably dedicated to the cult of Divus Iulius and Dea Roma.198 Between AD 4–14, Pollio and Aulus embarked on another project for the public good, a second aqueduct, the Aqua
Troessitica.199 The Pollio Monument and monumental fountain, which were constructed next to the Memmius Monument at the top of the Embolos, were the
193 IvE 2, 404; Graham (2013:395); Groh (2006:91); Halfmann (2001:26); von Hesburg (2002:149– 150); Scherrer (2001:71). 194 Stinson (2008:79). 195 Although arranged obliquely, the “civic” basilica at Aphrodisias performed a similar function (Stinson 2008:99–100). 196 Jacobs (2010:298). 197 Groh (2006:91). 198 Halfmann lists arguments against its identification as a Dionysius temple for Antonius (Halfmann 2001:24 note 74). For a convincing argument on its identification as a Roman Imperial temple, see Kirbihler and Zabrana (Kirbihler and Zabrana 2014:129). 199 IvE 2, 402; IvE 7.1, 3092, 3093; Halfmann (2001:24); Graham (2013:395, notes 60 and 62); Scherrer (2001:82, note 74). 223 possible end point of this aqueduct (Figs. 119 and 122).200 Of its surviving statuary, there is a Polyphemus group.201
Under the principate of Tiberius (AD 14–37), there was little known construction work, and this may be because it has yet to be located, or perhaps resources were employed to repair damage after an earthquake in AD 23.202 Under
Nero (AD 54–68), building activity seemed to have picked up somewhat. At sometime between AD 54–59, the Augustan stoa on the east edge of the lower agora was replaced by the so-called “east hall”.203 The unpreserved donor and his wife
Claudia Metrodora dedicated the hall to Ephesian Artemis, Nero, Agrippina and the
Ephesian demos.204 Statues of Germanicus and Drusus, Nero and Agrippina were recovered from the building.205 This hall has been interpreted as a stock exchange building or a market for easily transportable goods.206 The two-storeyed eastern stoa featured two doorways and steps at the southern end that connected the upper floor to the lower level of the Horologion (Figs. 111 and118),207 and thus served as a transition point between the level of the agora, and the level behind the stoa, i.e. on top of the Hellenistic terracing.208 A Milesian orator, Dionysius, was interred under this staircase: a pathway that led to the stoa that looked onto the agora he used to frequent.209 The building seems to have been connected with an initiative to divert at least some traffic from the lower agora to a newly constructed thoroughfare, the so-
200 Halfmann (2001:27). 201 Jacobs (2010:295). 202 Raja (2012:58); Scherrer (2001:73). 203 Iv 2, 255, 256; Graham (2013:396, note 66). 204 IvE 7.1, 3003; Graham (2013:396, note 66). 205 IvE 2, 255, 256; Graham (2013:396, note 66). 206 Hueber et al. (1997:83). 207 Hueber et al. (1997:71). 208 Hueber et al. (1997:77). 209 Scherrer (2001:77). 224 called “Marble Street” provided direct access from the theatre to the foot of the
Embolos (Fig. 123), but was mostly inaccessible from the upper level of the Neronian hall, except for one doorway.210
At this time, the old stadium was equipped with vaulting and seating.211 The new stadium, which measured 117 m x 264 m in its renovated form, made use of part of the city wall to the east, and to the south it employed the slope of the mountain.212
Located to the west of the stadium was an 83 m x 87 m structure, which has been interpreted as a macellum.213 A fishery customs house was also constructed in this period,214 perhaps by the father of Claudia Metrodorus, co-donor the east-hall.215 St.
Paul spent several years at Ephesus from AD 52,216 and according to the Bible, a trade in selling silver shrines of Artemis was making local craftsmen rich.217 During a public meeting at the theatre, the grammateus calmed the crowd by reminding them that there was no threat from St. Paul and his teaching to their trade, as the whole world knew of Ephesus and the Artemision.218 Trade and security must have contributed to the city's growth and success, in around AD 65 Seneca complained that the city was a crowded place.219 The Roman imperial administration at Ephesus seemed to have protected the interests of their subjects. In AD 65–66, Barea Soranus, who was proconsul of Asia, was put to death by Nero for disallowing the pillaging of
210 Scherrer (2001:81). 211 IvE 2, 411; IvE 4, 2113; IvE 7.2, 4123; Gros (1996:360); Scherrer (2001:72, note 71). 212 In a later period, it was transformed into an amphitheatre Groh (2006:81). 213 Groh (2006:82). 214 IvE Ia, 20, also possibly IvE 1503; Graham (2013:396, note 67); Scherrer (2001:74, note 85). 215 Graham (2013:396, note 67). 216 Jewett (1987:217). 217 Acts 19.24–25; Vujčić (2009:161). For a critical reading of Paul's time in Ephesus, see White (White 1995:36–37). 218 Acts 19.36. 219 Sen. Ep. 102.21; Halfmann (2001:39). 225 pictures and statues by freedmen at Pergamos.220 In AD 69, when Vespasian was declared emperor, a native Ephesian, Polemeaus Celsus may have been present.221
During his principate (AD 69–79), there seems to have been a lull in building activity;222 however, in the AD 70s, the Artemision still captured the imagination of at least one Roman writer and his readership:
“The most wonderful monument of Greek magnificence, and one
that merits our genuine admiration, is the Temple of Diana at
Ephesus”.223
Halfmann contended that aqueducts were exceptional in Asia at this time,224 and thus would have been a source of wonder, but this was not the only wondrous change. The addition of colonnaded thoroughfares from the Augustan period had completely transformed the architectural character of the city. It is worth stressing again that the appearance of the Hellenistic period city is largely unknown, as is the extent to which existing buildings were cleared to make space for public works from
Augustus. What is clear though, is that Ephesus now possessed a continuous connected network of colonnaded thoroughfares from the harbour area, to the upper agora and possibly beyond. The arch of Mazaeus and Mithridates, as well as the western entrance to the upper agora, performed dual functions. From inside the lower agora, the arch of Mazaeus and Mithridates would have seemed to be an exit to the
Augustan colonnades that surrounded the lower agora. Yet, from the square outside,
220 Tac. Ann. 16.23. 221 Eck (2000:219). 222 Halfmann (2001:39). 223 Plin. HN. 36.21. 224 Halfmann (2001:27).
226 the arch was a Roman imperial propagandistic statement, reminiscent of a triumphal arch. It was built in honour of the new Roman masters of Ephesus, but also demonstrated the economic and political strength of its donors. The west end of the basilica at the upper agora, would have also seemed to be a grand propylon to an inner space for one approaching it from the Embolos, projecting as it did from the limits of the agora, but upon passing through the entrance, the observer would have met with an incredible interior roofed space and vista of columns that fronted the most interior of spaces, the prytaneion, and possibly an earlier bouleuterion, but which also opened on to the agora itself, where the Roman imperial temple had been built, in clear juxtaposition with the prytaneion.
The Embolos, which was now largely a colonnade, featured visible reminders of the city's past struggles. First, a reminder of the city's bloody foundation was present at the then ancient Androklos Monument, followed by the symbol of the more recent struggle for control of the city and of Asia, first between the Hellenistic kings, and then between Antonius and Augustus: neatly encapsulated in the body and monument of Arsinoe IV. However, crowning them all, at the top of the Embolos was perhaps the tallest monument of them all at that time, that of Memmius, the Roman consul, which also displayed a sculptural iconography of struggle, a Polyphemus group. The later renovations of the theatre, stadium and east stoa of the lower agora, as well as the institution of a customs house, show that Ephesus was invested in strengthening its infrastructure for commerce and trade.
From around AD 81, when Domitian became emperor, the lull in building activity ceased, and the large scale development of the city started to gather pace.
Laecanius Bassus was proconsul at Ephesus in the years between AD 80 and 82, and in AD 78–79, he dedicated the “Hydrekdocheion”, a monumental fountain, at the
227 southwest corner of the upper agora on the western limit of SF619 (Fold-out page 2,
Figs. 119 and124).225 From this monument, part of the statuary program was preserved: two fluvial gods, five tritons, two (possibly three) statues of Aphrodite, a satyr and a Nereid relief.226 In many ways, this monumental fountain had further development of the Androklos Monument theme on a grander scale.
The so-called “Serapeion” was located near the lower agora at SF1828–
SF1829 (Fold-out page 2), and was connected to a square that was accessible from the west Medusa Gate of the lower agora along Street 33, and it may have been built around the beginning of Domitian's principate (AD 81–96) (Figs. 114 and 125).227 The function of this building remains unclear.228 Scherrer believed it to be a Mouseion,229 however Groh thought it may have played, along with the Crevice temple, some kind of sacral defensive role for the new Roman imperial harbour precinct.230 The skene of the theatre was given a new two-story facade construction, which was completed in
AD 85–86, and the auditorium was expanded, supported by massive vaulting structures in its northern section.231 In AD 86, the Embolos was repaved again, this time by Domitian himself.232
225 IvE 3, 695; Aurenhammer (1995:261–62); Halfmann (2001:39); Graham (Graham 2013:397, note 78); Groh (2006:91). Quatember (2011:111). 226 Jacobs (2010:295). 227 Halfmann (2001:43). The date of the building remains debated, see Quatember for a bibliography on the discussion (Bier 2011:66, note 187). On stylistic grounds, Quatember places it in the second half of the 2nd century (Bier 2011:67). 228 It was given the name of Serapeion because water channels that were found in connection to the building (Hueber et al. 1997:77). 229 Groh (2006:86). 230 Groh (2006:100). The building is currently undergoing extensive research and an anastylosis is planned by Austrian Archaeological Institute (Aurenhammer 2008). 231 IvE 5, 2034; Halfmann (2001:43); Graham (2013:401, note 95). 232 IvE 2, 236b; Halfmann (2001:44). 228 A neokoros temple was consecrated in AD 88–89,233 at the height of the
Embolos at SF620–SF621 (Fold-out page 2).234 It was constructed on an artificial U- form cryptoporticus, orientated toward the Artemision and overlooked the so-called
“Domitian's square” (SF620).235 The name of the square is a little misleading, as this space was lined on the north and east sides with honorific monuments and graves that predated Domitian, such as the Memmius monument,236 a niche monument, and the
Pollio building.237 Ground penetrating radar to the north of SF621 showed that there was another open “square” to the west.238 To the north, ground penetrating radar has revealed an approximately 21 m long stoa, or row of taverns, which was connected to
Domitian's square via an entrance to the east.239
In the AD 90s, there is inscriptional evidence of further theatre refinement and the construction of unidentified public buildings.240 These buildings may be related to the expansion of the area west of the theatre and lower agora, which was to undergo a profound transformation. The dating of the expansion is deducible from the buildings that were constructed in this area.241 The 160 m x 170 m Harbour baths,242 and adjacent Verulanus Portico,243 played a central role in the development of the new harbour,244 which apart from one pier head, has yet to be intensively studied (Fig.
233 On the term “neokoros”, see Friesen (Friesen 1995:225–236). 234 Groh (2006:92). 235 Groh (2006:92). 236 Halfmann (2001:27). 237 Groh (2006:92). 238 Groh (2006:92). 239 Groh (2006:92). 240 Halfmann (2001:44); Scherrer (2001:74, note 93). 241 Groh (2006:77). 242 At SF2132–SF2134 and SF2132–SF2134. 243 At SF2031–SF2027 and SF2131–SF2127. 244 For a good bibliography on publications related to this bathing complex, see Steskal and La Torre (Steskal and La Torre 2008:294 note 1541).
229 126).245 In AD 92–93, the Harbour Baths were still a space for benefaction, Claudius
Nysius donated a statue group to the baths, probably while he was prytanis.246 The massive Verulanus Portico abutted the baths to the east.247 It measured 200 m x 240 m,248 was accessible from Streets 37, 41 and Street 54, and was fronted by a propylon along Street 64.249 Probably in this period, a broad marble road, the so-called
“Arkadiane”, was laid out and lined with statues of Nikes (Fold-out page 2, Fig. 127).
It connected the new harbour precinct with the theatre, and the processional way.250
Street 37 must also have been related to the harbour precinct development.251
Aristion, a leading citizen who emerged around this time, not only donated money for the harbour scheme and its baths, but also for extensive water works in the upper agora, most likely to supply the baths.252 The Domitian monumental fountain was constructed east of the Pollio basilica,253 and a large monumental fountain, the so- called “Fontäne”, was erected in AD 92–93 on the south side of the upper agora at
SF517 (Fold-out page 2, Fig. 119).254 In AD 94–95, the Embolos was repaved again,255
245 Groh (2006:77–78, 84). Quatember provides a summary on the dating of the complex and also the Harbour Baths dating to the Hadrianic period (Bier 2011:67). On the excavation of the pier, see Zabehlicky (Zabehlicky 1995:207–210). For a good general summary and bibliography of the baths in Ephesus, see Auinger (Auinger 2011:69). The statuary program that survived from the Harbour Baths included statues of Dionysus, a statue of a satyr, Aphrodite, an unidentified goddess, statuette of Dionysus, a philosopher, Daedalus and Icarus and two groups with a sphinx (Jacobs 2010:293). 246 IvE 2, 518; Halfmann (2001:43). 247 Scherrer (2001:74, note 88). 248 Steskal and La Torre (2008:293). 249 Groh (2006:84). 250 IvE 2, 521–526; Scherrer (2001:74 note 92). 251 Groh (2006:77). 252 IvE 2, 508; Graham (2013:405 note 109). 253 IvE 2, 414–415, 416, 417, 418, 419; Graham (2013:406 note 112); Halfmann (2001:42). 254 Groh (2006:94). For the statues recovered from this monument, see Jacobs (Jacobs 2010:295). 255 IvE 7.1, 3008; Scherrer (2001:74 note 93).
230 for the sake of the “beautification” of the city for the neokoros temple.256 M. Tigellius
M.f. Maec. Lupus, twice grammateus, undertook the work.257
In AD 98 when Trajan became emperor, the building activity showed no sign of abating. Between AD 100 and 125, baths were constructed along the Embolos by
Varius Valens,258 as well as public latrines.259 Inscriptions attest to the commission of more public buildings around the turn of the century, i.e. P. Pamphilio's “great works”,260 and Hesychos' refurbishment of a moneychanger's hall.261 Around the same time, in the large domestic area to the south of the upper agora, a small market place with a macellum at SF512–SF513 was constructed, and a basilica connected to Street
7 (Fold-out page 2).262 The area was also furnished with a monumental fountain along the street to the Magnesian Gate, which is dated by an inscription to between AD 102 and 114 (Fig. 128),263 and there were also shops on Street 24. Thus, SF512–SF515 represented a coherent complex of public buildings consisting of a basilica, monumental fountain and macellum, which took its alignment from the upper agora.264 By the end of the late AD 90s, Street 9 had became an important thoroughfare as it possessed a succession of monumental fountains: the street fountain at SF512, the monumental fountain at SF517 and the Hydrekdocheion of Bassus at
SF619 (Fold-out page 2).265
256 Halfmann (2001:50). 257 IvE 2, 446, 449; IvE 3, 793; Halfmann (2001:44); Scherrer (2001:74, note 93). 258 Also known as the “Scholastik baths”, located at SF722. 259 IvE 2, 421; IvE 2, 672, IvE 7.1, 3080; Halfmann (2001:63); Scherrer (2001:75 note 96); Groh (2006:88). From the Varius Baths a statuette of Dionysus, and a statue of a river god, satyr and Herakles were recovered (Jacobs 2010:293). 260 Halfmann (2001:63). 261 IvE 7.1, 3065; Halfmann (2001:63). 262 Groh (2006:94). 263 Quatember (2008b:227). 264 Groh (2006:94). 265 Groh (2006:94). 231 The harbour district building program progressed under Trajan (AD 98–117), and the large-scale project to enclose the harbour may have been completed around the beginning of his principate.266 Between AD 102–113, an inscription records
Aristion's work at the harbour,267 and between AD 102–112, Flavius Montanus, a native of Phrygia, donated 75,000 denarii for harbour works,268 while also paying for vaulting in the theatre, and for a new analemma (retaining wall).269 Street 37 played an important role in connecting the harbour, Harbour Baths and Verulanus Portico to the processional way through a gate structure onto the theatre square, and it was connected to the processional way via steps (Fig. 129), and on the south side of this square, another monumental fountain was constructed.270 The theatre had been undergoing renovations since the AD 90s, and when these were finally completed by around AD 112, it could accommodate an audience of 30,000.271 The theatre hosted a rich statuary repertoire, including Aphrodite and Poseidon, three statues of Apollo, two of Dionysus, a satyr, Hermes, Serapis, Herakles, Aphrodite, Athena and Nemesis, as well as a statuette of Athena.272 The theatre was clearly a central focus of the development of the area, and had become part of a combined architectural space, along with the Neronian hall, Marble Street and the lower agora.273
Street 44, which connected the Hellenistic period on top of Panayır Dağ, the theatre and the then processional way on the Embolos was enhanced by the addition
266 Scherrer (2001:74). 267 IvE 2, 425, 461; Graham (2013:405 note 109). 268 Halfmann (2001:64). 269 IvE 3, 643; IvE 6, 2033; IvE 6, 2037; Graham (2013:403); Scherrer (2001:75 note 99). 270 Groh (2006:85). 271 Groh (2006:87); Scherrer (2001:75 note 99). 272 Jacobs (2010:296). 273 Groh (2006:87), Hueber et al. (1997:71). 232 of a propylon under Trajan in AD 114/115.274 This propylon may have signified the importance, not only of this street, but also the domestic area that is delimited; which might signify that the area was considered to be the domain of the elite.275 A structure that seems to have been a banquet hall is located at SF921 (Fold-out page 2), and it was studied briefly in 1932.276 It does not follow the alignment of the city streets, but rather that of the processional way between the theatre square and lower agora, and for this reason it could have been connected to sacred feasting and banqueting and to the elite villa above.277 It was certainly aligned in such a way so that it could take in the sight of the processional way.
There seems to have been no shortage of funds for wealthy Ephesians in this period. In AD 103, C. Vibius Salutaris instituted a festival, and also honoured
Montanus,278 and in AD 105/106, Dionysodoros donated 9,000 drachma for renovations at the prytaneion when he was prytanis.279 In the same year, another prytanis, C. Licinius Menandri f. Ser. Maximus Iulianus, donated 2,500 denarii for work at the harbour,280 and Polemaenus Celsus was proconsul that year.281 In AD
107/108, a public building was erected by an unknown donor, perhaps a columned portico.282
Between AD 110 and 120, the library and tomb of Polemaenus Celsus was constructed by his son, his heirs and overseen by Aristion, who by this time had been
274 IvE 2, 422; Groh (2006:87). 275 Groh (2006:87). 276 Groh (2006:87). 277 Groh (2006:88). 278 IvE 2, 28–36; Halfmann (2001:72); Groh (2006:107). 279 IvE 4, 1024; Halfmann (2001:63). 280 IvE 7, 3066; Halfmann (2001:63). 281 Halfmann (2001:69). 282 IvE 2, 423; Halfmann (2001:64).
233 Asiarch three times (Fig. 130).283 The building was richly decorated, adorned with statues and occupied one entire city block.284 The library has been described as one of the best known examples of pure façade architecture,285 and its inscriptions, like many others on public buildings in the city, were carefully placed for heightened meaning.286
To one side of the library stood the “Altar-Bau”, whose function remains unclear, but may have been related to the processional way.287
In AD 113–114, Aristion and his wife Iulia Lydia Laterane built another aqueduct, which was 38 km in length,288 as well as a monumental fountain as its end point on the Embolos at SF722 (Figs. 131 and 132).289 The focus of the 8.4 m x 17 m wide monumental fountain was an over-life-size statue of Trajan at the centre, featured portraits of the Roman imperial family and mythical figures such as
Androklos,290 and may have coincided with Trajan's visit in AD 113.291 Aristion was interred in a tomb next to this monumental fountain.292 As well as providing a drawing point for water and statuary display, the structure also acted as a water distribution
283 IvE 7.2, 5101, 5102, 5103, 5104, 5105, 5106, 5107, 5113; Gros (1996:368–69); Graham (2013:398). 284 Groh (2006:86). 285 Hueber et al. (1997:82). 286 For a discussion on the inscriptions and the form of the library and other public buildings, with summaries of the research, see Graham (2013:398–402). 287 Hueber et al. (1997:83). 288 IvE 7.1, 3217; Graham (2013:405, note 109). 289 Groh (2006:93); Quatember (2011:110). Aristion built at least one other public building, as his name appears in the accusative on a monumental building fragment (IvE 2, 425; Graham 2013:406, note 115), near the Varius Baths. 290 Gros (1996:430); Quatember (2011:111). Statues preserved were: two of Dionysus, a satyr, Aphrodite, Androklos, herms, two unidentified female deities, a helmeted warrior and a philosopher (Jacobs 2010:294). 291 Halfmann (1986:185). 292 Halfmann (2001:65).
234 point for other parts of the city.293 In AD 114–115, a propylon was erected by the
Ephesian polis, which may have been to the east of Trajan's fountain.294
Hadrian became emperor in AD 117, and around that time the so-called
“Temple of Hadrian” was constructed by P. Quintilius Varius Valens and his wife, and was dedicated to Ephesian Artemis. While on the inscription the building is explicitly described as a naon (temple) with a cult statue, it also seems to have in some way fulfilled the role of a propylon, and may have been built in connection with the Varius
Baths and public latrines (Fig. 133).295 In AD 124 and 129, Hadrian visited Ephesus,296 and perhaps again in AD 131, before he continued on to Athens and inaugurated the
Pan-Hellenion.297 There was further work at the Harbour Baths in AD 130–131: the walls were veneered with marble by the Asiarch C. Claudius Verulanus Marcellus with family members.298 The Ephesian Olympics were also instated that year, and Ti.
Cl. Nysius would leave his fortune to the games;299 no doubt these games were connected to the Pan-Hellenion.
A major installation was constructed to the northwest of the new harbour precinct, the so-called “Olympeion”.300 This monumental undertaking took up over 18 parcels of land (286 m x 231 m, 10 ha),301 and was located at the north-westernmost limit of the city.302 It may have been connected to Roman imperial propaganda, with
293 Quatember (2011:110). 294 IvE 2, 422; Graham (2013:408, note 118). 295 IvE 2, 429; Graham (2013:407); Halfmann (2001:68); Hueber et al. (1997:86). 296 Raja (2012:58); Birley (2000:140); Halfmann (1986:191–92). 297 Birley (2000:144). 298 IvE 2, 430; Halfmann (2001:74). 299 This is the “so-called” Olympeion because it is tentatively identified as the building mentioned by Pausanias in connection to the Magnesian gate (Paus. 7.2.9; Wiplinger and Wlach 1995:114; Halfmann 2001:44). 300 Groh (2006:73); Hueber et al. (1997:52); Karweise (1995:313–15). 301 SF2228–SF2233, SF2328–SF2333, SF2428–SF2433. 302 Groh (2006:82).
235 an 85 m x 57 m pseudodipteros temple in the centre of the area, and on the southern termination of the precinct, a 265 m x 30 m wide three-bayed basilica-like structure was laid out.303 2nd century AD terra sigillata ceramics were found during excavations under the floor of this basilica,304 and taverns were later added to the southwest of this area.305 The whole complex was most likely commercial in nature, connected as it was to the harbour via Street 43,which would also account for the “taverns” in the area where the street meets the precinct.306 In terms of its overall layout, it shows a striking similarity to the Augustan refurbishment of the upper agora, and so may have been planned during the Augustan period building program,307 or earlier and only carried out in the Hadrianic period.
A further two gymnasium complexes were added in the Hadrianic period (AD
117–138),308 a 96 m x 136 m gymnasium was built over 2 city blocks near the theatre, but did not quite follow the city grid, rather it followed the processional way (Fold- out page 2, Fig. 126).309 The East Gymnasium was located in the upper city, at the
Magnesian Gate on Street 9 and shared one wall with the city wall.310 It was similar in form as the Theatre Gymnasium, and was also equipped with taverns.311
303 Groh (2006:82). 304 Groh (2006:77). 305 Groh (2006:83). 306 Groh (2006:82–83). 307 Groh (2006:83). And yet he dates it to the Hadrianic period. 308 At SF2025–SF2026. 309 Groh (2006:84). For an excellent overview of the theatre, Vedius and East Baths and their uses, see Steskal, (Steskal 2003). 310 At SF605–SF607 (Groh 2006:89). Some preserved statuary from the gymnasium included Asklepios, Roman Imperial priest, Muses, Aphrodite, Dionysos, Hygiea and Pan (Jacobs 2010:293; Auinger 2011:76–79). 311 Groh (2006:89). For a summary of publications on this building, see Bier (Bier 2011:69 note 217). This building underwent intensive examination and publication is forthcoming (Aurenhammer 2008).
236 Between AD 113/114 and AD 127/128, the area around the base of the
Embolos received a three-bayed arch that was carefully positioned next to the open space with benches of the Androklos monument (Figs. 134 and 107).312 It spanned
Street 50, and delimited the entrance to a residential area to the south.313 A bouleuterion was constructed at the north side of upper agora over an earlier building around this time. The exact arrangement of this earlier Hadrianic bouleuterion is difficult to discern as it was supplanted by a later remodelling.314
At the close of Hadrian's principate, in AD 134, Antoninus Pius was the proconsul at Ephesus,315 and when in AD 138 he became emperor, an altar was set up in his honour in the city.316 In AD 140–144, there were further repairs to the theatre,317 and between AD 147 and 149, to the west of the city near the stadium, the Vedius
Gymnasium was constructed.318 This enormous complex occupied a space of 13,000 m2, and featured elements of both Roman bathing complexes, and Greek gymnasiums
(Fig. 135).319 The installation could host a variety of activities, such as training and education, performances and contests, as well as the self-display of the Vedii, the building's patrons.320 The gymnasium also featured a statue gallery, presumably for banqueting.321
312 Thür (1989). 313 Not the processional way to Ortygia as Thür and Hueber et al. maintained (Thür 1989:134; Hueber et al. 1997:77), but rather it marked a transition between residential and public space (Groh 2006:88). 314 Groh (2006:91). 315 Raja (2012:58). 316 Colledge (2000:978). 317 IvE 6, 2039; Halfmann (2001:76). 318 Steskal and La Torre (2008:319); Quatember (2011:69); IvE 2, 431; Halfmann (2001:79). 319 Groh (2006:81); Steskal and La Torre (2008:320). 320 Groh (2006:81); Steskal and La Torre (2008:320). 321 Groh (2006:81); Steskal and La Torre (2008:320). Statuary recovered from the gymnasium include: three naked statues of Aphrodite, later additions were two river gods, Asklepios, Hygiea, Aphrodite, Hercules (?), Hermes, Athena, an unidentified goddess, Androklos, a sophist and... Continued on p. 238
237 In AD 161, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus became joint emperors, and in
AD 163–164 Verus and Lucilla married in Ephesus.322 In the mid 2nd century AD, the
Hadrianic bouleuterion in the upper agora was significantly remodelled and enlarged by Vedius.323 The new building measured, 35 m x 45 m, was aligned to the north, and extended to the slopes of the Panayır Dağ at SF717 (Figs. 136 and 137).324 The scaenae frons, apart from its sculptural display, contained Roman imperial correspondence, including a letter from Antoninus Pius (AD 138–161) to the demos of Ephesus supporting Vedius' plans to undertake building projects, despite the demos having forbade it.325 There were also letters received from Hadrian granting two sea captains admission to the boule, probably dating to Hadrian's visit in AD 129, and these letters were part of the earlier structure.326 The sculptural program of the new
Antonine bouleuterion consisted of statues of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161–180) and his family, as well as Vedius himself.327 In the AD 160s, a great-grandson-in-law of
Vedius, Damianus,328 is recorded as having built an oikos (a large hall in this case) in the baths of Varius,329 and in AD 166 he provided food for troops.330 Outside the
Magnesian Gate, Damianus donated a covered portico that measured 2 km that linked the gate to the Artemision, for shelter for visitors (Fig. 138).331
at least five herms (Jacobs 2010:293; Auinger 2011:71–76). 322 Birley (2000:163). Lucius Verus had visited in AD 162 (Birley 2000:161; Halfmann 1986:210). The so-called Parthian frieze dates from this period, its original location is debated (Scherrer 2001:78, note 117). In the 5th century AD, the sculptural reliefs were incorporated into the structure of the Library of Celsus (Jacobs 2010:294). 323 Gros (1996:315). 324 Groh (2006:91). 325 Kokkinia (2003:203); Bier (2011:93). 326 Bier (2011:90–91). 327 Bier (2011:103). 328 For the stemma of the Vedius family, see Steskal and La Torre (Steskal and La Torre 2008:306). 329 Scherrer (2001:78). 330 Birley (2000:165); Bier (2011:98). 331 Philostr. V S. 2.23; Halfmann (2001:81–82). 238 Ephesus sustained a privileged status from Domitian's principate in AD 81, due largely to the significant political reorganisation and physical renovation that was carried out under Augustus, which encouraged its harbour trade, resulting in the emergence of some very wealthy and influential individuals, who were both local and foreign.332 Ephesians could also climb the ranks of society by following a political career within the sphere of the greater Roman empire, and the presence of the Roman proconsul in Ephesus led to the formation of Roman imperial alliances. Ultimately,
Halfmann concluded that, in contrast to Pergamon, with its entrenched elite ruling classes, Ephesus was a city for the merchant class and freedman,333 and thus offered more opportunity for social mobility.334 By this period, Ephesus also had extended and established trade routes to inland Asia Minor at its disposal, and this promised trade opportunities.335 The road network, of which Ephesus was a significant caput viae, was greatly improved, developed and maintained under the auspices of Domitian (Fig.
139).336 A focus on trade and commerce is observable in the buildings of Roman imperial Ephesus, where many sections seem to have been “zoned” for this purpose: there were a number of smaller areas with macellums, which were either markets or areas for livestock, and which also provided public access points for water;337 the
Olympeion was probably a significant commodities exchange facility connected to the harbour, while exhibiting Roman imperial propaganda through its temple; there were
332 Groh estimated that the harbour in Ephesus would have been able to cope with about 700–800 ships per season, with a total combined cargo of around 160,000 tonnes or 2.4 million amphoras (Groh 2006:105). 333 Halfmann (2001:105). 334 White (1995:63). 335 This increased mobility has been linked to the increase in building activity in the Roman period, especially after Vespasian (AD 69–79) (Patterson, J. R. 1991:164). 336 French (2014a:15–16). 337 Groh (2006:102–3). 239 perhaps other commercial areas around the harbour in addition to this;338 and the lower agora may have fulfilled the role of a commercial administration centre. In the upper city, Groh concluded that Row 6, delimited by Street 9, was a section with a clear connection with public amenities, as it contained the east gymnasium, the upper agora along with the other public buildings.339 The residential occupation in the upper city was dense,340 and the careful positioning of fountains and market areas along water supply pipes meant that residents were only ever 300 m away from a macellum or a fountain at any time.341
Religious life in Ephesus remained rich, following both ancient and more recent tradition.342 Sources attest to at least four annual processions in this period: the first, the exodus of the goddess along the processional way outside the city;343 the second, the exodus of the goddess to Ortygia on her birthday; the third, the procession from Ephesus to the Artemision; and the last, a procession as part of the games instituted by C. Vibius Salutaris (from AD 104); except for the Vibius procession, the directions these processions took are unknown.344 The Vibius procession entered the city via the Magnesian Gate from the Artemision, and made its way to the theatre, and then to the Koressian Gate.345 During the procession, the ephebes (young men) were handed back a copy of a statue from the pronaos of the Artemision in an open area just after the Magnesian Gate, which implies that gates, open spaces and arches were
338 Groh (2006:86). 339 Groh (2006:89). 340 Groh (2006:89). 341 Groh (2006:95, 103). 342 Aurenhammer (1995:267, note 90). 343 C. M. Thomas (2010:126). 344 Groh (2006:107). The exact direction of the procession is unknown, as there was more than one way a procession could approach the temple (Groh 2010:107). 345 Groh (2006:107).
240 important for the processions—they marked important transition points.346 In the
Archaic and Hellenistic periods, the route had been marked out in the upper agora by grave monuments, and wall traces have been identified from the northwest to the southeast, but in the Roman period the processional way was more defined by
Domitian's square,347 may have entered the agora via the propylon of the basilica, crossed the agora and then joined Street 9 via the Doric gate on the southwest corner of the upper agora, where one could join Street 9 again.348 Two altars marked stopping points, one around the prytaneion in the upper agora, and another at the south gate in the lower agora. The so-called “Altar-Bau”, which was constructed opposite the Gate of Mazaeus and Mithridates, may have featured an altar, and thus this construction contributed to the complex relationship to both the east hall, the Library of Celsus and the beginning of the Embolos. At points along the processional way, efforts were made to visually correct the odd alignment of streets. The arch over Street 50, no doubt closed the architectural vista of the Marble Street when approaching the Triodos from the theatre,349 as did an arch from the Arkadiane to the theatre square.
By the mid 2nd century AD, the square in front of the Library of Celsus represented the culmination of 500 years of architectural development (Fig. 140).350
The other buildings that made up this ensemble were: the Altar-Bau, the Horologion, the Neronian East Hall, and the Gate of Mazaeus and Mithridates, all of which
346 Groh (2006:107). 347 Groh (2006:107). 348 A 2nd century AD variation was the route to Domitian's square via a street south of the prytaneion, through the so-called “Clivus Sacer” (Groh 2006:92). 349 In this sense it was an assembly place or forecourt. The open square in front of the Library of Celsus was thought to be the new Triodos, where Hadrian's Gate was held to be the articulation of the road to Ortygia (Hueber et al. 1997:77). However this view was successful challenged by Groh (2006:107, note 235). 350 Hueber et al. (1997:82).
241 demonstrate a particular adherence to relationships of height (Fig. 141).351 The height of the architraves of the library were matched carefully with the gate and east hall, and statues were carefully positioned to meet the gaze of the observer as they descended the Embolos (Fig. 142).352 Every step closer made the façade seem to grow, and approaching the building gave fresh perspectives: from a distance, close by and at the doorway (Fig. 143).353 The perspective of observers entering from the south gate was also taken into account, with a shortening of the columns on the gate side, so that the top could not be seen, as well as subtle entasis.354 It seems that from the base of the Embolos, the neokoros temple would have been obscured from view by the height of the lower monuments;355 however, upon the ascent of the Embolos, the temple would have slowly come into view and seem to occupy the highest point of the ascent to the valley.356 Its imposing terrace was 4 m higher than the level of the upper agora, and the square it rose above performed a similar function to that of the theatre square, and the square in front of the Celsus library.357
The leading citizens of Ephesus ensured that their generosity did not go unnoticed, by means of the monumental inscriptions they left on the buildings they constructed.358 These inscriptions attributing the building to one or more elite individual may deliberately simplify the act. As discussed in Chapter 2, the practicalities of donating a public building were far more complex than just financing it, and many other considerations needed to be taken into account, such as where it
351 Hueber et al. (1997:82). 352 Hueber et al. (1997:81). 353 Hueber et al. (1997:83). 354 Hueber et al. (1997:83). 355 This was determined during the course of the 3D reconstruction of the streetscape. 356 Scherrer (2001:74). 357 Groh (2006:91). 358 We often forget, as modern observers, the “labelling” buildings only became widespread in the early Roman Imperial Period (2013:387).
242 would be built, who would build it, and how it would fit into the cityscape. Would land need to be expropriated, and if so, how would the owner be compensated? At all times there was a conflict between public good and self-interest.359 In Ephesus at this time, powerful individuals wielded vast amounts of wealth, and with it political influence, and so perhaps because of this, building beneficence could be met with resistance and suspicion. Pliny mentions the trial of Aristion by his fellow citizens,360 and Vedius also suffered, requiring Roman imperial intervention to allow him to build, a fact he proudly displayed in the letters in the bouleuterion: set up next to statues of the Roman imperial family and himself. This use of powerful personal relationships with the Roman imperial authorities offered a means to overcome dissent.361
Thus, the motivations and processes behind the donation of public buildings and their successful completion were far from simple. At this point one might call into doubt some explanations that have been offered for these motivations for building.
The Hadrianic precursor to the Vedius bouleuterion, according to Bier, with its capacity of 1,600, must have seemed “old-fashioned and austere”, and this, he argued, prompted its renovation.362 Or this explanation:
“By the time Vedius decided to undertake renovations in the
bouleuterion, both the scaenae frons and the open parodoi must
have looked decidedly archaic. This must have led to the decision
to alter the building”.363
359 Halfmann (2001:80). 360 Plin. Ep. 6.31. 361 Bier (2011:98). 362 Bier (2011:48, 51). 363 Bier (2011:85).
243 Another explanation behind the reasons for the Vedius building projects was to
“trademark” the style of the architectural decoration with the hope that it would be recognised by the viewer.364 Yet surely a more likely explanation would be that Vedius built a new bouleuterion because he had Roman imperial permission to do so, and no- one could stand in his way, and by doing so he would be in a better position to dominate local politics. This is clear from Vedius' statuary display.365 It would be difficult to voice dissent against Vedius and his allies during a public debate at the bouleuterion, when an image of him standing by the emperor served as his backdrop, and could be employed by him as a visual aid to gain political support.
By the 2nd century AD, the Androklos Monument had been standing at the foot of the Embolos for several centuries, and it memorialised an even more ancient individual. The lower agora and connected library square, as well as the Marble Street made up one of the most important crossroads of the city, a place where many routes joined the processional way up the Embolos. The Androklos Monument's height, and possibly its statue, may have once served as a rallying point, and must have been visible from many directions, and from some distance away. The building itself told a powerful story through its frieze reliefs, which were most probably colourfully painted and visually legible by all who passed by. In the early days of the city, in the
1st century BC when it was constructed, the monument had reminded the descendants of the Lysimachan era settlers who they really were, at a time when their relocation from the upper city near the Artemision was a distant memory, but the recent punishments of Sulla were not. The towering monument still kept Androklos' memory firmly in mind for any who passed by or sat there in the 2nd century AD. Those who
364 Bier (2011:73). 365 Bier (2011:48, 52).
244 were afforded seats of honour on its reserved benches may have watched sacred processions from the monument in order to associate themselves with Ephesus' ktistes. A series of inscriptions from the 2nd century AD suggest that an annual celebration commemorated Androklos on a set day,366 and it would also seem plausible that these festivities were at least in some way connected to the monument.
In the 2nd century AD, at the height of Ephesus' wealth and success, the ancient monument provided a link to two distant pasts. The first was mythical, that of
Androklos and his successors,367 and the second was real, that of the Lysimachan era city; although it is likely that little distinction between the two was made for the 2nd century AD observer.368 It also seems that during the 2nd century AD, the hero was the subject of renewed interest. From Hadrian onward (AD 117–138), coins with
Androklos' various exploits and associated imagery were struck.369 This coincided with a steady increase of wealth and public benefaction within the ranks of the indigenous elite, who, according to Halfmann, were slowly beginning to overtake foreigners in terms of the scale of their building projects and amounts they poured into the city.370 Androklos' heroic figure appeared in other public contexts: in reliefs on the Temple of Hadrian on the Embolos, and although these probably originate from a different building, they do date stylistically to the 2nd century.371 A fragment of his likeness in a statue was recovered from the Vedius Gymnasium; some argue he is
366 Thür (1995:74). 367 Androklos’ foundation is described as mythical due to the mythological elements, such as Amazons and a magic fish and boar. 368 On the lack of a clear distinction between mythology and history in the Roman period see Casson (Casson 1994:233). 369 Thür (1995:71). 370 Halfmann (2001:31). 371 Thür (1995:102).
245 clearly in the guise of Hadrian's favourite Antinous.372 If this is the case, the synthesis of Antinous and Androklos resulted in a firm statement of Androklos' relevance for a
2nd century AD viewing public.
It is significant that Pausanias singled out the Androklos monument for extended commentary,373 and he placed it in the same category as the famous
Artemision. For us, we are left wondering why this monument? How could Pausanias have failed to mention the Library of Celsus and the other enormous Roman period building projects at Ephesus? Perhaps it was because the monument was so cherished by his contemporaries, both those who lived in Ephesus and those who visited. How many other travellers in Pausanias' day, and especially from the Ionian colonies, were drawn to their homeland and ultimately to that monument, the monument to their ktistes? Close to the lower agora, the monument greeted Ephesians from all quarters as they began their ascent to the Magnesian Gate and the Artemision beyond. The continued use of the monument over the centuries is clear from the use of spolia on the basin as repair. By the 2nd century AD, the monument was hemmed in by an arch on one side, the tomb of a princess on the other and faced by tavernas, with numerous other monuments in close proximity. Perhaps it seemed a little overshadowed by the building activities of these new wealthy elite, who with their fountains, tombs and statues hoped to also be remembered as successors of Androklos.
In the year AD 160, Ephesus would have seemed to be the jewel of Asia
Minor, where great wealth could be achieved and seen. Apart from news of disturbances from distant Parthia and the Danube, the previous decades had been trouble free. In the mid 2nd century AD, an aspiring writer penned a romantic tale of
372 Aurenhammer (1995:271–72); Thür (1995:74). 373 Paus. 7.2.6.
246 young lovers, Habrokomes and Anthia, whose eyes had met at the Artemision after a procession and sacrifice.374 When discovering from the oracle at Klaros that their love was fated for misadventure, their distraught parents decided to ship them to Egypt to keep them safe.375 A sad farewell at the port of Ephesus took place, with sacrifices to
Artemis by the priestesses themselves, while the crew loaded the couple's personal belongings and money. Although few details of this formulaic derivative tale should be taken literally,376 the image of a cargo vessel taking passengers at the Trajanic port was a familiar image in the mind of the writer, as were perhaps the crew, who he described as fond of drinking. We might then choose a member of such a crew as our mid 2nd century AD observer: it is almost beyond doubt there were several thousand such men visiting Ephesus on any year. They represent an important category of non- resident observers.
Unfortunately, there is very little we know about individual professional sailors.377 As already mentioned, sea captains had been granted admission to the boule by Hadrian, but the precise workings of the maritime profession are poorly understood. The subject is perhaps best illuminated by shipwrecks and passing reference to sailors. It seems that ships would make a circular route around the ports of the Mediterranean carrying cargoes, most importantly amphoras, but also fine glass, fine pottery and items that were loaded and unloaded from port to port,378 as well as personal items, passengers and correspondence.
Our sailor is a 15-year-old male, who is sailing during the summer for the first time, perhaps with a more experienced older brother, as there is little work for them at
374 X. Eph. 375 X. Eph. 1.10. 376 Anderson (2008:126). 377 For a discussion on the trade, see Casson (Casson 1994:65-66, 154-155). 378 Carlson (2011:385); McCann (1994:55); Zabehlicky (1995:213).
247 their family farm in Greece.379 He is the youngest male member of a large family, speaks Greek as his mother tongue, but struggles to read and write. He has no knowledge of Latin and Ephesus is one of his first experiences out of mainland
Greece. He enjoys the banqueting and drinking at religious festivals. He, like all others in his social milieu, has heard about the Artemision and is excited at the prospect of visiting.
As the ship makes its approach into the harbour canal,380 the sailor's gaze would have been drawn to the monument lined Embolos and neokoros temple crowning them in the distance, as well as the theatre cut into Panayır Dağ (Fig.
144).381 As the ship passes the canal, our observer may have been impressed by the regularised harbour, piers and amount of boats docked. The Arkadiane would be in view once in the harbour, and with its centrally positioned aspect, the broad column- lined avenue leading toward the theatre would create anticipation for disembarking.
On either side of the harbour, the sailor may also have noted the two older temples, the Crevice temple and the Hermaion creating a sacred boundary. Once the boat had docked, the sailor would have no doubt been put to work soon after, unloading and stacking the cargo. Part of this may have involved transiting Street 43 to the
Olympieion, located between Streets 31 and 41.382 The impression of the Roman-style temple and massive basilica structures would have left no doubt in his mind that
Roman imperial favour propelled the fortune of the city (Fig. 145). Once our sailor
379 On a young farm boy working as a sailor, see Casson (Casson 994:160). 380 On the activities and superstitions that sailors had upon arriving at port in the Roman period, see Casson (Casson 1994:157-158). 381 “The ancient voyager arriving or leaving the Ephesian harbor may have observed an environment and architecture similar to that of the port of Ostia and undoubtedly would have witnessed a vital, busy place” (Zabehlicky 1995:213). 382 It will be helpful for the reader to follow this path on the included plan, Fold-out Page 2. 248 was at leisure, he may have wandered up the Arkadiane (Street 37) and been enticed into the circular propylon to the Harbour Baths to his left (Fig. 146). Tired and dirty from his long journey, he, and many other sailors like him, may have wished to visit the baths before undertaking more exploration of the city. After passing through the substantial propylon, the visitor would have been impressed by the enormous proportions of the baths, and the statuary display of Dionysus and Aphrodite would have prompted him to contemplate wine and song as well as love (Fig. 147).383
Refreshed and bathed, our sailor may have rejoined the Arkadiane having walked through the Portico of Verulanus (Fig. 148). The transition from one columned portico to the other may have been imperceptible. As the visitor approached the theatre, he might have taken notice of the large villa crowning Payanır Dağ and wondered to himself who might be looking down on him, and he would have taken note of the arch and steps that clearly marked the transition from one space to another
(Streets 37 and 50). Indeed, crossing through the arch the sailor may have seen signs that he was now on part of the processional way. The Hellenistic period fountain in front of the theatre, and perhaps hints of older structures may have been more familiar to our Greek sailor. He had passed out of the world of Roman imperial commerce and the empire to the sacred ancient city of Artemis. Looking to left (north), the processional way made its way to the Koressian Gate on a smaller paved road, and looking south he would have seen the old irregular processional way at Street 52, and had he continued toward the theatre and chosen the Marble Street, he would have been drawn toward the arch over Street 50 (Fig. 149). However, just before he
383 It must be noted that the statue of Dionysus in the 3D reconstruction is a mid to late 2 nd century AD statue that should be situated in the western tabernacle of the nymphaeum on the Upper Agora at Sagalassos. It is included in this reconstructions purely as an example of a 2nd century AD statue of Dionysus.
249 reached the arch, he would have encountered the heavily transited square in front of the Library of Celsus. Although the library would have been a pleasant addition to the scene, his eye was drawn no doubt to the pedestrian traffic, the arch of Mazaeus and
Mithridates, the Altar-Bau, and most importantly, the ascent up the Embolos. As far as his eye could see was towering monument after monument, beginning with the
Androklos Monument and ending with the neokoros temple and Memmius monument above; however, it was not an ascent of perfect alignment. Just where it seemed the
Embolos would reach the top, it curved slightly to the south, hiding the summit from view (Fig. 150). Although it was summer, the colonnades on the Embolos offered respite from the sun, and the streets were full of the sound of running water from the many public fountains. Indeed, ascending the Embolos, no sooner had the sound of one fountain died away, that another was heard up ahead. This would have been a crowded street, with all types of people going about their business, passing through the arch over Street 50 to either the lower agora or the Marble Street, or using the
Embolos to move from one domestic quarter to another. On approaching Domitian's square, one might image that our Greek sailor was by now astounded at the extent of the beauty of the city. At the top of the Embolos he was greeted with yet another monumental entrance via the basilica to a large colonnaded square: the upper agora
(Fig. 151). Yet, the refinement that our observer would have experienced was surely not limited to this route. The extension of the processional way toward Ortygia from the lower agora awaits further research, as do large sections of upper city.
In many ways, the city seemed to welcome visitors. Monumental, lavish displays of the city's wealth were located at all the main access points to the city: the
Harbour Baths, the Vedius Gymnasium and the East Baths. These of course were made possible by the vast amounts of water via infrastructure that was donated by the
250 city’s elite wealthy benefactors.384 Ephesus' public architecture was clearly made to impress the visitor, and at the first opportunity. With the city's renown and reputation for wealth and lavish display, it is little wonder it attracted so many visitors and individuals who wished to share in some of that wealth through trade, and who, played the most important role in creating it.
384 Bier (2011:111).
251 Chapter 6 – Two Roman Colonies: Pisidian Antioch and
Kremna
We have seen how, in previous chapters, the incorporation of Asia Minor into the Roman empire brought about changes in the cityscape, religious practices, political organisation, naming conventions and arguably an average citizen's world view. Ephesus' status as the base of operation for the administration of the province of
Asia, as well as Augustus' establishment of Roman colonies in strategic positions, were instrumental in securing imperial interests as well as setting the stage for an on- the-ground cultural exchange between the Roman colonists and those who were colonised. Kremna and Pisidian Antioch are two examples of colonies. These cities were already established Greek-speaking settlements when they received Roman veterans from the 1st century BC, and their arrival must have occasioned profound changes.
Kremna
Kremna faced a great many challenges as it emerged as a polis in the 2nd century BC. When Kremna was refounded as a Roman colony in the late 1st century
BC, it emerged as a complex blend of its Hellenistic past, and its new role in the wider Roman empire. It is unknown how many Roman colonists were among that first number, and, whether they expropriated existing territory or created new territory. The city was located in the territory of Pisidia, which is just north of the gulf of Antalya, and extended from above the Pamphylia plain to the lakes of Burdur, Eğridir and
Beyşehir (Fig. 1).1 Pre-Hellenistic Pisidian settlements were typically located in
1 Mitchell (1991:119).
252 remote heavily wooded mountainous regions on top of easily defensible hilltops2. It may be that from around the 6th century BC, these warlike tribes had taken up permanent settlements, like at Düzen Tepe, which exhibits rudimentary urban characteristics.3 From ancient sources, we learn that the Pisidians had earned a reputation as fierce warriors, who would regularly raid the territories of the Persian king.4 Selge, Termessos and Sagalassos are named as the most important settlements in the region.5
Alexander's arrival and conquest of Sagalassos in 334 BC embroiled the region in both local and international political unrest.6 While Alexander's successors battled over disputed territory, the Pisidians maintained the bitter rivalry that had existed before Alexander's arrival. On the three occasions that Pisidia is mentioned in
Hellenistic military accounts after Alexander, its cities are feuding: either plotting, attacking or ganging up on one another. This might be explained by a hypothesis that new cities in the region jostled over disputed territory in a process of establishing boundaries.
However, during the Hellenistic period the effects of being part of a wider
Greek-speaking world started to be felt. Pisidia's southern neighbours, the
Pamphylians, had begun to give up their peculiar Greek dialect in favour of the koine,7 at least in public inscriptions,8 and it is likely that the Pisidians followed suit.
There are clues from the literary sources that matters of civic importance were being
2 Mitchell (1991:138). 3 Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens (2005:62). 4 Xen. Anab. 1.1.11; Xen. Hell. 3.1.13. 5 Mitchell (1991:122). 6 See Mitchell for a detailed discussion on both the ancient sources and Alexander's campaign in the region (Mitchell 1991:119–22). 7 Brixhe (1976). 8 Segré (1934).
253 decided by a vote, and coins began to be minted in Pisidian cities, as early as the 370s
BC in Selge.9 In Pisidian cities, Hellenistic rulers who performed actions that ostensibly looked generous, like the Attalids donating a monumental stoa to the city
Termessos, may have been undertaking a deliberate strategy to engender competition between cities and to encourage them to take on a Hellenistic urban model.10
Typical of Pisidian settlements, Kremna was perched on a dramatically steep and rocky promontory high in the Taurus mountains at about 950 m above sea level near the modern village of Çamlık.11 The city was visited by several travellers in the
19th century AD, and some published descriptions of the city, notably Lanckoroński's detailed plan (Fig. 152).12 It was not until Ballance produced a comparative study of the forum basilica that any further study on the architectural remains of the city was undertaken.13 Excavation in the 1960s led by İnan produced the next reports,14 however these were limited to the bath house and made some questionable interpretations that were later convincingly refuted.15 Mitchell and Waelkens began the “Pisidian survey” between 1985 and 1987, in which Kremna featured.16 Following this, Mitchell spent several seasons extensively surveying Kremna, during which the city was carefully surveyed and described in detail (Fig. 153).17 The result was the most comprehensive report on the city that has been produced to date.18 Indeed, it is
9 Mitchell (1991:124); Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:38). 10 Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens (2005:63). 11 Mitchell (1995:5). 12 Lanckoroński (1890:161–72). 13 Ballance (1958). 14 İnan (1970). 15 Mitchell (1995:67); Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:215). 16 Mitchell (1994); Mitchell and Waelkens (1982, 1987, 1988). 17 Mitchell (1995:125). 18 Mitchell (1995).
254 from this holistic survey report that a great deal of the material for this discussion must necessarily derive. This publication presented Kremna as a case study based on the physical remains, epigraphic material and ancient sources related to the city.
Vandeput and Büyükkolancı undertook an intensive study of the city's propylon that also added significantly to the interpretation of the city's layout and placement of public buildings.19 In terms of the cultural development of Kremna, this has been mostly undertaken within the wider context of Pisidia,20 occasionally as a case study, and at other times mentioned briefly within discussions on the subject of Roman colonisation.21
Kremna has only been partially excavated, and this campaign mostly concentrated on the bath complex after illegal digging in the late 1960s.22 Most public buildings on the site still await excavation. As such, any discussion of the architecture is mostly limited to what is visible above ground. Of the early Hellenistic period in
Kremna up to the 1st century BC, little is known, apart from a brief mention in both
Strabo,23 and it is difficult to know how soon Kremna resolved to follow the polis model. Of special interest is the foundation of the Hellenistic colony of Kretopolis located approximately 25 km southwest.24 This small strategic outpost may have been founded as early as 333 BC, and Kretopolis controlled the only winter route to
Phrygia through the Taurus mountains.25 In 319 BC, the city was involved in a military campaign of Antigonos Monophthalmos, and later with Garsyeris in 218 BC.
19 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999). 20 Waelkens (2002); Waelkens and Vyncke (2010); Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens (2005). 21 De Giorgi (2011); Nevett and Perkins (2000). 22 Inan (1970:51–73). 23 Strab. 12.6.4–5. 24 Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens (2005:55). 25 Cohen (1995:345); Sekunda (1997:222).
255 So it was probably a city of some strategic importance.26 To have this Hellenistic military outpost at such close proximity to Kremna would have allowed for the close observation of a polis at work,27 but we must not assume that the inhabitants of
Kremna accepted the Hellenistic polis model with open arms.28
Establishing a Hellenistic colony was not simply a matter of choosing a good location and constructing public buildings, it also had a profound impact on the surrounding countryside. As we have seen at Balboura, colonists were allotted territory to exploit within the chora, and for a pre-existing native population, this would undoubtedly have presented a threat.29 How the native population fared is difficult to judge. Balboura was a few hundred kilometres west of Kremna and might serve as a comparison.30 The names attested on the allotment inscription from
Balboura, albeit between the beginning and middle of the 2nd century BC, suggest that around 75% of the names are local, which may indicate the absorption and participation of the local population in the colonisation process: a similar process may have occurred at Kremna.31 At any rate, this period of colonisation would probably have involved a struggle to define the borders of its chora, or any polis that wished to assert itself.32
26 Mitchell (1994:129). 27 Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens offer a clear explanation of “peer polity interaction” which involves cultural change through five avenues: warfare, competitive emulation, symbolic entrainment, the transmission of innovation and an increased flow in exchange goods (Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens 2005:58). 28 This may be comparable to the 5th or 6th century BC Iron Age urban enclave Düzen Tepe, which was within site of Sagalassos, and yet continued to be occupied to the imperial period without outward signs of Greek architecture (Waelkens and Vyncke 2010:34). 29 Coulton et al. (2012a:64–65). 30 Coulton et al. (2012a). 31 Coulton et al. (2012a:65). 32 Coulton et al. (2012a:80).
256 The construction of public buildings in Pisidia may have started in earnest around the mid 2nd century BC, and this may have been the case at Kremna as well.33
Both the city's fortification system, and a pi-shaped Doric agora most likely dated to this period (‘R’ on Fig. 156),34 and indeed, they are the oldest attested public buildings in the city.35 This corresponds with the earliest known coin issues, which implies a centralised administration.36 One is tempted to suspect that the city's fortifications were the first priority for the Hellenistic period city planners at a time of potential aggression from more highly organised neighbours, like Kretopolis. An effective fortification system would ensure the city's survival as an independent political entity.37 The most substantial fortifications were located to the west of the city, as this approach was the most vulnerable. The northern, southern and eastern sides were well-protected by sheer cliffs (Fig. 154).
The western fortifications consisted of a series of towers standing at some 6 m in height, and projected between 4 and 6 m from the curtain wall with a defensive ditch in front (Fig. 155).38 The main entrance to the Hellenistic city was probably the west gate, a 4.6 m wide entrance, approached axially, flanked by two towers and spanned with an arch.39 Another entrance located on the southern edge of the hilltop
33 Sagalassos had Hellenistic Greek-style buildings from at least the early 3rd century BC (Waelkens and Vyncke 2010:31). 34 Strangely, Waelkens proposes that “meeting houses” and other democratic buildings only began to be constructed in the early part of Roman Republican rule (Waelkens and Vyncke 2010:41). 35 Mitchell (1995:46–50). 36 Mitchell (1995:34, 45). 37 Mitchell (1991:140); McNicholl (1997:1). For a detailed account of methods and types of construction for fortifications in this period and this location, see McNicholl (McNicholl 1997:118–56). Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens suggest that the walls were constructed when Amyntas made Kremna a fortress, but do not provide any explanation for this (Vanhaverbeke and Waelkens 2005:53). 38 Mitchell (1995:188–94). 39 Mitchell (1995:193).
257 was also spanned by an arched gateway, and was approached tangentially to maximise defence but was only around 2.5 m wide.40 A third, and perhaps later gateway, was added in the Roman period “... when defence was no longer a primary consideration”.41 The towering walls must have struck awe and respect into the observer. They were a powerful symbol of Kremna's commitment to defend itself against its enemies.
Another indication of a centrally-controlled approach to city planning is the evidence of the regular layout of streets. They are, at times, extremely narrow, between 2 and 4 m wide, and appear to be set out on a roughly Hippodamian plan
(Figs. 154, 156).42 The domestic architecture that is visible in the northwest section of the city was overwhelmingly made up of peristyle houses, typical of the Greek east,43 and arranged in regular insulas between city blocks.44 Ordered streets must reflect a desire on the citizens' part to live in an ordered, systemised urban society.
The pi-shaped Doric agora probably dates to between 150 and 50 BC,45 and its location is significant because its placement probably determined Kremna's city armature. The natural geography of the location of the city marks out a path along the contours of the plateau,46 directing the visitor around a hill, across a depression and in
40 McNicholl (1997:133); Mitchell (1995:47). 41 Mitchell (1995:194). 42 Although Mitchell considers the regular grid planning to be a result of Roman colonial practice, (Mitchell 1995:160), the writer believes that the layout of streets at Kremna was more likely to have occurred during the Hellenistic foundation phase of the city, as was the case at Aphrodisias (Ratté 2008:29), Ephesus (p. 133) and Sardis (Hanfmann 1983:117). Another argument against Roman colonial planning is that the streets are rather irregularly laid out, something that would be unlikely in an Augustan colony, where by this time the layout of colonies had already become highly systemised (De Giorgi 2011:138; Salmon 1969:19–20; Levick 1967:33). 43 Radt (2006b:285–88). 44 Mitchell (1995:158–72). 45 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:241). 46 Ballance (1958:1958).
258 between two low hills, and on to an open, relatively flat area which was roughly in the centre of the acropolis (Fig. 153).
The central area of this rather enclosed agora was paved, and the ground rises sharply to the north.47 It is possible that the north section of the agora was built into the hillside and that upper storeys were accessible from the hillside behind. An elevation reconstruction is difficult due to the few surviving fragments of the architrave and frieze.48 Although Mitchell finds a close parallel in an example in
Italy,49 the slightly smaller agora at nearby Lyrbe, which probably dates from the same period, may also provide a more local and useful comparison. This agora gives some impression of how Kremna's agora may have appeared. Although no Hellenistic bouleuterion has been identified at Kremna, it is entirely possible that it was incorporated into this agora ensemble, like at Lyrbe, or associated in some other way with the agora, as was the case in neighbouring Selge and Sagalassos.50 Kremna's
Doric agora provided an essential meeting place for its citizens, and the market buildings around the colonnade for the provision of goods from the polis.51 An agora accommodated the mechanisms of civic administration.52 It was from the agora that the citizens participated in popular politics,53 where ambassadors were dined, alliances were forged, wars declared, legal cases heard and business was conducted.54 Agoras
47 Mitchell (1995:38). 48 Mitchell (1995:39, fig. 8). 49 Mitchell (1995:31). 50 Mitchell (1995, figs. 2, 3). 51 See Coulton for a detailed discussion on the type of activities that were typical in a Hellenistic polis' chora in a mountainous region (Coulton et al. 2012a:80–92, 100–104, 112–18). 52 Mitchell (1991:140); Waelkens and Vandeput (2007:100). 53 Camp (2004:69). 54 Coulton (1976:9–17).
259 were the “... neutral zone of public city life”.55 Although the fortifications and the
Doric agora are the only two public building projects that have been identified from the Hellenistic period, it is very likely that Kremna, like its neighbours, possessed a temple of some description to ensure the well-being of the city.56 This may have been a temple to the cult of Artemis based on coin evidence and an early Roman period colony stele.57
Amyntas, a Celtic chieftain, seized Kremna in 32 BC with the support of
Marcus Antonius and used it as a base of operations, but was killed in an ambush in
25 BC. Kremna was then refounded as a Roman colony.58 The practice of Roman colonisation had long been underway in Italy by 190 BC; up to 53 Roman colonies had been established throughout the Italian peninsular,59 and during Caesar's career some 80,000 colonists had been settled in the provinces,60 and so at the moment
Kremna was colonised, the practice of colonisation had already attained a high degree of systemisation and complexity. When Kremna received Roman colonists, along with
Antioch, Lystra, Comoma and Parlais, the motivation of colonisation in the region under Augustus was strategic and economic.61 The placement of the colonies in a “... region punctuated by Pisidian cities and former Attalid and Seleukid colonies suggests that a precise strategy was at work”.62 The precise strategic motivation was probably to create security in the area for the planned Via Sebaste, which would connect
55 R. R. R. Smith (1999:156). 56 Mitchell (1995:126–28). 57 Mitchell (1995:34, 53). 58 Strab. 12.6. 59 Salmon (1969:67–69). 60 Suet., Jul., 42.1. 61 De Giorgi (2011:138); Levick (1967:38). 62 De Giorgi (2011:138).
260 Pamphylia with Phrygia, with Pisidian Antioch at its caput viarum.63 The economic value of a good connection between the ports of Pamphylia and central Anatolia would soon be felt.64 The Via Sebaste, apart from allowing for the efficient transport of soldiers and goods, would also have served to spread Roman ideals,65 especially from Antioch, which, in the 1st century BC, was modelled to resemble a mini
Augustan Rome.66
By the Roman period, Kremna would be replete with substantial public architecture: it boasted a theatre, an imperial forum in addition to the older Doric agora, many temples, fine tombs, inscriptions and a monumental bath complex.67
These Roman period building projects make up the bulk of the present architectural remains of the city,68 this transition has often made Kremna a case study of Roman colonisation in Asia Minor in modern scholarship.69
According to Mitchell,70 the literary and archaeological record is sparse regarding the arrival of the Augustan veterans and the early period of the colony at
Kremna.71 There are neither coins, nor buildings—only fragmentary evidence. Two exceptions are: a dedication to Claudius, Nerva and Trajan, and a large reused altar
63 With these three cities a “Pisidian triangle” of Roman control was created with “Antioch, Cremna and Lystra” (Levick 1967:38). 64 See Waelkens for a discussion on the evidence of trade from Pamphylia to Pisidia (Waelkens 2002:328). 65 Waelkens (2002:323). 66 De Giorgi (2011:139). 67 Mitchell (1995:29). 68 Mitchell (1995:43, 55). 69 Ballance (1958:167–75); De Giorgi (2011); Levick (1967:29–41); Nevett and Perkins (2000:226); Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:248); Waelkens (2002); Waelkens and Vyncke (Waelkens and Vyncke 2010). 70 Mitchell (1995:53). 71 Ptolemy lists Kremna as a colony in the mid 2nd century AD (Ptol. 5.5.4-8).
261 which may relate to the cult of Ephesian Artemis.72 This is in stark contrast to other colonies like Sagalassos and Pisidia, where substantial public building took place at the beginning of the Roman period.73 The question is, why are there no major public building projects in these early stages of the colony? One argument that is often put forward is that it may have been that the existing Hellenistic public architecture was sufficient for the needs of the newly arrived colonists.74 However, this explanation fails to explain why Roman style architecture is present at Sagalassos and Pisidian
Antioch at the beginning of the 1st century AD, whereas at Kremna it is not. Pisidian
Antioch could be easily explained, as it represented the end of a Roman infrastructure project: the Via Sebaste, and accordingly needed to promote the Roman imperial message to the observer. However, Sagalassos was not on the Via Sebaste.
It may be worth discussing evidence that suggests that Kremna did undertake public building projects at the early stages of the colony. Indeed, there are traces of this. A theatre to the northwest of the plateau may have been begun, but not completed.75 Part of an inscription to Claudius, “... which suggests an imperial dedication on a building”,76 has been located on a street paving stone. Another, a 2.4 m long architrave of a building, informs us that a substantial public building project was undertaken by the Roman colony and dedicated to Nerva.77 All of these are clear indications of a veteran Roman colony at work.
72 Mitchell (1995:53–56). 73 De Giorgi (2011:139); Waelkens (2002:332). 74 Mitchell (1995:54). 75 Mitchell (1995:76); Horsley and Mitchell (2000:11–13, nos. 1-3); Sear (2006:368). 76 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:11, no. 1). 77 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:11–13, no. 2).
262 The most revealing part of the Nerva inscription is that it contains the earliest attestation of duoviri.78 This leads us to question the fate of Kremna's Hellenistic boule and civic administration system when they were faced with the arrival of
Roman colonial authority. It is entirely possible that the Hellenised Pisidian elite were displaced, their land confiscated and their wealth confiscated. Although it was common for the provinces to suffer at the hands of the publicani in the late Roman
Republican period, by the time the colonists arrived at Kremna, local administration had been given some relief from those abuses, at least in terms of taxes, by Caesar.79 A boule is attested, and was active setting up dedications well into the Roman period,80 and up to the mid 3rd century AD when they had a statue base set up in the Doric agora:
“The Council [boule] (erected the statue of) the People in the
quinquennial duovirate of the most worthy Flavius Avidius
Fabianus Lucius and Lucius Longillianus Kallipppos”81
This illuminating inscription poses three possibilities. Either the infrastructure of the boule had remained intact after the colonists' arrival and the only significant adjustment was that the duoviri became the highest authority. This favours the hypothesis that the existing system was left in place when the Roman colonists arrived. Unlike the Roman west and other parts of the empire where Roman colonies
78 The duoviri iure dicundo (the highest board of magistrates in a colony consisting of two men) had the highest authority in a Roman colony (Salmon 1969:80, 180), that there were the duoviri as magistrates (every 5 years as quinquennales), elected by the assembly (demos, populus) and later the curiales (boule, curia) (Jones 1940:61–84, 174, 272; Vervaet: personal correspondence). 79 Gardner (2009:63). 80 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:41, nos. 10, 36-8). 81 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:69, no. 37).
263 needed to build cities from the ground up, in the Hellenised east, the Roman colonists encountered functioning urban environments with their own judicial systems and systems for the maintenance of public infrastructure.82 It certainly would have been less effort.83 Perhaps the Greek-speaking inhabitants equated the Roman administrative system with the boule and used the term colony and boule interchangeably.84 Or, less likely, there were two communities at Kremna, one administered by the Roman system, and the other by the pre-existing population.
Ultimately, the question remains: was the Hellenistic boule simply displaced by a small elite of Latin speakers,85 or was there a spirit of co-operation, as Mitchell ultimately concludes?86 The Roman colonists must have expected substantial allotments of land, or iugera, as they knew them,87 but rather than working the land themselves, perhaps they became landlords of an existing rural class and masters of the allotments that had been carved out in the city's establishment in the 2nd and 1st centuries BC.
Any of these possibilities would have had enormous consequences for the existing inhabitants of Kremna. A transition of the polis' administration and a transformation of its social hierarchy would have slowed, if not paralysed public building projects up to Claudius' principate, in a period Mitchell describes as
82 Waelkens (2002:321); Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:20, 24). 83 Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:24). 84 Inscription no. 39, in Greek, attributes the erection of a statue to the colony and not the boule (Horsley and Mitchell 2000:70, no. 39). 85 Levick (1967:144). 86 Mitchell (1995:56). MacMullen suggests that Roman veterans marrying Greek-speaking local women may have led to the demise of Latin in the city (MacMullen 2000:13). 87 Salmon (1969:145).
264 “consolidation”.88 Perhaps the city simply could neither afford,89 nor effectively plan to build new infrastructure.90 If the future growth of the city is anything to judge by, by the Roman period, there was a clear indication of a wealthy, Latin speaking elite, and there is little doubt that an “... abolishment of real democracies in favour of forms of self-rule based on property qualifications” was in full force.91 We will probably never know the details of what happened during that period of transition:92 only further excavation and an extensive survey of the territory of Kremna (like that of
Balboura) has any chance of revealing a new settlement pattern, landownership and evidence of changes in the use of material culture during that period.93
The fortunes of Kremna would soon begin to improve. A remodelling of the
Hellenistic Doric agora took place in the early 2nd century AD, perhaps after an earthquake, and saw “... partition walls built between exterior columns”.94 Mitchell's description is a little wanting, but may mean that the stoa was transformed into a corridor with an external wall and arches at either side serving as entrances, which is described as being “... decorated with statues, which stood on projecting consoles on either side of the arch”.95 In the 19th century AD, within the context of this remodelling, a freestanding statue base, possibly for Sabina and Trajan was recorded, which is now lost but serves to indicate the date for the remodelling.96
88 Mitchell (1995:80). 89 Nevett and Perkins (2000:241). 90 Mitchell (1995:76). 91 Waelkens (2002:328). 92 Mitchell (1995:54). 93 Coulton et al. (2012a:96). 94 Mitchell (1995:37, 41). 95 Mitchell (1995:41). 96 Mitchell (1995:42).
265 It was not until Hadrian was emperor, and specifically around AD 120, that inscriptions in Latin that profess the ruling elite's claim to Roman ancestry began to appear alongside costly monumental buildings.97 This emergent wealthy Latin speaking ruling class felt it was the moment to raise the prestige of the Roman colony of Kremna. Interestingly, De Giorgi suggests that a new wave of citizens may have arrived during the principate of Trajan possibly from a sympolity of Keraitai,98 and this gives force to a hypothesis that not only the population, but also an enlargement of the city's territory and better access to trading routes strengthened Kremna's economy.99 Raising the status of the city and promoting it as a Roman colony would have given elite families an advantage within the prevailing social hierarchy in the
Roman period. It is interesting to note that the 2nd century AD was the period when major building projects and the use of Latin at Pisidian Antioch began to wane.100 It seems as though there was a corresponding shift of power to Kremna and Sagalassos.
The first new known public building project during this period took the form of an entirely enclosed Roman-style forum-basilica complex during Hadrian's principate around AD 120 (‘F’ on Fig. 156). This substantial building was a 56.8 m x
57 m complex incorporating a forum and a basilica on the western edge (Fig. 157).101
Entrance to the complex was via a triple arched doorway on the south side of the building.102 The overall restoration of the basilica is extremely uncertain due to the want of sufficient fragments from key elements of the building, but the following can be safely assumed.
97 Mitchell (1995:54). 98 De Giorgi (2011:143). 99 De Giorgi (2011:143). 100 De Giorgi (2011:141). 101 Mitchell (1995:59). 102 Ballance (1958:172, fig. 13).
266 The forum had 60 columns, evenly spaced,103 and the presence of several smaller Doric columns suggests that the west portico had two storeys, but this is not certain.104 An upper storey may have provided access to the upper clerestory level of the basilica.105 A Dice Oracle, located on the western side of the forum was contemporary with the original structure.106 It is an extremely well-preserved example of its type and is significant for a number of reasons. It provided a public service for citizens who wished to consult it, and it also lent the forum a sacred semi-religious nature. The Dice Oracle may have also been used to aid public decision-making and it is important to note that the interpretation of the outcome of the oracle remained with the consulter.107 Most importantly, instructions and prophecies of the oracle were inscribed in Greek, not in Latin. Again, we see a curious mixture of Greek and Latin.
It seems that the east end of the forum was open to a monumental plaza and orientated towards the Doric agora.108 This is significant, as leaving this side of the forum open created a clear articulation of the west to east armature of the city, which had been established in the Hellenistic planning stage. An open screen of columns like this would have provided a transition, and a clear direction for the visitor to continue toward the older Doric agora, the historical centre of Kremna.109 The triple arched entrance to the west would have emphasised the piazza on the western side,110 which
103 Mitchell (1995:59). 104 Mitchell (1995:60). 105 Mitchell (1995:62). 106 Mitchell (1995:62). 107 Mitchell (1995:66). 108 Mitchell (1995:62). 109 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı argue that the basilica's orientation towards the piazza was not transitional architecture (Vandeput and Büyükkolancı 1999:240). 110 The term 'piazza' was coined by Ballance to describe this open area south of the Proplyon (‘G’ on Fig. 156) and west of the Forum Basilica (‘F’ on Fig. 156) (Ballance 1958:169, fig. 12).
267 Vandeput interpreted as a shift, or enlargement, of the monumental centre of the city in this direction.111 An inscription in Latin recording the donor of the forum-basilica complex was located outside the east columnar façade. The dedication reveals a clearly Roman identity: it was for L. Fabricius Longus, son of Caius, and the dedication was made by his wife Vibia Tatia and his daughter Fabricia Lucilia, and was dedicated to Hadrian and the deified Trajan.112
In terms of execution, this public building is of a poorer quality when compared with similar building projects of Kremna's coastal neighbours,113 and this gives weight to the argument that the city could not afford to undertake substantial building projects before this time. At the same time, a basilica and a forum suggest a commercial function,114 so the impetus to construct this building could also be an indication that the economic situation of Kremna had improved, and that trade and business needed to be accommodated. Around the same time, between AD 115 and
125,115 a small temple was constructed about 10 m to the southwest of the basilica forum (‘E’ on Fig. 156), strengthening the space between it and the entrance to the forum as a monumental area. It is unknown whom the temple was dedicated to.
The theatre, located to the southwest of the forum basilica complex may have been constructed at this time, but as it has been completely robbed of stone, it proves impossible to date.116 However, its position is significant as the outer wall of its stage building is in alignment with the approach to the Doric agora. The bath complex,
111 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:240). 112 Mitchell (1995:65). 113 Mitchell (1995:63). 114 Vitr. De arch. 5.1.4. 115 Mitchell (1995:91). 116 Sear (2006:368).
268 located to the south of the agora is similarly difficult to date and has proven challenging to determine its original arrangement.117
It had a large room with five niches on either side, the central niche on the east side was curved.118 A smaller room to the west was remodelled and is difficult to interpret but it has traces of a heating system in the walls. All of the walls were marble-clad and the floor was decorated with mosaics. It is arguable that this bath complex was constructed during the Hadrianic building “boom”. Its position is not immediately coherent within the city's armature, as it would not have been accessible from the piazza. So, it may be the case that the bathhouse was part of the smaller open area to the east of the forum-basilica and conceived in conjunction with the theatre, however this is entirely speculative. It seems that an important function of the space to the east of the forum basilica was to encourage citizens to gather. Bath buildings, like theatres, were important in bringing communities together and encouraged social interaction.119
To account for the economic turnaround, Mitchell suggests three possible sources of income, the “... city's own treasury; wealthy local families or outside benefactors including the emperor himself”.120 These explanations deserve further consideration. On the role of the emperor in building projects, one might defer to
Zuiderhoek, who convincingly argues that emperors had little direct financial involvement in public building and that they opted instead for support in kind, such as tax relief.121 One might assume that Kremna's coffers were rather empty during the
117 Mitchell (1995:155). 118 Mitchell (1995:153–54). 119 MacDonald (1986:219). 120 Mitchell (1995:85). 121 Zuiderhoek (2005:177, 2009:28).
269 early Roman period colonial phase, evidenced by an apparent lack of good quality public building. Of course a treasury depends on income from taxing local citizens.
The existence of an emerging wealthy local elite proves once again to be an attractive solution. The basilica may have been of inferior quality when compared to Kremna's wealthier neighbours, but the fact that one family had the resources to embark on such a project at all is an indication of an emerging wealthy local elite. In the later period, there are other hints of this Latin speaking elite. Lucius Aelius Iulianus and his children are named ktistes.122
Earlier, I questioned the fate of the Hellenistic boule, and it might seem that this Roman forum-basilica complex's location represented the colony turning its back on the city's Hellenistic past.123 Mitchell suggests that the new forum-basilica complex
“... acted as the focus for political life in the colony, a dignified setting where the representatives of the leading families would meet in a city council”.124 If true,
Mitchell means to say that the civic administration may have been removed from the boule and placed into the hands of a new ruling Roman elite. Yet, the further development of the urban centre might offer another interpretation.
Shortly after the construction of the forum-basilica complex and the small temple, the area between the forum-basilica complex and the Doric agora became the focus of more public building, with the addition of a truly monumental temple constructed between them (‘Q’ on Fig. 156). This temple was comparable in size to the largest known temples in Pamphylia.125 It was most probably a prostyle building with Corinthian columns of 8.37 m in height, with high quality decoration, and from
122 Mitchell (1995:85). See discussion on civic authorities above p. 259. 123 See p. 263. 124 Mitchell (1995:68). 125 Mitchell (1991:97).
270 the style of decoration, probably dates to later in Hadrian's principate, and may have been dedicated to him.126 It could coincide with a possible visit in AD 129 or AD 131 by Hadrian.127
Next to this impressive temple, another temple was dedicated to Antoninus
Pius (‘P’ on Fig. 156). It was constructed on a high podium and had between six and eight columns across the front, dated on stylistic grounds to the period between AD
150 and 161.128 These temples were placed along a street, which led from the forum- basilica complex, past the theatre and ultimately to the Doric agora (Fig. 156). There are indications that around AD 150, a colonnade was added to this approach as well as a propylon, all active steps to monumentalise the approach to the Doric agora, and at the same time to further define the city's armature.129 Thus, these planning decisions did not result in diminishing the Doric agora's value, but rather, they emphasised its importance.
The longer term effects of Kremna's connection with the Via Sebaste and the greater Roman empire beyond its gates had a profound impact on the appearance of the city. A 3rd century AD milestone located near Kremna firmly connects the city to the Via Sebaste (Fig. 153).130 There is little doubt that the Roman road had reached
Kremna by the time of the city's economic turnaround, and may have even contributed to it. The old Hellenistic gate gave way to a new west gate. Although only a few fragments of Doric elements survive, the new gate seems to have been monumental.131 It was probably a purely decorative gateway and was incorporated
126 Mitchell (1991:102). 127 Mitchell (1991:97). 128 Mitchell (1991:91–92). 129 Mitchell (1995:102). 130 French (2014b:87, no. 42). 131 Mitchell (1995:194).
271 into the Hellenistic fortification system. This strange combination of imposing looking fortifications and an elegant entrance to a city finds a close parallel at
Kremna's coastal neighbour Attaleia and the so-called “Hadrian's gate” (Fig. 70). Here it is clear that in the Roman period during the Pax Romana,132 fortification and defence were far from the minds of city planners.
Directly on the other side of this monumental gate to the city, there are no recorded traces of transitional architecture. Yet, one major urban planning project was conceived that would transform the cityscape. It was a strong emphasis of the urban armature that had been defined by the placement of the Doric agora centuries earlier.
This was the city's colonnaded street that linked the western gate to the forum basilica and ultimately to the Doric agora beyond.133 The project dates from the mid to late 2nd century AD, a period borne out by both early inscriptions and the architectural decoration of one of the archways.134
It may seem odd that the colonnaded street did not begin at the west gate, or at least closer to the city wall, as Davis erroneously suspected in the late 19th century
AD.135 Although it might seem counter-intuitive, colonnaded streets were rarely gate- to-gate constructions.136 A good indication of the most probable approach to the colonnaded street is well-described by Lanckoroński's 19th century AD plan (Fig.
152).137 As indicated by Lanckoroński's plan, the entrance to the street was situated well within the city proper. This suggests that the colonnaded street was planned as a
132 Coulton et al. (2012a:123). 133 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:242). 134 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:2–3); Mitchell (1995:134). 135 Davis (1874:182); Mitchell (1995:12). 136 MacDonald (1986:46). 137 Lanckoroński (1892:161–72).
272 single architectural unit.138 Once inside this complex, the street created, through its succession of columns and archways, a powerful sense of “directional control”139 that led the observer onwards (Fig. 158).
The street at Kremna extended for at least 230 m, was paved with limestone, furnished with drains and provided access to the domestic area to the north.140 To the south, the contours of the land rose sharply prohibiting any further development in that direction. The 10 m wide street had three 0.3 m high steps that gave access to a covered portico on both sides.141 The roof of the colonnade was supported by 3.57 m columns carved from single pieces of granite, set on Ionic column bases and crowned with Corinthian capitals of either limestone or Proconnesian marble. Both the granite and marble were costly imported material.142 The capitals were crowned with lavish entablatures of a three-fascia architrave, bead-and-reel mouldings, an acanthus design frieze and a richly decorated cornice block (Fig. 159).143 Behind the colonnade were a series of doorways, which led into rooms, which accommodated some type of commercial or public activities.
Mitchell simply stated that at Kremna “… the street was designed to combine elaborate display with a functional outlet for trade”.144 This is indeed a very concise description, however the street performed other functions as well. These functions are key to understanding the urban context of the street. The first function was the way in
138 MacDonald (1986:46). 139 MacDonald (1986:46). 140 Mitchell (1995:123). 141 Mitchell (1995:125). 142 Mitchell (1995:125). MacDonald observed that the Corinthian order was the most common for colonnaded streets (MacDonald 1986:44). 143 Mitchell (1995:125). 144 Mitchell (1995:125).
273 which it strengthened the pre-existing west to east armature and how it directed pedestrian traffic to the Roman political centre of the city. In other words, the street was an elaborate preamble to the 2nd century AD Roman forum and basilica complex, which was located at the end of the east termination of the street. The street also accommodated commercial concerns,145 and so could be interpreted as signifying an increase in the economic activity of Kremna: behind those expansive colonnades was a great deal of commercial activity.146 This is another indication for a healthy local economy, again perhaps only made possible by an increased territory and a good connection to the ports of Pamphylia. Another crucial function of the street was to create a refreshingly wide thoroughfare, which was in stark contrast to the crowded and narrow streets of the main residential area of the city located to the north of the street. In striking contrast to the extremely narrow streets of the residential area, at times less than 2 m wide (Fig. 160),147 the colonnaded street at 10 m wide offered a breath of fresh air,148 perhaps literally,149 to the cramped conditions of the housing behind it. There is evidence to suggest that private residential land had to be sacrificed in order to lay out the colonnaded street in the 2nd century AD, further strengthening the prior existence of a congested residential quarter.150
It is tempting to imagine that before the construction of the street, approach to the centre was a constricted affair through narrow streets. Annexing private land and making way for the street opened up a more direct route. The street would have
145 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:242). 146 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:242). 147 Mitchell (1995:160). 148 Mitchell (1995:123). 149 “… most cities and towns were packed tightly with buildings… thoroughfares provided spatial ventilation, some elbowroom or breathing space” (MacDonald 1986:46). 150 Mitchell (1995:162).
274 created fast access from one part of the city to another without the need of entering the residential area: a welcome short cut. The street was also a place for the display of statuary honouring the local elite. Around its eastern end finely decorated statue bases were recorded.151 The original position of the statue bases is difficult to determine, as they lie toppled from their original positions; however, they may have been positioned between the columns or near the back of the portico.152 Due to the probable date of the inscriptions and their current position in the centre of the street, it is more likely that they were placed under the portico, as public statues in other cities at this time normally were.153 It is unfortunate that only one of the bases is readable, but it is informative.154 The base, not surprisingly, honours a member of the local Roman elite, a certain Publius Ulpius Avidianus Rutilius Propinquus who may well be a descendant of the suffect Roman consul of May–June AD 120, L. Rutilius Propinquus.155
Another earlier statue base was located at the junction of the colonnaded street and the piazza. It displays a damaged honorary inscription that definitively names the colony in Latin:
[C]ol. Iul. Aug.
F. Cremna156
151 Mitchell (1995:86–91). 152 Mitchell (1995:133). 153 Young (2012:60). 154 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:58, no. 28). 155 See Horsley and Mitchell for epigraphic evidence for this consul, (Horsley and Mitchell 2000:59). 156 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:60, no. 30).
275 The honorand is unknown but it is significant that this late 2nd century AD or early 3rd century AD inscription should be placed at this position. It reminded the visitor that Kremna was indeed a Roman colony rather than a polis.
The elaborately decorated and coffered limestone archways on the western and eastern ends of the street are again reminiscent of Hadrian's gate at Attaleia and act as monumental entrances to the colonnaded street precinct, defining it as an architectural space that was separate from the preceding cityscape. The street terminated the formal open piazza and the 2nd century AD Roman forum-basilica complex.157 The monumental culmination of the street was laid out to create the appearance of monumentality and directional control (Fig. 161). The public displays along the street made for a powerful reminder of both the city's dependence on Roman authority as well as its identity as a Roman colony. The street was part of an approach that led not only to the forum-basilica complex, with its piazza, propylon and small temple but also ultimately to the Doric agora, by way of the forum-basilica and another colonnaded street.158 Internally, the colonnaded street itself provided a stage for the local Roman period elite to give expression to their political dominance.
With the use of expensive imported building materials, and the display of honorific statuary, the colonnaded street at Kremna certainly “... added to a common imagery of cultural and political allegiance”.159 As Mitchell concisely pointed out:
“Such a combination of architecture and sculpture would have
done more than simply advertise the city's wealth and ambition, it
would have made a clear statement about Kremna's place within
157 Mitchell (1995:128, 130). 158 Mitchell (1995:161). 159 MacDonald (1986:48).
276 the political and religious framework of the Roman empire, under
the protection of the divine order”.160
Yet, this was not all that the colonnaded street gave to Kremna. The street interacted with the city it was placed in and also provided a monumental approach to the new Roman political centre, fronting the older Hellenistic Doric agora beyond it.
The street may also have opened up cramped residential living spaces to the north and presented the city's population with a place to congregate and do business. Such was the success of the street that it was regularly repaired and in use over a very long period.161
Together, the colonnaded street and the forum-basilica complex would have provided the observer with an architectural vision of the status of the city as a Roman colony. Again one is tempted to surmise that by placing the street and forum-basilica complex before the Doric agora that it had been upstaged by the new Roman-style buildings. A similar situation can be observed at Oenoanda, where the lower and later agora is the centre of building and honorific display in the Roman period, whereas the upper Hellenistic agora is encountered last.162 It may be the case that these building projects shifted political focus and sought to connect to the wider Roman empire.
Still, the ultimate end point of the approach was the Doric agora. Indeed, during this period, just to the north of the agora other imperial temples were constructed.163
160 Mitchell (1995:130). 161 Mitchell (1995:130). 162 Coulton (1986:62–90). 163 Mitchell (1991:102). However, Vandeput argued that the Severan temple could date to the Hellenistic period (Vandeput 2002:206).
277 Around the piazza, inscriptions honouring the local elite have been recorded.164 A collection of friezes and architraves suggest that a portico surrounded the entire piazza, although it is uncertain if the southern side of the piazza was enclosed.165 In the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries AD, this piazza was the focus of the last of Kremna's monumental public building projects.166 The centrepiece of this development was a monumental two-storeyed Severan propylon measuring 15 m high, and dating to approximately AD 220, replete with military iconography (Fig.
162). The propylon was located on the northern edge of the open space and at a higher level than the piazza.167 In conjunction with this, another public space to the north was created on top of paved cisterns.168
This multicolumnar construction created a focal point for an observer emerging from the colonnaded street. The façade facing the piazza was more richly decorated,169 favouring the interpretation that this was the side that was intended to impress. The rich decoration of the propylon is difficult to interpret due to its fragmentary nature, however, Vandeput and Büyükkolancı proposed a connection with Septimus Severus' campaigns against the Parthians, and offer the plausible and intriguing notion that residents of Kremna may have participated in those campaigns, thus providing a motivation for this iconography.170 At closer examination, one might also put forward the interpretation that the propylon was an elaborated arched façade.171 Arches were “... associated unmistakably with imperial images found
164 Horsley and Mitchell (2000:55–57, nos. 26-27). 165 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:243). 166 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:217). 167 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:215). 168 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:213, 236–40). 169 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:224). 170 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:245, 248). 171 MacDonald (1986:92).
278 everywhere”, and it may well be that the propylon bore a dedicatory inscription.172 If indeed this monument commemorated a military campaign, it would have had a keen effect on the observer who contemplated it. This monument must have made the citizens of Kremna proud. Not only did its military iconography perhaps reach back to
Kremna's courageous ancestors, but it also stood as testament to the city's place in the empire as well as its participation in its defence (Fig. 163).173
Apart from the propylon's role in the armature of the city by creating a screen wall that closed off the piazza to the north, it also provided a clean transition between two different levels of terrain via 20 steps.174 The open area beyond the propylon seems to have been converted into a system of cisterns that were then covered with paving stones and thereby created another open space. The propylon assisted in creating a transition to this new space at a higher level.175 The propylon, with its artificially created open space of cisterns, represents the endpoint of the development of a public space that was begun in the time of Hadrian.176
From the Via Sebaste and the west gate, a non-resident—literate or illiterate— observer would make their way towards the centre of the city. Eventually, the observer would be guided to the arterial colonnaded street, which was conceived as the beginning of an approach that would ultimately lead not only to the forum-basilica complex, with its piazza, propylon and small temple but also further through another monumental approach, replete with honorific architecture, that led to the older Doric agora beyond (Fig. 164).
172 MacDonald (1986:92). 173 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:248). 174 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:215). 175 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:243). 176 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:243).
279 Public inscriptions and new building projects halted from the end of the 3rd century AD.177 A devastating earthquake in around AD 220 or 230, and if Zosimus is to be believed,178 a bloody siege that took place in AD 278 saw a great number of the population executed or dispossessed, and many residential buildings were razed to the ground. These occurrences might have signalled the beginning of the decline of
Kremna.
Kremna may have started out as a medium-sized settlement and territory in
Pisidia, which although isolated, had some type of urban organisation. Those
Pisidians had stood up to the Persian king and gained a warlike reputation. With
Alexander's arrival and the region's incorporation into a larger Hellenistic kingdom,
Kremna and many other settlements in the region struggled to define the boundaries of their territory. Kremna adopted the polis model perhaps in order to ensure its survival in the new world order. Hellenistic rulers may have even encouraged this process. Pisidians may also have been influenced by the foundation of militarily strategic Hellenistic colonies in the region. Within a polis, political independence and representation within a larger connected empire was assured. Part of the process of adopting the polis model was the development of a civic administration that oversaw activities such as the minting of coins, the defence of the city, the regular planning of residential areas and the provisioning of public buildings.
Architecturally, in these earliest phases of urban life in Kremna, the urban landscape reflected the concerns of its citizens: the city walls were of primary importance. They gave a clear message, that the city was capable of defending its independence and autonomy in a political climate where potential military aggression
177 Mitchell (1995:231); Waelkens (2002:359). 178 Zos. 1.69-70.
280 from neighbours was a common occurrence. A Doric agora provided a space for citizens to meet to discuss civic matters and also where inhabitants of Kremna could buy and sell goods. Through the agora, a centralised political identity of Kremna as a
Hellenised city was established.
With the arrival of Rome, Augustus sought to pacify the region and connect
Pamphylia to Phrygia with the Via Sebaste. To ensure the success of the project,
Roman colonists were sent to the region and refounded some strategic cities as
Roman colonies. The effect this had on the inhabitants of Hellenised Kremna is uncertain, however, it is clear that the city retained at least the name of the boule, if not more, and incorporated Roman concepts of civic administration. After a short period of no apparent investment in public architecture, a number of projects were undertaken from at least the 1st century BC. The heyday of public building seems to have been in the 2nd century AD and culminated in the 3rd century with the monumentalisation of the so-called piazza.
Kremna was profoundly affected by the establishment of the Augustan Roman colony and, at times, the colonists proudly displayed inscriptions in Latin. The city undertook the type of large scale monumental building projects that were fashionable in most eastern Greek cities of the period. With the construction of at least three temples to the Roman imperial cult, the role of Kremna as a Roman colony, and the authority and protection of Rome were firmly established. This occurred when the city could afford to, and it made good sense to emphasise the city's status as a colony at a time when doing so might attract approval from the wider Roman world. It may be that one or more citizens of Kremna participated in politics at the highest level in
Rome. An example of this eagerness to promote the city's status as a colony is a coin
281 from the Hadrianic period depicting the traditional oxen and plough and founder of the colony.179
In Kremna, the process of “Romanisation”180 was not characterised by a wholesale abandonment of Greek identity. Inscriptions continued to be set up in
Greek by a boule, Greek titles were bestowed on Roman names and a Greek Dice
Oracle was placed proudly as the focus of a Roman forum. Greek identity was especially felt in the home, where the traditional peristyle house remained the preferred model—not the atrium style house.
When the Doric agora was damaged by an earthquake, it was carefully repaired and remodelled, and statues to the Roman imperial cult were erected there.
Roman imperial temples and a monumental approach gave the precinct pride of place.
This is a testimony to its continued significance to the political life of the city. The monumental Severan propylon, which may have commemorated some military involvement by Kremna's citizens, reinforced the resident observers' identity as
Pisidian warriors and Roman citizens, perhaps not as a colony as Vandeput and
Büyükkolancı argued,181 but rather as part of the wider Roman world.
There seems to be a “negotiation”182 between a Greek and Roman material aesthetic, and a fluid exchange of ideas that characterised Roman culture at this time.183 Ultimately, it was the strong foundation laid by 300 years of Hellenisation and its concomitant urbanisation that the Roman colonists built upon.184 Material
179 De Giorgi (2011:142). 180 Romanisation is now considered a controversial label and may not even be useful in describing the east (Waelkens and Vyncke 2010:22). 181 Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999:248). 182 Webster (2003). 183 Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:22). 184 Vanhaverbeke and Mitchell (2005:65).
282 aesthetics were the subject of negotiation as well. While neighbouring Sagalassos and
Pisidian Antioch had embraced Roman building techniques, such as brick faced concrete, the forum basilica complex made use of a Hellenistic building technique of mortarless ashlar limestone masonry.185
With Roman imperial construction projects, the monumental and political centre of the city was carefully complemented. It is true that the forum-basilica complex's placement was a focal point of the city, purely by the fact that the visitor would encounter it first. One had to pass through it to reach the older Hellenistic period agora. Again, one might be tempted to surmise that by placing the street and forum-basilica complex before, the Doric agora had been 'upstaged' by the new
Roman-style buildings, however, the Doric agora was not forgotten; the approach to it from the forum-basilica complex was also monumentalised, suggesting that it remained the symbolic heart of the city.
One of the most potent symbols of the transition from a Hellenised Pisidian polis to a Roman colony within the wider empire is the city's fortifications. Those city walls had symbolised the desire for Kremna to keep the outside world at bay, but in the Roman period and with the Pax Romana,186 the very same fortifications became symbols of a bygone era. They were embellished with a decorative arch that offered no protection, instead it showcased the city's wealth and linked Kremna not only to the greater Roman empire beyond those walls, but also to its Hellenistic pedigree.
These monumental additions to Kremna show that the concerns of the citizens had shifted to that of keeping up with the latest fashions in architecture. Sagalassos had a colonnaded street and an ornamental gateway from the time of Augustus.187 So,
185 Mitchell (1995:63); Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:26). 186 Coulton et al. (2012a:123). 187 Waelkens (2002:330).
283 rather than competing on the field against each other as these Pisidian cities had once done in the Hellenistic period, the coming of Rome had transformed the competition to that of seeking imperial favour and competing to be one of the most beautiful cities.188
Pisidian Antioch
Pisidian Antioch is situated 1 km northeast of Yalvaç on the ancient River
Anthius, and is cut off from the Anatolian steppe by a mountain range. It lies under the shadow of the mountain Sultan Dağ (Fig. 165).189 The urban centre is on a heart- shaped hill measuring 785 m x 990 m, bordered along its eastern edge by the River
Anthius valley (Fold-out page 3).190 The hill is surrounded by steep slopes on the northern, eastern and southern sides, but is easily accessible from the west.191 Many parts of the acropolis are not flat, and overall, there is a gradual slope upward towards the west.192 The inhabitants of the region probably relied on typical Mediterranean produce: grain, vegetables, grapes, apples, and perhaps opium poppy, but the area was not well-situated for olive production.193 During the Roman period, its position at the end of the Via Sebaste would have ensured a steady influx of visitors and opportunities for trade.194 A polis may have first been established there in the 3rd century BC—a Seleukid settlement of colonists from Magnesia on the Maeander— and the location was probably chosen to provide a strategic outpost against the
188 Coulton et al. (2012a:123); Waelkens and Vyncke (2010:43, 46). 189 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:1). 190 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:91). 191 Taşlıalan (2001:133). 192 Taşlıalan (2001:134). 193 Levick (1967:97–98). 194 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:3); Levick (1967:97–99).
284 Galatians to the north.195 The colonists would have had to contend with the native
Phrygian population upon their arrival, who like at Kremna would have eventually been absorbed into the chora and administration of the new city. The continuance of typical Phrygian doorstone tombs suggests that this cultural identity held currency well into the Roman period.196 The city would have possessed a constitution,197 and a certain level of administrative organisation is evidenced when the city struck its own coins from at least the 1st century BC.198
There are currently no securely attested Hellenistic remains at Antioch, but we can be fairly certain that the boule undertook some public building around the late 2nd and 1st centuries BC, like so many other cities in the region. The strongest indication of this is traces of a stretch of what could well be a Hellenistic fortification wall, dated on stylistic grounds.199 It is also possible that other sections of the city's fortifications are Hellenistic, especially in the southwest corner near the West Gate, but as the polis' fortifications have been modified, repaired and rebuilt so often over the course of the city's history, further investigation is necessary to clarify the sequence.200 Others have suggested the possibility of Hellenistic period structures: a theatre,201 the extramural
195 Strab. 12.8.14; Cohen (1995:57); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:1, 5); Gazda and Ng (2011:1). 196 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998). 197 However, Khatchadourian argued for the possibility that Pisidian Antioch may have been a temple- state in this early period and that it was centred around the nearby mountain sanctuary of Mên Askaênos (Khatchadourian 2011:155). 198 Özhanlı (2013a:20). 199 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:5, 99); Ossi and Harrington (2011:15); Taşlıalan (2001:142–43). 200 Taşlıalan identifies three main phases for the city's fortification system: the early years of the Hellenistic city, an expansion of the walls in the Roman period and finally a shrinking back of the walls in the Byzantine period (Taşlıalan 2001:140, 142–43). A detailed study is underway on the walls (Sokolicek 2010c). 201 Ossi and Harrington (2011:16, 198).
285 stadium to the west,202 as well as an underground aqueduct from a source 15 km away to the northwest.203 However, all of this is far from certain. The street alignment may have been determined when the city was founded, which is orthogonal and about 30 degrees east of true north.204 The layout of the city blocks finds a Hellenistic period parallel. At 28 m x 56 m, they are similar in size to the city blocks at Syrian Antioch, which is another Seleukid colony.205
The Magnesian colonists would have found this remote region of Phrygia a far cry from their home in Ionia with its proximity to the coast and the stimulating cultural and intellectual environment at Ephesus and Miletus. There is no direct evidence regarding these colonists' relationship to the native Phrygian population, but perhaps one clear indication of integration is the adoption of the local Anatolian moon god Mên Askaênos as one of the central deities of the city.
The sanctuary of Mên Askaênos is located about 3.5 km southeast of the
Antioch,206 close to the summit of a mountain that overlooks the polis, approximately
202 Mitchell and Waelkens, following Taşlıalan's guidebook, comment that an inscription attests to a wooden amphitheatre, perhaps precluding the existence of a Hellenistic stadium. For the inscription and a discussion on the text, see Mitchell and Waelkens (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:224). On wooden amphitheatres in general and in Antioch, also see Robert (Robert 1971:34, 140). 203 Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:308). 204 Ossi and Harrington (2011:15–16). Özhanlı has argued that the street alignment was determined to minimise perceived unhealthy exposure to adverse winds, and they followed principles recorded by Vitruvius on street alignment (Vitr. De arch. 1.6). This may be true; however, Özhanlı's inclusion of a photograph of a “wind chart” carved into one of Antioch's streets could just as easily be (and probably more likely) identified as a “rota” board game inscription, which abound in Greek and Roman cities in the region (Özhanlı 2013b:15–16). For a good discussion on alternative interpretations of this symbol, see Coulton et al. (1988:125). It should be noted that the alignment of the Cardo Decumanus is the same as the alignment of the temple at the sanctuary of Mên, see p. 299. The street alignment at Ephesus also follows the orientation of its extramural sanctuary, see p. 88. 205 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:99). 206 Raff (2011:131).
286 400 m above it. It is unknown whether there was a Phrygian sanctuary there before the region was colonised, but Strabo recorded several areas of worship of Mên at
Antioch, so it is reasonable to suggest that this was one of them.207 Extra mural sanctuaries played an important role in many poleis, and could almost be considered an extension of them, such as at Ephesus.208 Antioch's sanctuary, which is particularly well-preserved in both its architecture and the course of its processional way, will be the only extra-mural sanctuary to be discussed in this thesis and will serve as an illustrative example. The sanctuary is connected to Pisidian Antioch via a sacred processional route, and the precinct may possess the best preserved evidence of public architecture from the Hellenistic period (Fig. 166).209 It contains a large temenos, two temples, a structure that resembles a theatre (or an odeion),210 and around 13 buildings, some multi-room structures, “... which flourished, to judge from its inscriptions and from the surviving architecture, through the whole period of
Antioch's prosperity from the 2nd century BC to the 3rd century AD”.211 The walls of the temenos stood between 4 and 6 m in height, which probably corresponded to the column height of the temple inside, and they possessed decorative buttresses, like the temple of Apollo Klarios and the Doric temple at Sagalassos.212
The walls of the temenos were inscribed with votive offerings by festival participants, and similar carvings marked the route of the sacred way from Pisidian
207 Strab. 12.3.31.24. 208 Damianus' portico connected the city to the Artemision, see p. 118. 209 Hardie (1912:111). 210 Mitchell and Waelkens called this a stadium, while Raff prefers to identify it as an odeion or theatre (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:37, 72). Although it is impossible to identify the structure definitively, due to its size and preserved form, its identification as an odeion or theatre seems more likely. 211 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:37); Raff (2011:139–52). 212 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:42).
287 Antioch to the temple (Fig. 167).213 The temenos has four entrances, the largest on the southeast wall with a propylon from a later date.214 An over life-sized statue of
Cornelia Antonia (ca. AD 160), and a plinth of a certain Tibereinos were found in this area.215 The interior of the temenos was paved with limestone slabs, and surrounded by an interior colonnade. Thus, it is clear that the temenos was a favoured location for the display of statues, and many inscriptions have been recovered from here, mostly of an agonistic theme, some of which may have been carved onto the cella wall.216
The temple itself was a 26.7 m x 14.4 m Ionic distyle peripteral temple made mostly of dark limestone, on a stepped krepis with 6 x 11 columns (Fig. 168).217 The temple made use of contrasting tones of light and dark limestone, and the krepis had facing stones.218 The layout of this temple finds close parallels with both the temple of
Athena Polias at Priene (310 BC) and the temple of Dionysus at Teos (208–204 BC), both Ionic in distyle.219 Needless to say, an Ionic temple would have been the natural choice for the Magnesian colonists.
The smaller temple was orientated approximately with the main temple, and was built in rough ashlar on a terrace with a foundation of 14.8 m x 6-7.7 m, but unfortunately, no decorative mouldings are preserved.220 This smaller temple may have been dedicated to either Kybele or Demeter, based on the find of a single small bust whose identification is uncertain, but has been interpreted as either of the two
213 Khatchadourian (2011:164–68); Belayche (2009:330). For arguments against this view, see below on p. 291. 214 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:44). 215 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:47); Raff (2011:141). 216 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:49). 217 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:50–51). 218 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:51–53). 219 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:63–66); Raff (2011:140). 220 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:57–62).
288 goddesses.221 From a comparison with the temple of Zeus Sosipolis at Magnesia, a construction date of between 175 BC and 125 BC has been suggested and seems likely for both the small temple and the Temple of Mên.222 If this is the case, it is possible that the Attalid kings had a hand in this, as the dates are roughly parallel to the Attalid enlargement of the temple at Pessinus.223 A gift like this would have made political sense for the Attalids, to ensure the city's loyalty, especially if the polis had been founded as a rival Seleukid military outpost. However, the city’s name alone refutes an Attalid foundation.
For an alternative interpretation of the sanctuary, Khatchadourian points out that the only real evidence for active participation in the cult, in terms of stratigraphic evidence, votive inscriptions and coin issues related to the cult, date from after the period of Antoninus Pius (AD 138–161). The only evidence that the sanctuary was active in the early 1st century AD is the discovery of a votive offering from a Ti.
Claudius Epinicus, whose name suggests he was a freedman during Claudius' principate (AD 41–54),224 and a later Roman period votive offering, which suggests that the donors were following an established tradition i.e. established before the 2nd century AD.225 She suggests that we should consider the possibility that the temples are not Hellenistic constructions, but rather the result of deliberate archaising, as was the case for the temple of Augustus at Ankara (1st century AD) and of Zeus at Aizanoi
(1st century AD).226 Khatchadourian concedes that there are at least 17 1st century BC
221 For a discussion on the connection between Mên, Kybele and Hecate, see Khatchadourian (Khatchadourian 2011:167). 222 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:67); Raff (2011:141). 223 Strab. 12.5.2-3; Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:68). 224 Khatchadourian (2011:160). 225 Belayche (2009:333). 226 Khatchadourian (2011:153, 159).
289 coin issues that depict Mên Askaênos, and that his bust appears prominently on the 1st century AD propylon (Fig. 169), and as noted, his sanctuary is mentioned by Strabo in the 1st century BC.227
In short, the picture that emerges is that there was active participation in the cult in the 1st century BC and in the 2nd century AD, but there was an apparent cooling down in the 1st century AD, which corresponds to the arrival of the Roman colonists.
The lack of evidence from the 1st century AD, of course, does not preclude the possibility that there is such evidence at the sanctuary that is awaiting excavation.
However, with the evidence at hand, one might suggest that the cult diminished in deference to the Roman cult practices of the colonists, among them the Roman imperial cult, only to be revived in the 2nd century AD. It has been suggested that the reason behind this revival was to attempt to unify the Greek cities of Asia Minor under Roman rule by using Mên Askaênos as a propaganda tool.228
Clustered around the main temple are two groups of buildings: five multi- roomed buildings with a portico (Raff's MBs) (Fig. 166), and two MBs positioned near the southwest end of the odeion/theatre.229 The second group of structures, single-roomed buildings (Raff's SB), were the most numerous with 13 examples.230
MB1 has an external courtyard, and the presence of mortar suggests that it was repaired or reworked. MB2 also appears to have been maintained and displays evidence of two building phases.231 MB2 contained a small rectangular courtyard, and may have possessed a terrace that led directly to the temple precinct. MB3 had direct
227 Khatchadourian (2011:159). 228 On this argument see Belayche, Lane and Khatchadourian (Belayche 2009; Lane 1975; Khatchadourian 2011). 229 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:72); Raff (2011:142–43). 230 Raff (2011:148). 231 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:74).
290 access to the temenos, contained seats and basins, and its main room seems to have been roofed.232 When MB3 was excavated in 1912, animal bones were found on the floor, including pig bones, which strongly suggests that this building was used in connection with feasting.233 There is a high concentration of inscribed votive offerings on the temenos wall facing MB3. MB4 is quite ruined but MB5 is better preserved, featuring an exterior portico, and two large rooms.234 To the west of MB4, there is a row of SBs, which Raff has convincingly identified as treasuries, or at least storage facilities.235 There is an andron to the north of the temple and several other SBs, which were probably connected to feasting and accommodation.236
The overall layout of the architecture of the sanctuary, and its relationship to the sacred way, in my view, have been unsatisfactorily accounted for. On Raff's plan, which is largely after Ramsay and Woodbridge's sketches, the sacred way winds up the mountain in a southwest direction, passes the theatre and then makes its way between the high status MB3 and the temenos wall to access the temenos through the small entrance on the north side (Fig. 166). According to this route, the sacred way effectively by-passes MB1 and MB2, the small temple, MB4 and MB5 as well as
SB1–SB5, and most importantly, the largest entrance, which we must suppose is the main entrance to the temenos on the southeast wall, and which was emphasised with a later propylon. Moreover, by approaching the temple between MB3 and the temenos wall, the festival attendee would have needed to climb a sudden steep slope.
There is a natural gently sloping valley between the small hill where the temple of Mên is located, and the hill upon which the small temple was constructed
232 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:79). 233 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:79, 83); Raff (2011:146). 234 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:80). 235 Raff (2011:149). 236 Raff (2011:151). 291 (Fig. 170). Following this valley southeast, i.e. not deviating from the direction of the approach of sacred way from outside the sanctuary, provides a comfortable ascent to the location of MB5 and SB6. That way, the Temple of Mên would have been approached at a three quarter angle from below, ensuring the non-symmetrical view that was favoured by Greek architects for temples.237 It also positions the procession in front of the main entrance to the temple. With spectacular views to the southwest, and the treasuries and small temple to the north, the festival participant would have approached the main entrance and the temenos (Fig. 171). A further justification for this view is the orientation of the doorways of SB7–13 and SB1–5, which would have opened up onto the procession. These reasons, coupled with the topography of the site, make for a compelling alternative explanation for the route of the sacred way.
From inscriptions found at the sanctuary, we have learned about some of the activities that took place at the festival of Mên, and from the many depictions of Mên and bucrania (Fig. 172), we can be fairly certain that the festival of the cult involved the sacrifice of bulls and consumption of beef.238 Festivals and feasting were one of the primary recreational activities in any Graeco-Roman city.239 At the festival of
Mên, wrestling, gymnastic and trumpet competitions took place.240 This was the perfect opportunity for the young men of Antioch, having received an education in precisely those activities in the gymnasium in the polis, to compete in front of the wider city community. The writer contends that the bulk of these festive activities centred around the odeion/theatre, within the area of the valley between the Temple of
Mên and the smaller temple. A small entrance gives direct access from the temenos to
237 Martin (1974:333). 238 Khatchadourian (2011:162). 239 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:83). 240 Anderson (1913); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:83); Raff (2011:143).
292 this area (Fig. 173), and it also seems that around MB1 and MB2 there was a small system of small streets, roughly orientated southwest to northeast (Fig. 174). In addition, the orientation of the SBs to the north of the sanctuary offer a prime location to view this area. This indicates that it was a centre of activity. Building MB3 on the other hand, with the many inscribed votive offerings on the walls of the temenos located there, seems to be more private in nature, situated apart from activities in the valley, and if the reinterpretation of the course of the sacred way is correct, it was isolated from that as well. It would make sense then, that MB3 was the residence for the priests of the temple, especially when one considers the building had its own entrance to the temenos.241 While there seems to be a relatively small amount of permanent feasting buildings, it must be remembered that the bulk of the festival participants would have erected temporary accommodation such as tents.242 The stone buildings may have been reserved for the city's elite.
One of the most striking characteristics of the votive inscriptions is their cross- cultural nature:243 inscriptions appear in both Latin and Greek.244 Unusually, these inscriptions tended to emphasise families and family relationships as well as occupations, instead of the dedicator's place of origin or father's name, which were the more standard way of expressing identity.245 This had led Khatchadourian to suggest that one feature of participation in the cult somehow “transcended” ethnic and “local commitments”.246 This tradition would fit in with the role of the cult during the
Hellenistic period of the polis, and its integration of the native Phrygian population.
241 Raff (2011:147). 242 Raff (2011:145). 243 As noted, these were from the mid 2nd century AD. 244 Khatchadourian (2011:165); Raff (2011:152). 245 Khatchadourian (2011:166). 246 Belayche (2009:332); Khatchadourian (2011:166).
293 Mitchell and Waelken's initial estimate that the sanctuary was in use from the
1st century BC to at least the 3rd century AD is compelling. We might venture to add to this, that the precinct may have fallen into some disrepair with the arrival of the
Roman colonists in 25 BC, but rather than being rebuilt and 'stamped' with a Roman imperial appearance as was the case with the city below, its relatively remote and inaccessible location may have spared it from this treatment.247 In the mid 2nd century
AD, the sanctuary was refurbished and revitalised, and was actively supported by the
Roman imperial authority as a useful propaganda tool to unite the cities of Anatolia under a common banner.
It is clear then that the identity of those who attended the sanctuary changed significantly over time. Of those identities, perhaps the most enduring was that of the priesthood who were responsible for maintaining the temple, performing rituals, overseeing dedications and managing financial matters. For the early Magnesian colonists, the construction of the sanctuary and the familiar layout and design of the temples would have provided a physical connection to the fatherland, making this new remote location more hospitable, while for the native Phrygian population, the recognition and systemisation of their local deity may have been a source of pride and given them incentive to join the colonists in the polis system.
During the Roman colonial period of Antioch, the sanctuary was largely left alone, and at that time it could have served as an outpost for Greek cultural practice, especially for those activities that were part of every young Greek man's gymnasium- based education. It may have provided an opportunity for the Greek speaking population to escape from the new Roman order in the city below. For the incoming
Roman imperial colonists, the decision to leave the sanctuary more or less untouched
247 Belayche (2009:346).
294 might reveal their willingness to strike a balance, and negotiate a harmonious coexistence with the resident population. From the 2nd century AD, this tolerant acceptance of the sanctuary was transformed into its active promotion, as Roman authorities recognised the usefulness of cult of Mên for the cohesion of the many poleis in Asia Minor. Latin speakers proudly inscribed their votive messages, along with the Greek speaking population, in a spirit of camaraderie and in an environment where family transcended social class. Although this social levelling may have been in the spirit of the cult, elite members of Pisidian Antioch probably dined in the roofed permanent buildings, while the lesser status individuals may have camped in temporary accommodation. In the 2nd century AD, Roman ideology was never far away, as Roman imperial statuary was set up in the temenos. Throughout the period, the observers of the architecture of the sanctuary would have connected it to a strong sense of Phrygian regional and religious identity, Greek musical and sporting entertainment, along with feasting and drinking in an environment where family values were recognised and honoured, and political aspirations and ethnic differences took a secondary role.
One striking aspect of the sanctuary, which to my knowledge has not been noted, is the fact that the sacred way, and the sanctuary itself are visible from Pisidian
Antioch below (Fig. 165). Hence, during festivals, observers in the city would have been able to clearly see the procession winding its way up the mountain, and see the smoke of the sacrificial fire and may have even heard the trumpet competition. When the festival was not taking place, an observer anywhere in the city would only need to look up to the mountain to be reminded of the presence of the sanctuary above them and the values it represented.
295 The region around Pisidian Antioch proved to be troublesome for Rome after the death of their client king Amyntas, who had been in control of the area between
36–25 BC.248 So, the city was refounded as a Roman colony in 25 BC, on the site of the Hellenistic city; and along with the refoundation of Kremna, Lystra, Parlais,
Olbassa and Comama, a “Pisidian triangle” of highland military outposts was laid out to ensure the security of the region and the success of the Via Sebaste (Fig. 175).249
The ambitious Via Sebaste project linked the Pamphylian plain to Pisidia and other colonies, and its milestones counted down until they ended at the newly named
Colonia Caesarea Antiochia.250 From this period the city boasts a great deal of Latin inscriptions, some of which allude to the northern Italian and Etruscan origin of the veterans who colonised Antioch, and who were probably drawn from Legions V and
VII.251 It has been suggested that all colonies were not created equal in Asia Minor, and were conceived on different scales, and if so Pisidian Antioch was the greatest.252
Like at Kremna, the nature of the balance of political control between the
Greek speaking inhabitants of the polis and the newly arrived colonists is unclear.
After all, the Roman colonists had been sent to the region to ensure security,253 and so must have possessed the ultimate political authority, but on the other hand, they depended on the local population for the success of the colony. The boule of the city may have remained in name as in Kremna, and it seems that it absorbed the Roman
248 Strab. 12.6.5; Ormerod (1922:44–45). 249 De Giorgi (2011:135); Levick (1967:38); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8);Waelkens (2002:322). 250 Mitchell (1995:5). 251 Levick (1967:61–62, 68). 252 De Giorgi (2011:145). 253 Rubin argues that the pre-existing Greek speaking population had no rights under the new order, and only a few were allowed Roman citizenship, but fails to give any evidence or parallel for this (Rubin 2011:33–34).
296 ordo system in part.254 Inscriptions mention some of the process of the governance of the city and the curious mix that resulted: there were the Roman duoviri, quinquennales, aediles and a quaestor, but also Greek public officials, the grammateis, gymnasiarchs and agonothetes, which attests to the continuation of at least some aspects of the political machinery of the Greek polis.255 This means, at Pisidian
Antioch there was already a working system of local government, with elected officials, carefully maintained public records, and citizens charged with the education of youth in the gymnasium, the organisation of festivals and the maintenance of public buildings and other city services. Removing all of that existing civic infrastructure to start afresh would have been disruptive and inefficient.
Along with the native Greek tribe system, Pisidian Antioch was divided into seven Roman vici,256 some of whose names were based on the topography of Rome.257
Some of the inhabitants were full Roman citizens (presumably the veterans themselves), and another group with a lower status are attested: the incolae
(inhabitants).258 It has been suggested that the incolae consisted of all the pre-Roman
Greek speaking citizens, but the true extent to which local Greek residents were offered Roman citizenship is unknown.259
On the question on how much Latin versus Greek was spoken at Antioch,
Levick suggests that “... Latin remained the language used by the colonists for official purposes, for dedications to the emperor, officials, and private persons, until Pisidian
254 Levick (1967:69–70, 73); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8). 255 Belayche (2009:336–37); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8). 256 Five of which are know to us: Venerius, Velabrus, Tuscus, Cermalus and Salutaris (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:8; Özhanlı 2009:70). 257 Levick (1967:76). 258 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8). 259 See p. 307.
297 Antioch became the metropolis of the new province of Pisidia in about AD 297”, and it was also used in religious inscriptions,260 and on tombstones;261 however, the more typical Phrygian doorstone tombs represent a more widely-used form.262 It is difficult to estimate the population at colony's foundation, but it may have been around 10,000 including women, children and slaves.263 Due to Antioch's status of colonia and the possession of Roman citizenship of some of its inhabitants, some of these were able to participate in political life at Rome much earlier than other cities in Asia Minor.264
However, residents of Pisidian Antioch were not considered for the senate, unless they were of noble birth,265 until the 2nd century AD, when all prejudices “were put away”.266 Antioch, and other colonies like it, offered the lower status Roman veteran a chance to improve his station. At Pisidian Antioch we find rare Latin names that are not attested on funerary monuments in Italy presumably because these low status families could not afford them, whereas at Antioch, and within a few generations, the descendants of these colonists attained the high offices that they could never aspire to in their homeland.267
So, the political relationship with the existing Greek speaking populations, and the Latin colonists was twofold. It was both authoritarian, in the sense that Roman authority was the highest, but at the same time there was a spirit of cooperation for mutual benefit, and Roman official offices may have been integrated within the
260 Like at the Sanctuary of Mên. 261 Levick (1967:136). 262 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:8). 263 Levick (1967:92–94). 264 Levick (1967:103). 265 Levick (1967:105). 266 Levick (1967:111). 267 Levick (1967:119); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:10).
298 existing polis system. How this was achieved and the exact structure of this new system is unknown, yet the result seems to have been a tenuously harmonious coexistence within a complex mix of ethnic identity that would ultimately prove successful.
The refoundation of the colony saw building activity that was unparalleled in other parts of Asia Minor in the early 1st century AD, and was probably spurred on by imperial investment.268 It is certain that the city was surrounded by a Roman wall that may have been built over the Hellenistic city walls' foundations, and there are traces of towers. However, the precise evolution of the city's fortification system is poorly understood, and must still be clarified.269 Whether or not the streets were laid out in the Hellenistic period, or as part of the refoundation of the Roman colony is yet to be determined,270 however, the broad division of the acropolis is clear. A portion of the
Roman colony's street system has been exposed by excavation and some electromagnetic surveys, and from this we can see that the city was made up of a system of orthogonal streets, with insulas within these blocks (Fold-out page 3).271
The major northwest to southeast street, the so-called Cardo Maximus,272 effectively divided the acropolis into a western and eastern section, and it seems that this Cardo continued to the southwest, perhaps to the wall. The Decumanus Maximus, positioned at right angles to the Cardo Maximus, was orientated on a northeast to southwest axis,
268 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:10). 269 Taşlılan (2001:140). 270 See p. 286. 271 Özhanlı (2009:70). 272 It is important to note that this Latin nomenclature for the main streets of a colony is not attested in any inscription from Pisidian Antioch (Ossi and Harrington 2011:17, note 30). The use of these terms gives the impression that the layout of streets took place during the Roman Imperial refoundation; however, as previously noted, there does seem to be evidence of a Hellenistic street system (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:99).
299 and divided the acropolis into a north and south division. It too, seems to have continued northward. Side streets, off both the Decumanus and Cardo Maximus, indicate further divisions and insulas, and recent excavations revealed that these residential blocks were densely populated and occupied continuously from Roman imperial times.273 The fact that these streets are so regularly laid out, allows for some speculation on the broad division of the city. These divisions should be ultimately connected to the unidentified vici that are mentioned in inscriptions (Fig. 176).
It is most probable that the main entrance to the city in the 2nd century AD was the West Gate, which eventually met the Decumanus Maximus.274 Importantly, this gate was probably the end of the Via Sebaste, the massive imperial road project that connected wheeled traffic from Pamphylia to Phrygia, a distance of some 160 km as the crow flies. There is an indication of another gate to the northwest,275 which apparently gave access to the stadium, and there is a small entrance on the southeast of the acropolis that Mitchell and Waelkens believed was the most convenient access to the River Anthius.276 It is also likely the Cardo Maximus continued to meet a larger
South gate that was in line with its orientation and might have been the main entrance to the Hellenistic city, but this has not been located with certainty.277 Gates on the eastern edges and northern tip of the acropolis were impractical due to the steep slopes.
The main entrance, the West Gate, was probably dismantled to make way for a new monumental entrance to the city. This archway is the best understood of all the
273 These excavations were ongoing during the writer's 2014 visit, and have not yet been published. 274 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:95). 275 Taşlıalan (2001:135). 276 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:95). 277 Taşlıalan (2001:138).
300 public architecture in Antioch. Dated to AD 129 from its inscription, the gate is dedicated to Hadrian and Sabina, who most probably visited the city in that year
(Fold-out page 4).278 The gateway consisted of four piers on a base of dark grey local stone, and the remaining structure was built from white limestone.279 It included niches for statues—all of which are lost. This makes the interpretation of the symbology of the decoration on the gateway especially difficult, as it would have been closely connected to the program of lost statuary in the niches.280 On the south face of the gate, a visitor's eye in the 2nd century AD would have been drawn to the two crouching captives in the spandrels on either side of the central arch. Their bodies face outward but they twist their faces inward and upward to the inscription honouring Hadrian and Sabina above them. On the spandrels of the two outside arches, two genii of the colony hold up a garland. Above the inscription, there was a mixed frieze of military equipment and fantastic creatures-some of which were aquatic. On the northern face, the program was similar, but here the crouching barbarians were replaced by standard bearers, and the genii replaced with Victories.
These figures emphasise the inscription above that proclaims the identity of the arch's donor, a C. Julius Asper Pansinianus.281 The decorative motif above the inscription is an elaborate tendril frieze that incorporates a palmette design.
Although this would not have been apparent to the 2nd century AD observer arriving at Pisidian Antioch for the first time, the arch was clearly inspired by the earlier 1st century AD propylon to the imperial sanctuary (Fig. 177) located in the
278 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:99); Taşlıalan (2001:140). 279 Ossi (2011:88). 280 I.e. Ossi's contention that the bucrania program provides a connection to Mên and therefore the gate was a node point for the procession to and from the mountain sanctuary (Ossi 2011:102–3, 108). 281 Ossi (2011:94–95).
301 heart of the city.282 It is important to note that the side facing the incoming traffic represented the domination of barbarians by the genii of the colony under an inscription to Hadrian, while on the other side, the military standard bearers and images of Victory appear under the inscription of the benefactor. One might imagine, with such a program, that statues of Hadrian and the imperial family adorned the southern face, while statues of the local elite the northern side.283 Passing under the arch, the visitor was greeted with the sight and sound of a street with a flowing cascade of water down its centre (Fig. 178).284 This small street was lined with what seem to be shops on the western and eastern sides, and colonnades forming a platea.285
Following this cascade street in a northeast direction of some 130 m would have led to the source of the water feature, perhaps a small monumental fountain, but there is no evidence for this. The visitor would then have been presented with a right hand turn onto the Decumanus Maximus, which ran in a southwest direction and climbed upwards. It is possible that this street was colonnaded in the Roman period, and was also a commercial platea.286 Approximately 320 m of this paved street has been excavated, and its width ranges between 6 and 7.5 m.287 The Decumanus Maximus continued southwest and upward until it intersected with a minor junction, giving access to smaller division of the city (Fig. 179), and shortly after, it passed in front of the theatre and its entrance (Fig. 180). Although it was initially believed that the street
282 See p. 306 for the discussion on the propylon. 283 This would be more likely than a statue of Mên, as Ossi suggested, to support his argument that the gate was on the processional route from the sanctuary (Ossi 2011:102). 284 Ossi and Harrington (2011:21). 285 Ossi (2011:91). 286 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:102, 110); Taşlıalan (Taşlıalan 2001:140). 287 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:102).
302 passed underneath the seating of the theatre via a tunnel after a 2nd century AD expansion of the theatre, this view has since been convincingly challenged.288
The theatre was one of the largest buildings in the city, and is now mostly denuded (Fig. 181). Its origins may date to the Hellenistic period, as previously noted, but the bulk of the extant remains belong to the first stage of the Roman colony, in the late 1st century BC.289 It was remodelled and enlarged in the 2nd century AD, with the possible addition of a Tetrastoon (area enclosed by four porticoes) to the west.290 The theatre features three diazomas (horizontal divisions) and six cunei (vertical divisions), and the overall design seems to be a hybrid of the Roman and Greek type
(Fig. 182).291 The absence of mortar on the lower seats and its use in the upper supports the notion that the theatre went through two building phases.292 The presence of names inscribed on the theatre seats, as well as some high status seating (Fig. 183), remind us again of the importance of social segregation within the theatre.293 Taşlıalan first proposed a seating capacity of 15,000 spectators following the theatre's 2nd century AD remodelling,294 but this has been revised down to more conservative 5,000 by Demirer.295
The decoration of the scaenae frons consisted of two sections.296 A lower façade of columns with white marble bases, granite shafts and yellow Corinthian capitals topped with a garland frieze of bucrania and masks (Fig. 184). Crowning this
288 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:102); Ossi and Harrington (2011:20). 289 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:61); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:109). 290 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:62); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:110). 291 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:64); MacMullen (2000:20). 292 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:67); Taşlıalan (1998:326–28). 293 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:75). 294 Taşlıalan (1998:334). 295 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:67). 296 Taşlıalan (1998:335).
303 was another row of Corinthian columns that supported an open and closed palmette frieze with lion heads (Fig. 185).297 The scaenae frons would have had doorways for actors to enter and exit as well as niches for statues, fragments of which have been recovered, but are not sufficiently preserved to allow for identification.298 Underneath the stage building, Taşlıalan identified a basement, which he believed connected the theatre to the Tetrastoon behind.299 However, from magnetic resonance imaging surveys, it seems that the Tetrastoon behind the theatre was occupied by residential buildings, that may have been built over the Tetrastoon but their date can not be verified without excavation. According to Demirer and Mallampati, the theatre was finally converted into a gladiatorial arena in the late 3rd or early 4th century AD.300
The design and decoration of the theatre represented a physical manifestation of the integration of the Roman colonists with the Greek speaking citizens. With its hybrid design, the overall form catered to both tastes, and the Corinthian scaenae frons, if dated to the early period of the colony, formed a visual link to the Roman imperial program of the colony. The divisions of the theatre would have reflected divisions in social class, and the presence of elite seating is clear evidence of the presence of a politically powerful class. One can only speculate on the types of performance that took place in the theatre in the early days. Were they Greek or
Roman plays?
297 Taşlıalan (1998:336). Stylistically, these open and closed palmettes compare favourably to the 1st century AD Vespasianus monument at Side (Young 2003:179). Although Demirer and Mallampati find parallels with the bucrania and lion's heads of the Roman Imperial temple and the arch of Hadrian and Sabina respectively, one must remember that these motifs were extremely popular in all contexts of public architecture in the period, and are not restricted to Pisidian Antioch (Demirer and Mallampati 2011:77). 298 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:69, 71). 299 Taşlıalan (1998:335). 300 Demirer and Mallampati (2011:72).
304 The Decumanus Maximus continued southwest and was articulated with a small arch 90 m from the entrance of the theatre (Fig. 186), and what seems to be a small temple approximately 30 m further (Fig. 187), until it intersected with the Cardo
Maximus. It is clear that the Decumanus Maximus continued southeast, presumably to the southeast region of the city, but this section has yet to be excavated or explored with magnetic surveys (Fig. 188). The Cardo Maximus followed a northeast and southwest orientation, and only the northeast section of this street beginning from the intersection of the Cardo Decumanus has been revealed by excavation. It appears that this street was colonnaded on both sides, giving weight to the idea that the
Decumanus Maximus was likewise colonnaded, and the footpath under the colonnades featured mosaics.301 Entrances to shops line both sides of this street, and it displayed three types of column: half fluted limestone columns, fully fluted columns and spiral fluted columns, which carried a Doric order (Fig. 189).302 The street continued some 70 m northeast, where the visitor was presented with another northwest and southeast intersection. This area represented a focus for monumentalisation, and invited the visitor to enter either the area of the circular church to the northwest, or the impressive monumental ensemble 70 m away to the southeast.303
The vista opening up to the southeast would have drawn visitors into the
Tiberia Platea (Fig. 190).304 This area was an active commercial centre from the early
1st century AD, and excavations have unearthed high-quality glass products and metal objects from this period.305 On either side of the ample open area, 22.9 m wide and 85
301 Özhanlı (2009:73). 302 Özhanlı (2013a:15–16). 303 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:100). 304 Ossi and Harrington (2011:19). 305 Özhanlı (2013a:19).
305 m long,306 here there were tabernas, where citizens would have been engaged in leisure activities, such as pavement board games.307 The scene would have been dominated by the towering propylon to the imperial sanctuary ahead and, half obscured behind it, the Roman imperial temple itself (Fig. 177).308
At the base of the propylon four fountains flowed,309 and the richly decorated scenes covering the façades would have left little doubt in the mind of the observer that the temple beyond was that of Augustus.310 In the spandrels of the arches, he was presented with a very similar program to the 2nd century AD West Gate and Arch of
Hadrian and Sabina: the yielding barbarians and victories perhaps reminded him of the subjugation of the region, while he contemplated the inscription:
IMP ● CAES[ARI ● DI]VI ● [F●A]VGVSTO●PONTI[F]FICI ● M[AXIM]O
COS● X[III● TRIB]VUN[ICIAE POTESTATIS ● XXII ● [IM]P ● XIIII ● P[ ●P]311
Allegorical tritons suggested Augustus' military successes at sea,312 yet the decorative program was optimistic, with rich garlands symbolising the abundance of peace that Augustus had brought.313 The inclusion of the Capricorn within the decorative program is the strongest connection with Augustus (Fig. 191), and the over
306 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:149). 307 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:149). 308 Rubin (2011:34). 309 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:151). 310 Robinson (1926). 311 “For the emperor Caesar Augustus, son of a god, pontifex maximus, consul for the 13th time, with tribunician power for the 22nd time, imperator for the 14th time, father of the country”, thus dated to to 2 BC (translated by Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:147)). 312 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:160–63); Ortaç (2002:181). 313 Robinson (1926:12).
306 life-sized statues that crowned the propylon may have been members of the imperial family (Fig. 192), just as they may have been in the later arch of Hadrian and Sabina, and as they were in the Sebasteion in Aphrodisias.314 Rubin has suggested that the overall effect of the propylon was to suggest a threat of violence to a subjugated native population and to solidify the political supremacy of the Roman colonists.315
However, this reading is perhaps too extreme. As discussed above in the section on the Sanctuary of Mên,316 the base of the propylon also respectfully acknowledged the local deity, albeit at the lowest level of the hierarchy (Fig. 169). The similarities in themes between the 2nd century AD arch to Hadrian and Sabina would have been clear to a 2nd century AD literate, and perhaps illiterate, observer; also, both were provisioned with fountains.
Apart from the tabernas and the propylon, which dominated the space, there were other important buildings located in the Tiberia Platea, though not all of them have been identified. A tholos, a common building type also found in Ephesus and
Pergamon,317 occupied a space close to the south portico and before the small steps. It dates to the principate of Caracalla (AD 198–217).318 It seems that there was another important building extending west near the south side-street.319 Its commercial location would favour its identification as the city's basilica, although this is speculation.
314 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:164). Rubin identified one of the statues that crowns the propylon as a winged Victory, however this appears to be a misreading of Robinson (Rubin 2011:42; Robinson 1926:22, 42, 45). 315 Rubin (2011:43). 316 See p. 287. 317 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:156). 318 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:156). 319 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:154).
307 The rising slope southeast of the Tiberia Platea was lightly articulated by one step, which then led on to the steps of the propylon itself. Before the observer passed through the arches, he would have encountered a large inscription positioned at the central axis of the propylon, a “... raised boss or shield, set on a block 1.7 m square”.320 On the inscription, the literate observer was informed that a Baebious T. F.
Ser. Asiaticus was responsible for the paving of 3,000 Roman feet of streets.321 It was here as well that a famous edict on grain hoarding was issued in the 1st century AD by an L. Antistius Rusticus, our primary evidence of the presence of both citizens and incolae.322 When the observer passed through the propylon, he would have passed by an inscription in Latin of the Res Gestae of Augustus which may have been within the walls of the arches, and once through, would have been confronted with the Roman imperial temple itself.
It is arguable that the Roman imperial temple was the focus of the colony from its outset (Fig. 193). The upward approach to the temple from the West Gate, along the Cardo Decumanus, the Cardo Maximus and Tiberia Platea concluded here.
Although a secure reconstruction of the temple's overall plan has proven difficult, as much of this is not visible,323 a confident elevation of the temple has been successfully prepared thanks to numerous pieces recovered from the decorative sequence of the temple.324 Of special interest is the innovative use of bucrania motifs for the frieze, a decorative element normally reserved for altars and sarcophagoi.325 The temple was a
320 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:150). 321 According to Mitchell and Waelkens, this neatly corresponds to the length of both the Cardos (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:150). Ossi and Harrington place this inscription at the “... end of the 1st century BC” (Ossi and Harrington 2011:19). 322 Wiemer (1997:200). 323 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:134). 324 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:140); Vandeput (2002:207–8). 325 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:167). 308 Corinthian pronaos type fronted by four 7.36 m columns and surrounded by a 15 m podium, and it was approached frontally by steps.326 It was preceded by a rectangular space 83 m x 66 m, which was framed by an impressive circular portico of stoas 4.8 m deep with two extending wings.327 It is very likely that an altar was located in the space in front of the temple, and sacrifices to the Roman imperial cult would have taken place there. The stoas provided shelter to those in attendance of the ceremony and feasting afterwards.328 The stoas were of a mixed order, a Doric entablature supporting an Ionic upper storey, while the temple itself was Corinthian, thus completing the sequence of orders. The upper storey of the stoa was accessible from a staircase, and perhaps from the hillside behind (Fig. 194).329 The back wall of the stoa incorporated a section of the curved cliff and was built up, but was mostly cut from the hillside.330 The overall arrangement was reminiscent of many provincial types from the same period and perhaps the decorative program was ultimately inspired by the Temple of Mars Ultor in Rome.331
Although in past scholarship, there had been some doubt about who the temple was dedicated to,332 from its relationship with the propylon, and the Tiberia Platea, its decorative style, its layout, and an inscription located in the Tiberia Platea (Fig. 195), it has been convincingly identified by Rubin as a tripartite dedication to Iuppiter
Optimus Maximus, Augustus and the Genii of the Colony.333 An Augustan bronze coin
326 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:135–39). 327 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:146). 328 Rubin (2011:46). 329 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:144). 330 Mitchell and Waelkens (2011:141). It was not, as Rubin maintains, entirely carved from the “living rock” (Rubin 2011:45). 331 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:160). 332 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:157–58); Rubin (2011:50). 333 Rubin (2011:53–54).
309 and other coins dating to the Byzantine period were found in the portico, and so suggests that the area of the sanctuary was frequented for many centuries.334
During the 1st century BC, the mixture of Roman colonists and the local
Greek-speaking population created a mixed observer experience. For the Roman veteran soldier, the combined effect of both the temple and propylon would have been profound. The propylon's message was surely not only of domination by violence, but also it represented the new social order in the colony. With the leadership of Augustus through the Roman imperial cult, a permanent subjugation of the potential chaos of the region had been established. The captive barbarian was a visual message to the veteran of the potential return to chaos and a constant reminder to be vigilant. Once the veteran passed through the propylon, he had entered sacred Roman imperial space, a space he had to maintain and protect at all costs to ensure the success of the colony and the Roman imperial project. For a literate Greek-speaking resident observer, he may have been offended at the suggestion that he was a subjugated barbarian, but at the same time would have been impressed at the scale of the project at a time when no major public building had occurred in the city or the region within his lifetime. For him, the temple was a statement of the economic and organisational might of the
Roman imperial administration, and perhaps he thought this was something worth supporting if he wanted the city, himself and his family to prosper. The sight of the temple for the lower class resident may have been read either as a pure symbol of oppression or even a promise of protection and fair treatment under the new system and Roman law.
334 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:145).
310 The circular church to the northwest of the Tiberia Platea has received surprisingly little attention in terms of its position in the urban armature of the city.335
Dated provisionally to the 4th century AD, it is clear that the building's location was at an important axis for the city, and indeed it was built over the foundations of a monumental Roman structure and may have made use of building material from it.336
Traces of a circular Doric portico were uncovered in the area, which were reused in the construction of late Roman workshops.337 This monumental Roman construction in this area was axially in front of the imperial temple: a privileged position. It is reasonable to consider then, that it had political significance, and with the suggestion of a curved portico it is tempting to suggest that this building may have been the seat of a political organisation, perhaps even the boule or the curia.
Continuing northeast along the Cardo Maximus, the street widened at its northeast terminus, where it ended at a monumental fountain. The monumental fountain closed the architectural vista of the Cardo Maximus,338 and also disguised a large water collection tank behind it.339 This open area has been interpreted as a type of forum,340 and been tentatively identified as the Augusta Platea, known from inscriptions. This forum is the same width as the monumental fountain.341 Although it is not marked on the plan, the area to the west of the forum has been the subject of recent unpublished excavations, which have revealed a densely populated insula.
Streets also ran off this forum to other regions of the city.
335 Harrington (2011:110); Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:209). 336 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:105–6). 337 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:105). 338 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:197). 339 The large reservoir was detected with a magnetic survey (Smekalova, Voss and Smekalov 2005:38). 340 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:102). 341 Ossi and Harrington (2011:18).
311 The monumental fountain was the frontispiece of an 11 km long aqueduct system which was capable of supplying the city with approximately 3,000–4,000 m3 of water per day, and reached the level of the acropolis along the final stretch by means of an 800 m inverted siphon system.342 This massive undertaking in engineering would have ranked among the most expensive of the city,343 and if the aqueduct was constructed in the last quarter of the 1st century BC, as has been suggested, it certainly would have necessitated a substantial outlay, giving weight to the argument that the foundation of the city received financial assistance directly from
Rome. The aqueduct and the monumental fountain system supplied water to the fountains at the Roman imperial propylon and the bath house, but securely dating the system has been troublesome.344 Currently the water system is thought have undergone two main building phases. The first, from both a historical and contextual view, loosely dates the monumental fountain and the aqueduct to the foundation of the colony, i.e. the last quarter of 1st century BC and the early 1st century AD.345 The monumental fountain follows the standard U-shaped layout, common in both
Hellenistic and Roman period fountain houses (Fig. 196). Its base measured 27.2 m on the longest edge with two projecting wings, one of 10.7 m and the other of 10.8 m.346 The monumental fountain has been compared to the Hellenistic fountain house at Sagalassos,347 but when one compares the sheer size of the foundations of the
342 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:175–94). 343 Owens and Taşlıalan (2009:302). 344 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:196); Ossi and Harrington (2011:21). 345 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:198); Ossi and Harrington (2011:18). Owens and Taşlıalan cite the use of “double axe-head clamps” as a construction technique that fell out of favour in the early part of the first century AD as a terminus ante quem, however they ultimately refer to Mitchell and Waelken’s contextual arguments from 1998 (Owens and Taşlıalan 2008:306). 346 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:196). 347 Owens and Taşlıalan (2008:306). 312 Pisidian Antioch monumental fountain, these seem to suggest a 2nd century AD date, rather than the early 1st century AD.348 It is possible that a smaller fountain was dismantled for a larger more elaborate version in the second phase. The current loose dating of the monumental fountain has wider implications, as the broad area in front of the monumental fountain corresponds to the width of the monumental fountain suggesting that both were laid out at the same time.349 A curious step, or change of level, is apparent on the widened street (Figs. 197 and 198), which is in line with the width of the preceding Cardo Maximus. This line could be an indication that when the street was first paved in the late 1st century BC, it was of a uniform width for the whole length, and the step is the original edge of the street. If this is the case, the
Cardo Maximus may have been expanded in the 2nd century AD to accommodate a newer monumental fountain, and so may not be the Augusta Platea. This highlights the importance of securing the date of this area.350 The second phase that occurred in the 2nd century AD was in some way connected to an extension and remodelling of the water system in order to supply both the bath house and the cascade at the West
Gate.351 It may have been at this time that the colony's sewer system underneath the
Cardo Maximus was replaced with a piping system to carry water to all quarters of the city.352 By the 2nd century AD, the city possessed: two aqueducts, one from a source 11
348 A comparison of the sizes of the two very well-understood nymphaea at Sagalassos favours a 2nd century AD date. The Pisidian Antioch monumental fountain is much larger than the Hellenistic fountain house at Sagalassos and only 1 m shorter than the Antonine fountain. Owens and Taşlıalan also concede that the size of the Pisidian fountain house detracts from a favourable comparison with the Hellenistic fountain house at Sagalassos (Owens and Taşlıalan 2008:306). 349 Ossi and Harrington (2011:18). 350 Ossi and Harrington have argued on an absence of evidence and the uncertain date of the monumental fountain to propose a sequence of building phases, i.e. the Hellenistic city, the early colony and the mid to late Roman Imperial period (Ossi and Harrington 2011:22–15). 351 Ossi and Harrington (2011:22). 352 Özhanlı (2013a:16). 313 km to the north, and another mostly subterranean one 15 km to the northwest; three known public fountain installations, the monumental fountain, the four fountains at the base of the propylon in the Tiberia Platea, and the cascade at the arch of Hadrian and Sabina; as well as at least one bath building.353
It is probable that the bath house was constructed dependent on the steady supply and high volume of water that only the functioning aqueduct could provide, and so dating the bath complex would give a clearer idea of the date of both the aqueduct and monumental fountain.354 Taşlıalan initially dated this structure to between the late 1st century BC and the early 1st century AD; but a later 1st century AD date may be more likely, as the earliest similar type of bath has been securely dated to the principate of Vespasian (AD 69–79).355 The bath building in Pisidian Antioch measures 55 m x 70 m, and it has been suggested that it possessed a palaestra to the east, extending the area by 120 m (Fig. 199).356 When a magnetic survey was undertaken at the site of the palaestra, it revealed a later Christian basilica underneath.357 In the barrel-vaulted rooms, heavy ashlar masonry supports vault of petit appareil (Fig. 200), a technique thought to have developed in Ephesus to assist in the even distribution of the weight of the ceiling.358 The baths fall into the general category established by Yegül for Pisidia “... tight rectilinear compositions with
353 Ossi and Harrington (2011:24). 354 Ossi and Harrington (2011:21). 355 Taşlıalan (1993:267). 356 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:198); Taşlıalan (1993:266–68). Intriguingly, Özhanlı rejects its identification as a bath building from recent investigations (which he does not detail), and explains that the structure was terracing to support a building on top (Özhanlı 2013a:19). The writer, on two visits in July 2014 and January 2015, saw hypocausting in Room 2, as Taşlıalan had described (Taşlıalan 1993:265). This is not to discount the possibility that the structure was both a bath building, and provided support for a structure above. 357 Smekalova, Voss and Smekalov (2005:38). 358 Yegül (1992:269–70). 314 several main halls in parallel and perpendicular relationship with each other”.359 One parallel, is the small bath house at Oenoanda: “... three barrel-vaulted halls in a row; the fourth hall, larger than the rest, perhaps the caldarium”, indeed these types of bath were common in Pisidia.360 The obvious difficulty here then, is the absence of the larger fourth room, and the function of Rooms 4–7. It seems that the circulation path of the bathers is incomplete. It is possible that a significant portion of the bath was dismantled in the late Roman period, as its fine ashlar blocks would have made excellent material for defensive walls of the Byzantine period.361 While standing at the juncture of Room 4 and Room 1 (Fig. 201), the extending wall on the northwest of the building and the orientation of the doors strongly suggests that there was some type of room located there, perhaps even the caldarium.
So concludes the discussion on the known early Roman period and 2nd century
AD buildings at Pisidian Antioch that can be located with certainty; however, as expected, inscriptions also attest to a basilica, as well as another imposing early 1st century AD public building that is yet to be discovered.362 Either of these may have been located at the area of the “Central Church” or on the Tiberia Platea, 363 and represent “glaring holes in our knowledge” of the city's overall plan.364
Some have argued that Latin had disappeared from Pisidian Antioch by the 2nd century AD, yet we see it in use at the Sanctuary of Mên, and on a 3rd century AD arch associated with the theatre and the Tetrastoon. The corresponding notion that there
359 Yegül (1992:270–71). 360 Yegül (1992:299). 361 Taşlıalan (2001:137). 362 Mitchell and Waelkens (1998:140). 363 See p. 311. 364 Ossi and Harrington (2011:31). 315 was a decline in building projects,365 seems to be doubtful when one considers the 2nd century AD construction of the arch of Hadrian and Sabina, and the refurbishment of the city's water supply. As was noted in the previous section, it seems that Kremna underwent a substantial expansion in both wealth and possibly population in the 2nd century AD, and so it may be worth suggesting that Pisidian Antioch experienced a similar growth. One must remember that most of Antioch's important public buildings had already been constructed by the 2nd century AD, and in that sense, the major construction phase had concluded. Instead, the city's authorities could concentrate on maintenance, repair and expansion, as we have seen at the Sanctuary of Mên, the theatre and the water supply system.
The final observer for this discussion is a literate visitor. Lucian was probably born around AD 125 in Samosata, which was part of the Roman province of Syria.366
His surviving works give an extraordinarily vivid impression of the prevailing attitudes, personalities and the society he lived in.367 His name may have been derived from the Roman Lucius,368 but he was probably ethnically semitic,369 and he may not have spoken Greek as his mother tongue, but rather Aramaic,370 claiming that before he started his education he was a barbarian in speech.371 His family may have been of an artisan class, and his maternal uncle was a sculptor as was his grandfather, but he
365 De Giorgi (2011:141, 145); Levick (1967:162). Building projects were booming in other parts of Asia Minor (Mitchell and Waelkens 1998:11). 366 Costa (2005:vii); C. P. Jones (1986:167); Sidwell (2004:xi). For more on his hometown, see C. P. Jones (1986:6–7). 367 There is some debate about how much can be reconstructed with certainty about Lucian's life from what seems to be biographical information contained in his work, as they may just be employed as allusions and allegories drawn from literary sources (Turner 1961:7–8; Sidwell 2004:x). 368 For more on his name, see C. P. Jones (1986:8). 369 Sidwell (2004:xii). 370 Costa (2005:viii). 371 Luc. Bis. ac. 27; C. P. Jones (1986:7). 316 chose to pursue a literary career despite the cost, time and social standing required.372
He was probably educated somewhere in Asia Minor during the Second Sophistic,373 and may have spent his early professional career travelling in Asia Minor working as a pleader and travelling lecturer.374 He would have probably visited Ephesus,375 and if he had ever had occasion to visit Pisidian Antioch for the first time, it may have been at this point, somewhere around AD 140, when he was about 20 years old. In terms of literacy, we can assume that he was at the highest level of Greek literary culture: he may have even invented a new genre, the comedic dialogue.376 He placed great value on culture—the highly educated man was his intended readership.377 He took a dim view of those who projected a pretence of learning when they had none,378 and while he drew a distinction between those who were educated and those who were not, he did not necessarily see a lack of culture as despicable, in fact, he may have seen goodness in the poor.379 This also may give an indication on his attitudes towards wealth. He seems to have been well-acquainted with the elite.380 His sexuality is unclear,381 and his sense of justice seems to have been largely based on what he perceived as truth and reason, and so he particularly hated charlatans, superstitions
372 Luc. Somn. 1–2, 7. 373 Costa (2005:viii); Turner (1961:8). 374 Costa (2005:ix). 375 C. P. Jones (1986:11). 376 Costa (2005:x). 377 C. P. Jones (1986:149–50). 378 Lucian devotes an entire treatise to attacking such people (Luc. Ind.). 379 See the shoemaker in the Descent into Hades. 380 Such as the consular Sisenna Rutilianus (Luc. Alex. 55). On his elite friends, also see C. P. Jones (C. P. Jones 1986:16, 19–20). 381 He praises beauty in women, e.g. in Luc. Dom. 7, and is indirectly critical of homosexuality, especially for “... a weakness for grown males, as opposed to boys” (C. P. Jones 1986:109). 317 and those who fell for them.382 He placed great value on the teachings of Epicurus.383
Galen was the only known ancient writer to have mentioned him, and this was in connection with his debunking of a sham philosopher in Pergamon.384 Jones surmises:
“Lucian is far from an outsider in his own society. As a youth he
had imbibed that higher education which dominated the Greek
culture of his day. He traveled widely in the east and the west, and
was known to educated Greeks and Romans. Those for whom he
wrote and performed were not the unlettered public but the
“cultured,” “those who pursue letters”. It is to be expected that
when he talks of contemporary culture and society he does so
from the vantage point of practiced observer: not an otherworldly
“artist,” still less a “journalist,” but a man in touch with his
time”.385
On arriving at Antioch, Lucian would have been among one of the many travellers on the Via Sebaste, who were making their way from Pamphylia into the interior of Anatolia. The sight of Pisidian Antioch in the distance crowned with the then century-old Roman imperial temple would have been a welcome sight after the long journey from the coast (Fig. 202). The arch of Hadrian and Sabina at the West
Gate was a reminder of the success of the imperial project and of Roman law in the city, and deep in the Anatolian highlands and Lucian, who was well-acquainted with
382 He is especially critical of an Alexander, a false profit, whose hand he reported biting instead of kissing in “... one of his most intensely bitter personal attacks” (Costa 2005:xii). 383 Luc. Alex. 47. 384 C. P. Jones (1986:19). 385 C. P. Jones (1986:22–23).
318 recent history and the traditions of the region, would have easily read the visual program displayed and realised that it forged a strong historical link with the older imperial sanctuary on the edge of the Tiberia Platea. The sight of water cascading down the small street, and the busy commercial activity of the platea just inside the arch would have been a refreshing and exciting prospect after the long journey (Fig.
203). He may have remarked on the beautiful proportions of the arch and street as well as the symmetry of the arch and the ease of connectivity. Lucian had been counting down the milestones and had long anticipated this moment: the journey was at an end. Nor would he have been disappointed with his destination, with its colonnaded streets of the Cardo Maximus (and perhaps Decumanus) and the thriving commercial area of the Tiberia Platea and forum, where any type of traveller would have been able to indulge in their preferred recreational or commercial activity.
Much of Pisidian Antioch remains unexcavated. As a modern observer, we must exercise caution, as we may be tempted to place too much importance on the exposed streets and their role in the city's armature. This has certainly been the case in the scholarship to date. The great stretch of the Cardo Maximus to the southeast remains buried and uninvestigated as does the continuation of the Cardo Decumanus.
Many of Antioch's important public buildings and other streets remain undiscovered.
While the Roman imperial sanctuary was undoubtedly an important focus in the
Roman colony, there may be other areas within the city that were equally, if not more important than the Roman imperial temple. Additionally, modern Yalvaç is a small, rather isolated town when compared to the major cities of Turkey, and we may be at fault at thinking that Pisidian Antioch was similarly isolated. This may have been true in the 3rd century BC, but by the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, the city was the culmination
319 of one of the most important Roman roads in Asia Minor. The massive investment in building and infrastructure in the 1st century AD at Antioch, meant that the city was arguably further developed than any other in the region, and would have stood as a model for the Roman way of life to surrounding cities. The success of Antioch, with its ample paved streets, its towering aqueduct, Roman imperial temple, propylon and its bathing complex, represented an ideal that other cities in the region would strive to emulate, and largely achieve by the 2nd century AD.
320 Conclusion
“Then can it be that on seeing a hall beyond compare in the
greatness of its size, the splendour of its beauty, the brilliance of
its illumination, the lustre of its gilding and the gaiety of its
pictures, a man would not desire to compose speeches in it, if this
were his business, to seek repute and win glory in it, to fill it with
his voice and, as far as lay in him, to become part and parcel of its
beauty?”1
This thesis set out to evaluate the usefulness of employing observer-based analyses of public buildings from the Hellenistic period to the Roman period in Asia
Minor in six case studies by drawing on the historical and archaeological record, and sought to discover the strengths and limitations of this approach. The Literature
Review situated the discussion within the framework of studies of Greek and Roman architecture and identified the use of the vague term “observer” or “visitor” which is often employed to demonstrate the impact of architecture on contemporary observers.
The Literature Review also examined some ancient sources on the subject of cities, on ancient subjective responses to architecture as well as arguments in modern scholarship regarding identity within the context of the city. From this position,
Chapter 2 explored explanations of identity in terms of an observer of ancient architecture, and settled on a post-positive model with various aspects as the most appropriate. The discussion then went on to complete the proposed template of three
1Luc. Dom. 1.
321 individuals based on the proposed model: a Hellenistic farmer, who was the most uncertain because of the scarcity of information; a 2nd century AD elite woman from
Pisidia, who was more certain thanks to the genealogy she left behind and also from comparative data of the Roman elite writing about themselves and their world; and a
21st century AD archaeologist, who was the most certain. While attempts at building up an ancient identity may result in incomplete pictures, the writer argued that this was better than employing empty terms such as “observer” or “visitor” as this leads to a tendency for the modern reader to place themselves in the shoes of the ancient observer and could lead to false conclusions or limit the usefulness of such an exercise. The writer then attempted to identify pitfalls that a modern observer of ancient architecture might fall into in light of the discussion on identity, and found that one of these may be the so-called “distorted lens” phenomenon. This was illustrated with several examples, such as conclusions drawn from illustrated or computer generated reconstructions of cityscapes and interiors, and modern social and political associations of architecture. The writer concluded that one way to counter this might be to attempt to understand the identity of an ancient observer and to place this individual into a cityscape. The ancient writer Lucian articulated the difference between the reactions of a “cultured” and “uncultured” observer, and so the writer suggested an extended framework of ancient observers based on this: literate and illiterate visitors, and literate and illiterate residents, and suggested professions or social groups that might fall into these categories.
In light of these various categories of ancient observer, the discussion then moved onto the possible motivations behind the construction of public buildings, using Zoilos at Aphrodisias as a case in point, as well some discussion on the internal and external political and planning mechanisms that are preserved in the literary
322 record. The discussion suggested a three-level system of politics that was involved in public building, i.e. the absent ruler, local city politics and ordinary citizens, and then examined these in terms of building projects and this system's development over the period in question. Thus, some aspects of society in the period were discussed, especially those which related to the practice of public building. The types of buildings and monuments that collectively made up the cityscape, either directly or indirectly, were defined and evaluated through some potential reactions from an ancient observer. The discussion concluded that the appearance of a cityscape was closely tied with an observer's activities, and that any meaning that can be derived from public building was a complex question that depended greatly on the type of observer and the moment in time that the observation was made.
The thesis then went on to apply a case-study based methodology of research to six poleis. For each case-study, previous scholarship was summarised and combined with topographical, archaeological and historical sources. The urban development of each city was presented in a chronological sequence with an especial focus on the physical remains of public buildings and spaces. Within this framework, potential observers were proposed from the categories established in Chapter 2 and plausible suggestions about their potential reaction to their experience of the cityscapes were explored. For the sake of illustration, some 3D reconstructions were prepared, and these were limited to what is reasonably certain and always presented from a human perspective. In Chapter 3, two observers were presented for the
Hellenistic period, Dioskourides, a perhaps illiterate resident and mercenary soldier; and for Lyrbe, a literate visitor, an unnamed envoy. From this analysis, it seems that the impression that these two cities sought to present with their architecture in the
Hellenistic period was that of military strength and civic organisation at outpost
323 positions during uncertain political times. During the Roman period at Balboura, citizens emerged who had experienced the wider Roman empire, and acted both as agents for the imperial administration but were also instigators for typical Roman period constructions. Observations were made about the visual relationship between elements of the monumental Roman period centre, and it was suggested that the exedra of Meleager could have been a symbolic centre of the city. An ill-defined illiterate rural resident of the polis was employed to suggest that there may have been an ideological and experiential gap between rural and city dwellers and that Roman- type buildings may have communicated a visual imperial ideology. At Lyrbe, an unnamed literate visitor was suggested, one who may have purchased a slave from the city. This well-travelled Alexandrian illustrated that the impression of the city centre may have seemed out-dated during the Roman period, but that it is impossible to know if this was a positive or negative judgement. Some comments were made about the distorted lens of a modern observer in terms of the city plan and extent of debris covering the city, and there was some attempt to address this by recording orientations of doorways and the proposal of a street plan.
In Chapter 4, the larger provincial city of Pessinus was utilised as a case study, and was especially considered in terms of a literate resident observer, Klaudia, a female Roman-period elite woman, and a literate visitor observer, a 19thcentury AD
French explorer, Texier. The research into a reconstruction of a plausible Roman imperial cityscape highlighted some errors in previous research and incorporated new evidence from recent scholarship. It was suggested that the canal system in Sector D of Pessinus was more likely a colonnaded street connected to the Roman road network, that the steep banks of the river were employed to create extensive columnar vistas to emphasise monumental complexes such as the temple at Sector B and that
324 urban-planned connections might exist between: Sector B and the theatre; and between Sector B and Sector R. The analysis of Texier's goals and interpretation of architecture highlighted the significant difference between a 19th century AD explorer's goals and interpretations and a 21stcentury observer, and it was suggested that as his goal was to produce accurate and scientific results, that more credence should be lent to his observations, and as such his site plan was re-evaluated. Some suggestions were made to explain Texier's errors: that the appearance of the ruins had changed a great deal from Texier's initial observations in the 1830s due to systematic looting and the growth of Ballıhisar, and that in many respects the site plan he produced of Pessinus, after some correction, matched the current understanding of the site in many respects. Other 19th century AD observers were also reconsidered and a reasonable suggestion for a monumental architecture complex in Sector G was made.
It was concluded that a great deal remains to be discovered at Pessinus.
In Chapter 5, Ephesus was employed as a case study. From historical sources, three aspects of Ephesus' urban reputation emerged: that it was the home of the sanctuary of the Artemision, that it was a military staging area and place of inter- provincial political intrigue and that it was a successful commercial centre and transport hub for sea and land traffic. The city was chosen as the base of Roman administration of Asia Minor, which in many ways transformed both the fortunes and the appearance of the city. Special attention was paid to the Embolos, and in particular the Androklos monument which, like the exedra of Meleager in Balboura, set up carefully defined views for the observer seated there. The culmination of centuries of architectural development was considered from the perspective of an illiterate visitor, a 2ndcentury AD sailor. From this observer's perspective, it seems reasonable to suggest that at least part of the cityscape architecture was directed at those arriving by
325 ship, and that the connectivity of colonnaded streets from the harbour made for a well-directed progression through various areas of the city. It was clear that important streets were used to promote both mythological figures and the local elite, who were both native and Roman. It was also noted that the short analysis only captured part of the city's extended architectural refinement which may remain undiscovered or poorly understood. It was suggested that much of the public architecture and monuments may have been directed at increasing the renown and fame of the city and thus attracting visitors. In Chapter 6, two Roman colonies were presented as case studies.
Kremna gave some insight into the political development of the region in the
Hellenistic period. Another 2nd century AD literate resident was chosen, and focus was given to the city's colonnaded street and connection via the piazza to the older agora.
It was argued that despite the Roman period additions to the city, the older Hellenistic agora retained symbolic, or real, importance to the citizens.
At Antioch, unlike the other cities, attention was given to its extramural temple and processional way, as an illustrative example. The sanctuary to the local god Mên
Askaênos was visible from the city and was connected via the processional way. A well-travelled 2nd century AD literate observer, Lucian of Samosata was employed as an observer of this city, as it is possible he had visited the city early in his career. The city's role as the caput via of the Via Sebaste was considered and specifically the effect it may have had on Lucian after a long journey.
As for general conclusions, employing a case-study observer-based methodology succeeded in sharpening these cities' architectural development into a timeline. One absolute benefit for the methodology is difficult to identify, because it is the sum of the many specific observations on a variety of points, and it is the individual new interpretations that represent the real value. This thesis has resulted in
326 a greater understanding of the case studies presented, and this approach could be extended to other cities and periods. By selecting specific observers at precise chronological points of the city’s evolution and employing them as vehicles for the description of a city, as a researcher, a more precise understanding of each case studies' development, resulted. By focussing on what may have been a plausible material and historical context for these observers, the approach discouraged generalisations on either building types or social conditions. Observations and reconstructions were considered at a human scale, in addition to abstracted site plans, elevations or fly-throughs. The analyses were also informed by varying aspects of identity such as profession and social status, and this yielded a promising field of further enquiry. One example of this is that, to my knowledge, the appearance of the harbour front at Ephesus as seen from aboard an approaching ship has not been attempted or discussed at length before, and yet, shipping formed such an important part of the city’s activities. Another value to this approach are the resulting small-scale view-shed analyses of the streetscape from seated positions. The visibility of buildings to scale and related to topography in 3D reconstructions dispelled imagined relationships and resulted in clarification. For example, the role as a transitional zone that the space in front of the theatre at Kremna played, made more sense following a reconstruction, and the partial reconstructions of Sector D at Pessinus offer hope that a clearer understanding of the city plan is achievable. Another general observation is that there do seem to be general aesthetics that link the appearance of cities, such as an appreciation of vistas of columns and of architectural hierarchies in the Roman period, and this is glimpsed in wall paintings from Pompeii and Herculaneum. Roman rule had a profound impact on the appearance of cityscapes, by encouraging the creation of commercial spaces, by increasing an observer's ability to move easily
327 around via leading architecture and visual signalling. This increased mobility was reflected in a greater mobility, such as in the new road networks as well as social mobility within the Roman empire. Limitations of the methodology include the difficulty in glimpsing illiterate and Hellenistic period observers' reactions to public spaces in cities: it proved challenging to pull the lower classes into focus due to our current lack of information about their experiences. There were by far more 2nd century AD observers of the city in the discussion, and this is a reflection of the fact that our understanding of the urban development of most cities in Asia Minor is better understood in this period and we are in possession of more textual and inscriptional evidence from that time. Only in a few cases can an idea about the appearance of the
Hellenistic period cityscape be garnered. There is also comparatively less known about the civic organisation and social make-up of cities in this period.
The thesis has also highlighted the dangers of attempting to force any type of architecture or city into neat categories, in search of some kind of universal rule or understanding, as Texier sought to do. The increasing role of individual personality in shaping the cityscapes through benefaction in the Roman period, while still adhering to an aim to increase the prestige of the city in the eyes of observers, also came more clearly into focus. It seems more and more evident that any attempt to understand the meaning of public architecture in context should be carefully considered in relation to those for whom it was intended to be viewed, and that the act of planning, construction, and benefaction when coupled with viewing created a powerful type of visual communication between the parties involved. It seems reasonable to suggest that individual cities should be considered in their own right, and that their monuments be analysed within the context of their public spaces and in relation to what surrounded them, taking into account those individuals who would find
328 themselves faced with this architecture, whether it was on the street or a building's interior: the ancient observer is a crucial missing piece of the puzzle when we attempt to attach meaning to ancient public buildings in this period.
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369 Appendix: Translations of Selected Ancient Sources1
Acts 19.29 (public meeting in the theatre at Ephesus)...... 374
Acts 19.35–40 (Ephesus is famous: there are courts and a proconsul)...... 374
Antipater Sidonius 9.58 (The Artemision, wonder of the world)...... 375
Appian, Mithridatica 83.1 – 90.1 (Asiatic Vespers)...... 375
Appian, Syriaca 14.2–16.1 (Antiochus meets Hannibal at Ephesus)...... 377
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 1.5.18–1.6 (a chance meeting at the baths)...... 378
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 2.19 (Byrrhaena’s lush table and power as a hostess, and her pride for her city)...... 378
Apuleius Metamorphoses 2.4 (description of Byrrhaena’s garden)...... 379
Apuleius Metamorphoses 3.2.21 (Lucius is dragged to the theatre)...... 381
Apuleius Metamorphoses 3.29.3 (Lucius invokes the name of the emperor)...... 382
Aristotle, Politica 7.1330b (the ideal city)...... 382
Aristotle, Politica 1331b.19– 1331b.20 (a well–laid out town and ideal view)...... 385
Caesar Bellum Civile, 3.33 (Pompey inadvertently stops the plundering of the
Artemision)...... 386
Caesar Bellum Civile, 3.105 (Caesar saves the temple a second time)...... 387
Cassius Dio 51.20.6.1 (Augustus gives permission for an imperial cult to be set up in
Ephesus)...... 387
Cicero, De haruspicum responso 13.28–29 (the desecration of the temple at Pessinus)
...... 388
Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 1.1.2.8 (Quintus’ third year at Ephesus as governor)...... 390
1 The first seven translations are the author's, and the others are from the publications in the list of ancient texts in the bibliography.
370 Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 1.1.6 (the Greeks of Asia are most highly civilised and there are Roman tax farmers)...... 390
Cornelius Nepos, Praefatio 6–7 (Greek vs. Roman women)...... 391
Cicero, in Verrem 2.1.85 (a Pericles summoned to Rome for defending the asylum of the Artemision)...... 391
Diogenes Laertes 7.5.5–7.5.12 (the Stoic stoa)...... 392
Herodian 1.11.3–5 (Pessinus)...... 393
Livius, Ab urbe condita 29.10.4 (bring the goddess from Pessinus to Rome)...... 394
Livius, Ab urbe condita 29.11.6–8 (they went to Pessinus with Attalus)...... 394
Livius, Ab urbe condita 33.38 (Antiochus winters in Ephesus and undertakes political activity)...... 395
Livius, Ab urbe condita 34.61.2 (Antiochus hires Aristo)...... 395
Livius, Ab urbe condita 37.44 (Antiochus’ defeat at Magnesia)...... 395
Lucian, Alexander 47 (Epicurus)...... 396
Lucian, Alexander 55 (Lucian bites Alexander’s hand)...... 397
Lucian, Bis accusatus sive tribunalia 27 (a barbarous accent)...... 398
Lucian, Cataplus 10 (Megapenthes tries to bargain to live again)...... 398
Lucian, Cataplus 14 (the poor are poles apart from the rich)...... 399
Lucian, De domo 1 (A wonderful room)...... 402
Lucian, De domo 14 (the power to make a man speak)...... 404
Lucian, Hippias 3 (the virtues of Hippias)...... 405
Lucian, Hippias 4.15 (The good things about the bath)...... 406
Lucian, Hippias 7–8 (good things about the bath)...... 407
Lucian, Somnium sive vita Luciani 1–2 (Lucian’s childhood)...... 409
371 Lucian, Somnium sive vita Luciani 7–9 (family tradition of sculpture and education versus craft)...... 411
Ovid, Ars amatoria 1.90–100 (meeting women at the theatre)...... 413
Ovid, Ars amatoria 1.134–142 (women at the circus)...... 414
Pausanias 1.18.9, Graeciae descriptio (the library of Hadrian with Phrygian marble, statues and paintings)...... 415
Pausanias, Graeciae descriptio 7.20.6.1 (Herodes music hall at Patras)...... 416
Philostratus, Vitae sophistarum 2.605.2 (Damianus)...... 416
Plato, Politicus 259.e.8– 260.a.5 (architects)...... 420
Plautus, Rudens 1.5 (Palaestra finds shelter at the temple of Venus)...... 421
Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 2.87 (Artemision washed by sea)...... 422
Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 35.147 (female painters)...... 422
Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 36.95 (the Artemision)...... 424
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 6.31 (Ariston)...... 425
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 8.24 (the cultural superiority and freedom of Greeks)
...... 426
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.39 (the theatre at Nicea)...... 428
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.40 (Trajan’s response to Pliny’s request for an architect)...... 430
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.49 (Nicomedians and their new forum)...... 430
Plutarch, Vitae Parallelae, Sulla, 3.5–6 (Sulla’s hefty fines)...... 431
Plutarch, Vitae Parallelae, Antoninus, 24 (Antonius as Dionysus steals from Asia).431
Polybius, Historiae 5.7.3 (Pednelissus asks for help in a siege)...... 432
Polybius, Historiae 21.37.5–7 (Manlius is approached by Pessinuntian priests while camping by the Sangarius)...... 432
372 Seneca, Epistulae 102.21 (crowded Ephesus)...... 433
Strabo, Geographica 12.5.2–3 (Pessinus)...... 433
Strabo, Geographica 12.6.2 (The Isaurians)...... 435
Strabo Geographica 12.3.31.24 (Men Askaenos)...... 436
Strabo, Geographica 12.8.14 (Pisidian Antioch and Magnesian colonists)...... 436
Strabo, Geographica 13.4.17 (the Kibyrans)...... 437
Strabo, Geographica 14.1.3 (Ephesus’ foundation and seats of honour)...... 438
Strabo, Geographica 14.1.21–22 (Ephesus foundation and the temple)...... 439
Strabo, Geographica 14.3.2.11 (Slave market at Side)...... 444
Suetonius, Divus Iulius 42 (settling citizens)...... 444
Suetonius, Divus Augustus 44 (women at gladitorial shows)...... 445
Suetonius Divus Vespasianus 9.2.1 (cleaning the provinces)...... 445
Suetonius Divus Vespasianus 17.1.3 (rebuilding cities)...... 446
Tacitus, Annales 13.33 (indicting Marcellus, legate of Lycia)...... 446
Tacitus, Annales 16.23.1–10 (the impeachment of Barea Soranus)...... 447
Vitruvius De architectura 1.6 (winds)...... 447
Vitruvius, De architectura 2.9.13.6 (cedar and the Artemision)...... 448
Vitruvius, De architectura 5.1.4 (the proper position of the basilica)...... 448
Theocritus, The Women at the Adonis Festival, 15.65–71...... 448
Theocritus, The Women at the Adonis Festival (spinning), 15.27...... 449
Xenophon of Ephesus 1.10 (the departure to Egypt)...... 449
Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.1.13 (Pisidians raid the Persian King’s territory)...... 449
Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.4.6 (the removal of boundary stones)...... 450
Xenophon, Oeconomicus, 7.35.1...... 450
373 Acts 19.29 (public meeting in the theatre at Ephesus)
καὶ ἐπλήσθη ἡ πόλις τῆς συγχύσεως, ὥρµησάν τε ὁµοθυµαδὸν εἰς τὸ θέατρον συναρπάσαντες Γάϊον καὶ Ἀρίσταρχον Μακεδόνας, συνεκδήµους Παύλου.
And the polis was filled with confusion, they rushed into the theatre with one accord snatching away Gaius and Aristarchus, Macedonias, who were Paul’s travelling companions.
Acts 19.35–40 (Ephesus is famous: there are courts and a proconsul)
καταστείλας δὲ ὁ γραµµατεὺς τὸν ὄχλον φησίν, Ἄνδρες Ἐφέσιοι, τίς γάρ ἐστιν ἀνθρώπων ὃς οὐ γινώσκει τὴν Ἐφεσίων πόλιν νεωκόρον οὖσαν τῆς µεγάλης Ἀρτέµιδος καὶ τοῦ διοπετοῦς; 36 ἀναντιρρήτων οὖν ὄντων τούτων δέον ἐστὶν ὑµᾶς κατεσταλµένους ὑπάρχειν καὶ µηδὲν προπετὲς πράσσειν. ἠγάγετε γὰρ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους οὔτε ἱεροσύλους οὔτε βλασφηµοῦντας τὴν θεὸν ἡµῶν. εἰ µὲν οὖν Δηµήτριος καὶ οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ τεχνῖται ἔχουσι πρός τινα λόγον, ἀγοραῖοι ἄγονται καὶ ἀνθύπατοί εἰσιν: ἐγκαλείτωσαν ἀλλήλοις. εἰ δέ τι περαιτέρω ἐπιζητεῖτε, ἐν τῇ ἐννόµῳ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐπιλυθήσεται. καὶ γὰρ κινδυνεύοµεν ἐγκαλεῖσθαι στάσεως περὶ τῆς σήµερον, µηδενὸς αἰτίου ὑπάρχοντος, περὶ οὗ [οὐ] δυνησόµεθα ἀποδοῦναι λόγον περὶ τῆς συστροφῆς ταύτης. καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπέλυσεν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν.
The grammateus, having calmed down the throng said: “Men of Ephesus, is there any man that does not know the “neokoros” city of Ephesus of the great Artemis and of that which fell from Zeus? So, as all of this is undeniable you should start calming yourself and no–one should get out of control. Do not hold these men as sacrilegious or blasphemers of our god. If on the one hand Demetrius and the other craftsmen have some case, bring it to the agora wardens and there are proconsuls: they should bring a charge against each other! If on the other hand you seek anything further, it will be solved in the legal assembly, and in fact we are at risk of being charged (ourselves) by being here and undertaking this today when there is no reason, so we
374 can withdraw the grounds for this mob. And having said this, he put an end to the gathering.
Antipater Sidonius 9.58 (The Artemision, wonder of the world)
καὶ κραναᾶς Βαβηλῶνος ἐπίδροµον ἃρµασι τεῖχος καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽᾽Αλφειῷ Ζᾶνα κατηυγασάµην, κάπων τ᾽αἰώρηµα, καὶ Ἠελίοιο κoλοσσόν, καὶ µέγαν αἰπεινᾶν πυραµίδων κάµατον, µνᾶµά τε Μαυσωλοῖο πελώριον˙ ἀλλ᾽ ὃτ᾽ἐσεῖδον Ἀρτέµιδος νεφέων ἄχρι θέοντα δόµον, κεῖνα µὲν ἠµαύρωτο δεκηνιδε νόσφιν Ὀλύµπου Ἃλιος οὐδέν πω τοῖον ἐπηυγάσατο.
And craggy Babylon with its walls one can drive on with chariots and the Alpheus Zeus I saw, the hanging garden, and the colossus of the sun, and the enormously high heavily toiled pyramids and the mighty Mausoleum of Mausolus but when I saw
Artemis’s temple reaching up to the clouds,
These things indeed were made dim I said apart from Olympus the sun nowhere shined on such a thing.
Appian, Mithridatica 83.1 – 90.1 (Asiatic Vespers)
καὶ τάδε µὲν ἦν ἀµφὶ τὸν Μιθριδάτην· Ῥωµαῖοι δ', ἐξ οὗ τῆς πρώτης αὐτοῦ ὁρµῆς τε καὶ ἐς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐσβολῆς ἐπύθοντο, στρατεύειν ἐπ' αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσαντο, καίπερ ἀσχολούµενοι στάσεσιν ἀτρύτοις ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ οἰκείῳ πολέµῳ χαλεπῷ, τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀφισταµένης σχεδὸν ἁπάσης ἀνὰ µέρος. κληρουµένων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων ἔλαχε
375 µὲν Κορνήλιος Σύλλας ἄρχειν τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ πολεµεῖν τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ, χρήµατα δ' οὐκ ἔχοντες αὐτῷ εἰσενεγκεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο πραθῆναι, ὅσα Νουµᾶς Ποµπίλιος βασιλεὺς ἐς θυσίας θεῶν διετέτακτο. τοσήδε µὲν ἦν τότε πάντων ἀπορία καὶ ἐς πάντα φιλοτιµία. καί τινα αὐτῶν ἔφθασε πραθῆναι καὶ συνενεγκεῖν χρυσίου λίτρας ἐννακισχιλίας, ἃς µόνας ἐς τηλικοῦτον πόλεµον ἔδοσαν. Σύλλαν µὲν οὖν ἐς πολὺ αἱ στάσεις κατέσχον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς Ἐµφυλίοις συγγέγραπται· ἐν τούτῳ δ' ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐπί τε Ῥοδίους ναῦς πλείονας συνεπήγνυτο καὶ σατράπαις ἅπασι καὶ πόλεων ἄρχουσι δι' ἀπορρήτων ἔγραφε, τριακοστὴν ἡµέραν φυλάξαντας ὁµοῦ πάντας ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς παρὰ σφίσι Ῥωµαίοις καὶ Ἰταλοῖς, αὐτοῖς τε καὶ γυναιξὶν αὐτῶν καὶ παισὶ καὶ ἀπελευθέροις, ὅσοι γένους Ἰταλικοῦ, κτείναντάς τε ἀτάφους ἀπορρῖψαι καὶ τὰ ὄντα αὐτοῖς µερίσασθαι πρὸς βασιλέα Μιθριδάτην. ἐπεκήρυξε δὲ καὶ ζηµίαν τοῖς καταθάπτουσιν αὐτοὺς ἢ ἐπικρύπτουσι καὶ µήνυτρα τοῖς ἐλέγχουσιν ἢ τοὺς κρυπτοµένους ἀναιροῦσι, θεράπουσι µὲν ἐπὶ δεσπότας ἐλευθερίαν, χρήσταις δ' ἐπὶ δανειστὰς ἥµισυ τοῦ χρέους. τάδε µὲν δὴ δι' ἀπορρήτων ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐπέστελλεν ἅπασιν ὁµοῦ, καὶ τῆς ἡµέρας ἐπελθούσης συµφορῶν ἰδέαι ποικίλαι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἦσαν, ὧν ἔνια τοιάδε ἦν. Ἐφέσιοι τοὺς ἐς τὸ Ἀρτεµίσιον καταφυγόντας, συµπλεκοµένους τοῖς ἀγάλµασιν, ἐξέλκοντες ἔκτεινον. Περγαµηνοὶ τοὺς ἐς τὸ Ἀσκληπιεῖον συµφυγόντας, οὐκ ἀφισταµένους, ἐτόξευον τοῖς ξοάνοις συµπλεκοµένους. Ἀδραµυττηνοὶ τοὺς ἐκνέοντας, ἐσβαίνοντες ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀνῄρουν καὶ τὰ βρέφη κατεπόντουν. Καύνιοι, Ῥοδίοις ὑποτελεῖς ἐπὶ τῷ Ἀντιόχου πολέµῳ γενόµενοι καὶ ὑπὸ Ῥωµαίων ἀφεθέντες οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ, τοὺς Ἰταλοὺς ἐς τὴν βουλαίαν Ἑστίαν καταφυγόντας ἕλκοντες ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑστίας, τὰ βρέφη σφῶν πρῶτα ἔκτεινον ἐν ὄψει τῶν µητέρων αὐτάς
376 τε καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπ' ἐκείνοις.
And this was concerning Mithridates. The Romans, when they learned of the first assault and his entry into Asia, voted to wage war on him, even though they they were engaged with an unabating situation, at war in their cities and homes, almost all parts of Italy had revolted. Cornelius Sulla, by lot, was given control of Asia and the war with Mithridates, but as they had no wealth to bring cause, they voted to sell that which King Numas Pomplius had appointed to be sacrificed to the gods. That was the extent at that time of the shortage and of their many ambitions. Some of the treasures had already been sold, and 90000 gold coins that had not been used for the other war were raised. Sulla was detained for a long time by the situation (in Italy), which was noted in the Emphylios. Meanwhile Mithridates built many ships together (for an attack?) on Rhodes and secretly wrote to all the satrapies and the archons, (that) on having waited 13 nights, to attack Romans and Italians together, as well as their women, children and freedmen of the Italian race, and having put them to death to throw them away unburied and that their property was to be distributed to King Mithridates. He proclaimed a penalty for those burying (bodies) or for those hiding (victims), and a reward for those who informed or killed those who were hiding, and freedom to slaves kill their masters, and freedom of half their debt to those who killed money–lenders. Thus he sent these messages secretly and at the same time. When the day came, the various kinds of offences throughout Asia happened, some of these were as follows. Those who had fled to the Artemision and were clinging to the statues were dragged out and killed.
Appian, Syriaca 14.2–16.1 (Antiochus meets Hannibal at Ephesus)
λόγου δὲ καὶ δόξης ἐµπεσούσης, ὅτι Πτολεµαῖος ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ ἀποθάνοι, κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ Ἀντίοχος ἀπῄει ὡς Αἴγυπτον ἔρηµον ἄρχοντος ἁρπασόµενος. καὶ αὐτῷ κατὰ Ἔφεσον Ἀννίβας ὁ Καρχηδόνιος ξυµβάλλει, φεύγων τὴν πατρίδα δι' ἐχθρῶν διαβολάς, οἳ Ῥωµαίοις αὐτὸν ἔφασκον εἶναι δύσερίν τε καὶ φιλοπόλεµον καὶ οὔποτε εἰρηνεύειν δυνάµενον.
377 τότε δ' ἦν, ὅτε Καρχηδόνιοι Ῥωµαίοις ὑπήκουον ἔνσπονδοι. Ἀννίβαν µὲν δή, διώνυµον ἐπὶ στρατηγίαις ὄντα, ὁ Ἀντίοχος ὑπεδέχετο λαµπρῶς καὶ εἶχεν ἀµφ' αὑτόν·
When the word and hope circulated that Ptolemy Philopatros may be dead, Antiochus left in haste for Egypt so that he could seize the undefended country. At Ephesus Hannibal the Carthaginian met him, who was fleeing his homeland on account of false accusations of enemies, they told the Romans that he was producing strife, was a lover of war and could never settle for peace. It was the case then that the Carthaginians were subject by a treaty to the Romans. Hannibal on the other hand, being a world famous general, Antiochus welcomed him enthusiastically and kept him around him.
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 1.5.18–1.6 (a chance meeting at the baths)
Ergo igitur inefficaci celeritate fatigatus commodum uespera oriente ad balneas processeram: ecce Socraten contubernalem meum conspicio.
So, tired from useless hurrying, as evening approached, I made my way to the baths, and lo and behold I spy my companion Socrates there.
Apuleius, Metamorphoses 2.19 (Byrrhaena’s lush table and power as a hostess, and her pride for her city)
Frequens ibi numerus epulonum et utpote apud primatem feminam flos ipse civitatis. Mensae opipare citro et ebore nitentes, lecti aureis vestibus intecti, ampli calices variae quidem gratiae sed pretiositatis unius. Hic vitrum fabre sigillatum, ibi crystallum impunctum, argentum alibi clarum et aurum fulgurans et succinum mire cavatum et lapides ut bibas, et quicquid fieri non potest, ibi est. Diribitores plusculi splendide amicti fercula copiosa scitule subministrare, pueri calami strati pulchre indusiati gemmas formatas in pocula vini vetusti frequenter offerre.
378 Iam illatis luminibus epularis sermo percrebruit, iam risus affluens et ioci liberales et cavillus hinc inde; tum infit ad me Byrrhaena: ‘ Quam commode versaris in nostra patria? Quod sciam, templis et lavacris et ceteris operibus longe cunctas civitates antecellimus, utensilium praeterea pollemus affatim, Certe libertas otioso, et negotioso quidem advenae Romana frequentia, modesto vero hospiti quies villatica; omni denique provinciae voluptarii secessus ’
There was a great crowd of guests there and, given it was at the house of a prominent woman, they were the very flower of society. Tables splendidly gleaming with citrus wood and ivory, couches draped with gold vestments, ample goblets of differing charm but with the one high price. To drink from, here glass figured by a craftsman, there flawless crystal, elsewhere shining silver and gleaming gold and amber miraculously carved and precious stones; whatever it was impossible to make, it was there. Many serving men splendidly arrayed, elegantly served heaped dishes, while young boys with curly hair, handsomely dressed, constantly offered vintage wine in cups made of previous stones. After the lamps had been brought, conversation flourished, then there was plenteous laughter and abundant jokes and banter about this or that. The Byrrhaena said to me: “How comfortable is your stay in our native city? In my opinion, we far outdo other cities in temples and baths and other monuments; besides, we are sufficiently rich in life’s necessities. Certainly, there’s freedom for the leisured and for the visiting businessman there is the bustle of Rome, while for the modest guest there is the country–style respite; in short, the pleasure– seeker’s destination for the whole province”.
Apuleius Metamorphoses 2.4 (description of Byrrhaena’s garden)
Atria longe pulcherrima columnis quadrifariam per singulos angulos stantibus attolerabant statuas, palmaris deae facies, quae pinnis explicitis sine gressu pilae uolubilis instabile uestigium plantis roscidis delibantes nec ut maneant inhaerent et iam uolare creduntur. Ecce lapis Parius in Dianam factus tenet libratam totius loci medietatem, signum perfecte luculentum,
379 ueste reflatum, procursu uegetum, introeuntibus obuium et maiestate numinis uenerabile; canes utrimquesecus deae latera muniunt, qui canes et ipsi lapis erant; his oculi minantur, aures rigent, nares hiant, ora saeuiunt, et sicunde de proximo latratus ingruerit, eum putabis de faucibus lapidis exire, et in quo summum specimen operae fabrilis egregius ille signifex prodidit, sublatis canibus in pectus arduis pedes imi resistunt, currunt priores. Pone tergum deae saxum insurgit in speluncae modum muscis et herbis et foliis et uirgulis et sicubi pampinis et arbusculis alibi de lapide florentibus. Splendet intus umbra signi de nitore lapidis. Sub extrema saxi margine poma et uuae faberrime politae dependent, quas ars aemula naturae ueritati similes explicuit. Putes ad cibum inde quaedam, cum mustulentus autumnus maturum colorem adflauerit, posse decerpi, et si fontem, qui deae uestigio discurrens in lenem uibratur undam, pronus aspexeris, credes illos ut rure pendentes racemos inter cetera ueritatis nec agitationis officio carere. Inter medias frondes lapidis Actaeon simulacrum curioso optutu in deam [sum] proiectus iam in ceruum ferinus et in saxo simul et in fonte loturam Dianam opperiens uisitur.
The extremely beautiful hall, with columns standing in each of the four corners housed statues, images of a palm–holding goddess, which, with wings outspread, without stepping off the spinning globe and taking unsteady footsteps with their dewy feet did not seem to stand fixed and even gave the impression of flying.
And there! a Parian stone fashioned into Diana is poised in the centre of the whole place, a perfect splendid image, with her attire billowing, she was rushing forward in a lively manner, in the way of anyone coming in and with a venerable majestic
380 divinity; dogs protected her on both sides, and they were of the same stone; their eyes menaced, their ears were pricked up, their nostrils were flared, their mouths raged and if from anywhere a bark was heard, you would think it came from their stone throats. In that the prime specimen of craftsmanship the sculptor produced was that while the dogs reared their chests, their back paws, stayed put while the front ones ran forward. Behind the goddess’s back rose rock in the shape of a cave (or grotto), with mosses and grasses and leaves and twigs, and everywhere vines and elsewhere little trees flowering in stone. Inside the cave the statue’s reflection shone with the polish of the marble. Under the extreme edge of the rock hung apples and skilfully polished grapes, which art imitating nature displayed true–to–life. You would think that some from there could be picked to eat, whenever autumn, the season of wine, breathed a ripe colour (on them). And if you were to bend and look at the stream, which rippled into a gentle wave from the feet of the goddess, you would believe those were branches hanging in the countryside, among other instances of reality, and not lacking the function of movement. In the midst of the leaves of stone an image of Actaeon, with prurient gaze set on the goddess, is seen both in stone and reflected in the pool, already wild and turned into a stag, as he waited for Diana to take her bath.
Apuleius Metamorphoses 3.2.21 (Lucius is dragged to the theatre)
Nec mora, cum passim populus procurrens caueae conseptum mira celeritate conpleuit; aditus etiam et tectum omne fartim stipauerant, plerique columnis implexi, alii statuis dependuli, nonnulli per fenestras et lacunaria semiconspicui, miro tamen omnes studio uisendi pericula salutis neclegebant. Tunc me per proscaenium medium uelut quandam uictimam publica ministeria producunt et orchestrae mediae sistunt.
Without delay, people everywhere filled the interior of the cavea (of the theatre) amazingly fast; the entrance and the roof were packed closely with everyone, many were wound around the columns, others hanging from statues, several through the
381 windows and the coffered ceiling were half visible, all of them were extraordinarily intent on staring and they took no notice of the danger to their themselves. At that moment the public officials led me through the middle proscaenium, as if I were a some sacrifice, and stood me in the middle of the orchestra.
Apuleius Metamorphoses 3.29.3 (Lucius invokes the name of the emperor)
Sed mihi sero quidem serio tamen subuenit ad auxilium ciuile decurrere et interposito uenerabili principis nomine tot aerumnis me liberare. Cum denique iam luce clarissima uicum quempiam frequentem et nundinis celebrem praeteriremus, inter ipsas turbelas Graecorum
But I, what with my heavy burden and the steep side of the mountain, and my long journey, did nothing differ from a dead ass: wherefore I determined with myself, though late yet in good earnest, to seek some remedy of the civil power, and by invocation of the awful name of the Emperor to be delivered from so many miseries. And on a time when it was high day, as I passed through a village of much people, where was a great fair, I came amongst a multitude, and I thought to call upon the renowned name of the Emperor in that same Greek tongue, and I cried out cleverly and aloud, ‘O’, but ‘Caesar’ I could in no wise pronounce…
Aristotle, Politica 7.1330b (the ideal city)
τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν πρὸς τὸ τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις καὶ πολεµικὰς καλῶς ἔχει. πρὸς µὲν οὖν τὰς πολεµικὰς αὐτοῖς µὲν εὐέξοδον εἶναι χρή, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐναντίοις δυσπρόσοδον καὶ δυσπερίληπτον, ὑδάτων τε καὶ ναµάτων µάλιστα µὲν ὑπάρχειν πλῆθος οἰκεῖον, εἰ δὲ µή, τοῦτό γε εὕρηται διὰ τοῦ κατασκευάζειν ὑποδοχὰς ὀµβρίοις ὕδασιν ἀφθόνους καὶ µεγάλας, ὥστε µηδέποτε ὑπολείπειν εἰργοµένους τῆς χώρας διὰ πόλεµον: ἐπεὶ δὲ δεῖ
382 περὶ ὑγιείας φροντίζειν τῶν ἐνοικούντων, τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἐν τῷ κεῖσθαι τὸν τόπον ἔν τε τοιούτῳ καὶ πρὸς τοιοῦτον καλῶς, δεύτερον δὲ ὕδασιν ὑγιεινοῖς χρῆσθαι, καὶ τούτου τὴν ἐπιµέλειαν ἔχειν µὴ παρέργως. οἷς γὰρ πλείστοις χρώµεθα πρὸς τὸ σῶµα καὶ πλειστάκις, ταῦτα πλεῖστον συµβάλλεται πρὸς τὴν ὑγίειαν: ἡ δὲ τῶν ὑδάτων καὶ τοῦ πνεύµατος δύναµις τοιαύτην ἔχει τὴν φύσιν. διόπερ ἐν ταῖς εὖ φρονούσαις δεῖ διωρίσθαι πόλεσιν, ἐὰν µὴ πάνθ᾽ ὅµοια µηδ᾽ ἀφθονία τοιούτων ᾖ ναµάτων, χωρὶς τά τε εἰς τροφὴν ὕδατα καὶ τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην χρείαν. περὶ δὲ τόπων ἐρυµνῶν οὐ πάσαις ὁµοίως ἔχει τὸ συµφέρον ταῖς πολιτείαις: οἷον ἀκρόπολις ὀλιγαρχικὸν καὶ µοναρχικόν, δηµοκρατικὸν δ᾽ ὁµαλότης, ἀριστοκρατικὸν δὲ οὐδέτερον, ἀλλὰ µᾶλλον ἰσχυροὶ τόποι πλείους. ἡ δὲ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκήσεων διάθεσις ἡδίων µὲν νοµίζεται καὶ χρησιµωτέρα πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας πράξεις, ἂν εὔτοµος ᾖ καὶ κατὰ τὸν νεώτερον καὶ τὸν Ἱπποδάµειον τρόπον, πρὸς δὲ τὰς πολεµικὰς ἀσφαλείας τοὐναντίον ὡς εἶχον κατὰ τὸν ἀρχαῖον χρόνον: δυσείσοδος γὰρ ἐκείνη τοῖς ξενικοῖς καὶ δυσεξερεύνητος τοῖς ἐπιτιθεµένοις. διὸ δεῖ τούτων ἀµφοτέρων µετέχειν ἐνδέχεται γάρ, ἄν τις οὕτως κατασκευάζῃ καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς γεωργοῖς ἃς καλοῦσί τινες τῶν ἀµπέλων συστάδας, καὶ τὴν µὲν ὅλην µὴ ποιεῖν πόλιν εὔτοµον, κατὰ µέρη δὲ καὶ τόπους: οὕτω γὰρ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ πρὸς κόσµον ἕξει καλῶς.
περὶ δὲ τειχῶν, οἱ µὴ φάσκοντες δεῖν ἔχειν τὰς τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀντιποιουµένας πόλεις λίαν ἀρχαίως ὑπολαµβάνουσιν, καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὁρῶντες ἐλεγχοµένας ἔργῳ τὰς ἐκείνως καλλωπισαµένας. ἔστι δὲ πρὸς µὲν τοὺς ὁµοίους καὶ µὴ πολὺ τῷ πλήθει διαφέροντας οὐ καλὸν τὸ πειρᾶσθαι σῴζεσθαι διὰ τῆς τῶν τειχῶν ἐρυµνότητος: ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ συµβαίνειν ἐνδέχεται πλείω τὴν ὑπεροχὴν γίγνεσθαι τῶν ἐπιόντων τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὀλίγοις ἀρετῆς, εἰ δεῖ σῴζεσθαι καὶ µὴ πάσχειν κακῶς µηδὲ ὑβρίζεσθαι, τὴν ἀσφαλεστάτην ἐρυµνότητα τῶν τειχῶν οἰητέον εἶναι πολεµικωτάτην,
...and among the remaining considerations, a sloping site is favourable both for political and for military purposes. For military purposes therefore the site should be easy of exit for the citizens themselves, and difficult for the adversary to approach and to blockade, and it must possess if possible a plentiful natural supply of pools and springs, but failing this, a mode has been invented of supplying water by means of constructing an abundance of large reservoirs for rain–water, so that a supply may never fail the citizens when they are debarred from their territory by war. And since
383 we have to consider the health of the inhabitants, and this depends upon the place being well situated both on healthy ground and with a healthy aspect, and secondly upon using wholesome water–supplies, the following matter also must be attended to as of primary importance. Those things which we use for the body in the largest quantity, and most frequently, contribute most to health; and the influence of the water–supply and of the air is of this nature. Hence in wise cities if all the sources of water are not equally pure and there is not an abundance of suitable springs, the water–supplies for drinking must be kept separate from those for other requirements. As to fortified positions, what is expedient is not the same for all forms of constitution alike; for example, a citadel–hill is suitable for oligarchy and monarchy, and a level site for democracy; neither is favorable to an aristocracy, but rather several strong positions. The arrangement of the private dwellings is thought to be more agreeable and more convenient for general purposes if they are laid out in straight streets, after the modern fashion, that is, the one introduced by Hippodamus; but it is more suitable for security in war if it is on the contrary plan, as cities used to be in ancient times; for that arrangement is difficult for foreign troops to enter and to find their way about in when attacking. Hence it is well to combine the advantages of both plans for this is possible if the houses are laid out in the way which among the farmers some people call ‘on the slant’ in the case of vines, and not to lay out the whole city in straight streets, but only certain parts and districts, for in this way it will combine security with beauty. As regards walls, those who aver that cities which pretend to valor should not have them hold too old–fashioned a view—and that though they see that the cities that indulge in that form of vanity are refuted by experience. It is true that against an evenly matched foe and one little superior in numbers it is not honourable to try to secure oneself by the strength of one's fortifications; but as it does and may happen that the superior numbers of the attackers may be too much for the human valour of a small force, if the city is to survive and not to suffer disaster or insult, the securest fortification of walls must be deemed to be the most warlike.
384 Aristotle, Politica 1331b.19– 1331b.20 (a well–laid out town and ideal view)
τὴν δὲ τῶν ὠνίων ἀγορὰν ἑτέραν τε δεῖ ταύτης εἶναι καὶ χωρίς, ἔχουσαν τόπον εὐσυνάγωγον τοῖς τε ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης πεµποµένοις καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας πᾶσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ προεστὸς διαιρεῖται τῆς πόλεως εἰς ἱερεῖς καὶ ἄρχοντας, πρέπει καὶ τῶν ἱερέων συσσίτια περὶ τὴν τῶν ἱερῶν οἰκοδοµηµάτων ἔχειν τὴν τάξιν. τῶν δ' ἀρχείων ὅσα περὶ τὰ συµβόλαια ποιεῖται τὴν ἐπιµέλειαν, περί τε γραφὰς δικῶν καὶ τὰς κλήσεις καὶ τὴν ἄλλην τὴν τοιαύτην διοίκησιν, ἔτι δὲ περὶ τὴν ἀγορανοµίαν καὶ τὴν καλουµένην ἀστυνοµίαν, πρὸς ἀγορᾷ µὲν δεῖ καὶ συνόδῳ τινὶ κοινῇ κατεσκευάσθαι, τοιοῦτος δ' ὁ περὶ τὴν ἀναγκαίαν ἀγοράν ἐστι τόπος· ἐνσχολάζειν µὲν γὰρ τὴν ἄνω τίθεµεν, ταύτην δὲ πρὸς τὰς ἀναγκαίας πράξεις. νενεµῆσθαι δὲ χρὴ τὴν εἰρηµένην τάξιν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν χώραν· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν οὓς καλοῦσιν οἱ µὲν ὑλωροὺς οἱ δὲ ἀγρονόµους καὶ φυλακτήρια καὶ συσσίτια πρὸς φυλακὴν ἀναγκαῖον ὑπάρχειν, ἔτι δὲ ἱερὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν εἶναι νενεµηµένα, τὰ µὲν θεοῖς τὰ δὲ ἥρωσιν. ἀλλὰ τὸ διατρίβειν νῦν ἀκριβολογουµένους καὶ λέγοντας περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀργόν ἐστιν· οὐ γὰρ χαλεπόν ἐστι τὰ τοιαῦτα νοῆσαι, ἀλλὰ ποιῆσαι µᾶλλον· τὸ µὲν γὰρ λέγειν εὐχῆς ἔργον ἐστί, τὸ δὲ συµβῆναι τύχης. διὸ περὶ µὲν τῶν τοιούτων τό γε ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἀφείσθω τὰ νῦν.
The agora for merchandise must be differentiated from the free agora, and in another place; it must have a site convenient for the collection there of all the goods end from the seaport and from the country. And as the divisions of the state’s populace include priests and magistrates, it is suitable that the priests’ mess–rooms also should have their position round that of the sacred buildings. And all the magistracies that
385 superintend contracts, and the registration of action at law, summonses and other such matters of administration, and also those that deal with the control of the markets and with what is termed policing the city, should have buildings adjacent to an agora or some public place of resort, and such a place is the neighbourhood of the business agora, for we assign the upper agora as the place in which to spend leisure, and this one for necessary business. The arrangements in the country also should copy the plan described; there too the magistrates called in some states Wardens of the Woods and in others Land–superintendents must have their guard–posts and mess–rooms for patrol duty, and also temples must be distributed over the country, some dedicated to gods and some to heroes. But to linger at this point over the detailed statement and discussion of questions of this kind is a waste time. The difficulty with such things is not so much in the matter of theory but in that of practice; to lay down principles is a work of aspiration, but their realisation is the task of fortune. Hence we will relinquish for the present the further consideration of matters of this sort.
Caesar Bellum Civile, 3.33 (Pompey inadvertently stops the plundering of the Artemision)
Praeterea Ephesi a fano Dianae depositas antiquitus pecunias Scipio tolli iubebat. certaque eius rei die constituta cum in fanum ventum esset adhibitis compluribus ordinis senatorii, quos advocaverat Scipio, litterae ei redduntur a Pompeio, mare transisse cum legionibus Caesarem; properaret ad se cum exercitu venire omniaque post [ea quae] haberet. His litteris acceptis, quos advocaverat, dimittit; ipse iter in Macedoniam parare incipit paucisque post diebus est profectus. Haec res Ephesiae pecuniae salutem adtulit.
Moreover, at Ephesus Scipio gave orders that sums of money deposited there in former times should be removed from the temple of Diana. And a certain date having been appointed for this transaction, when they had come to the shrine and with them
386 a number of men of the senatorial order whom Scipio had invited, a dispatch is handed him from Pompeius stating that Caesar had crossed the sea with his legions, that Scipio was to make haste to come to him with his army and to put everything else aside. On receipt of this dispatch he dismisses those whom he had invited, and himself begins to prepare for his journey into Macedonia, and a few days later he set out. This circumstance secured the safety of the money at Ephesus.
Caesar Bellum Civile, 3.105 (Caesar saves the temple a second time)
Caesar cum in Asiam venisset, reperiebat T. Ampium conatum esse pecunias tollere Epheso ex fano Dianae eiusque rei causa senatores omnes ex provincia evocavisse, ut his testibus in summam pecuniae uteretur, sed interpellatum adventu Caesaris pro fugisse. Ita duobus temporibus Ephesiae pecuniae Caesar auxilium tulit.
On Caesar’s arrival in Asia he found that T. Ampius had attempted to remove sums of money from Ephesus from the temple of Diana, and that with this object he had summoned all the senators from the province, that he might employ them as witnesses in reference to the amount of the sum, but that he had fled when interrupted by Caesar’s arrival. So on two occasions Caesar saved the Ephesian funds.
Cassius Dio 51.20.6.1 (Augustus gives permission for an imperial cult to be set up in Ephesus)
Καῖσαρ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τά τε ἄλλα ἐχρηµάτιζε, καὶ τεµένη τῇ τε Ῥώµῃ καὶ τῷ πατρὶ τῷ Καίσαρι, ἥρωα αὐτὸν Ἰούλιον ὀνοµάσας, ἔν τε Ἐφέσῳ καὶ ἐν Νικαίᾳ γενέσθαι ἐφῆκεν· αὗται γὰρ τότε αἱ πόλεις ἔν τε τῇ Ἀσίᾳ καὶ ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ προετετίµηντο. καὶ τούτους µὲν τοῖς Ῥωµαίοις τοῖς παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐποικοῦσι τιµᾶν προσέταξε· τοῖς δὲ δὴ ξένοις, Ἕλληνάς σφας ἐπικαλέσας, ἑαυτῷ τινα, τοῖς µὲν Ἀσιανοῖς ἐν Περγάµῳ τοῖς δὲ
387 Βιθυνοῖς ἐν Νικοµηδείᾳ, τεµενίσαι ἐπέτρεψε.
Caesar, meanwhile, besides attending to the general business, gave permission for the dedication of sacred precincts in Ephesus and in Nicaea to Rome and to Caesar, his father, whom he named the hero Julius. These cities had at that time attained chief place in Asia and in Bithynia respectively. He commanded that the Romans resident in these cities should pay honour to these two divinities; but he permitted the aliens, whom he styled Hellenes, to consecrate precincts to himself, the Asians to have theirs in Pergamum and the Bithynians theirs in Nicomedia.
Cicero, De haruspicum responso 13.28–29 (the desecration of the temple at Pessinus)
Sed quid ego id admiror? qui accepta pecunia Pessinuntem ipsum, sedem domiciliumque Matris deorum, vastaris, et Brogitaro Gallograeco, impuro homini ac nefario, cuius legati te tribuno dividere in aede Castoris tuis operis nummos solebant, totum illum locum fanumque vendideris, sacerdotem ab ipsis aris pulvinaribus– que detraxeris, omnia illa quae vetustas, quae Persae, quae Syri, quae reges omnes qui Europam Asiamque tenuerunt semper summa religione coluerunt, perverteris; quae denique nostri maiores tam sancta duxerunt ut, cum refertam urbem atque Italiam fanorum haberemus, tamen nostri imperatores maximis et periculosissimis bellis huic deae vota facerent, eaque in ipso Pessinunte ad illam ipsam principem aram et in illo loco fanoque persolverent. Quod cum Deiotarus religione sua castissime tueretur, quem unum habemus in orbe terrarum fidelissimum huic imperio atque amantissimum nostri nominis, Brogitaro, ut ante dixi, addictum pecunia tradidisti. Atque hunc tamen Deiotarum saepe a senatu regali nomine dignum existimatum, clarissimorum imperatorum testimoniis ornatum, tu etiam regem appellari cum
388 Brogitaro iubes. Sed alter est rex iudicio senatus per nos, pecunia Brogitarus per te appellatus . . . alterum putabo regem, si habuerit unde tibi solvat quod ei per syngrapham credidisti. Nam cum multa regia sunt in Deiotaro tum illa maxime, quod tibi nummum nullum dedit, quod eam partem legis tuae quae congruebat cum iudicio senatus, ut ipse rex esset, non repudiavit, quod Pessinuntem per scelus a te violatum et sacerdote sacrisque spoliatum reciperavit, ut in pristina religione servaret, quod caerimonias ab omni vetustate acceptas a Brogitaro pollui non sinit, mavultque generum suum munere tuo quam illud fanum antiquitate religionis carere.
But why should this excite my surprise, when I remember that you were induced by a bribe actually to devastate Pessinus, the very seat and dwelling–place of the Mother of the gods; that to Brogitarus the Gallograecian, an impious and abandoned man, whose emissaries when you were tribune, used to distribute money to your gangs in the temple of Castor, you sold the whole region of Pessinus with its shrine; that you dragged its priest from the very altars and sacred couches; that you overthrew everything that had at all times been held in deep devotion by past generations, by Persians, by Syrians, and by all kings who have ever held rule in Europe and in Asia, and to which even our own ancestors attributed such sanctity that, though we had at our disposal the city and Italy, both rich in sacred places, our generals made vows to this goddess in their greatest and most perilous wars, vows which they discharged in Pessinus itself, laying their offerings before the principal altar of the shrine in that place. And though this shrine was devotedly watched over with characteristic piety by Deiotarus, whose unflinching loyalty to our empire and ardent attachment to our authority has been absolutely peerless, you adjudicated it and delivered it to it over to Brogitarus, as I have already mentioned, for a money payment. Moreover, though this Deiotarus has repeatedly been adjudged by the senate to be worthy of the title of king, and though he has been distinguished by the recommendations of our most brilliant generals, you actually order that he shall share that title with Brogitarus. The former, however, owes his kingly title, through us, to the senatorial pronouncement, while
389 Brogitarus owes his, through you, to the price which he paid you— I shall believe, the other to be a king when he has found the means to pay you what you advanced him under a note of hand. Deiotarus has many kingly qualities, but in nothing has he shown his character more than in his refusal to give you a single penny; in not repudiating that clause in your law which agreed with the senate’s pronouncement in according him the name of king; in his recovery of Pessinus, which you had wickedly desecrated and deprived of its priest and its rite, that he might maintain it in its time– honoured cult; in his not permitting ceremonies which were the bequest of an unbroken past to be polluted by Brogitarus; and in preferring that his son–in–law should lose your bounty rather than that his shrine should lose its immemorial sanctity.
Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 1.1.2.8 (Quintus’ third year at
Ephesus as governor)
Factum est enim mea culpa, contra quam tu mecum et proficiscens et per litteras egeras, ut priore anno non succederetur. quod ego, dum sociorum saluti consulo, dum impudentiae non nullorum negotiatorum resisto, dum nostram gloriam tua virtute augeri expeto, feci non sapienter, praesertim cum id commiserim ut ille alter annus etiam tertium posset adducere.
It was my fault that, against your urgings before you set out and later by letter, you were not relieved the previous year. Thinking of the welfare of the provincials, opposing the effrontery of certain businessmen, and seeking to add to your prestige by your abilities, I acted unwisely, all the more so as I ran the risk of that second year entailing a third.
Cicero, Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 1.1.6 (the Greeks of Asia are most highly civilised and there are Roman tax farmers)
Constat enim ea provincia primum ex eo genere sociorum
390 quod est ex hominum omni genere humanissimum, deinde ex eo genere civium qui aut quod publicani sunt nos summa necessitudine attingunt aut quod ita negotiantur ut locupletes sint nostri consulatus beneficio se incolumis fortunas habere arbitrantur. at enim inter hos ipsos exsistunt graves controversiae, multae nascuntur iniuriae, magnae contentiones consequuntur.
Your province consists of a native population the most highly civilized in the world and of Romans who are either tax farmers, and thus very closely connected with us, or wealthy businessmen who think they owe the safety of their money to my consulship. Ah, but they get into serious disputes among themselves, often do each other harm leading to mighty contentions.
Cornelius Nepos, Praefatio 6–7 (Greek vs. Roman women)
Contra ea pleraque nostris moribus sunt decora, quae apud illos turpia putantur. Quem enim Romanorum pudet uxorem ducere in convivium? Aut cuius non mater familias primum locum tenet aedium atque in celebritate versatur? Quod multo fit aliter in Graecia. Nam neque in convivium adhibetur nisi propinquorum, neque sedet nisi in interiore parte aedium, quae gynaeconitis appellatur; quo nemo accedit nisi propinqua cognatione coniunctus.
On the other hand, there are many things that are good manners which for them, they believe to be crude. Indeed, who among Romans would think it shameful to bring his wife to a feast? And whose mother-of-the family does not hold first place in the house and take part in society? Yet, things are quite different in Greece. Because she is banned from a feast unless accompanied by relatives, and may only sit in the inner part of the house, which is called the gynaeconitis; where no one is admitted unless connected to her by a close relationship.
Cicero, in Verrem 2.1.85 (a Pericles summoned to Rome for defending the asylum of the Artemision)
391 Nuper M. Aurelio Scauro postulante, quod is Ephesi se quaestorem vi prohibitum esse dicebat quo minus e fano Dianae servum suum, qui in illud asylum confugisset, abduceret, Pericles Ephesius, homo nobilissimus, Romam evocatus est, quod auctor illius iniuriae fuisse arguebatur:
Lately, when Marcus Aurelius Scaurus made the demand, because he said that he as quaestor had been prevented by force at Ephesus from taking his servant out of the temple of Diana, who had taken refuge in that asylum, Pericles, an Ephesian, a most noble man, was summoned to Rome, because he was accused of having been the author of that wrong.
Diogenes Laertes 7.5.5–7.5.12 (the Stoic stoa)
Ἀνακάµπτων δὴ ἐν τῇ ποικίλῃ στοᾷ τῇ καὶ Πεισιανακτίῳ καλουµένῃ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς γραφῆς τῆς Πολυγνώτου ποικίλῃ, διετίθετο τοὺς λόγους, βουλόµενος καὶ τὸ χωρίον ἀπερίστατον ποιῆσαι. ἐπὶ γὰρ τῶν τριάκοντα τῶν πολιτῶν πρὸς τοῖς χιλίοις τετρακόσιοι ἀνῄρηντ' ἐν αὐτῷ. προσῄεσαν δὴ λοιπὸν ἀκούοντες αὐτοῦ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο Στωικοὶ ἐκλήθησαν καὶ οἱ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ ὁµοίως, πρότερον Ζηνώνειοι καλούµενοι, καθά φησι καὶ Ἐπίκουρος ἐν ἐπιστολαῖς.
He used then to discourse, pacing up and down in the painted colonnade, which is also called the colonnade or Portico of Pisianax, but which received its name from the painting of Polygnotus: his object being to keep the spot clear of a concourse of idlers. It was the spot where in the time of the Thirty 1,400 Athenian citizens had been put to death. Hither, then, people came henceforth to hear Zeno, and this is why they were known as men of the Stoa, or Stoics: and the same name was given to his followers who had formerly been known as Zenonians. So it is stated by Epicurus in his letters.
392 Herodian 1.11.3–5 (Pessinus)
ἐπεὶ δὲ Ῥωµαίων ηὔξετο τὰ πράγµατα, φασὶν αὐτοῖς χρησθῆναι µενεῖν τε τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἐς µέγα προχωρήσειν, εἰ τὴν Πεσσινουντίαν θεὸν µεταγάγοιεν ὡς αὑτούς. πέµψαντες δὴ πρέσβεις ἐς Φρύγας τὸ ἄγαλµα ᾔτουν· ἔτυχον δὲ ῥᾳδίως συγγένειαν προβαλλόµενοι καὶ τὴν ἀπ' Αἰνείου τοῦ Φρυγὸς ἐς αὐτοὺς διαδοχὴν καταλέγοντες. κοµισθὲν δὲ ἐπὶ νεὼς τὸ ἄγαλµα καὶ γενόµενον ἐν ταῖς τοῦ Θύµβριδος ἐκβολαῖς (ταύταις γὰρ ἀντὶ λιµένων ἐχρῶντο οἱ Ῥωµαῖοι) ἔστησε θείᾳ δυνάµει τὸ σκάφος. ἐπὶ πολὺ δὲ πανδηµεὶ τῶν Ῥωµαίων τὴν ναῦν ἐφελκόντων, ἀντεχούσης τῆς ἰλύος οὐ πρότερον ἡ ναῦς ἀνέδραµε, πρὶν ἢ τὴν ἱέρειαν ἐνεχθῆναι [τῆς] θεοῦ ἥτις [τῆς Ἐστίας] ἦν τοιαύτης, ὥστ' ἔδει παρθενεύεσθαι, αἰτίαν δὲ διαφθορᾶς εἶχεν. µέλλουσα δὲ κριθήσεσθαι, ἱκετεύει τὸν δῆµον ἐπιτρέψαι τῇ Πεσσινουντίᾳ θεῷ τὴν κρίσιν· καὶ λυσαµένη τὴν ζώνην ἐπαφῆκε τῇ πρῴρᾳ τῆς νεὼς προσευξαµένη, εἰ παρθένος εἴη καὶ ἁγνή, πεισθῆναι τὸ σκάφος. ῥᾳδίως δὲ τῆς ζώνης ἐξηρτηµένη ἡ ναῦς ἠκολούθησεν· ὁµοῦ δὲ τὸ ἐναργὲς τῆς θεοῦ καὶ τὸ σεµνὸν τῆς παρθένου Ῥωµαῖοι ἐθαύµασαν. τοσαῦτα µὲν δὴ <περὶ> τῆς Πεσσινουντίας θεοῦ φιλοτιµότερον ἱστορήσθω, οὐκ ἄχαριν ἕξοντα γῶσιν τοῖς τὰ Ῥωµαίων οὐκ ἀκριβοῦσιν.
When the Roman state was growing powerful, it is said that an oracle announced to the Romans that their empire would endure and grow still greater if they brought the goddess of Pessinus to Rome. Whereupon they sent an embassy to the Phrygians asking for the statue. They gained their request without difficulty by citing their kinship with the Phrygians and outlining how they were the descendants of Aeneas the Phrygian. When the statue had been transported by ship and had reached the mouth of the River Tiber (which the Romans used to use as their harbour) some
393 supernatural force made the vessel run aground. The Roman people turned out in force and spent a long time trying to tow the ship off but it was held fast by the sandbar and refused to sail upstream. Finally they brought to the scene the priestess of the goddess [that is, the goddess Vesta] who was under a vow of chastity but was being charged with adultery. Since judgement was on the point of being passed on her, the priestess begged the people to allow the goddess of Pessinus to give the verdict. She took off her sash and threw it on to the prow of the ship with a prayer that, if she were still an innocent virgin, the ship would respond to her. When the ship with the sash tied to it followed her without hindrance, the Romans were full of awe at this manifestation of the goddess and the holiness of the maiden. This story about the goddess of Pessinus may be rather glamourised, but it contains quite interesting information for people who are unfamiliar with Roman history.
Livius, Ab urbe condita 29.10.4 (bring the goddess from Pessinus to
Rome)
Ciuitatem eo tempore repens religio inuaserat inuento carmine in libris Sibyllinis propter crebrius eo anno de caelo lapidatum inspectis, quandoque hostis alienigena terrae Italiae bellum intulisset eum pelli Italia uincique posse si mater Idaea a Pessinunte Romam aduecta foret.
At that time religious scruples had suddenly assailed the citizens because in the Sibylline books, which were consulted on account of the frequent showers of stones that year, an oracle was found that, if ever a foreign foe should invade the land of Italy, he could be driven out of Italy and defeated if the Idaean Mother should be brought from Pessinus to Rome.
Livius, Ab urbe condita 29.11.6–8 (they went to Pessinus with Attalus)
Responsum esse ferunt per Attalum regem compotes eius fore quod peterent: cum Romam deam deuexissent, tum curarent ut eam qui uir optimus Romae esset hospitio exciperet. Pergamum ad regem uenerunt. Is legatos comiter acceptos Pessinuntem in Phrygiam deduxit sacrumque
394 iis lapidem quam matrem deum esse incolae dicebant tradidit ac de portare Romam iussit.
The response, they say, was that they should gain what they sought with the help of King Attalus: that after conveying the goddess to Rome they were then to make sure that the best man at Rome should hospitably welcome her. They came to the king at Pergamum. He courteously received the ambassadors and, escorting them to Pessinus in Phrygia, presented them with the sacred stone which the inhabitants said was the Mother of the Gods, and bade them carry it away to Rome.
Livius, Ab urbe condita 33.38 (Antiochus winters in Ephesus and undertakes political activity)
Eodem anno Antiochus rex, cum hibernasset Ephesi, omnes Asiae ciuitates in antiquam imperii formulam redigere est conatus.
In the same year king Antiochus, after wintering at Ephesus, tried to coerce all the cities of Asia into acknowledging sovereignty which he had once exercised over them.
Livius, Ab urbe condita 34.61.2 (Antiochus hires Aristo)
Aristonem quendam Tyrium nanctus Ephesi expertusque sollertiam leuioribus ministeriis, partim donis, partim spe praemiorum oneratum, quibus etiam ipse rex adnuerat, Carthaginem cum mandatis mittit.
… he found at Ephesus a Tyrian, Aristo by name, and having tested his resourcefulness on less important errands, he loaded him with gifts and also with the hope of rewards, to which even the king finally gave his assent, and sent him to Carthage with his instructions.
Livius, Ab urbe condita 37.44 (Antiochus’ defeat at Magnesia)
Ad quinquaginta milia peditum caesa eo
395 die dicuntur, equitum tria milia; mille et quadringenti capti et quindecim cum rectoribus elephanti. Romanorum aliquot uulnerati sunt; ceciderunt non plus trecenti pedites, quattuor et uiginti equites et de Eumenis exercitu quinque et uiginti. Et illo quidem die uictores direptis hostium castris cum magna praeda in sua reuerterunt; postero die spoliabant caesorum corpora et captiuos contrahebant.
About fifty thousand infantry are said to have been slain on that day and three thousand cavalry: fourteen hundred were captured and fifteen elephants with their drivers. Of the Romans, many were wounded: there were killed not more than three hundred infantry and twenty–four calvary, and from the army of Eumenes twenty–five. And on that day, indeed, the victors, having plundered the camp of the enemy, returned to their own laden with booty: on the next day they de–spoiled the bodies of the slain and gathered up the prisoners.
Lucian, Alexander 47 (Epicurus)
Ἓν γοῦν καὶ γελοιότατον ἐποίησεν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος· εὑρὼν γὰρ τὰς Ἐπικούρου κυρίας δόξας, τὸ κάλλιστον, ὡς οἶσθα, τῶν βιβλίων καὶ κεφαλαιώδη περιέχον τῆς τἀνδρὸς σοφίας τὰ δόγµατα, κοµίσας εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν µέσην ἔκαυσεν ἐπὶ ξύλων συκίνων ὡς δῆθεν αὐτὸν καταφλέγων, καὶ τὴν σποδὸν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐξέβαλεν, ἔτι καὶ χρησµὸν ἐπιφθεγξάµενος· Πυρπολέειν κέλοµαι δόξας ἀλαοῖο γέροντος· οὐκ εἰδὼς ὁ κατάρατος ὅσων ἀγαθῶν τὸ βιβλίον ἐκεῖνο τοῖς ἐντυχοῦσιν αἴτιον γίγνεται, καὶ ὅσην αὐτοῖς εἰρήνην καὶ ἀταραξίαν καὶ ἐλευθερίαν ἐνεργάζεται, δειµάτων µὲν καὶ φασµάτων καὶ τεράτων ἀπαλλάττον καὶ ἐλπίδων µαταίων καὶ περιττῶν ἐπιθυµιῶν, νοῦν δὲ καὶ ἀλήθειαν ἐντιθὲν
396 καὶ καθαῖρον ὡς ἀληθῶς τὰς γνώµας, οὐχ ὑπὸ δᾳδὶ καὶ σκίλλῃ καὶ ταῖς τοιαύταις φλυαρίαις, ἀλλὰ λόγῳ ὀρθῷ καὶ ἀληθείᾳ καὶ παρρησίᾳ.
One of Alexander's acts in this connection was most comical. Hitting upon the”Established Beliefs" of Epicurus, which is the finest of his books, as you know, and contains in summary the articles of the man's philosophic creed, he brought it into the middle of the market–place, burned it on fagots of fig–wood just as if he were burning the man in person, and threw the ashes into the sea, even adding an oracle also: "Burn with fire, I command you, the creed of a purblind dotard!”. But the scoundrel had no idea what blessings that book creates for its readers and what peace, tranquillity, and freedom it engenders in them, liberating them as it does from terrors and apparitions and portents, from vain hopes and extravagant cravings, developing in them intelligence and truth, and truly purifying their understanding, not with torches and squills and that sort of foolery, but with straight thinking, truthfulness and frankness.
Lucian, Alexander 55 (Lucian bites Alexander’s hand)
Κἀπειδὴ εἰσελθόντα µε εἰς τὴν πόλιν ᾔσθετο καὶ ἔµαθεν ὡς ἐκεῖνος εἴην ὁ Λουκιανός – ἐπηγόµην δὲ καὶ στρατιώτας δύο, λογχοφόρον καὶ κοντοφόρον, παρὰ τοῦ ἡγουµένου τῆς Καππαδοκίας, φίλου τότε ὄντος, λαβών, ὥς µε παραπέµψειαν µέχρι πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν – αὐτίκα µεταστέλλεται δεξιῶς πάνυ καὶ µετὰ πολλῆς φιλοφροσύνης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐγὼ πολλοὺς καταλαµβάνω περὶ αὐτόν· συνεπηγόµην δὲ καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας τύχῃ τινὶ ἀγαθῇ. καὶ ὁ µὲν προὔτεινέ µοι κύσαι τὴν δεξιάν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει τοῖς πολλοῖς, ἐγὼ δὲ προσφὺς ὡς φιλήσων, δήγµατι χρηστῷ πάνυ µικροῦ δεῖν χωλὴν αὐτῷ ἐποίησα τὴν χεῖρα. Οἱ µὲν οὖν παρόντες ἄγχειν µε καὶ παίειν
397 ἐπειρῶντο ὡς ἱερόσυλον, καὶ πρότερον ἔτι ἀγανακτήσαντες ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρον αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ µὴ προφήτην προσεῖπον·
And generally, I was of course the man he most hated. When he discovered that I had entered the city and ascertained that I was the Lucian of whom he had heard (I had brought, I may add, two soldiers with me, a pikeman and a spearman borrowed from the Governor of Cappadocia, then a friend of mine, to escort me to the sea), he at once sent for me very politely and with great show of friendliness. When I went, I found many about him; but I had brought along my two soldiers, as luck would have it. He extended me his right hand to kiss, as his custom was with the public; I clasped it as if to kiss it, and almost crippled it with a right good bite! The bystanders tried to choke me and beat me for sacrilege; even before that, they had been indignant because I had addressed him as Alexander and not as “Prophet”.
Lucian, Bis accusatus sive tribunalia 27 (a barbarous accent)
Ἐγὼ γάρ, ὦ ἄνδρες δικασταί, τουτονὶ κοµιδῇ µειράκιον ὄντα, βάρβαρον ἔτι τὴν φωνὴν καὶ µονονουχὶ κάνδυν ἐνδεδυκότα εἰς τὸν Ἀσσύριον τρόπον, περὶ τὴν Ἰωνίαν εὑροῦσα πλαζόµενον ἔτι καὶ ὅ τι χρήσαιτο ἑαυτῷ οὐκ εἰδότα παραλαβοῦσα ἐπαίδευσα.
When this man was a mere boy, gentlemen jury, still speaking with a foreign accent and I might almost say wearing a kaftan in the Syrian style, I found him still wandering about in Ionia, not knowing what to do with himself: so I took him in hand and gave him an education.
Lucian, Cataplus 10 (Megapenthes tries to bargain to live again)
{ΜΕΓΑΠΕΝΘΗΣ} Καὶ µὴν ἐγγυητὰς ὑµῖν ἕτοιµος παρασχέσθαι τοῦ τάχους καὶ τῆς ἐπανόδου. εἰ βούλεσθε δέ,
398 καὶ ἄντανδρον ὑµῖν ἀντ' ἐµαυτοῦ παραδώσω τὸν ἀγαπητόν. {ΚΛΩΘΩ} Ὦ µιαρέ, ὃν ηὔχου πολλάκις ὑπὲρ γῆς καταλιπεῖν; {ΜΕΓΑΠΕΝΘΗΣ} Πάλαι ταῦτα ηὐχόµην· νυνὶ δὲ ὁρῶ τὸ βέλτιον.
Megapenthes: But I tell you I am ready to give bail for my speedy return. If you wish, I’ll even surrender you my beloved as a substitute for myself.
Klotho: Vile wretch! Have not you often prayed that he might outlast you on earth?
Megapenthes: That was long ago, but now I perceive what is for the best.
Lucian, Cataplus 14 (the poor are poles apart from the rich)
{ΜΙΚΥΛΛΟΣ} Εἰπέ µοι, ὦ Κλωθοῖ, ἐµοῦ δὲ οὐδεὶς ὑµῖν λόγος; ἢ διότι πένης εἰµί, διὰ τοῦτο καὶ τελευταῖον ἐµβῆναί µε δεῖ; {ΚΛΩΘΩ} Σὺ δὲ τίς εἶ; {ΜΙΚΥΛΛΟΣ} Ὁ σκυτοτόµος Μίκυλλος. {ΚΛΩΘΩ} Εἶτα ἄχθῃ βραδύνων; οὐχ ὁρᾷς ὁπόσα ὁ τύραννος ὑπισχνεῖται δώσειν ἀφεθεὶς πρὸς ὀλίγον; θαῦµα γοῦν ἔχει µε, εἰ µὴ ἀγαπητὴ καὶ σοὶ ἡ διατριβή. {ΜΙΚΥΛΛΟΣ} Ἄκουσον, ὦ βελτίστη Μοιρῶν· οὐ πάνυ µε ἡ τοῦ Κύκλωπος ἐκείνη εὐφραίνει δωρεά, ὑπισχνεῖσθαι ὅτι “πύµατον ἐγὼ τὸν Οὖτιν κατέδοµαι”· ἄν τε
399 γοῦν πρῶτον, ἄν τε πύµατον, οἱ αὐτοὶ ὀδόντες περιµένουσιν. ἄλλως τε οὐδ' ὅµοια τἀµὰ τοῖς τῶν πλουσίων· ἐκ διαµέτρου γὰρ ἡµῶν οἱ βίοι, φασίν· ὁ µέν γε τύραννος εὐδαίµων εἶναι δοκῶν παρὰ τὸν βίον, φοβερὸς ἅπασι καὶ περίβλεπτος, ἀπολιπὼν χρυσὸν τοσοῦτον καὶ ἀργύριον καὶ ἐσθῆτα καὶ ἵππους καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ παῖδας ὡραίους καὶ γυναῖκας εὐµόρφους εἰκότως ἠνιᾶτο καὶ ἀποσπώµενος αὐτῶν ἤχθετο· οὐ γὰρ οἶδ' ὅπως καθάπερ ἰξῷ τινι προςέχεται τοῖς τοιούτοις ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλει ἀπαλλάττεσθαι ῥᾳδίως ἅτε αὐτοῖς πάλαι προςτετηκυῖα· µᾶλλον δὲ ὥσπερ ἄρρηκτός τις οὗτος ὁ δεσµός ἐστιν, ᾧ δεδέσθαι συµβέβηκεν αὐτούς. ἀµέλει κἂν ἀπάγῃ τις αὐτοὺς µετὰ βίας, ἀνακωκύουσι καὶ ἱκετεύουσι, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὄντες θρασεῖς, δειλοὶ πρὸς ταύτην εὑρίσκονται τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἅιδην φέρουσαν ὁδόν· ἐπιστρέφονται γοῦν εἰς τοὐπίσω καὶ ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες κἂν πόρρωθεν ἀποβλέπειν τὰ ἐν τῷ φωτὶ βούλονται, οἷα ὁ µάταιος ἐκεῖνος ἐποίει καὶ παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀποδιδράσκων κἀνταῦθά σε καταλιπαρῶν. ἐγὼ δὲ ἅτε µηδὲν ἔχων ἐνέχυρον ἐν τῷ βίῳ, οὐκ ἀγρόν, οὐ συνοικίαν, οὐ χρυσόν, οὐ σκεῦος, οὐ δόξαν, οὐκ εἰκόνας, εἰκότως εὔζωνος ἦν, κἀπειδὴ µόνον ἡ Ἄτροπος ἔνευσέ µοι, ἄσµενος ἀπορρίψας τὴν σµίλην καὶ τὸ κάττυµα – κρηπῖδα γάρ τινα ἐν ταῖν χεροῖν εἶχον – ἀναπηδήσας εὐθὺς ἀνυπόδητος οὐδὲ τὴν µελαντηρίαν ἀπονιψάµενος εἱπόµην, µᾶλλον δὲ ἡγούµην, ἐς τὸ πρόσω ὁρῶν· οὐδὲν γάρ µε τῶν κατόπιν ἐπέστρεφε καὶ µετεκάλει. καὶ νὴ Δί' ἤδη καλὰ τὰ παρ' ὑµῖν πάντα ὁρῶ· τό τε γὰρ ἰσοτιµίαν ἅπασιν εἶναι καὶ µηδένα τοῦ πλησίον διαφέρειν, ὑπερήδιστον ἐµοὶ γοῦν δοκεῖ. τεκµαίροµαι δὲ µηδ' ἀπαιτεῖσθαι τὰ χρέα τοὺς ὀφείλοντας ἐνταῦθα µηδὲ φόρους ὑποτελεῖν, τὸ δὲ µέγιστον,
400 µηδὲ ῥιγοῦν τοῦ χειµῶνος µηδὲ νοσεῖν µηδ' ὑπὸ τῶν δυνατωτέρων ῥαπίζεσθαι. εἰρήνη δὲ πᾶσι καὶ πράγµατα ἐς τὸ ἔµπαλιν ἀνεστραµµένα· ἡµεῖς µὲν οἱ πένητες γελῶµεν, ἀνιῶνται δὲ καὶ οἰµώζουσιν οἱ πλούσιοι.
Micyllus: Tell me, Klotho, do you people take no account at all of me? Is it because I am poor that I have to get aboard last?
Klotho: And who are you?
Micyllus: The cobbler Micyllus.
Klotho: So you are aggrieved at having to wait? Don’t you see how much the tyrant promises to give us if we will let him go for a little while? Indeed, it surprises me that you are not equally glad of the delay.
Micyllus: Listen, kind Lady of Destiny: I have no great liking for such gifts as the famous one of the Cyclops,—to be promised “I’ll eat Noman last of all.” In truth, be it first, be it last, the same teeth are in waiting. Besides, my position is not like that of the rich: our lives are poles apart, as the saying goes. Take the tyrant, considered fortunate his whole life long, feared and admired by everybody: when he came to leave all his gold and silver and clothing and horses and dinners and handsome favourites and beautiful women, no wonder he was distressed and took it hard to be dragged away from them. Somehow or other the soul is limed, as it were, to things like these and will not come away readily because it has been cleaving to them long: indeed, the ties with which such men have the misfortune to be bound are like unbreakable fetters. Even if they are hailed away by force, they lament and entreat, you may be sure, and although they are bold in everything else, they prove to be cowardly in the face of this journey to Hades. At any rate, they turn back and, like unsuccessful lovers, want to gaze, even from afar, at things in the world of light. That is what yonder poor fool did, who not only ran away on the road but heaped you with entreaties when got here. But as for me, having nothing at stake in life, neither farm
401 nor tenement nor gold nor gear nor reputation nor statues, of course I was in marching order, and when Atropos did but sign to me I gladly flung away my knife and my leather (I was working on a sandal) and sprang up at once and followed her, barefooted as I was and without even washing off the blacking. In fact, I led the way, with my eyes to the fore, since there was nothing in the rear to turn me about and call me back. And by Heaven I see already that everything is splendid here with you, for that all should have equal rank and no–body be any better than his neighbour is more than pleasant, to me at least. And I infer that there is no dunning of debtors here and no paying of taxes, and above all no freezing in winter or falling ill or being thrashed by men of greater consequence. All are at peace, and the tables are turned, for we paupers laugh while the rich are distressed and lament.
Lucian, De domo 1 (A wonderful room)
Εἶτα Ἀλέξανδρος µὲν ἐπεθύµησεν ἐν τῷ Κύδνῳ λούσασθαι καλόν τε καὶ διαυγῆ τὸν ποταµὸν ἰδὼν καὶ ἀσφαλῶς βαθὺν καὶ προσηνῶς ὀξὺν καὶ νήξασθαι ἡδὺν καὶ θέρους ὥρᾳ ψυχρόν, ὥστε καὶ ἐπὶ προδήλῳ τῇ νόσῳ ἣν ἐνόσησεν ἀπ' αὐτοῦ, δοκεῖ µοι οὐκ ἂν τοῦ λουτροῦ ἀποσχέσθαι· οἶκον δέ τις ἰδὼν µεγέθει µέγιστον καὶ κάλλει κάλλιστον καὶ φωτὶ φαιδρότατον καὶ χρυσῷ στιλπνότατον καὶ γραφαῖς ἀνθηρότατον οὐκ ἂν ἐπιθυµήσειε λόγους ἐν αὐτῷ διαθέσθαι, εἰ τύχοι περὶ τούτους διατρίβων, καὶ ἐνευδοκιµῆσαι καὶ ἐλλαµπρύνασθαι καὶ βοῆς ἐµπλῆσαι καὶ ὡς ἔνι µάλιστα καὶ αὐτὸς µέρος τοῦ κάλλους αὐτοῦ γενέσθαι, ἀλλὰ περισκοπήσας ἀκριβῶς καὶ θαυµάσας µόνον ἄπεισι κωφὸν αὐτὸν καὶ ἄλογον καταλιπών, µήτε προσειπὼν µήτε προσοµιλήσας, ὥσπερ τις ἄναυδος ἢ φθόνῳ σιωπᾶν ἐγνωκώς; Ἡράκλεις, οὐ φιλοκάλου τινὸς οὐδὲ περὶ τὰ εὐµορφότατα ἐρωτικοῦ τὸ ἔργον, ἀγροικία δὲ πολλὴ καὶ ἀπειροκαλία καὶ
402 προσέτι γε ἀµουσία, τῶν ἡδίστων αὑτὸν ἀπαξιοῦν καὶ τῶν καλλίστων ἀποξενοῦν καὶ µὴ συνιέναι ὡς οὐχ ὁ αὐτὸς περὶ τὰ θεάµατα νόµος ἰδιώταις τε καὶ πεπαιδευµένοις ἀνδράσιν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς µὲν ἀπόχρη τὸ κοινὸν τοῦτο, ἰδεῖν µόνον καὶ περιβλέψαι καὶ τὼ ὀφθαλµὼ περιενεγκεῖν καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὀροφὴν ἀνακῦψαι καὶ τὴν χεῖρα ἐπισεῖσαι καὶ καθ' ἡσυχίαν ἡσθῆναι δέει τοῦ µὴ ἂν δυνηθῆναι ἄξιόν τι τῶν βλεποµένων εἰπεῖν, ὅστις δὲ µετὰ παιδείας ὁρᾷ τὰ καλά, οὐκ ἄν, οἶµαι, ἀγαπήσειεν ὄψει µόνῃ καρπωσάµενος τὸ τερπνὸν οὐδ' ἂν ὑποµείναι ἄφωνος θεατὴς τοῦ κάλλους γενέσθαι, πειράσεται δὲ ὡς οἷόν τε καὶ ἐνδιατρῖψαι καὶ λόγῳ ἀµείψασθαι τὴν θέαν. ἡ δὲ ἀµοιβὴ οὐκ ἔπαινος τοῦ οἴκου µόνον – τοῦτο µὲν γὰρ ἴσως ἐκείνῳ τῷ νησιώτῃ µειρακίῳ ἔπρεπε, τὴν Μενελάου οἰκίαν ὑπερεκπεπλῆχθαι καὶ πρὸς τὰ ἐν οὐρανῷ καλὰ τὸν ἐλέφαντα καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν αὐτῆς ἀπεικάζειν, ἅτε µηδὲν ἐν γῇ καλόν τι ἄλλο ἑωρακότι – ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ εἰπεῖν ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς βελτίστους συγκαλέσαντα λόγων ἐπίδειξιν ποιήσασθαι µέρος τοῦ ἐπαίνου καὶ τοῦτο γένοιτο ἄν.
Alexander longed to bathe in the Cydnus on seeing that the stream was fair and clear, safely deep, agreeably swift, delightful to swim in and cool in the height of summer; even with foreknowledge of the fever which he contracted from it, I do not think he would have abstained from his plunge. Then can it be that on seeing a hall beyond compare in the greatness of its size, the splendour of its beauty, the brilliance of its illumination, the lustre of its gilding and the gaiety of its pictures, a man would not long to compose speeches in it, if this were his business, to seek repute and win glory in it, to fill it with his voice and, as far as lay in him, to become part and parcel of its beauty ? Or after looking it over carefully and admiring it, would he rather go away and leave it mute and voiceless, without according it a word of greeting or a particle
403 of intercourse, as if he were dumb or else out of ill–will had resolved to hold his tongue? Heracles! Such conduct would not be that of a connoisseur or a lover of beauty; it would be very vulgar, tasteless, even Philistine to despise what is sweetest, to reject what is fairest, and not to comprehend that in all that appeals to the eye, the same law does not hold for ordinary and for educated men. No, for the former it is enough to do the usual thing—just to see, to look about, to cast their eyes everywhere, to crane their necks at the ceiling, to gesticulate and to take their joy in silence for fear of not being able to say anything adequate to what they see. But when a man of culture beholds beautiful things, he will not be content, I am sure, to harvest their charm with his eyes alone, and will not endure to be a silent spectator of their beauty; he will do all he can to linger there and make some return for the spectacle in speech. And such a return does not consist simply in praising the hall. No doubt it was fitting for Homer’s island boy to be astounded at the house of Menelaus and to compare its ivory and gold to the beautiful things in heaven because he had never seen anything else on earth that was beautiful. But to speak here, to collect an audience of cultured men and show one’s eloquence is also a form of praise.
Lucian, De domo 14 (the power to make a man speak)
Ἕτερος δέ τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς λόγος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ γενναῖος, ὥς φησι, καὶ µεταξύ µου λέγοντος ὑπέκρουε καὶ διακόπτειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν ῥῆσιν καὶ ἐπειδὴ πέπαυµαι, οὐκ ἀληθῆ ταῦτα λέγειν φησί µε, ἀλλὰ θαυµάζειν, εἰ φάσκοιµι ἐπιτηδειότερον εἶναι πρὸς λόγων ἐπίδειξιν οἴκου κάλλος γραφῇ καὶ χρυσῷ κεκοσµηµένον· αὐτὸ γάρ που τοὐναντίον ἀποβαίνειν. µᾶλλον δέ, εἰ δοκεῖ, αὐτὸς παρελθὼν ὁ λόγος ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καθάπερ ἐν δικαςταῖς ὑµῖν εἰπάτω, ὅπῃ λυσιτελέστερον ἡγεῖται τῷ λέγοντι εὐτέλειαν οἴκου καὶ ἀµορφίαν. ἐµοῦ µὲν ἀκηκόατε ἤδη λέγοντος, ὥστε οὐδὲν δέοµαι δὶς περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν εἰπεῖν, ὁ δὲ παρελθὼν ἤδη λεγέτω, κἀγὼ σιωπήσοµαι καὶ πρὸς ὀλίγον αὐτῷ µεταστήσοµαι.
404 There is, however, another point of view, not insignificant but very important, if you take Mr. Point o' View's word for it; he kept interrupting me as I spoke and trying to break up my speech, and now that I have paused he says that I am mistaken in this matter: he is surprised that I should say a beautiful hall adorned with painting and gilding is better suited for the display of eloquence, as the case is entirely the reverse. But if you approve, let Mr. Point o'View himself take the floor in his own behalf and tell you as he would a jury wherein he thinks a mean and ugly hall more advantageous to the speaker. You have heard me already, so that I do not need to speak again to the same topic; let him take the floor now and say his say, and I will be still and yield to him for a time.
Lucian, Hippias 3 (the virtues of Hippias)
Ἐν δὴ τούτοις καὶ Ἱππίου τουτουὶ τοῦ καθ' ἡµᾶς µεµνῆσθαι ἄξιον, ἀνδρὸς λόγοις µὲν παρ' ὅντινα βούλει τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ γεγυµνασµένου καὶ συνεῖναί τε ὀξέος καὶ ἑρµηνεῦσαι σαφεστάτου, τὰ δὲ ἔργα πολὺ τῶν λόγων ἀµείνω παρεχοµένου καὶ τὴν τῆς τέχνης ὑπόσχεσιν ἀποπληροῦντος, οὐκ ἐν τοιαύταις µὲν ὑποθέσεσιν ἐν αἷς οἱ πρὸ αὐτοῦ πρῶτοι γενέσθαι εὐτύχησαν, κατὰ δὲ τὸν γεωµετρικὸν λόγον ἐπὶ τῆς δοθείσης, φασίν, εὐθείας τὸ τρίγωνον ἀκριβῶς συνισταµένου. καίτοι τῶν γε ἄλλων ἕκαστος ἕν τι τῆς ἐπιστήµης ἔργον ἀποτεµόµενος ἐν ἐκείνῳ εὐδοκιµήσας εἶναί τις ὅµως ἔδοξεν, ὁ δὲ µηχανικῶν τε ὢν τὰ πρῶτα καὶ γεωµετρικῶν, ἔτι δὲ ἁρµονικῶν καὶ µουσικῶν φαίνεται, καὶ ὅµως ἕκαστον τούτων οὕτως ἐντελῶς δείκνυσιν ὡς ἓν αὐτὸ µόνον ἐπιστάµενος.
Among these men Hippias, our own contemporary, deserves mention. Not only is he trained as highly in the art of speech as any of his predecessors, and alike quick of comprehension and clear in exposition, but he is better at action than speech, and
405 fulfils his professional promises, not merely doing so in those matters in which his predecessors succeeded in getting to the fore, but, as the geometricians put it, knowing how to construct a triangle accurately on a given base. Moreover, whereas each of the others marked off some one department of science and sought fame in it, making a name for himself in spite of this delimitation, he, on the contrary, is clearly a leader in harmony and music as well as in engineering and geometry, and yet he shows as great perfection in each of these fields as if he knew nothing else.
Lucian, Hippias 4.15 (The good things about the bath)
τὰ δὲ ἐποικοδοµηθέντα τῷ τε τοῦ τόπου µεγέθει σύµµετρα καὶ τῷ εὐλόγῳ τῆς κατασκευῆς ἁρµοδιώτατα καὶ τὸν τῶν φώτων λόγον φυλάττοντα. πυλὼν µὲν ὑψηλὸς ἀναβάσεις πλατείας ἔχων, ὑπτίας µᾶλλον ἢ ὀρθίας πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀνιόντων εὐµάρειαν· εἰσιόντα δὲ τοῦτον ἐκδέχεται κοινὸς οἶκος εὐµεγέθης, ἱκανὴν ἔχων ὑπηρέταις καὶ ἀκολούθοις διατριβήν, ἐν ἀριστερᾷ δὲ τὰ ἐς τρυφὴν παρεσκευασµένα οἰκήµατα, βαλανείῳ δ' οὖν καὶ ταῦτα πρεπωδέστατα, χαρίεσσαι καὶ φωτὶ πολλῷ καταλαµπόµεναι ὑποχωρήσεις. εἶτ' ἐχόµενος αὐτῶν οἶκος, περιττὸς µὲν ὡς πρὸς τὸ λουτρόν, ἀναγκαῖος δὲ ὡς πρὸς τὴν τῶν εὐδαιµονεστέρων ὑποδοχήν. µετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἑκατέρωθεν διαρκεῖς τοῖς ἀποδυοµένοις ἀποθέσεις, καὶ µέσος οἶκος ὕψει τε ὑψηλότατος καὶ φωτὶ φαιδρότατος, ψυχροῦ ὕδατος ἔχων τρεῖς κολυµβήθρας, Λακαίνῃ λίθῳ κεκοσµηµένος, καὶ εἰκόνες ἐν αὐτῷ λίθου λευκοῦ τῆς ἀρχαίας ἐργασίας, ἡ µὲν Ὑγιείας, ἡ δὲ Ἀσκληπιοῦ.
The building suits the magnitude of the site, accords well with the accepted idea of such an establishment, and shows regard for the principles of lighting. The entrance is high, with a flight of broad steps of which the tread is greater than the pitch, to
406 make them easy to ascend. On entering, one is received into a public hall of good size, with ample accommodations for servants and attendants. On the left are the lounging–rooms, also of just the right sort for a bath, attractive, brightly lighted retreats. Then, beside them, a hall, larger than need be for the purposes of a bath, but necessary for the reception of the rich. Next, capacious locker–rooms to undress in, on each side, with a very high and brilliantly lighted hall between them, in which are three swimming–pools of cold water; it is finished in Laconian marble, and has two statues of white marble in the ancient technique, one of Hygieia, the other of Aesculapius.
Lucian, Hippias 7–8 (good things about the bath)
Λουσαµένῳ δὲ ἔνεστί σοι µὴ τὴν διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν οἴκων αὖθις ἐπανιέναι, ἀλλὰ ταχεῖαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ ψυχρὸν δι' ἠρέµα θερµοῦ οἰκήµατος, καὶ ταῦτα πάντα ὑπὸ φωτὶ µεγάλῳ καὶ πολλῇ τῇ ἔνδον ἡµέρᾳ. ὕψη πρὸς τούτοις ἀνάλογα καὶ πλάτη τοῖς µήκεσι σύµµετρα καὶ πανταχοῦ πολλὴ χάρις καὶ Ἀφροδίτη ἐπανθεῖ· κατὰ γὰρ τὸν καλὸν Πίνδαρον, ἀρχοµένου ἔργου πρόσωπον χρὴ θέµεν τηλαυγές. τοῦτο δ' ἂν εἴη ἐκ τῆς αὐγῆς µάλιστα καὶ τοῦ φέγγους καὶ τῶν φωταγωγῶν µεµηχανηµένον. ὁ γὰρ σοφὸς ὡς ἀληθῶς Ἱππίας τὸν µὲν ψυχροδόχον οἶκον εἰς βορρᾶν προσκεχωρηκότα ἐποίησεν, οὐκ ἄµοιρον οὐδὲ τοῦ µεσηµβρινοῦ ἀέρος· τοὺς δὲ πολλοῦ τοῦ θάλπους δεοµένους νότῳ καὶ εὔρῳ καὶ ζεφύρῳ ὑπέθηκε. τί δ' ἄν σοι τὸ ἐπὶ τούτῳ λέγοιµι παλαίστρας καὶ τὰς κοινὰς τῶν ἱµατιοφυλακούν– των κατασκευὰς ταχεῖαν ἐπὶ τὸ λουτρὸν καὶ µὴ διὰ µακροῦ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐχούσας τοῦ χρησίµου τε καὶ ἀβλαβοῦς ἕνεκα; Καὶ µή µε ὑπολάβῃ τις µικρὸν ἔργον προθέµενον
407 κοσµεῖν τῷ λόγῳ προαιρεῖσθαι· τὸ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς κοινοῖς καινὰ ἐπινοῆσαι κάλλους δείγµατα, οὐ µικρᾶς σοφίας ἔγωγε τίθεµαι, οἷον καὶ τόδε τὸ ἔργον ὁ θαυµάσιος ἡµῖν Ἱππίας ἐπεδείξατο πάσας ἔχον τὰς βαλανείου ἀρετάς, τὸ χρήσιµον, τὸ εὔκαιρον, τὸ εὐφεγγές, τὸ σύµµετρον, τὸ τῷ τόπῳ ἡρµοσµένον, τὸ τὴν χρείαν ἀσφαλῆ παρεχόµενον, καὶ προσέτι τῇ ἄλλῃ περινοίᾳ κεκοσµηµένον, ἀφόδων µὲν ἀναγκαίων δυσὶν ἀναχωρήσεσιν, ἐξόδοις δὲ πολλαῖς τεθυρωµένον, ὡρῶν δὲ διττὰς δηλώσεις, τὴν µὲν δι' ὕδατος καὶ µυκήµατος, τὴν δὲ δι' ἡλίου ἐπιδεικνύµενον. Ταῦτα ἰδόντα µὴ ἀποδοῦναι τὸν πρέποντα ἔπαινον τῷ ἔργῳ οὐκ ἀνοήτου µόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀχαρίστου, µᾶλλον δὲ βασκάνου µοι εἶναι ἔδοξεν. ἐγὼ µὲν οὖν εἰς δύναµιν καὶ τὸ ἔργον καὶ τὸν τεχνίτην καὶ δηµιουργὸν ἠµειψάµην τῷ λόγῳ. εἰ δὲ θεὸς παράσχοι καὶ λούσασθαί ποτε, πολλοὺς οἶδα ἕξων τοὺς κοινωνήσοντάς µοι τῶν ἐπαίνων.
When you have bathed, you need not go back through the same rooms, but can go directly to the cold room through a slightly warmed apartment. Everywhere there is copious illumination and full indoor daylight. Furthermore, the height of each room is just, and the breadth proportionate to the length ; and everywhere great beauty and loveliness prevail, for in the words of noble Pindar,1 "Your work should have a glorious countenance." This is probably due in the main to the light, the brightness and the windows. Hippias, being truly wise, built the room for cold baths to northward, though it does not lack a southern exposure whereas he faced south, east, and west the rooms that require abundant heat. Why should I go on and tell you of the exercising–floors and of the cloakrooms, which have quick and direct communication with the hall containing the basin, so as to be convenient and to do away with all risk ? Let no one suppose that I have taken an insignificant achievement as my theme, and purpose to ennoble it by my eloquence. It requires more than a little wisdom, in
408 my opinion, to invent new manifestations of beauty in commonplace things, as did our marvellous Hippias in producing this work. It has all the good points of a bath— usefulness, convenience, light, good proportions, fitness to its site, and the fact that it can be used without risk. Moreover, it is beautified with all other marks of thoughtfulness—with two toilets, many exits, and two devices for telling time, a water–clock that bellows like a bull, and a sundial. For a man who has seen all this not to render the work its meed of praise is not only foolish but ungrateful, even malignant, it seems to me. I for my part have done what I could to do justice both to the work and to the man who planned and built it. If Heaven ever grants you the privilege of bathing there, I know that I shall have many who will join me in my words of praise.
Lucian, Somnium sive vita Luciani 1–2 (Lucian’s childhood)
Ἄρτι µὲν ἐπεπαύµην εἰς τὰ διδασκαλεῖα φοιτῶν ἤδη τὴν ἡλικίαν πρόσηβος ὤν, ὁ δὲ πατὴρ ἐσκοπεῖτο µετὰ τῶν φίλων ὅ τι καὶ διδάξαιτό µε. τοῖς πλείστοις οὖν ἔδοξεν παιδεία µὲν καὶ πόνου πολλοῦ καὶ χρόνου µακροῦ καὶ δαπάνης οὐ µικρᾶς καὶ τύχης δεῖσθαι λαµπρᾶς, τὰ δ' ἡµέτερα µικρά τε εἶναι καὶ ταχεῖάν τινα τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ἀπαιτεῖν· εἰ δέ τινα τέχνην τῶν βαναύσων τούτων ἐκµάθοιµι, τὸ µὲν πρῶτον εὐθὺς ἂν αὐτὸς ἔχειν τὰ ἀρκοῦντα παρὰ τῆς τέχνης καὶ µηκέτ' οἰκόσιτος εἶναι τηλικοῦτος ὤν, οὐκ εἰς µακρὰν δὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα εὐφρανεῖν ἀποφέρων ἀεὶ τὸ γιγνόµενον. Δευτέρας οὖν σκέψεως ἀρχὴ προὐτέθη, τίς ἀρίστη τῶν τεχνῶν καὶ ῥᾴστη ἐκµαθεῖν καὶ ἀνδρὶ ἐλευθέρῳ πρέπουσα καὶ πρόχειρον ἔχουσα τὴν χορηγίαν καὶ διαρκῆ τὸν πόρον. ἄλλου τοίνυν ἄλλην ἐπαινοῦντος, ὡς ἕκαστος γνώµης ἢ ἐµπειρίας εἶχεν, ὁ πατὴρ εἰς τὸν θεῖον ἀπιδών, – παρῆν γὰρ ὁ πρὸς µητρὸς θεῖος, ἄριστος ἑρµογλύφος
409 εἶναι δοκῶν – ”Οὐ θέµις,” εἶπεν, “ἄλλην τέχνην ἐπικρατεῖν σοῦ παρόντος, ἀλλὰ τοῦτον ἄγε” – δείξας ἐµέ – ”δίδασκε παραλαβὼν λίθων ἐργάτην ἀγαθὸν εἶναι καὶ συναρµοστὴν καὶ ἑρµογλυφέα· δύναται γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο, φύσεώς γε, ὡς οἶσθα, ἔχων δεξιῶς.” ἐτεκµαίρετο δὲ ταῖς ἐκ τοῦ κηροῦ παιδιαῖς· ὁπότε γὰρ ἀφεθείην ὑπὸ τῶν διδασκάλων, ἀποξέων ἂν τὸν κηρὸν ἢ βόας ἢ ἵππους ἢ καὶ νὴ Δί' ἀνθρώπους ἀνέπλαττον, εἰκότας, ὡς ἐδόκουν τῷ πατρί· ἐφ' οἷς παρὰ µὲν τῶν διδασκάλων πληγὰς ἐλάµβανον, τότε δὲ ἔπαινος εἰς τὴν εὐφυίαν καὶ ταῦτα ἦν, καὶ χρηστὰς εἶχον ἐπ' ἐµοὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας ὡς ἐν βραχεῖ µαθήσοµαι τὴν τέχνην, ἀπ' ἐκείνης γε τῆς πλαστικῆς.
No sooner had I left off school, being then well on in my teens, than my father and his friends began to discuss what he should have me taught next. Most of them thought that higher education required great labour, much time, considerable expense, and conspicuous social position, while our circumstances were but moderate and demanded speedy relief; but that if I were to learn one of the handicrafts, in the first place I myself would immediately receive my support from the trade instead of continuing to share the family table at my age; besides, at no distant day I would delight my father by bringing home my earnings regularly. The next topic for discussion was opened by raising the question, which of the trades was best, easiest to learn, suitable for a man of free birth, required an outfit that was easy to come by, and offered an income that was sufficient. Each praised a different trade, according to his own judgement or experience ; but my father looked at my uncle (for among the company was my uncle on my mother's side, who had the reputation of being an excellent sculptor) and said: "It isn't right that any other trade should have the preference while you are by Come [sic], take this lad in hand"—with a gesture toward me—"and teach him to be a good stonecutter, mason, and sculptor, for he is capable of it, since, as you know, he has a natural gift for it." He drew this inference from the way in which I had played with wax ; for whenever my teachers dismissed me I would
410 scrape the wax from my tablets and model cattle or horses or even men, and they were true to life, my father thought. I used to get thrashings from my teachers on account of them, but at that time they brought me praise for my cleverness, and good hopes were entertained of me, on the ground that I would soon learn the trade, to judge from that modelling.
Lucian, Somnium sive vita Luciani 7–9 (family tradition of sculpture and education versus craft)
“Ἐγώ, φίλε παῖ, Ἑρµογλυφικὴ τέχνη εἰµί, ἣν χθὲς ἤρξω µανθάνειν, οἰκεία τέ σοι καὶ συγγενὴς οἴκοθεν· ὅ τε γὰρ πάππος σου” – εἰποῦσα τοὔνοµα τοῦ µητροπάτορος – ”λιθοξόος ἦν καὶ τὼ θείω ἀµφοτέρω καὶ µάλα εὐδοκιµεῖτον δι' ἡµᾶς. εἰ δ' ἐθέλεις λήρων µὲν καὶ φληνάφων τῶν παρὰ ταύτης ἀπέχεσθαι,” – δείξασα τὴν ἑτέραν – ”ἕπεσθαι δὲ καὶ συνοικεῖν ἐµοί, πρῶτα µὲν θρέψῃ γεννικῶς καὶ τοὺς ὤµους ἕξεις καρτερούς, φθόνου δὲ παντὸς ἀλλότριος ἔσῃ· καὶ οὔποτε ἄπει ἐπὶ τὴν ἀλλοδαπήν, τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς οἰκείους καταλιπών, οὐδὲ ἐπὶ λόγοις ... ἐπαινέσονταί σε πάντες. “Μὴ µυσαχθῇς δὲ τοῦ σχήµατος τὸ εὐτελὲς µηδὲ τῆς ἐσθῆτος τὸ πιναρόν· ἀπὸ γὰρ τοιούτων ὁρµώµενος καὶ Φειδίας ἐκεῖνος ἔδειξε τὸν Δία καὶ Πολύκλειτος τὴν Ἥραν εἰργάσατο καὶ Μύρων ἐπῃνέθη καὶ Πραξιτέλης ἐθαυµάσθη. προσκυνοῦνται γοῦν οὗτοι µετὰ τῶν θεῶν. εἰ δὴ τούτων εἷς γένοιο, πῶς µὲν οὐ κλεινὸς αὐτὸς παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἔσῃ, ζηλωτὸν δὲ καὶ τὸν πατέρα ἀποδείξεις, περίβλεπτον δὲ ἀποφανεῖς καὶ τὴν πατρίδα;” Ταῦτα καὶ ἔτι τούτων πλείονα διαπταίουσα
411 καὶ βαρβαρίζουσα πάµπολλα εἶπεν ἡ Τέχνη, µάλα δὴ σπουδῇ συνείρουσα καὶ πείθειν µε πειρωµένη· ἀλλ' οὐκέτι µέµνηµαι· τὰ πλεῖστα γὰρ ἤδη µου τὴν µνήµην διέφυγεν. Ἐπεὶ δ' οὖν ἐπαύσατο, ἄρχεται ἡ ἑτέρα ὧδέ πως· “Ἐγὼ δέ, ὦ τέκνον, Παιδεία εἰµὶ ἤδη συνήθης σοι καὶ γνωρίµη, εἰ καὶ µηδέπω εἰς τέλος µου πεπείρασαι. ἡλίκα µὲν οὖν τὰ ἀγαθὰ ποριῇ λιθοξόος γενόµενος, αὕτη προείρηκεν· οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅτι µὴ ἐργάτης ἔσῃ τῷ σώµατι πονῶν κἀν τούτῳ τὴν ἅπασαν ἐλπίδα τοῦ βίου τεθειµένος, ἀφανὴς µὲν αὐτὸς ὤν, ὀλίγα καὶ ἀγεννῆ λαµβάνων, ταπεινὸς τὴν γνώµην, εὐτελὴς δὲ τὴν πρόοδον, οὔτε φίλοις ἐπιδικάσιµος οὔτε ἐχθροῖς φοβερὸς οὔτε τοῖς πολίταις ζηλωτός, ἀλλ' αὐτὸ µόνον ἐργάτης καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πολλοῦ δήµου εἷς, ἀεὶ τὸν προὔχοντα ὑποπτήσσων καὶ τὸν λέγειν δυνάµενον θεραπεύων, λαγὼ βίον ζῶν καὶ τοῦ κρείττονος ἕρµαιον ὤν· εἰ δὲ καὶ Φειδίας ἢ Πολύκλειτος γένοιο καὶ πολλὰ θαυµαστὰ ἐξεργάσαιο, τὴν µὲν τέχνην ἅπαντες ἐπαινέσονται, οὐκ ἔστι δὲ ὅστις τῶν ἰδόντων, εἰ νοῦν ἔχοι, εὔξαιτ' ἂν σοὶ ὅµοιος γενέσθαι· οἷος γὰρ ἂν ᾖς, βάναυσος καὶ χειρῶναξ καὶ ἀποχειροβίωτος νοµισθήσῃ.
At length they allowed me to decide which of them I wanted to be with. The first to state her case was the hard–favoured, masculine one.
“Dear boy, I am the trade of Sculpture which you began to learn yesterday, of kin to you and related by descent ; for your grandfather”—and she gave the name of my mother's father—“was a sculptor, and so are both your uncles, who are very famous through me. If you clear of this woman’s silly nonsense”—with a gesture toward the other—“and to come and live with me, you will be generously kept and will have
412 powerful shoulders, and you will be a stranger to jealousy of any sort; besides you will never go abroad, leaving your native country and your kinsfolk, and it will not be for mere words, either, that everyone will praise you. “Do not be disgusted at my humble figure and my soiled clothing, for this is the way in which Phidias began, who revealed Zeus, and Polycleitus, who made Hera, Myron, whom men praise, and Praxiteles, at whom they marvel. Indeed, these men receive homage second only to the gods. If you become one of them, will you not yourself be famous in the sight of all mankind, make your father envied, and cause your native land to be admired?”
Sculpture said all this, and even more than this, with a great deal of stumbling and bad grammar, talking very hurriedly and trying to convince me: I do not remember it all, however, for most of it has escaped my memory by this time. When she stopped, the other began after this fashion: “My child, I am Education, with whom you are already acquainted and familiar, even if you have not yet completed your experience of me. What it shall profit you to become a sculptor, this woman has told you; you will be nothing but a labourer, toiling with your body and putting in it your entire hope of a livelihood, personally inconspicuous, getting meagre and illiberal returns, humble– witted, an insignificant figure in public, neither sought by your friends nor feared—by your enemies nor envied by your fellow–citizens nothing but just a labourer, one of the swarming rabble, ever cringing to the man above you and courting the man who can use his tongue, leading a hare's life, and counting as a godsend to anyone stronger. Even if you should become a Phidias or a Polycleitus and should create many marvellous works, everyone would praise your craftsmanship, to be sure, but none of those who saw you, if he were sensible, would pray to be like you ; for no matter what you might be, you would be considered a mechanic, a man who has naught but his hands, a man who lives by his hands.
Ovid, Ars amatoria 1.90–100 (meeting women at the theatre)
Sed tu praecipue curvis venare theatris: Haec loca sunt voto fertiliora tuo. Illic invenies quod ames, quod ludere possis, Quodque semel tangas, quodque tenere velis.
413 Ut redit itque frequens longum formica per agmen, Granifero solitum cum vehit ore cibum, Aut ut apes saltusque suos et olentia nactae Pascua per flores et thyma summa volant, Sic ruit ad celebres cultissima femina ludos: Copia iudicium saepe morata meum est. Spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipsae:
But hunt for them, especially, at the tiered theatre: that place is the most fruitful for your needs.
There you’ll find one to love, or one you can play with, one to be with just once, or one you might wish to keep.
As ants return home often in long processions, carrying their favourite food in their mouths, or as the bees buzz through the flowers and thyme, among their pastures and fragrant chosen meadows, so our fashionable ladies crowd to the famous shows: my choice is often constrained by such richness.
They come to see, they come to be seen as well: the place is fatal to chaste modesty.
Ovid, Ars amatoria 1.134–142 (women at the circus)
Nunc quoque formosis insidiosa manent. Nec te nobilium fugiat certamen equorum; Multa capax populi commoda Circus habet. Nil opus est digitis, per quos arcana loquaris, Nec tibi per nutus accipienda nota est: Proximus a domina, nullo prohibente, sedeto,
414 Iunge tuum lateri qua potes usque latus; Et bene, quod cogit, si nolis, linea iungi, Quod tibi tangenda est lege puella loci.
Don’t forget the races, those noble stallions: the Circus holds room for a vast obliging crowd.
No need here for fingers to give secret messages, nor a nod of the head to tell you she accepts:
You can sit by your lady: nothing’s forbidden, press your thigh to hers, as you can do, all the time: and it’s good the rows force you close, even if you don’t like it, since the girl is touched through the rules of the place.
Pausanias 1.18.9, Graeciae descriptio (the library of Hadrian with
Phrygian marble, statues and paintings)
Ἀδριανὸς δὲ κατεσκευάσατο µὲν καὶ ἄλλα Ἀθηναίοις, ναὸν Ἥρας καὶ Διὸς Πανελληνίου καὶ θεοῖς τοῖς πᾶσιν ἱερὸν κοινόν, τὰ δὲ ἐπιφανέστατα ἑκατόν εἰσι κίονες Φρυγίου λίθου· πεποίηνται δὲ καὶ ταῖς στοαῖς κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ οἱ τοῖχοι. καὶ οἰκήµατα ἐνταῦθά ἐστιν ὀρόφῳ τε ἐπιχρύσῳ καὶ ἀλαβάστρῳ λίθῳ, πρὸς δὲ ἀγάλµασι κεκοσµηµένα καὶ γραφαῖς· κατάκειται δὲ ἐς αὐτὰ βιβλία. καὶ γυµνάσιόν ἐστιν ἐπώνυµον Ἀδριανοῦ· κίονες δὲ καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἑκατὸν λιθοτοµίας τῆς Λιβύων.
Hadrian constructed other buildings also for the Athenians: a temple of Hera and Zeus Panellenios Common to all Greeks), a sanctuary common to all the gods, and, most famous of all, a hundred pillars of Phrygian marble. The walls too are
415 constructed of the same material as the cloisters. And there are rooms there adorned with a gilded roof and with alabaster stone, as well as with statues and paintings. In them are kept books. There is also a gymnasium named after Hadrian; of this too the pillars are a hundred in number from the Libyan quarries.
Pausanias, Graeciae descriptio 7.20.6.1 (Herodes music hall at Patras)
ἔχεται δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, καὶ Ἀπόλλων ἐνταῦθα ἀνάκειται θέας ἄξιος· ἐποιήθη δὲ ἀπὸ λαφύρων, ἡνίκα ἐπὶ τὸν στρατὸν τῶν Γαλατῶν οἱ Πατρεῖς ἤµυναν Αἰτωλοῖς Ἀχαιῶν µόνοι. κεκόσµηται δὲ καὶ ἐς ἄλλα τὸ Ὠιδεῖον ἀξιολογώτατα τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι, πλήν γε δὴ τοῦ Ἀθήνῃσι· τοῦτο γὰρ µεγέθει τε καὶ ἐς τὴν πᾶσαν ὑπερῆρκε κατασκευήν, ἀνὴρ δὲ Ἀθηναῖος ἐποίησεν Ἡρώδης ἐς µνήµην ἀποθανούσης γυναικός. ἐµοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀτθίδι συγγραφῇ τὸ ἐς τοῦτο παρείθη τὸ Ὠιδεῖον, ὅτι πρότερον ἔτι ἐξείργαστό µοι τὰ ἐς Ἀθηναίους ἢ ὑπῆρκτο Ἡρώδης τοῦ οἰκοδοµήµατος.
Next to the market–place is the Odeion, where has been dedicated an Apollo well worth seeing. It was made from the spoils taken when alone of the Achaeans the people of Patrae helped the Aetolians against the army of the Gauls. The Music Hall is in every way the finest in Greece, except, of course, the one at Athens. This is unrivalled in size and magnificence, and was built by Herodes, an Athenian,in memory of his dead wife. The reason why I omitted to mention this Music Hall in my history of Attica is that my account of the Athenians was finished before Herodes began the building.
Philostratus, Vitae sophistarum 2.605.2 (Damianus)
Δαµιανὸν τὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἐφέσου, ὅθεν ἐξῃρήσθων Σώτηροί τε καὶ Σῶσοι καὶ Νίκανδροι καὶ Φαῖδροι Κῦροί τε καὶ Φύλακες, ἀθύρµατα γὰρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων µᾶλλον οὗτοι προσρηθεῖεν ἂν ἢ σοφισταὶ λόγου
416 ἄξιοι. Δαµιανῷ τοίνυν ἐλλογιµώτατον µὲν καὶ τὸ ἄνω γένος καὶ πλείστου ἄξιοι τῇ Ἐφέσῳ, εὐδοκιµώτατοι δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀπ' αὐτοῦ φύντες, ξυγκλήτου γὰρ βουλῆς ἀξιοῦνται πάντες ἐπ' εὐδοξίᾳ θαυµαζόµενοι καὶ ὑπεροψίᾳ χρηµάτων, αὐτός τε πλούτῳ ποικίλῳ καὶ πολυπρεπεῖ κατεσκευασµένος ἐπήρκει µὲν καὶ τοῖς δεοµένοις τῶν Ἐφεσίων, πλεῖστα δὲ ὠφέλει τὸ κοινὸν χρήµατά τε ἐπιδιδοὺς καὶ τὰ ὑποδεδωκότα τῶν δηµοσίων ἔργων ἀνακτώµενος. συνῆστοὰ ἐπὶ στάδιον λίθου πᾶσα, νοῦς δὲ τοῦ οἰκοδοµήµατος µὴ ἀπεῖναι τοῦ ἱεροῦ τοὺς θεραπεύοντας, ὁπότε ὕοι. τοῦτο µὲν δὴ τοὖργον ἀπὸ πολλῶν χρηµάτων ἀποτελεσθὲν ἐπέγραψεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, τὸ δὲ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἑστιατήριον αὐτὸς ἀνέθηκε µεγέθει τε ἐξάρας ὑπὲρ πάνθ' ὁµοῦ τὰ παρ' ἑτέροις καὶ λόγου κρείττω περιβαλὼν κόσµον, ὡράισται γὰρ Φρυγίῳ λίθῳ, οἷος οὔπω ἐτµήθη. πλούτῳ δὲ χρῆσθαι καλῶς ἐκ µειρακίου ἤρξατο· Ἀριστείδου γὰρ δὴ καὶ Ἀδριανοῦ κατειληφότοιν τοῦ µὲν τὴν Σµύρναν, τοῦ δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον, ἠκροάσατο ἀµφοῖν ἐπὶ µυρίαις εἰπὼν πολλῷ ἥδιον ἐς τοιαῦτα δαπανᾶν παιδικὰ ἢ ἐς καλούς τε καὶ καλάς, ὥσπερ ἔνιοι. καὶ ὁπόσα ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ἀναγέγραφα Δαµιανοῦ µαθὼν εἴρηκα εὖ τὰ ἀµφοῖν εἰδότος. πλούτου δὲ ἐπίδειξιν τῷ ἀνδρὶ τούτῳ κἀκεῖνα εἶχεν· πρῶτα µὲν ἡ γῆ πᾶσα, ὁπόσην ἐκέκτητο, ἐκπεφυτευµένη δένδρεσι καρπίµοις τε καὶ εὐσκίοις, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ καὶ νῆσοι χειροποίητοι καὶ λιµένων προχώσεις βεβαιοῦσαι τοὺς ὅρµους καταιρούσαις τε καὶ ἀφιείσαις ὁλκάσιν, οἰκίαι τε ἐν προαστείοις αἱ µὲν κατεσκευασµέναι τὸν ἐν ἄστει τρόπον, αἱ δὲ ἀντρώδεις, ἔπειτα αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τὸ ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ ἦθος οὐ πᾶν ἀσπαζοµένου κέρδος, οὐδὲ ἐπαινοῦντος
417 τὸ ἐξ ἅπαντος λαµβάνειν, ἀλλ' οὓς αἴσθοιτο ἀποροῦντας προῖκα τούτοις τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φωνὴν διδόντος. παραπλήσιον δὲ ἦν κἀν τοῖς σοφιστικοῖς τῶν λόγων, οὓς γὰρ αἴσθοιτο ἀποροῦντας ἐξ ὑπερορίων ἐθνῶν ἥκοντας, ἠφίει τούτοις τὸν µισθὸν τῆς ἀκροάσεως, µὴ λάθοιεν δαπανώµενοι. ψε δὲ καὶ τὸ ἱερὸν τῇ Ἐφέσῳ κατατείνας ἐς αὐτὸ τὴν διὰ τῶν Μαγνητικῶν κάθοδον. ἔστι δὲ αὕτη Ἦν δὲ δικανικοῦ µὲν σοφιστικώτερος, σοφιστικοῦ δὲ δικανικώτερος. προιὼν δὲ ἐς γῆρας µεθῆκεν ἄµφω τὰς σπουδὰς τὸ σῶµα καταλυθεὶς µᾶλλον ἢ τὴν γνώµην· τοῖς γοῦν κατὰ κλέος αὐτοῦ φοιτῶσιν ἐς τὴν Ἔφεσον παρέχων ἑαυτὸν ἀνέθηκε κἀµοί τινα ξυνουσίαν πρώτην τε καὶ δευτέραν καὶ τρίτην, καὶ εἶδον ἄνδρα παραπλήσιον τῷ Σοφοκλείῳ ἵππῳ, νωθρὸς γὰρ ὑφ' ἡλικίας δοκῶν νεάζουσαν ὁρµὴν ἐν ταῖς σπουδαῖς ἀνεκτᾶτο. ἐτελεύτα δὲ οἴκοι ἔτη βιοὺς ἑβδοµήκοντα καὶ ἐτάφη ἐν προαστείῳ τινὶ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ, ᾧ µάλιστα ἐνεβίωσεν.
In the course of my narrative I now come to a man who became most illusrious, Damianus of Ephesus. But let me omit from it such persons as Soter, Sosus, Nicander, Phaedrus, Cyrus, and Phylax, since these men would more properly be called the playthings of the Greeks than sophists worthy of mention. Damianus, then, was descended from the most distinguished ancestors who were highly esteemed at Ephesus, and his offspring likewise were held in high repute, for they are all honoured with seats in the Senate, and are admired both for their distinguished renown and because they do not set too much store by their money. Damianus was himself magnificently endowed with wealth of various sorts, and not only maintained the poor of Ephesus, but also gave most generous aid to the state by contributing large sums of money and by restoring any public buildings that were in need of repair. Moreover, he connected the temple with Ephesus by making an approach to it along the road that runs through the Magnesian gate. This work is a portico a stade in
418 length, all of marble, and the idea of this structure is that the worshippers need not stay away from the temple in case of rain. When this work was completed at great expense, he inscribed it with a dedication to his wife, the banqueting–hall in the temple he dedicated in his own name, and in size he built it to surpass all that exist elsewhere put together. He decorated it with an elegance beyond words, for it is adorned with Phrygian marble such as had never before been quarried. Even when a stripling he began to spend his wealth to good purpose. For when Aristeides and Hadrian held sway, the former at Smyrna, the latter at Ephesus, he attended the lectures of both men, and paid them fees of ten thousand drachmae, declaring that he found it more agreeable to spend money on favourites of that sort than on handsome boys and girls, as some prefer to do. And in fact all that I have recorded above about those sophists I stated on the authority of Damianus, who was well acquainted with the careers of both. The wealth of Damianus was displayed also in what I shall now describe. In the first place all the land that he had acquired was planted with trees, both to bear fruit and to give abundant shade. And for his estate by the sea–shore he made artificial islands and moles for harbours to secure safe anchorage for cargo– boats when they put in or set sail; then his residences in the suburbs were in some cases furnished and equipped like town houses, while other were more like grottoes. In the next place the man’s own disposition, as he showed it in legal affairs, was that of one who did not embrace every chance of making a profit or approve of taking what he could get from any and every one. On the contrary, whenever he saw that people were in difficulties, he would offer to speak for them himself without payment. It was much the same with his sophistic lectures; for whenever he saw that pupils who had come from remote peoples were embarrassed for money, he used to remit the fee for his lectures, that they might not be led unawares into spending too much.
His style was more sophistic than is usual in a legal orator, and more judicial than is usual in a sophist. As old age came on he gave up both these pursuits, from weakness of body rather than of mind. At any rate when students were attracted to Ephesus by his renown he still allowed them access to himself, and so it was that he honoured me also with an interview, then with a second and a third. And so I beheld a man who resembled the horse in Sophocles. For though he seemed sluggish from old age, nevertheless in our discussion he recovered the vigour of youth. He died at home aged
419 seventy years, and was buried in one of his own suburban villas in which he had spent most of his life.
Plato, Politicus 259.e.8– 260.a.5 (architects)
{ΞΕ.} Καὶ γὰρ ἀρχιτέκτων γε πᾶς οὐκ αὐτὸς ἐργατικὸς ἀλλ' ἐργατῶν ἄρχων. {ΝΕ. ΣΩ.} Ναί. {ΞΕ.} Παρεχόµενός γέ που γνῶσιν ἀλλ' οὐ χειρουργίαν. {ΝΕ. ΣΩ.} Οὕτως. 260.a.1 {ΞΕ.} Δικαίως δὴ µετέχειν ἂν λέγοιτο τῆς γνωστικῆς ἐπιστήµης. {ΝΕ. ΣΩ.} Πάνυ γε. {ΞΕ.} Τούτῳ δέ γε οἶµαι προσήκει κρίναντι µὴ τέλος ἔχειν µηδ' ἀπηλλάχθαι, καθάπερ ὁ λογιστὴς ἀπήλλακτο, προστάττειν δὲ ἑκάστοις τῶν ἐργατῶν τό γε πρόσφορον ἕως ἂν ἀπεργάσωνται τὸ προσταχθέν.
Stranger: Every architect, too, is a ruler of workmen, not a workman himself.
Younger Socrates: Yes.
Stranger: As supplying knowledge, not manual labor.
Younger Socrates: True.
Stranger: So he may fairly be said to participate in intellectual science.
420 Younger Socrates: Certainly.
Stranger: But it is his business, I suppose, not to pass judgement and be done with it and go away, as the calculator did, but to give each of the workmen the proper orders, until they have finished their appointed task.
Plautus, Rudens 1.5 (Palaestra finds shelter at the temple of Venus)
Pal.: Quaéne eiectae é mari símus ambae, óbsecro, únde nos hóstias agere voluisti huc? núnc tibi ampléctimur génua egentés opum, quae ín locis nésciis néscia spé sumus, út tuo récipias técto servésque nos míseriarúmque te ambárum uti mísereat, quibús nec locúst ullus néc spes parata, neque hóc ampliús, quam quod vidés, nobis quícquamst.
Ptol.: Manús mihi date, éxurgite á genibus ámbae. miséricordiór nulla me ést feminárum. sed haéc pauperés res sunt inopesque, puellae: egomét meam vix vitám colo; Venerí cibo meo sérvio.
Amp.: Venerís fanum, obsecro, hóc est?
Ptol.: Fateór. ego huius fáni sacérdos clueo. verúm, quidquid ést, comitér fiet á me, quo núnc copia valebit. ite hác mecum.
Palaestra: Prithee, whence would you have us, who have been both cast away at sea, to be bringing victims hither? Now, in want of assistance, do we embrace your knees, we who are of hopes undefined in places unknown, that you may receive us under your roof and shelter us, and that you will pity the miseries of us both, who have
421 neither any place of refuge nor hope at hand, nor have anything whatever of our own beyond that which you see.
Ptolemocratia: Give me your hands, arise, both of you, from off your knees; no one among women is more compassionate than I. They arise from the ground. But, maidens, my circumstances are poor and limited; with difficulty I support my own existence; Venus I serve for my maintenance.
Ampelisca: Prithee, is this a Temple of Venus?
Ptolemocratia:I will admit it; I am styled the Priestess of this Temple. But whatever it is, it shall be done by me with a hearty welcome, so far as my means shall suffice. Come with me this way.
Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 2.87 (Artemision washed by sea) quod accidisse et in Ambraciae portu decem milium passuum intervallo et Atheniensium quinque milium ad Piraeeum memoratur. et Ephesius quondam aedem Dianae adluebat.
The same thing also happened in the harbour of Ambracia, for a space of 10,000 paces, and was also said to have taken place for 5000 at the Piræus of Athens, and likewise at Ephesus, where formerly the sea washed the walls of the temple of Diana.
Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 35.147 (female painters) pinxere et mulieres: timarete, miconis filia, dianam, quae in tabula ephesi est antiquissimae picturae; irene, cratini pictoris filia et discipula, puellam, quae est eleusine, calypso, senem et praestigiatorem theodorum, alcisthenen saltatorem; aristarete, nearchi filia et discipula, aesculapium. iaia cyzicena, perpetua virgo, M. Varronis iuventa romae et penicillo pinxit et cestro in ebore imagines mulierum maxime et neapoli anum in grandi tabula, suam quoque imaginem ad speculum. nec ullius velocior in pictura manus fuit, artis vero tantum, ut multum manipretiis
422 antecederet celeberrimos eadem aetate imaginum pictores sopolim et dionysium, quorum tabulae pinacothecas inplent. pinxit et quaedam olympias, de qua hoc solum memoratur, discipulum eius fuisse autobulum.
There have been some female painters also. Timarete, the daughter of Micon, painted a Diana at Ephesus, one of the very oldest panel–paintings known. Irene, daughter and pupil of the artist Cratinus, painted a figure of a girl, now at Eleusis, a Calypso, an Aged Man, the juggler Theodorus, and Alcisthenes the dancer. Aristarete, daughter and pupil of Nearchus, painted an Æsculapius. Iaia of Cyzicus, who always remained single, painted at Rome, in the youth of M. Varro, both with the brush, and with the graver, upon ivory, her subjects being female portraits mostly. At Naples, there is a large picture by her, the portrait of an Old Woman; as also a portrait of herself, taken by the aid of a mirror. There was no painter superior to her for expedition; while at the same time her artistic skill was such, that her works sold at much higher prices than those of the most celebrated portrait–painters of her day, Sopolis namely, and Dionysius, with whose pictures our galleries are filled. One Olympias painted also, but nothing is known relative to her, except that she had Autobulus for a pupil.
423 Pliny (the elder), Naturalis historia 36.95 (the Artemision)
Graecae magnificentiae vera admiratio exstat templum Ephesiae Dianae CXX annis factum a tota Asia. in solo id palustri fecere, ne terrae motus sentiret aut hiatus timeret, rursus ne in lubrico atque instabili fundamenta tantae molis locarentur, calcatis ea substravere carbonibus, dein velleribus lanae. universo templo longitudo est CCCCXXV pedum, latitudo CCXXV, columnae CXXVII a singulis regibus factae LX pedum altitudine, ex is XXXVI caelatae, una a Scopa. operi praefuit Chersiphron architectus. summa miraculi epistylia tantae molis attolli potuisse; id consecutus ille est aeronibus harenae plenis, molli clivo super capita columnarum exaggerato, paulatim exinaniens imos, ut sensim opus in loco sederet. difficillime hoc contigit in limine ipso, quod foribus inponebat; etenim ea maxima moles fuit nec sedit in cubili, anxio artifice mortis destinatione suprema. tradunt in ea cogitatione fessum nocturno tempore in quiete vidisse praesentem deam, cui templum fieret, hortantem, ut viveret: se composuisse lapidem. atque ita postera luce apparuit; pondere ipso correctus videbatur. cetera eius operis ornamenta plurium librorum instar optinent, nihil ad specimen naturae pertinentia.
The most wonderful monument of Græcian magnificence, and one that merits our genuine admiration, is the Temple of Diana at Ephesus, which took one hundred and twenty years in building, a work in which all Asia joined. A marshy soil was selected for its site, in order that it might not suffer from earthquakes, or the chasms which they produce. On the other hand, again, that the foundations of so vast a pile might not have to rest upon a loose and shifting bed, layers of trodden charcoal were placed beneath, with fleeces covered with wool upon the top of them. The entire length of the temple is four hundred and twenty-five feet, and the breadth two hundred and twenty-
424 five. The columns are one hundred and twenty-seven in number, and sixty feet in height, each of them presented by a different king. Thirty-six of these columns are carved, and one of them by the hand of Scopas. Chersiphron was the architect who presided over the work. The great marvel in this building is, how such ponderous Architraves could possibly have been raised to so great a height. This, however, the architect effected by means of bags filled with sand, which he piled up upon an inclined plane until they reached beyond the capitals of the columns; then, as he gradually emptied the lower bags, the architraves insensibly settled in the places assigned them. But the greatest difficulty of all was found, in laying the lintel which he placed over the entrance-doors. It was an enormous mass of stone, and by no possibility could it be brought to lie level upon the jambs which formed its bed; in consequence of which, the architect was driven to such a state of anxiety and desperation as to contemplate suicide. Wearied and quite worn out by such thoughts as these, during the night, they say, he beheld in a dream the goddess in honour of whom the temple was being erected; who exhorted him to live on, for that she herself had placed the stone in its proper position. And such, in fact, next morning, was found to be the case, the stone apparently having come to the proper level by dint of its own weight. The other decorations of this work would suffice to fill many volumes, but they do not tend in any way to illustrate the works of Nature.
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 6.31 (Ariston)
C. Plinius Corneliano Suo S. Euocatus in consilium a Caesare nostro ad Centum Cellas (hoc loco nomen), magnam cepi uoluptatem. Quid enim iucundius quam principis iustitiam grauitatem comitatem in secessu quoque ubi maxime recluduntur inspicere? Fuerunt uariae cognitiones et quae uirtutes iudicis per plures species experirentur. Dixit causam Claudius Ariston princeps Ephesiorum, homo munificus et innoxie popularis; inde inuidia et a dissimillimis delator immissus, itaque absolutus uindicatusque est.
425 To Cornelianus
I received lately the most exquisite entertainment imaginable at Centumcellae (as it is called), whither our Emperor had summoned me to his privy council. Could anything indeed afford a higher pleasure than to see the sovereign exercising his justic, his wisdom, and his affability, and that in retirement, where they are laid most open to view? Various were the cases brought before him, which showed under several aspects the virtues of the judge. That of Claudius Ariston came on first. He is an Ephesian nobleman, of great munificence and unambitious popularity; having thus aroused the envy of persons his opposites in character, they had spirited up an informer against him; such being the facts, he was honourably acquitted.
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 8.24 (the cultural superiority and freedom of Greeks)
C. Plinius Maximo Suo S. Amor in te meus cogit, non ut praecipiam — neque enim praeceptore eges –, admoneam tamen, ut quae scis teneas et observes, aut nescire melius. Cogita te missum in provinciam Achaiam, illam veram et meram Graeciam, in qua primum humanitas litterae, etiam fruges inventae esse creduntur; missum ad ordinandum statum liberarum civitatum, id est ad homines maxime homines, ad liberos maxime liberos, qui ius a natura datum virtute meritis amicitia, foedere denique et religione tenuerunt. Reverere conditores deos et nomina deorum, reverere gloriam veterem et hanc ipsam senectutem, quae in homine venerabilis, in urbibus sacra. Sit apud te honor antiquitati, sit ingentibus factis, sit fabulis quoque. Nihil ex cuiusquam dignitate, nihil ex libertate, nihil etiam ex iactatione decerpseris. Habe ante oculos hanc esse terram, quae nobis miserit iura, quae leges non victis sed petentibus dederit, Athenas esse quas adeas Lacedaemonem esse quam regas; quibus reliquam umbram et residuum libertatis nomen eripere durum ferum barbarum est. Vides a medicis, quamquam in adversa valetudine nihil servi ac liberi differant, mollius tamen liberos clementiusque tractari. Recordare quid quaeque civitas fuerit, non ut despicias quod esse desierit; absit superbia asperitas.
426 Nec timueris contemptum. An contemnitur qui imperium qui fasces habet, nisi humilis et sordidus, et qui se primus ipse contemnit? Male vim suam potestas aliorum contumeliis experitur, male terrore veneratio acquiritur, longeque valentior amor ad obtinendum quod velis quam timor. Nam timor abit si recedas, manet amor, ac sicut ille in odium hic in reverentiam vertitur.
The love I bear you obliges me to give you, not indeed a precept (for you are far from needing a preceptor), but a reminder that you should resolutely act up to the knowledge you already have, or else improve it. Consider that you are sent to the province of Achaia, that real, genuine Greece a where politeness, learning, and even agriculture itself, are supposed to have first arisen. You are commissioned to superintend the affairs of free states; in other words, of men who are in the fullest sense men, and freemen who are in the highest sense free; who have maintained the right they received from Nature, by courage, by virtue, by friendship—in fine, by civil treaties and religious sanctions.
You will revere their Divine Founders, and the workings of divine powers among them; their ancient glory, and even their very age, which as it is venerable in men, in states it is sacred. Cherish sentiments of respect for their antiquity, their colossal achievements, and even for their legends. Let no man's dignity, liberty, or vanity, suffer the least diminution at your hands. Remember it was from this land we derived our legal code, that she gave us laws not by right of conquest, but as a favour. Remember it is Athens you approach; it is Lacedaemon you govern ; and to snatch from such a people the shadow that remains, the name that is left, of their freedom, would be a harsh, cruel, nay, barbarous, act. Physicians, you see, though in sickness there is no difference between slaves and freemen, yet give the latter milder and more gentle treatment.
Recollect each city's former greatness, but not so as to despise her for having lost it. Far be pride and asperity from my friend; nor fear that a proper condescension can breed contempt. Can he who is vested with the powers and bears the ensigns of the state—can he be contemned, unless he is a low, sordid being, and sets the example by his self-contempt? To put affronts upon others is an ill way of testing the force of your
427 authority; ill-gotten the homage inspired by terror; and love will help you to gain your ends far more effectually than fear. For while fear departs the moment you withdraw your presence, love abides! and as fear turns to hatred, so does love to respect.
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.39 (the theatre at Nicea)
C. PLINIUS TRAIANO IMPERATORI Theatrum, domine, Nicaeae maxima iam parte constructum, imperfectum tamen, sestertium – ut audio; neque enim ratio operis excussa est – amplius centies hausit: vereor ne frustra. Ingentibus enim rimis desedit et hiat, sive in causa solum umidum et molle, sive lapis ipse gracilis et putris: dignum est certe deliberatione, sitne faciendum an sit relinquendum an etiam destruendum. Nam fulturae ac substructiones, quibus subinde suscipitur, non tam firmae mihi quam sumptuosae uidentur. Huic theatro ex priuatorum pollicitationibus multa debentur, ut basilicae circa, ut porticus supra caveam. Quae nunc omnia differuntur cessante eo, quod ante peragendum est. Iidem Nicaeenses gymnasium incendio amissum ante aduentum meum restituere coeperunt, longe numerosius laxiusque quam fuerat, et iam aliquantum erogauerunt; periculum est, ne parum utiliter; incompositum enim et sparsum est. Praeterea architectus, sane aemulus eius a quo opus incohatum est, adfirmat parietes quamquam uiginti et duos pedes latos imposita onera sustinere non posse, quia sine caemento medii farti nec testaceo opere praecincti. Claudiopolitani quoque in depresso loco, imminente etiam monte ingens balineum defodiunt magis quam aedificant, et quidem ex ea pecunia, quam buleutae additi beneficio tuo aut iam obtulerunt ob introitum aut nobis exigentibus conferent. Ergo cum timeam ne illic publica pecunia, hic, quod est omni pecunia pretiosius, munus tuum male collocetur, cogor petere a te non solum ob theatrum, uerum etiam ob haec balinea mittas architectum, dispecturum utrum sit utilius post sumptum qui factus est quoquo modo consummare opera? ut incohata sunt, an quae uidentur emendanda corrigere, quae transferenda transferre, ne dum servare uolumus quod impensum est, male impendamus quod addendum est.
428 The citizens of Nicaea, Sir, have built the greater part of a theatre which, though it is not yet finished, has already exhausted, as I hear said (for the account has not yet been audited) above ten millions of sesterces; and, I fear, to no purpose. For either from the damp and yielding nature of the ground, or that the stones themselves were thin and friable, the building is sinking and displaying enormous cracks. The question certainly deserves consideration, whether it should be completed, or abandoned, or even pulled down. For the buttresses and bases upon which it is here and there supported, appear to me more expensive than solid. Several private persons have undertaken to build parts of this theatre at their own expense, some engaging to erect the adjacent basilicas, others the gallery above the pit: all of which are now postponed as the principal fabric is at a stand.
The citizens are also rebuilding, upon a larger scale, the Gymnasium, which was burnt down before my arrival in the province. They have already voted funds for the purpose, which are likely to be wasted, for the structure is ill-planned and rambling. Besides, the present architect (who, it must be owned, is a rival to the one first employed) asserts that the walls, though they are twenty-two feet thick, are not strong enough to support the super-structure, as their core is merely rubble, nor are they faced with brickwork.
Furthermore, the people of Claudiopolis are sinking (for I cannot call it building) a large public bath in a hollow at the very foot of a hill, and are appropriating for this work the fees which those extra members you were pleased to add to their senate paid on their admission, or are now paying on my demand. Lest, therefore, the public money in one place, and in the other (what is infinitely more valuable than any pecuniary consideration) your benefaction, should be misapplied, I am obliged to desire you would send hither an architect to inspect not only the theatre but the bath, and decide whether, after so much money has already been laid out, it will be better to finish them as best we may upon the present plan, or to make improvements and alterations where they are required. Otherwise we may throw away our future outlay by endeavouring not to lose what we have already expended.
429 Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.40 (Trajan’s response to Pliny’s request for an architect)
Architecti tibi deesse non possunt. Nulla prouincia non et peritos et ingeniosos homines habet; modo ne existimes breuius esse ab urbe mitti, cum ex Graecia etiam ad nos uenire soliti sint.
As there is no province that is not furnished with architects of skill and ingenuity, you cannot possibly be in want of one; pray do not imagine it is your quickest way to get them from Rome, for it is usually from Greece that they come hither.
Pliny (the younger), Epistulae 10.49 (Nicomedians and their new forum)
C. Plinius Traiano Imperatori Ante aduentum meum, domine, Nicomedenses priori foro nouum adicere coeperunt, cuius in angulo est aedes uetustissima Matris Magnae aut reficienda aut transferenda, ob hoc praecipue quod est multo depressior opere eo quod cum maxime surgit. Ego cum quaererem, num esset aliqua lex dicta templo, cognoui alium hic, alium apud nos esse morem dedicationis. Dispice ergo, domine, an putes aedem, cui nulla lex dicta est, salua religione posse transferri; alioqui commodissimum est, si religio non impedit.
The Nicomedians, Sir, before my arrival, had begun to build a new Forum contiguous to their former, in a corner of which stands an ancient temple dedicated to the Great Mother. This fabric must either be rebuilt or removed ; and for this reason chiefly, because it stands on a much lower level than the lofty building now being erected. Upon inquiry whether this temple had been dedicated under charter, I was informed that their manner of dedication differs from ours. You will be pleased therefore, Sir, to consider whether a temple which has no charter of dedication, may be removed, consistently with the claims of religion ; for if there is no objection from that quarter, there is none on the side of inconvenience.
430 Plutarch, Vitae Parallelae, Sulla, 3.5–6 (Sulla’s hefty fines)
Σύλλας δὲ κοινῇ µὲν ἐζηµίωσε τὴν Ἀσίαν δισµυρίοις ταλάντοις, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς οἴκους ἐξέτριψεν ὕβρει καὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ἐπισταθµευόντων. ἐτέτακτο γὰρ ἑκάστης ἡµέρας τῷ καταλύτῃ τὸν ξένον διδόναι τέσσαρα τετράδραχµα καὶ παρέχειν δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ φίλοις, ὅσους ἂν ἐθέλῃ καλεῖν, ταξίαρχον δὲ πεντήκοντα δραχµὰς λαµβάνειν τῆς ἡµέρας, ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἄλλην µὲν οἰκουρῶν, ἄλλην δὲ εἰς ἀγορὰν προερχόµενος. Ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρµίσθη·
Sulla now laid a public fine upon Asia of twenty thousand talents and utterly ruined individual families by the insolent outrages of the soldiers quartered on them. For orders were given that the host should give his guest four tetradrachms every day, and furnish him, and as many friends as he might wish to invite, with a supper; and that a military tribune should receive fifty drachmas a day, and two suits of clothing, one to wear when he was at home, and another when he went abroad. Having put to sea with all his ships from Ephesus, on the third day he came to anchor in Piraeus.
Plutarch, Vitae Parallelae, Antoninus, 24 (Antonius as Dionysus steals from Asia)
εἰς γοῦν Ἔφεσον εἰσιόντος αὐτοῦ, γυναῖκες µὲν εἰς Βάκχας, ἄνδρες δὲ καὶ παῖδες εἰς Σατύρους καὶ Πᾶνας ἡγοῦντο διεσκευασµένοι, κιττοῦ δὲ καὶ θύρσων καὶ ψαλτηρίων καὶ συρίγγων καὶ αὐλῶν ἡ πόλις ἦν πλέα, Διόνυσον αὐτὸν ἀνακαλουµένων Χαριδότην καὶ Μειλίχιον. ἦν γὰρ ἀµέλει τοιοῦτος ἐνίοις, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς Ὠµηστὴς καὶ Ἀγριώνιος. ἀφῃρεῖτο γὰρ εὐγενεῖς ἀνθρώπους τὰ ὄντα, µαστιγίαις καὶ κόλαξι χαριζόµενος. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ζώντων ὡς τεθνηκότων αἰτησάµενοί τινες οὐσίας ἔλαβον.
431 At any rate, when Antony made his entry into Ephesus, women arrayed like Bacchanals, and men and boys like Satyrs and Pans, led the way before him, and the city was full of ivy and thyrsus-wands and harps and pipes and flutes, the people hailing him as Dionysus Giver of Joy and Beneficent. For he was such, undoubtedly, to some; but to the greater part he was Dionysus Carnivorous and Savage. For he took their property from well-born men and bestowed it on flatterers and scoundrels. From many, too, who were actually alive, men got their property by asking him for it on the plea that the owners were dead.
Polybius, Historiae 5.7.3 (Pednelissus asks for help in a siege)
Κατὰ δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν θερείαν Πεδνηλισσεῖς, πολιορκούµενοι καὶ κινδυνεύοντες ὑπὸ Σελγέων, διεπέµψαντο περὶ βοηθείας πρὸς Ἀχαιόν.
In the course of this same summer, the Pednelissians, being besieged and reduced to great straits by the Selgians, sent messages to Achaeus asking for help.
Polybius, Historiae 21.37.5–7 (Manlius is approached by Pessinuntian priests while camping by the Sangarius)
Γνάιος ὁ ὕπατος Ῥωµαίων διερχόµενος ἐγεφύρωσε τὸν Σαγγάριον ποταµόν, τελέως κοῖλον ὄντα καὶ δύσβατον. καὶ παρ' αὐτὸν τὸν ποταµὸν στρατοπεδευσαµένου παραγίνονται Γάλλοι παρ' Ἄττιδος καὶ Βαττάκου τῶν ἐκ Πεσσινοῦντος ἱερέων τῆς Μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν, ἔχοντες προστηθίδια καὶ τύπους, φάσκοντες προσαγγέλλειν τὴν θεὸν νίκην καὶ κράτος. οὓς ὁ Γνάιος φιλανθρώπως ὑπεδέξατο.
In the course of his march through the country Cnaeus made a bridge over the River Sangarius, which was extremely deep and difficult to cross. And having encamped on the bank of the river, he was visited by some Galli sent by Attis and Battacus, the priests of the mother of the gods at Pesinus, wearing figures and images on their
432 breasts, and announcing that the goddess promised him victory and power; to whom Cnaeus gave a courteous reception.
Seneca, Epistulae 102.21 (crowded Ephesus)
Primum humilem non accipit patriam, Ephesum aut Alexandriam aut si quod est etiamnunc frequentius accolis laetiusve tectis solum; patria est illi quodcumque suprema et universa circuitu suo cingit, hoc omne convexum, intra quod iacent maria cum terris, intra quod aer humanis divina secernens etiam coniungit, in quo disposita tot lumina in actus suos excubant.
First of all, it does not consent to a lowly birthplace, like Ephesus or Alexandria, or any land that is even more thickly populated than these, and more richly spread with dwellings. The soul's homeland is the whole space that encircles, the height and breadth of the firmament, the whole rounded dome within which lie land and sea, within which the upper air that sunders the human from the divine also unites them, and where all the sentinel stars are taking their turn on duty.
Strabo, Geographica 12.5.2–3 (Pessinus)
Τροκµοὶ µὲν δὴ ταῦτ' ἔχουσι τὰ µέρη, Τεκτόσαγες δὲ τὰ πρὸς τῇ µεγάλῃ Φρυγίᾳ τῇ κατὰ Πεσσινοῦντα καὶ Ὀρκαόρκους· τούτων δ' ἦν φρούριον Ἄγκυρα ὁµώνυµος τῇ πρὸς Λυδίᾳ περὶ Βλαῦδον πολίχνῃ Φρυγιακῇ. Τολιστοβώγιοι δὲ ὅµοροι Βιθυνοῖς εἰσι καὶ τῇ Ἐπικτήτῳ καλουµένῃ Φρυγίᾳ· φρούρια δ' αὐτῶν ἐστι τό τε * Βλούκιον καὶ τὸ Πήιον, ὧν τὸ µὲν ἦν βασίλειον Δηιοτάρου, τὸ δὲ γαζοφυλάκιον. Πεσσινοῦς δ' ἐστὶν ἐµπόριον τῶν ταύτῃ µέγιστον, ἱερὸν ἔχον τῆς µητρὸς τῶν θεῶν σεβασµοῦ µεγάλου τυγχάνον· καλοῦσι δ' αὐτὴν Ἄγδιστιν. οἱ δ' ἱερεῖς τὸ παλαιὸν µὲν δυνάσται τινὲς ἦσαν, ἱερωσύνην καρπούµενοι µεγάλην, νυνὶ δὲ τούτων µὲν αἱ τιµαὶ πολὺ µεµείωνται, τὸ δὲ ἐµπόριον συµµένει· κατεσκεύασται
433 δ' ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀτταλικῶν βασιλέων ἱεροπρεπῶς τὸ τέµενος ναῷ τε καὶ στοαῖς λευκολίθοις· ἐπιφανὲς δ' ἐποίησαν Ῥωµαῖοι τὸ ἱερόν, ἀφίδρυµα ἐνθένδε τῆς θεοῦ µεταπεµψάµενοι κατὰ τοὺς τῆς Σιβύλλης χρησµούς, καθάπερ καὶ τοῦ Ἀσκληπιοῦ τοῦ ἐν Ἐπιδαύρῳ. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὄρος ὑπερκείµενον τῆς πόλεως τὸ Δίνδυµον, ἀφ' οὗ ἡ Δινδυµηνή, καθάπερ ἀπὸ τῶν Κυβέλων ἡ Κυβέλη. πλησίον δὲ καὶ ὁ Σαγγάριος ποταµὸς ποιεῖται τὴν ῥύσιν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὰ παλαιὰ τῶν Φρυγῶν οἰκητήρια Μίδου καὶ ἔτι πρότερον Γορδίου καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν, οὐδ' ἴχνη σώζοντα πόλεων, ἀλλὰ κῶµαι µικρῷ µείζους τῶν ἄλλων, οἷόν ἐστι τὸ Γόρδιον καὶ Γορβεοῦς, τὸ τοῦ Κάστορος βασίλειον τοῦ Σαωκονδάρου, ἐν ᾧ γαµβρὸν ὄντα τοῦτον ἀπέσφαξε Δηιόταρος καὶ τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ· τὸ δὲ φρούριον κατέσπασε καὶ διελυµήνατο τὸ πλεῖστον τῆς κατοικίας.
The Trocmi possess the parts near Pontus and Cappadocia. These are the most powerful of the parts occupied by the Galatians. They have three walled garrisons: Tavium, the emporium of the people in that part of the country, where are the colossal statue of Zeus in bronze and his sacred precinct, a place of refuge; and Mithridatium, which Pompey gave to Bogodiatarus, having separated it from the kingdom of Pontus; and third, Danala, where Pompey and Leucullus had their conference, Pompey coming there as successor of Leucullus in the command of the war, and Leucullus giving over to Pompey his authority and leaving the country to celebrate his triumph. The Trocmi, then, possess these parts, but the Tectosages the parts near Greater Phrygia in the neighborhood of Pessinus and Orcaorci. To the Tectosages belonged the fortress Ancyra, which bore the same name as the Phrygian town situated toward Lydia in the neighborhood of Blaudus. And the Tolistobogii border on the Bithynians and Phrygia "Epictetus" as it is called. Their fortresses are Blucium and Peïum, the former of which was the royal residence of Deïotarus and the latter the place where he kept his treasures. Pessinus is the greatest of the emporiums in that part of the world, containing a temple of the Mother of the gods, which is an
434 object of great veneration. They call her Agdistis. The priests were in ancient times potentates, I might call them, who reaped the fruits of a great priesthood, but at present the prerogatives of these have been much reduced, although the emporium still endures. The sacred precinct has been built up by the Attalic kings in a manner befitting a holy place, with a sanctuary and also with porticos of white marble. The Romans made the temple famous when, in accordance with oracles of the Sibyl, they sent for the statue of the goddess there, just as they did in the case of that of Asclepius at Epidaurus. There is also a mountain situated above the city, Dindymum, after which the country Dindymene was named, just as Cybele was named after Cybela. Near by, also, flows the Sangarius River; and on this river are the ancient habitations of the Phrygians, of Midas, and of Gordius, who lived even before his time, and of certain others,—habitations which preserve not even traces of cities, but are only villages slightly larger than the others, for instance, Gordium and Gorbeus, the royal residence of Castor the son of Saocondarius, where Deïotarus, Castor's father-in-law, slew him and his own daughter. And he pulled down the fortress and ruined most of the settlement.
Strabo, Geographica 12.6.2 (The Isaurians)
Τῆς δὲ Λυκαονίας ἐστὶ καὶ ἡ Ἰσαυρικὴ πρὸς αὐτῷ τῷ Ταύρῳ ἡ τὰ Ἴσαυρα ἔχουσα κώµας δύο ὁµωνύµους, τὴν µὲν παλαιὰν καλουµένην, [τὴν δὲ νέαν,] εὐερκῆ· ὑπήκοοι δ' ἦσαν ταύταις καὶ ἄλλαι κῶµαι συχναί, λῃστῶν δ' ἅπασαι κατοικίαι. παρέσχον δὲ καὶ Ῥωµαίοις πράγµατα καὶ τῷ Ἰσαυρικῷ προσαγορευθέντι Πουβλίῳ Σερβιλίῳ, ὃν ἡµεῖς εἴδοµεν, ὃς καὶ ταῦτα ὑπέταξε Ῥωµαίοις καὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῶν πειρατῶν ἐρύµατα ἐξεῖλε τὰ ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάττῃ.
To Lycaonia belongs also Isaurice, near the Taurus itself, which has the two Isauras, villages bearing the same name, one of which is called Old Isaura, and the other New Isaura, which is well-fortified. Numerous other villages were subject to these, and they all were settlements of robbers. They were a source of much trouble to the
435 Romans and in particular to Publius Servilius, surnamed Isauricus, with whom I was acquainted; he subjected these places to the Romans and also destroyed most of the strongholds of the pirates that were situated on the sea.
Strabo Geographica 12.3.31.24 (Men Askaenos)
ἔστι δὲ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς σελήνης τὸ ἱερόν, καθάπερ τὸ ἐν Ἀλβανοῖς καὶ τὰ ἐν Φρυγίᾳ, τό τε τοῦ Μηνὸς ἐν τῷ ὁµωνύµῳ τόπῳ καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ἀσκαίου τὸ πρὸς Ἀντιοχείᾳ τῇ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ τῶν Ἀντιοχέων.
…like that among the Albanians and those in Phrygia, I mean that of Men in the place of the same name and that of Men Ascaeus near the Antiocheia that is near Pisidia and that of Men in the country of the Antiocheians.
Strabo, Geographica 12.8.14 (Pisidian Antioch and Magnesian colonists)
Ἡ µὲν οὖν παρώρεια ὀρεινήν τινα ἔχει ῥάχιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀνατολῆς ἐκτεινοµένην ἐπὶ δύσιν· ταύτῃ δ' ἑκατέρωθεν ὑποπέπτωκέ τι πεδίον µέγα, καὶ πόλεις πλησίον αὐτῆς πρὸς ἄρκτον µὲν Φιλοµήλιον, ἐκ θατέρου δὲ µέρους Ἀντιόχεια ἡ πρὸς Πισιδίᾳ καλουµένη, ἡ µὲν ἐν πεδίῳ κειµένη πᾶσα ἡ δ' ἐπὶ λόφου ἔχουσα ἀποικίαν Ῥωµαίων· ταύτην δ' ᾤκισαν Μάγνητες οἱ πρὸς Μαιάνδρῳ. Ῥωµαῖοι δ' ἠλευθέρωσαν τῶν βασιλέων, ἡνίκα τὴν ἄλλην Ἀσίαν Εὐµένει παρέδοσαν τὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου· ἦν δὲ ἐνταῦθα καὶ ἱερωσύνη τις Μηνὸς Ἀρκαίου, πλῆθος ἔχουσα ἱεροδούλων καὶ χωρίων ἱερῶν· κατελύθη δὲ µετὰ τὴν Ἀµύντου τελευτὴν ὑπὸ τῶν πεµφθέντων ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκείνου κληρονοµίαν.
Now Phrygia Paroreia has a kind of mountainous ridge extending from the east towards the west; and below it on either side lies a large plain. And there are cities near it: towards the north, Philomelium, and, on the other side, the Antiocheia near
436 Pisidia, as it is called, the former lying wholly in a plain, whereas the latter is on a hill and has a colony of Romans. The latter was settled by Magnetans who lived near the Maeander River. The Romans set them free from their kings at the time when they gave over to Eumenes the rest of Asia this side the Taurus. Here there was also a priesthood of Men Arcaeus, which had a number of temple-slaves and sacred places, but the priesthood was destroyed after the death of Amyntas by those who were sent thither as his inheritors.
Strabo, Geographica 13.4.17 (the Kibyrans)
Λέγονται δὲ ἀπόγονοι Λυδῶν οἱ Κιβυρᾶται τῶν κατασχόντων τὴν Καβαλίδα· ὕστερον δὲ Πισιδῶν τῶν ὁµόρων ἐποικησάντων καὶ µετακτισάντων εἰς ἕτερον τόπον εὐερκέστατον ἐν κύκλῳ σταδίων περὶ ἑκατόν. ηὐξήθη δὲ διὰ τὴν εὐνοµίαν, καὶ αἱ κῶµαι παρεξέτειναν ἀπὸ Πισιδίας καὶ τῆς ὁµόρου Μιλυάδος ἕως Λυκίας καὶ τῆς Ῥοδίων περαίας· προσγενοµένων δὲ τριῶν πόλεων ὁµόρων, Βουβῶνος Βαλβούρων Οἰνοάνδων, τετράπολις τὸ σύστηµα ἐκλήθη, µίαν ἑκάστης ψῆφον ἐχούσης, δύο δὲ τῆς Κιβύρας· ἔστελλε γὰρ αὕτη πεζῶν µὲν τρεῖς µυριάδας ἱππέας δὲ δισχιλίους· ἐτυραννεῖτο δ' ἀεί, σωφρόνως δ' ὅµως· ἐπὶ Μοαγέτου δ' ἡ τυραννὶς τέλος ἔσχε, καταλύσαντος αὐτὴν Μουρηνᾶ καὶ Λυκίοις προςορίσαντος τὰ Βάλβουρα καὶ τὴν Βουβῶνα· οὐδὲν δ' ἧττον ἐν ταῖς µεγίσταις ἐξετάζεται διοικήσεσι τῆς Ἀσίας ἡ Κιβυρατική. τέτταρσι δὲ γλώτταις ἐχρῶντο οἱ Κιβυρᾶται, τῇ Πισιδικῇ τῇ Σολύµων τῇ Ἑλληνίδι τῇ Λυδῶν· ... δὲ οὐδ' ἴχνος ἐστὶν ἐν Λυδίᾳ. ἴδιον δ' ἐστὶν ἐν Κιβύρᾳ τὸ τὸν σίδηρον τορεύεσθαι ῥᾳδίως. Μιλύα δ' ἐστὶν ἡ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ Τερµησσὸν στενῶν καὶ τῆς εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου ὑπερθέσεως δι' αὐτῶν ἐπὶ Ἴσινδα παρατείνουσα ὀρεινὴ µέχρι Σαγαλασσοῦ καὶ τῆς Ἀπαµέων χώρας.
437 It is said that the Cibyratae are descendants of the Lydians who took possession of Cabalis, and later of the neighboring Pisidians, who settled there and transferred the city to another site, a site very strongly fortified and about one hundred stadia in circuit. It grew strong through its good laws; and its villages extended alongside it from Pisidia and the neighboring Milyas as far as Lycia and the Peraea of the Rhodians. Three bordering cities were added to it, Bubon, Balbura, and Oenoandon, and the union was called Tetrapolis, each of the three having one vote, but Cibyra two; for Cibyra could send forth thirty thousand footsoldiers and two thousand horse. It was always ruled by tyrants; but still they ruled it with moderation. However, the tyranny ended in the time of Moagetes, when Murena overthrew it and included Balbura and Bubon within the territory of the Lycians. But none the less the jurisdiction of Cibyra is rated among the greatest in Asia. The Cibyratae used four languages, the Pisidian, that of the Solymi, Greek, and that of the Lydians; but there is not even a trace of the language of the Lydians in Lydia. The easy embossing of iron is a peculiar thing at Cibyra. Milya is the mountainrange extending from the narrows at Termessus and from the pass that leads over through them to the region inside the Taurus towards Isinda, as far as Sagalassus and the country of the Apameians.
Strabo, Geographica 14.1.3 (Ephesus’ foundation and seats of honour)
ἄρξαι δέ φησιν Ἄνδροκλον τῆς τῶν Ἰώνων ἀποικίας, ὕστερον τῆς Αἰολικῆς, υἱὸν γνήσιον Κόδρου τοῦ Ἀθηνῶν βασιλέως, γενέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον Ἐφέσου κτίστην. διόπερ τὸ βασίλειον τῶν Ἰώνων ἐκεῖ συστῆναί φασι, καὶ ἔτι νῦν οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους ὀνοµάζονται βασιλεῖς ἔχοντές τινας τιµάς, προεδρίαν τε ἐν ἀγῶσι καὶ πορφύραν ἐπίσηµον τοῦ βασιλικοῦ γένους, σκίπωνα ἀντὶ σκήπτρου, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τῆς Ἐλευσινίας Δήµητρος.
He says that Androclus, legitimate son of Codrus the king of Athens, was the leader of the Ionian colonization, which was later than the Aeolian, and that he became the
438 founder of Ephesus; and for this reason, it is said, the royal seat of the Ionians was established there. And still now the descendants of his family are called kings; and they have certain honors, I mean the privilege of front seats at the games and of wearing purple robes as insignia of royal descent, and staff instead of sceptre, and of the superintendence of the sacrifices in honor of the Eleusinian Demeter.
Strabo, Geographica 14.1.21–22 (Ephesus foundation and the temple)
Τὴν δὲ πόλιν ᾤκουν µὲν Κᾶρές τε καὶ Λέλεγες, ἐκβαλὼν δ' ὁ Ἄνδροκλος τοὺς πλείστους ᾤκισεν ἐκ τῶν συνελθόντων αὐτῷ περὶ τὸ Ἀθήναιον καὶ τὴν Ὑπέλαιον, προσπεριλαβὼν καὶ τῆς περὶ τὸν Κορηςσὸν παρωρείας. µέχρι µὲν δὴ τῶν κατὰ Κροῖσον οὕτως ᾠκεῖτο, ὕστερον δ' ἀπὸ τῆς παρωρείου καταβάντες περὶ τὸ νῦν ἱερὸν ᾤκησαν µέχρι Ἀλεξάνδρου. Λυσίµαχος δὲ τὴν νῦν πόλιν τειχίσας, ἀηδῶς τῶν ἀνθρώπων µεθισταµένων, τηρήσας καταρράκτην ὄµβρον συνήργησε καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ τοὺς ῥινούχους ἐνέφραξεν ὥστε κατακλύσαι τὴν πόλιν· οἱ δὲ µετέστησαν ἄσµενοι. ἐκάλεσε δ' Ἀρσινόην ἀπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς τὴν πόλιν, ἐπεκράτησε µέντοι τὸ ἀρχαῖον ὄνοµα. ἦν δὲ γερουσία καταγραφοµένη, τούτοις δὲ συνῄεσαν οἱ ἐπίκλητοι καλούµενοι καὶ διῴκουν πάντα. Τὸν δὲ νεὼν τῆς Ἀρτέµιδος πρῶτος µὲν Χερσίφρων ἠρχιτεκτόνησεν, εἶτ' ἄλλος ἐποίησε µείζω· ὡς δὲ τοῦτον Ἡρόστρατός τις ἐνέπρησεν, ἄλλον ἀµείνω κατεσκεύασαν συνενέγκαντες τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν κόσµον καὶ τὰς ἰδίας οὐσίας, διαθέµενοι δὲ καὶ τοὺς προτέρους κίονας· τούτων δὲ µαρτύριά ἐστι τὰ γενηθέντα τότε ψηφίσµατα, ἅπερ ἀγνοοῦντά φησιν ὁ Ἀρτεµίδωρος τὸν Ταυροµενίτην Τίµαιον καὶ ἄλλως βάσκανον ὄντα καὶ συκοφάντην (διὸ καὶ Ἐπιτίµαιον κληθῆναι) λέγειν ὡς ἐκ τῶν Περσικῶν παρακαταθηκῶν ἐποιήσαντο τοῦ
439 ἱεροῦ τὴν ἐπισκευήν· οὔτε δὲ ὑπάρξαι παρακαταθήκας τότε, εἴ τε ὑπῆρξαν, συνεµπεπρῆσθαι τῷ ναῷ· µετὰ δὲ τὴν ἔµπρησιν τῆς ὀροφῆς ἠφανισµένης, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τῷ σηκῷ τίνα ἂν ἐθελῆσαι παρακαταθήκην κειµένην ἔχειν; Ἀλέξανδρον δὴ τοῖς Ἐφεσίοις ὑποσχέσθαι τὰ γεγονότα καὶ τὰ µέλλοντα ἀναλώµατα, ἐφ' ᾧ τε τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν αὐτὸν ἔχειν, τοὺς δὲ µὴ ἐθελῆσαι, πολὺ µᾶλλον οὐκ ἂν ἐθελήσαντας ἐξ ἱεροσυλίας καὶ ἀποστερήσεως φιλοδοξεῖν· ἐπαινεῖ τε τὸν εἰπόντα τῶν Ἐφεσίων πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς οὐ πρέποι θεῷ θεοῖς ἀναθήµατα κατασκευάζειν. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τοῦ νεὼ συντέλειαν, ὅν φησιν εἶναι Δεινοκράτους ἔργον (τοῦ δ' αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν Ἀλεξανδρείας κτίσιν· τὸν δ' αὐτὸν ὑποσχέσθαι Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τὸν Ἄθω διασκευάσειν εἰς αὐτόν, ὡσανεὶ ἐκ πρόχου τινὸς εἰς φιάλην καταχέοντα σπονδήν, ποιήσοντα πόλεις δύο, τὴν µὲν ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ ὄρους τὴν δ' ἐν ἀριστερᾷ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ῥέοντα ποταµόν), µετὰ δ' οὖν τὸν νεὼν τὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἀναθηµάτων πλῆθος εὑρέσθαι τῇ ἐκτιµήσει τῶν δηµιουργῶν, τὸν δὲ δὴ βωµὸν εἶναι τῶν Πραξιτέλους ἔργων ἅπαντα σχεδόν τι πλήρη. ἡµῖν δ' ἐδείκνυτο καὶ τῶν Θράσωνός τινα, οὗπερ καὶ τὸ Ἑκατήσιόν ἐστι καὶ ἡ κηρίνη Πηνελόπη καὶ ἡ πρεσβῦτις ἡ Εὐρύκλεια. ἱερέας δ' εὐνούχους εἶχον οὓς ἐκάλουν Μεγαβύζους, καὶ ἀλλαχόθεν µετιόντες ἀεί τινας ἀξίους τῆς τοιαύτης προστασίας, καὶ ἦγον ἐν τιµῇ µεγάλῃ· συνιερᾶσθαι δὲ τούτοις ἐχρῆν παρθένους. νυνὶ δὲ τὰ µὲν φυλάττεται τῶν νοµίµων τὰ δ' ἧττον, ἄσυλον δὲ µένει τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ νῦν καὶ πρότερον· τῆς δ' ἀσυλίας τοὺς ὅρους ἀλλαγῆναι συνέβη πολλάκις, Ἀλεξάνδρου µὲν ἐπὶ στάδιον ἐκτείναντος, Μιθριδάτου δὲ τόξευµα ἀφέντος ἀπὸ τῆς γωνίας τοῦ κεράµου καὶ δόξαντος ὑπερβαλέσθαι µικρὰ τὸ στάδιον, Ἀντωνίου δὲ διπλασιάσαντος τοῦτο καὶ
440 συµπεριλαβόντος τῇ ἀσυλίᾳ µέρος τι τῆς πόλεως· ἐφάνη δὲ τοῦτο βλαβερὸν καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς κακούργοις ποιοῦν τὴν πόλιν, ὥστ' ἠκύρωσεν ὁ Σεβαστὸς Καῖσαρ. Ἔχει δ' ἡ πόλις καὶ νεώρια καὶ λιµένα· βραχύστοµον δ' ἐποίησαν οἱ ἀρχιτέκτονες, συνεξαπατηθέντες τῷ κελεύσαντι βασιλεῖ. οὗτος δ' ἦν Ἄτταλος ὁ φιλάδελφος· οἰηθεὶς γὰρ οὗτος βαθὺν τὸν εἴσπλουν ὁλκάσι µεγάλαις ἔσεσθαι καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν λιµένα τεναγώδη ὄντα πρότερον διὰ τὰς ἐκ τοῦ Καΰστρου προχώσεις, ἐὰν παραβληθῇ χῶµα τῷ στόµατι πλατεῖ τελέως ὄντι, ἐκέλευσε γενέσθαι τὸ χῶµα. συνέβη δὲ τοὐναντίον· ἐντὸς γὰρ ἡ χοῦς εἰργοµένη τεναγίζειν µᾶλλον ἐποίησε τὸν λιµένα σύµπαντα µέχρι τοῦ στόµατος· πρότερον δ' ἱκανῶς αἱ πληµµυρίδες καὶ ἡ παλίρροια τοῦ πελάγους ἀφῄρει τὴν χοῦν καὶ ἀνέσπα πρὸς τὸ ἐκτός. ὁ µὲν οὖν λιµὴν τοιοῦτος· ἡ δὲ πόλις τῇ πρὸς τὰ ἄλλα εὐκαιρίᾳ τῶν τόπων αὔξεται καθ' ἑκάστην ἡµέραν, ἐµπόριον οὖσα µέγιστον τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν τὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ Ταύρου.
The city of Ephesus was inhabited both by Carians and by Leleges, but Androclus drove them out and settled the most of those who had come with him round the Athenaeum and the Hypelaeus, though he also included a part of the country situated on the slopes of Mt. Coressus. Now Ephesus was thus inhabited until the time of Croesus, but later the people came down from the mountainside and abode round the present temple until the time of Alexander. Lysimachus built a wall round the present city, but the people were not agreeably disposed to change their abodes to it; and therefore he waited for a downpour of rain and himself took advantage of it and blocked the sewers so as to inundate the city; and the inhabitants were then glad to make the change. He named the city after his wife Arsinoe; the old name, however, prevailed. There was a senate, which was conscripted; and with these were associated the Epicleti, as they were called, who administered all the affairs of the city.
441 As for the temple of Artemis, its first architect was Chersiphron; and then another man made it larger. But when it was set on fire by a certain Herostratus, the citizens erected another and better one, having collected the ornaments of the women and their own individual belongings, and having sold also the pillars of the former temple. Testimony is borne to these facts by the decrees that were made at that time. Artemidorus says: Timaeus of Tauromenium, being ignorant of these decrees and being any way an envious and slanderous fellow (for which reason he was also called Epitimaeus), says that they exacted means for the restoration of the temple from the treasures deposited in their care by the Persians; but there were no treasures on deposit in their care at that time, and, even if there had been, they would have been burned along with the temple; and after the fire, when the roof was destroyed, who could have wished to keep deposits of treasure lying in a sacred enclosure that was open to the sky? Now Alexander, Artemidorus adds, promised the Ephesians to pay all expenses, both past and future, on condition that he should have the credit therefor on the inscription, but they were unwilling, just as they would have been far more unwilling to acquire glory by sacrilege and a spoliation of the temple. And Artemidorus praises the Ephesian who said to the king that it was inappropriate for a god to dedicate offerings to gods.
After the completion of the temple, which, he says, was the work of Cheirocrates1 (the same man who built Alexandreia and the same man who proposed to Alexander to fashion Mt. Athos into his likeness, representing him as pouring a libation from a kind of ewer into a broad bowl, and to make two cities, one on the right of the mountain and the other on the left, and a river flowing from one to the other)—after the completion of the temple, he says, the great number of dedications in general were secured by means of the high honor they paid their artists, but the whole of the altar was filled, one might say, with the works of Praxiteles. They showed me also some of the works of Thrason, who made the chapel of Hecate, the waxen image of Penelope, and the old woman Eurycleia. They had eunuchs as priests, whom they called Megabyzi. And they were always in quest of persons from other places who were worthy of this preferment, and they held them in great honor. And it was obligatory for maidens to serve as colleagues with them in their priestly office. But though at the present some of their usages are being preserved, yet others are not; but the temple
442 remains a place of refuge, the same as in earlier times, although the limits of the refuge have often been changed; for example, when Alexander extended them for a stadium, and when Mithridates shot an arrow from the corner of the roof and thought it went a little farther than a stadium, and when Antony doubled this distance and included within the refuge a part of the city. But this extension of the refuge proved harmful, and put the city in the power of criminals; and it was therefore nullified by Augustus Caesar.
The city has both an arsenal and a harbor. The mouth of the harbor was made narrower by the engineers, but they, along with the king who ordered it, were deceived as to the result, I mean Attalus Philadelphus; for he thought that the entrance would be deep enough for large merchant vessels—as also the harbor itself, which formerly had shallow places because of the silt deposited by the Caÿster River —if a mole were thrown up at the mouth, which was very wide, and therefore ordered that the mole should be built. But the result was the opposite, for the silt, thus hemmed in, made the whole of the harbor, as far as the mouth, more shallow. Before this time the ebb and flow of the tides would carry away the silt and draw it to the sea outside. Such, then, is the harbor; and the city, because of its advantageous situation in other respects, grows daily, and is the largest emporium in Asia this side the Taurus.
443 Strabo, Geographica 14.3.2.11 (Slave market at Side)
ἐν Σίδῃ γοῦν πόλει τῆς Παµφυλίας τὰ ναυπήγια συνίστατο τοῖς Κίλιξιν, ὑπὸ κήρυκά τε ἐπώλουν ἐκεῖ τοὺς ἁλόντας ἐλευθέρους ὁµολογοῦντες·
In Side, at any rate, a city in Pamphylia, the dockyards stood open to the Cilicians, who would sell their captives at auction there, though admitting that these were freemen.
Suetonius, Divus Iulius 42 (settling citizens) octoginta autem ciuium milibus in transmarinas colonias distributis, ut exhaustae quoque urbis frequentia suppeteret, sanxit, ne quis ciuis maior annis uiginti minorue decem, qui sacramento non teneretur, plus triennio continuo Italia abesset, neu qui senatoris filius nisi contubernalis aut comes magistratus peregre proficisceretur; neue ii, qui pecuariam facerent, minus tertia parte puberum ingenuorum inter pastores haberent.
Moreover, to keep up the population of the city depleted as it was by the assignment of eighty thousand citizens to colonies across the sea, he made a law that no citizen older than twenty or younger than forty, who was not detained by service in the arum, should be absent from Italy for more than three successive years; that no senator’s son should go abroad except as the companion of a magistrate or on his staff, and that those who made a business of grazing should have among their herdsmen at least one third who were men of free birth.
444 Suetonius, Divus Augustus 44 (women at gladitorial shows)
Feminis ne gladiatores quidem, quos promiscue spectari sollemne olim erat, nisi ex superiore loco spectare concessit. Solis uirginibus Vestalibus locum in theatro separatim et contra praetoris tribunal dedit. athletarum uero spectaculo muliebre secus omne adeo summouit, ut pontificalibus ludis pugilum par postulatum distulerit in insequentis diei matutinum tempus edixeritque mulieres ante horam quintam uenire in theatrum non placere.
He would not allow women to view even the gladiators except from the upper seats though it had been the custom for men and women to sit together at such shows. Only the Vestal virgins were assigned a place to themselves, opposite the praetor’s tribunal. As for the contests of the athletes, he excluded women from them so strictly, that when a contest between a pair of boxers had been called for at the games in honour of his appointment as pontifex maximus, he postponed it until early the following day, making proclamation that it was his desire that women should not come to the theatre before the fifth hour.
Suetonius Divus Vespasianus 9.2.1 (cleaning the provinces)
Amplissimos ordines et exhaustos caede varia et contaminatos veteri neglegentia, purgavit supplevitque recenso senatu et equite, summotis indignissimis et honestissimo quoque Italicorum ac provincialium allecto.
He reformed the two great orders reduced by a series of murders and sullied by long standing neglect, and added to their numbers, holding a review of the senate and the knights, expelling those who least deserved the honour and enrolling the most distinguished of the Italians and provincials.
445 Suetonius Divus Vespasianus 17.1.3 (rebuilding cities)
, plurimas per totum orbem ciuitates terrae motu aut incendio afflictas restituit in melius, ingenia et artes uel maxime fouit. and rebuilt, in a better manner than before, several cities in different parts of the empire, which had been damaged by earthquakes or fires.
Tacitus, Annales 13.33 (indicting Marcellus, legate of Lycia)
Idem annus pluris reos habuit, quorum P. Celerem accusante Asia, quia absolvere nequibat Caesar, traxit, senecta donec mortem obiret; nam Celer interfecto, ut memoravi, Silano pro consule magnitudine sceleris cetera flagitia obtegebat. Cossutianum Capitonem Cilices detulerant maculosum foedumque et idem ius audaciae in provincia ratum quod in urbe exercuerat; sed pervicaci accusatione conflictatus postremo defensionem omisit ac lege repetundarum damnatus est. pro Eprio Marcello, a quo Lycii res repetebant, eo usque ambitus praevaluit ut quidam accusatorum eius exilio multarentur, tamquam insonti periculum fecissent.
The same year saw many impeached. One of these, Publius Celer, prosecuted by the province of Asia, the emperor could not acquit, and so he put off the case till the man died of old age. Celer, as I have related, had murdered Silanus, the pro-consul, and the magnitude of this crime veiled his other enormities. Cossutianus Capito was accused by the people of Cilicia; he was a man stained with the foulest guilt, and had actually imagined that his audacious wickedness had the same rights in a province as he had claimed for it at Rome. But he had to confront a determined prosecution, and at last abandoned his defence. Eprius Marcellus, from whom Lycia demanded compensation, was so powerfully supported by corrupt influence that some of his accusers were punished with exile, as though they had imperilled an innocent man.
446 Tacitus, Annales 16.23.1–10 (the impeachment of Barea Soranus)
At Baream Soranum iam sibi Ostorius Sabinus eques Romanus poposcerat reum ex proconsulatu Asiae, in quo offensiones principis auxit iustitia atque industria, et quia portui Ephesiorum aperiendo curam insumpserat vimque civitatis Pergamenae prohibentis Acratum, Caesaris libertum, statuas et picturas evehere inultam omiserat. sed crimini dabatur amicitia Plauti et ambitio conciliandae provinciae ad spes novas. tempus damnationi delectum, quo Tiridates accipiendo Armeniae regno adventabat, ut ad externa rumoribus intestinum scelus obscuraretur, an ut magnitudinem imperatoriam caede insignium virorum quasi regio facinore ostentaret.
As for the impeachment of Barea Soranus, Ostorius Sabinus, a Roman knight, had already claimed it for himself. It arose out of his proconsulate of Asia, where he increased the prince's animosity by his uprightness and diligence, as well as by having bestowed pains on opening the port of Ephesus and passed over without punishment the violence of the citizens of Pergamos in their efforts to hinder Acratus, one of the emperor's freedmen, from carrying off statues and pictures. But the crime imputed to him was friendship with Plautus and intrigues to lure the province into thoughts of revolt. The time chosen for the fatal sentence was that at which Tiridates was on his way to receive the sovereignty of Armenia, so that crime at home might be partially veiled amid rumours on foreign affairs, or that Nero might display his imperial grandeur by the murder of illustrious men, as though it were a kingly exploit.
Vitruvius De architectura 1.6 (winds)
Moenibus circumdatis sequuntur intra murum arearum divisiones platearumque et angiportuum ad caeli regionem directiones. Dirigentur haec autem recte, si exclusi erunt ex angiportis venti prudenter.
447 When the walls are set round the city, there follow the divisions of the sites within the walls, and the laying out of the broad streets and the alleys with a view to aspect. These will be rightly laid out if the winds are carefully shut out from the alleys.
Vitruvius, De architectura 2.9.13.6 (cedar and the Artemision)
Ephesi in aede simulacrum Dianae ex ea, lacunaria et ibi et in ceteris nobilibus fanis propter aeternitatem sunt facta.
In the temple of Ephesus, the image of Diana, the coffers of the ceiling also, are made of these trees—as also in other famous temples—because of their durability.
Vitruvius, De architectura 5.1.4 (the proper position of the basilica)
Basilicarum loca adiuncta foris quam calidissimis partibus oportet constitui, ut per hiemem sine molestia tempestatium se conferre in eas negotiatores possint.
It is necessary for basilicas to be constructed at a place on the warmest parts as possible next to forums so that throughout the winter season, businessmen might gather in them without trouble.
Theocritus, The Women at the Adonis Festival, 15.65–71
ΠΡΑΞΙΝΌΑ Γοργοῖ, δὸς τὰν χέρα µοι: λάβε καὶ τὺ Εὐνόα Εὐτυχίδος: πότεχ᾽ αὐτᾷ, µή τι πλαναθῇς. πᾶσαι ἅµ᾽ εἰσένθωµες: ἀπρὶξ ἔχευ Εὐνόα ἁµῶν. οἴµοι δειλαία, δίχα µευ τὸ θερίστριον ἤδη 70 ἔσχισται Γοργοῖ. πὸτ τῶ Διός, εἴτι γένοιο εὐδαίµων ὤνθρωπε, φυλάσσεο τὠµπέχονόν µευ.
Praxinoa: Give me your arm, Gorgo; and you take hold of Eutychis’ arm, Eunoa; and you take care, Eutychis, not to get separated. We’ll all go in together. Mind you keep hold of me, Eunoa. Oh dear, oh dear, Gorgo! My summer cloak’s torn right tin two. (to a stranger) For Heaven’s sake, as you wish to be saved, mind my cloak, sir.
448 Theocritus, The Women at the Adonis Festival (spinning), 15.27
{ΠΡ.} ἀεργοῖς αἰὲν ἑορτά. Εὐνόα, αἶρε τὸ νῆµα καὶ ἐς µέσον, αἰνόδρυπτε, θὲς πάλιν· αἱ γαλέαι µαλακῶς χρῄζοντι καθεύδειν.
It’s always holidays with people who’ve nothing to do. Here, Eunoa, you scratch-face, take up the spinning and put it away with the rest. Cats always will lie soft.
Xenophon of Ephesus 1.10 (the departure to Egypt)
Χρόνου δὲ διελθόντος ὀλίγου ἔγνωσαν οἱ πατέρες ἐκπέµπειν αὐτοὺς τῆς πόλεως κατὰ τὰ βεβουλευµένα· ἤµελλόν τε γὰρ ἄλλην ὄψεσθαι γῆν καὶ ἄλλας πόλεις καὶ τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ χρησµόν, ὡς οἷόν τε ἦν, παραµυθήσασθαι ἀπαλλαγέντες χρόνῳ τινὶ Ἐφέσου. Παρεσκευάζετο δὴ πάντα αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον, ναῦς τε µεγάλη καὶ ναῦται πρὸς ἀγωγὴν ἕτοιµοι, καὶ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ἐνεβάλλοντο, πολλὴ µὲν ἐσθὴς καὶ ποικίλη, πολὺς δὲ ἄργυρος καὶ χρυσός, ἥ τε τῶν σιτίων ὑπερβάλλουσα ἀφθονία. Θυσίαι δὲ πρὸ τῆς ἀγωγῆς τῇ Ἀρτέµιδι καὶ εὐχαὶ τοῦ δήµου παντὸς καὶ δάκρυα πάντων, ὡς µελλόντων ἀπαλλάττεσθαι παίδων κοινῶν. Ἦν δὲ ὁ πλοῦς αὐτοῖς ἐπ´ Αἴγυπτον παρεσκευασµένος.
After a little while their fathers decided to carry out their decision and send them away from the city; they were to see some other land and other cities, and palliate the effect of the divine oracle as far as they could by leaving Ephesus for a while. And so all the preparations went ahead for their departure; they had a great ship with its crew ready to sail, and all they needed was being put aboard: a large selection of clothes of all kinds, a great deal of gold and silver, and a great abundance of food. There were sacrifices to Artemis before they set sail; the whole population prayed and wept at the impending loss as if they regarded the children as their own. They had prepared to make the voyage to Egypt.
Xenophon, Hellenica, 3.1.13 (Pisidians raid the Persian King’s territory)
συνεστρατεύετο δὲ τῷ Φαρναβάζῳ καὶ ὁπότε εἰς Μυσοὺς ἢ Πισίδας ἐµβάλοι, ὅτι τὴν βασιλέως χώραν κακουργοῦσιν.
449 She also accompanied Pharnabazus in the field, even when he invaded the land of the Mysians or the Pisidians because of their continually ravaging the King's territory.
Xenophon, Hellenica, 4.4.6 (the removal of boundary stones)
ὁρῶντες δὲ τοὺς τυραννεύοντας, αἰσθανόµενοι δὲ ἀφανιζοµένην τὴν πόλιν διὰ τὸ καὶ ὅρους ἀνασπᾶσθαι καὶ Ἄργος ἀντὶ Κορίνθου τὴν πατρίδα αὐτοῖς ὀνοµάζεσθαι, καὶ πολιτείας µὲν ἀναγκαζόµενοι τῆς ἐν Ἄργει µετέχειν, ἧς οὐδὲν ἐδέοντο, ἐν δὲ τῇ πόλει µετοίκων ἔλαττον δυνάµενοι, ἐγένοντό τινες αὐτῶν οἳ ἐνόµισαν οὕτω µὲν ἀβίωτον εἶναι·
They saw, however, that those who were in power were ruling like tyrants, and perceived that their state was being put out of existence, inasmuch as boundary stones had been removed and their fatherland was called Argos instead of Corinth; and, while they were compelled to share in the rights of citizenship at Argos, for which they had no desire, they had less influence in their state than aliens.
Xenophon, Oeconomicus, 7.35.1
Ἦ καὶ ἐµὲ οὖν, ἔφη ἡ γυνή, δεήσει ταῦτα ποιεῖν; Δεήσει µέντοι σε, ἔφην ἐγώ, ἔνδον τε µένειν καὶ οἷς µὲν ἂν ἔξω τὸ ἔργον ᾖ τῶν οἰκετῶν, τούτους συνεκπέµπειν, οἷς δ' ἂν ἔνδον ἔργον ἐργαστέον, τούτων σοι ἐπιστατητέον, καὶ τά τε εἰσφερόµενα ἀποδεκτέον καὶ ἃ µὲν ἂν αὐτῶν δέῃ δαπανᾶν σοὶ διανεµητέον, ἃ δ' ἂν περιττεύειν δέῃ, προνοητέον καὶ φυλακτέον ὅπως µὴ ἡ εἰς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν κειµένη δαπάνη εἰς τὸν µῆνα δαπανᾶται.
“Then shall I too have to do these things?” said my wife.“Indeed you will,” said I; “your duty will be to remain indoors and send out those servants whose work is outside, and superintend those who are to work indoors, and to receive the incomings, and distribute so much of them as must be spent, and watch over so much as is to be kept in store, and take care that the sum laid by for a year be not spent in a month.
450 List of Illustrations
Figure 1: Map of the case studies in this thesis (S. J. Young)...... 465
Figure 2: Post-positivist elements of identity (S. J. Young)...... 466
Figure 3: Female portrait mask, AD 117–138, from Er Rubayat, Egypt, inventory no.
X.297, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (photo S. J. Young)...... 466
Figure 4: The colonnaded street at Perge, facing S (photo S. J. Young)...... 467
Figure 5: View to the acropolis of Balboura facing SW (photo S. J. Young)...... 467
Figure 6: An abandoned shopping mall in Allen, Texas (Cozart 2009)...... 468
Figure 7: Signifiers. Two different views from Basilica Aemilia, winter 754 ab urbe condita. One is more uncertain than the other (after Westin (2012, fig. 11))...... 468
Figure 8: Pompeii wall painting, Tholos, VI Insula Occidentalis, 41, cubicolo 17,
(after Bragantini and Sampaolo (2009, fig. 72))...... 469
Figure 9: Pompeii, wall painting, Medea e Le Peliadi. House of the Group of Glass
Vases (after Bragantini and Sampaolo (2009, fig.113))...... 469
Figure 10: The agora at Oenoanda in its present state (after Coulton (1986, fig.1)). 470
Figure 11: Restored plan of the agora at Oenoanda (after Coulton (1986, fig.2)).....471
Figure 12: A new computer reconstruction of ancient Pergamon. View into the peristyle from Palace V, (after Grüsinger, Kästner and Scholl (2011, fig.3))...... 472
Figure 13: 3D theoretical reconstruction of the twin temples at S. Omobono (after
Hopkins (2016, fig. 118))...... 472
Figure 14: Magnesia ad Meandrum, unfinished “Theatron”, facing S...... 473
Figure 15: Perge, Marble veneer on arch base, (photo S. J. Young)...... 473
Figure 16: Ephesus, columns and architectural decoration collection in front of theatre, (photo S. J. Young)...... 474
451 Figure 17: Oenoanda, Hellenistic city wall (photo S. J. Young)...... 474
Figure 18: Statue of youth from Aphrodisias with traces of paint and a tentative restoration (photo S. J. Young)...... 475
Figure 19: 2nd century AD frieze with a sacrificial ceremony from the stage building of the theatre of Perge. Antalya museum, inventory no. 115 (photo S. J. Young).....476
Figure 20: The Tetrapolis (S. J. Young)...... 477
Figure 21: Balboura, tower on the western side of acropolis, facing SE (photo by S. J.
Young)...... 478
Figure 22: Early fortifications of Pergamon (after Radt (2001, fig. 2–3))...... 479
Figure 23: The Hellenistic and Roman Imperial phases of Balboura (adapted from
Coulton 2012a, figs. 4.7, 6.1)...... 480
Figure 24: Balboura, construction material on acropolis, facing SE (photo by S. J.
Young)...... 481
Figure 25: Sidon, grave stele of Dioskourides, Istanbul Archaeological Museum, inventory no. 1944 (after Pasini ((2003))...... 481
Figure 26: Balboura, Roman period forum and find spots for inscriptions (after
Coulton (2102b, fig. D.1)...... 482
Figure 27: Balboura, Agora Gate (after Coulton (2012a, fig. 6.11))...... 483
Figure 28: Balboura, Doric Building (after Coulton, Milner and Reyes (1988, fig. 8).
...... 483
Figure 29: Monumental ensemble (after Coulton (1998, fig. 4))...... 484
Figure 30: Approaching the crossroad at Balboura, model, facing N (the columns to the west are conjectural) (S. J. Young)...... 484
Figure 31: Balboura, seated view from the exedra, model, facing SW (S. J. Young).
...... 485
452 Figure 32: Balboura, seated view from the exedra, model, facing W (S. J. Young).. 485
Figure 33: Balboura, seated view from the exedra, model, facing NE (S. J. Young).486
Figure 34: Lyrbe, site plan (after İnan (1998, fig. 2))...... 487
Figure 35: Lyrbe, site plan (after İnan (1998, fig. 3))...... 488
Figure 36: Lyrbe, mountain passes and roads (S. J. Young)...... 489
Figure 37: Lyrbe, plan of agora complex (after İnan (1998, fig. 5))...... 490
Figure 38: Lyrbe, gateway, facing N (photo S. J. Young)...... 491
Figure 39: Lyrbe, detail of workmanship on inner gate, facing E (photo S. J. Young).
...... 491
Figure 40: Side, East Gate (after McNicholl (1997, fig. 35))...... 492
Figure 41: Lyrbe, outer south facade of western portico facing N (photo S. J. Young).
...... 492
Figure 42: Lyrbe, interior wall of agora in Gallery 2, facing S (photo S. J. Young)..493
Figure 43: Lyrbe, Nektarion, facing NE (photo S. J. Young)...... 493
Figure 44: Lyrbe, foundation of seats inside Nektarion, facing NE (photo S. J. Young).
...... 494
Figure 45: Lyrbe, rafter holes inside Nektarion, facing W (photo S. J. Young)...... 494
Figure 46: Lyrbe, reconstruction drawing of entablature of portico (after İnan (1998, fig. 5))...... 495
Figure 47: Lyrbe, mixture of building material, facing E (photo S. J. Young)...... 495
Figure 48: Lyrbe, stairway, facing NE (photo S. J. Young)...... 496
Figure 49: Sillyon, use of arch and rectangular doorway in fortification tower, facing
W (photo S. J. Young)...... 496
Figure 50: Lyrbe, fallen mosaic in lower gallery (photo S. J. Young)...... 497
Figure 51: Lyrbe, mosaics upper gallery (photo S. J. Young)...... 497
453 Figure 52: Lyrbe, agora church foundations constructed of spolia, facing NW (photo
S. J. Young)...... 498
Figure 53: Lyrbe, vaulting under gallery (photo S. J. Young)...... 498
Figure 54: Lyrbe, filled in vaulted entrances in east gallery, facing NE (photo S. J.
Young)...... 499
Figure 55: Lyrbe, later addition of a wall to central gallery, facing SW (photo S. J.
Young)...... 499
Figure 56: Lyrbe, view from acropolis over the Pamphylian plain, facing SW (photo
S. J. Young)...... 500
Figure 57: Lyrbe, the Hellenistic city gate, model, facing W (S. J. Young)...... 500
Figure 58: Lyrbe, the Doric agora, model, facing NW (S. J. Young)...... 501
Figure 59: Lyrbe, the Doric agora, model, facing W (S. J. Young)...... 501
Figure 60: Lyrbe, from the centre of the Doric agora, model, facing N (S. J. Young).
...... 502
Figure 61: Lyrbe, feature D, facing S (photo S. J. Young)...... 502
Figure 62: Lyrbe, proposed street plan (S. J. Young)...... 503
Figure 63: Lyrbe, buried doorway, opens N (photo S. J. Young)...... 504
Figure 64: Lyrbe, bronze Apollo, Antalya museum (photo S. J. Young)...... 504
Figure 65: Lyrbe, foundations of Tetrapylon, facing SE (photo S. J. Young)...... 505
Figure 66: Lyrbe, the Roman period agora Tetrapylon, model, facing W (S. J. Young).
...... 505
Figure 67: Pessinus, location and conjectural territory (S. J. Young)...... 506
Figure 68: Pessinus, map of Sectors and Roman habitation (after Tsetskhladze
(2012:332, fig. 2))...... 507
454 Figure 69: Pessinus, Sector H citadel “Phase 1” and Phrygian features (after Verlinde
(2010:115, fig. 6))...... 508
Figure 70: Pessinus, Sector L (after Devreker and Vermeulen et al. (1996a:71, fig. 3)).
...... 509
Figure 71: Pessinus, Sector H citadel “Phase 2” and Phrygian features (after Verlinde
(2010:115, fig. 6))...... 510
Figure 72: Pessinus, Sector H porticoed square (after Verlinde (2010:115, fig. 16)..511
Figure 73: Pessinus, Sector H porticoed square with corrected alignment (after
Verlinde (2010:115, fig. 16))...... 511
Figure 74: Pessinus, schematic map of monumental core indicating possible route into the city (map S. J. Young)...... 512
Figure 75: The Roman period Galatian road network connecting Pessinus to Ancyra
(after French (2012:15, 5.1.1))...... 513
Figure 76: Pessinus, aqueducts from the University of Ghent survey (after Vermeulen
(1999:fig 12))...... 514
Figure 77: Pessinus, the University of Melbourne survey of Roman road (after
Tsetskhladze et al. (2012:308, fig. 22))...... 515
Figure 78: Pessinus, Sector B Roman Imperial temple complex (after Verlinde
(2010:122, fig. 19))...... 516
Figure 79: Pessinus, Sector H “gladiatorial arena” (after Verlinde (2010:131, fig. 26)).
...... 517
Figure 80: Pessinus, Sector D “le quai à colonnes” (after Lambrechts (1971:265, general plan))...... 518
Figure 81: Pessinus, Sector D, DR 13, looking SW (photo S. J. Young)...... 519
455 Figure 82: Pessinus, Sector D corner of the “ramp” on east bank looking S (photo S. J.
Young)...... 519
Figure 83: Pessinus, Sector H “Severan theatre” (after Verlinde (2012:191, fig. 8.25)).
...... 520
Figure 84: Pessinus, view of the theatre 2015 facing SW (photo S. J. Young)...... 520
Figure 85: Zurich, Kunsthaus, “The Artist Moved by the Grandeur of Ancient Ruins”.
By Henry Fuseli, 1778–1779 (Web Gallery of Art 2016)...... 521
Figure 86: Examples from an elementary treatise on construction (after Borgnis
(1823:plate 6))...... 521
Figure 87: Aizenoi, view of the temple of Jupiter (after Texier 1839:plate 2)...... 522
Figure 88: Pessinus, view of the theatre 1864, facing SW (after Van Lennep
(1870:212))...... 522
Figure 89: Sivrihisar, inside the hamam opposite Seydi Mahmut Türbesi Camii, and the open air museum at Ballıhisar (photos S. J. Young)...... 523
Figure 90: Pessinus, at the curve at DR 20, facing SE toward Sector H. Details behind the colonnades remains very uncertain, model, (S. J. Young)...... 524
Figure 91: Pessinus, Looking toward DR 12, looking NW, model, (S. J. Young).....524
Figure 92: Eskişehir, panther found in or near Sector F (photo S. J. Young)...... 525
Figure 93: Pessinus, steps to the terrace in Sector F, facing E (photo S. J. Young)...525
Figure 94: Ayasoluk, Bronze Age settlement and coastline at Ayasoluk (After Bammer and Muss (Bammer and Muss 2007, fig. 9))...... 526
Figure 95: Ephesus, Hellenistic city (adapted from Groh (2006, fig. 20); Brückner
(2012:48))...... 527
Figure 96: Roman Republican roads in Asia (after French (2014a, fig.5.1))...... 528
456 Figure 97: Ephesus, plan of lower agora with “Old Smyrna” (after Scherrer and Trinkl
(2006, fig. 6))...... 529
Figure 98: Ephesus, the theatre, facing S (photo S. J. Young)...... 530
Figure 99: Miletus, restricted access between diazoma at the theatre, facing S (photo
S. J. Young)...... 530
Figure 100: Ephesus, villa plan (after Baier and Vapur (2011:18))...... 531
Figure 101: Ephesus, view to harbour from villa (after Baier and Vapur (2011:19)).
...... 532
Figure 102: Ephesus, view to Payanır Dağ from Arkadiane toward the villa, facing SE
(photo S. J. Young)...... 533
Figure 103: Ephesus, fountain house in front of theatre, facing E (photo S. J. Young).
...... 533
Figure 104: Ephesus, fountain house on the Embolos (after Thür (2009, fig. 8)).....534
Figure 105: Athens, a plan of the Athenian agora in AD 150 (after Camp (2003, fig.
1))...... 535
Figure 106: Ephesus, the Magnesian Gate (after Sokolicek (2011:26))...... 536
Figure 107: Ephesus, monuments around the Triodos and on Embolos (after Thür
(2009fig.1))...... 536
Figure 108: Ephesus, the Androklos Monument, facing S (photo S. J. Young)...... 537
Figure 109: Ephesus, the Androklos Monument elevation (after Thür (1995, fig. 16)).
...... 537
Figure 110: Ephesus, the Androklos Monument benches facing NW (photo S. J.
Young)...... 538
Figure 111: Ephesus, reconstruction of the Horologion and East Hall (after Hueber
(1997, fig. 88))...... 538
457 Figure 112: Ephesus, the Octagon (after Düffort et al. (2011, fig. 4))...... 539
Figure 113: Ephesus, the Memmius Monument (after Outschar (1990, fig. 13))...... 540
Figure 114: Ephesus, plan of lower agora with Augustan regularisation (after Scherrer and Trinkl (2006, fig 8))...... 541
Figure 115: Ephesus, arch of Mazaeus and Mithridates from library square, facing
NW (photo S. J. Young)...... 542
Figure 116: Ephesus, arch of Mazaeus and Mithridates, the inscriptions (after Graham
(2013, fig. 4))...... 543
Figure 117: Ephesus, arch of Mazaeus and Mithridates from lower agora, facing S
(photo S. J. Young)...... 544
Figure 118: Ephesus, area of lower agora, and lower Embolos (after Graham (2013, fig. 3))...... 545
Figure 119: Ephesus, the upper agora (after Steskal (2010, fig. 2))...... 546
Figure 120: Ephesus, the prytaneion (after Steskal (2010, fig. 31))...... 547
Figure 121: Ephesus, the section of three basilicas, including Ephesus (after Stinson
(2008, fig. 27))...... 548
Figure 122: Ephesus, Pollio monument, facing E (photo S. J. Young)...... 549
Figure 123: Ephesus, the “Marble Street”, facing N (photo S. J. Young)...... 549
Figure 124: Ephesus, the Hydrekdocheion (after Rathmayr (2011, fig 9.7))...... 550
Figure 125: Ephesus, a reconstruction of the facade of the Serapeion (after Schulz-
Brize (2014:22)) (no scale on original publication)...... 550
Figure 126: Ephesus, the baths (after Boëthius and Ward-Perkins (1970, fig. 151)).551
Figure 127: Ephesus, Arkadiane at SF1927 toward the harbour, facing E (photo S. J.
Young)...... 552
458 Figure 128: Ephesus, the so-called “Street Fountain” (after Quatember (2008b, fig.
39))...... 552
Figure 129: Ephesus, Arkadiane at SF1925, steps leading to processional way (photo
S. J. Young)...... 553
Figure 130: Ephesus, Library of Celsus, facing W (photo S. J. Young)...... 553
Figure 131: Ephesus, Trajan's fountain, facing N (photo S. J. Young)...... 554
Figure 132: Ephesus, reconstruction of Trajan's fountain (after Quatember (2011, fig.
112))...... 554
Figure 133: Ephesus, reconstruction of “Hadrian's Temple” (after Quatember
(2012:20))...... 555
Figure 134: Ephesus, Hadrian's arch (after Thür (1989, fig. 1))...... 555
Figure 135: Ephesus, ground plan of Vedius Gymnasium (after Steskal and La Torre
(2008, fig. 385))...... 556
Figure 136: Ephesus, plan of bouleuterion (after Bier (2011:plan 1))...... 557
Figure 137: Ephesus, the bouleuterion scaenae frons (after Bier (2011:plan 6))...... 558
Figure 138: Ephesus, a reconstruction of the Damianus stoa (after Hueber (1997, fig.
8))...... 559
Figure 139. The imperial Roman road network (after French (2014a, fig. 5.1.1))....560
Figure 140: Ephesus, a reconstruction of the lower Embolos (after Halfmann (2001, fig. 17))...... 561
Figure 141: Ephesus, levels of buildings (after Hueber (1997, fig. 102))...... 561
Figure 142: Ephesus, sight lines (after Hueber (1997, fig. 103))...... 562
Figure 143: Ephesus, at the central doorway looking up (photo S. J. Young)...... 562
Figure 144: Ephesus, approaching by sea, model, facing E (S. J. Young)...... 563
Figure 145: Ephesus, the Olympeion area, model, facing SE (S. J. Young)...... 563
459 Figure 146: Ephesus, the Arkadiane and bath propylon, model, facing E (S. J. Young).
...... 564
Figure 147: Ephesus, the interior of the Harbour baths, model, facing W (S. J. Young).
...... 564
Figure 148: Ephesus, the portico of Verulanus, model, facing SE (S. J. Young)...... 565
Figure 149: Ephesus, the “Marble Street”, model, facing S (S. J. Young)...... 565
Figure 150: Ephesus, the Embolos from the Triodos, model, facing SE (S. J. Young).
...... 566
Figure 151: Ephesus, Domitian's square, facing east, model, facing SE (S. J. Young).
...... 566
Figure 152: City Plan of Kremna (after Lanckoronski (1890))...... 567
Figure 153: Roman road network, Lykia and Pamphylia West (after French (2014, fig.
5.1.1))...... 568
Figure 154: City Plan of Kremna (after Mitchell (1995, fig. 4))...... 569
Figure 155: Kremna, city wall (photo S. J. Young)...... 570
Figure 156: Centre of Kremna (adapted by S. J. Young (after (Mitchell 1995, fig. 4)).
...... 571
Figure 157: Kremna, forum-basilica complex at Kremna (after Mitchell (1995a, fig.
12))...... 572
Figure 158: Kremna, colonnaded street at Kremna, model, facing NE (S. J. Young).
...... 572
Figure 159: Kremna, colonnaded street, reconstructed elevation (after Mitchell
(1995a, fig. 36)...... 573
Figure 160: Kremna, housing 3: details from insulas 13, 14, 16 and 17 at Kremna
(after Mitchell (1995a, fig. 44))...... 573
460 Figure 161: Kremna, entering the piazza, model, facing NE (S. J. Young)...... 574
Figure 162: Kremna, reconstruction drawings of the Severan propylon (after Vandeput and Büyükkolancı (1999, fig. 15))...... 574
Figure 163: Kremna, the forum, model, facing E, (S. J. Young)...... 575
Figure 164: Kremna, the connection to the colonnaded street to Doric agora, model, facing NE (S. J. Young)...... 575
Figure 165: Pisidian Antioch, Mountain with Sanctuary of Mên from Cardo Maximus, facing NE (photo S. J. Young)...... 576
Figure 166: Plan of the sanctuary of Mên Askaênos (adapted from Ossi and Raff
(2011, fig. 7.1))...... 577
Figure 167: Pisidian Antioch, votive inscriptions on northwest temenos wall, facing
SE (photo S. J. Young)...... 578
Figure 168: Plan of Temple of Mên and temenos (after Mitchell and Waelkens (1998, fig. 6))...... 578
Figure 169: Yalvaç Museum, bust of Mên from the Imperial propylon (photo S. J.
Young)...... 579
Figure 170: Pisidian Antioch, from temple hill looking to natural valley, facing NE
(photo S. J. Young)...... 579
Figure 171: Sanctuary of Mên, view from SB1, facing SW (photo S. J. Young)...... 580
Figure 172: Yalvaç Museum, votive stele to Mên with bull being led to sacrifice
(photo S. J. Young)...... 580
Figure 173: Sanctuary of Mên, small doorway from temple to area of odeion/theatre, facing E (photo S. J. Young)...... 581
Figure 174: Sanctuary of Mên, street alignment between MB1 and MB2, facing W
(photo S. J. Young)...... 581
461 Figure 175: Pisidian Antioch, regional map (S. J. Young)...... 582
Figure 176: Pisidian Antioch, supposed continuation of streets and divisions (S. J.
Young after Ossi and Raff (2011, fig. 2.4))...... 583
Figure 177: Pisidian Antioch, propylon to Roman imperial sanctuary (after Taşlıalan
(1994, fig. 8))...... 584
Figure 178: Pisidian Antioch, cascade down small street, facing N (photo S. J.
Young)...... 585
Figure 179: Pisidian Antioch, small street before theatre, facing N (photo S. J. Young).
...... 585
Figure 180: Pisidian Antioch, entrance to theatre, facing N (photo S. J. Young)...... 586
Figure 181: Pisidian Antioch, view from the top of the theatre, facing W (photo S. J.
Young)...... 586
Figure 182: Pisidian Antioch, plan of the theatre (after Taşlıalan (1998, plan 2)...... 587
Figure 183: Pisidian Antioch, high status seating, facing S (photo S. J. Young)...... 587
Figure 184: Pisidian Antioch, mask and garland frieze, in Yalvaç museum garden
(photo S. J. Young)...... 588
Figure 185: Pisidian Antioch, open and closed palmettes from theatre (photo S. J.
Young)...... 588
Figure 186: Pisidian Antioch, small arch on Cardo Decumanus, facing SE (photo S. J.
Young)...... 589
Figure 187: Pisidian Antioch, possible temple on Decumanus Maximus, facing N
(photo S. J. Young)...... 589
Figure 188: Pisidian Antioch, unexcavated end of the Decumanus Maximus, facing E
(photo S. J. Young)...... 590
462 Figure 189: Pisidian Antioch, columns from the Cardo Maximus, facing N (photo S. J.
Young)...... 590
Figure 190: Pisidian Antioch, schematic ground plan of the Imperial sanctuary and the
Tiberia Platea (after Mitchell and Waelkens (1998, fig. 31))...... 591
Figure 191: Yalvaç Museum, capricorn from Roman Imperial propylon (photo S. J.
Young)...... 591
Figure 192: Yalvaç Museum, statue fragment from the Roman Imperial propylon
(photo S. J. Young)...... 592
Figure 193: Pisidian Antioch, Imperial temple reconstruction (after Mitchell and
Waelkens (1998, fig. 25))...... 592
Figure 194: Pisidian Antioch, stairs behind stoa at the Roman Imperial sanctuary, facing E (photo S. J. Young)...... 593
Figure 195: Pisidian Antioch, inscription in the Tiberia Platea (photo S. J. Young)..593
Figure 196: Pisidian Antioch, monumental fountain at the end of the Cardo Maximus facing, SE (photo S. J. Young)...... 594
Figure 197: Pisidian Antioch, ridge step at end of Cardo Maximus, facing E (photo S.
J. Young)...... 594
Figure 198: Pisidian Antioch, close up of ridge step, facing E (photo S. J. Young).. 595
Figure 199: Pisidian Antioch, plan of bathing complex (adapted from Taşlıalan (1993, fig. 4))...... 596
Figure 200: Pisidian Antioch, petit appareil construction in bathing complex, facing
SE (photo S. J. Young)...... 597
Figure 201: Pisidian Antioch, doorways of Rooms 1 and 4 at bathing complex, facing
NE (photo S. J. Young)...... 597
463 Figure 202: Pisidian Antioch, approaching Pisidian Antioch, model, facing NE (S. J.
Young)...... 598
Figure 203: Pisidian Antioch, the Cascade, model, facing N (S. J. Young)...... 599
Fold-out pages 1–4...... facing pages
464
Minerva Access is the Institutional Repository of The University of Melbourne
Author/s: Young, Simon James
Title: Public architecture, space and identity in six poleis in Asia minor: the observer through time (from the 2nd century BC to the 3rd century AD)
Date: 2017
Persistent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/11343/191469
File Description: Thesis without Figures
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