CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE
EDITOR ROBERT GOODELL:
A CALIFORNIA INDEPENDENT
A thesis submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in
Mass Communication
by
Gregory Robert Warnagieris
January 1986 The Thesis of Gregory Robert Warnagieris is approved:
California State University, Northridge
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I want to thank Tom Reilly for his overall support and his many contributions to this thesis, which came in the midst of preparing for his trip to China. A special thanks also to committee members Mike Emery and Sam Feldman for their encouragement and availability.
This thesis was made possible through the cooperation of Bob Goodell's co-workers and friends who graciously agreed to be interviewed. I particularly want to acknowledge the representatives of the John P. Scripps Newspaper Group for their assistance and hospitality.
I owe a special debt of gratitude to my grandmother, Myrtle Goodell, for providing numerous personal letters and materials, and such clear recollections of my grandfather. And thanks to my parents and Cheryl Howell for their support and advice during this project.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iii
LIST OF TABLES •. Vl
ABSTRACT • • . vii
Chapter
1. INTRODUCTION • . . • . • • • • • • . • . • 4
Research Questions and Importance of the Study • . • • • • • • . • • . . • 8 Hypotheses • • . • 11 Summary of Method 12 Definitions and Coding Procedures •.• 14 Background on San Luis Obispo 19
2. LITERATURE REVIEW 25
Community Journalism • • • . • . • . • • 36 San Luis Obispo • . • • • • • • • . • • 42 Methodologies . • • • . • • 48 California History . • • • . • • . . . . 56 The Post-war Years . • • . . • • . . 60 Conclusions • . . . • • . • . . 60
3. METHOD • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 74
Key Sources of Data ••.•.• 74 Treatment of Goodell's Personal Papers . • . . . . . • . • . 76 Treatment of Interview Sources • 78 Content Analysis of Goodell's Editorials . . . . • • . . • . 81
lV Notetaking • . • . • . • • . . • • • 88 Additional Justification of Research Design • • . • • 89 Methodological Difficulties 91 Procedures for Overcoming Bias . 92
4. BIOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND 99
Goodell's Early Years • . • • • . • • • 100 At the University of Uta,h: Achievement, Controversy and Dissa~bintment • • 105 Utah Journalist: "Meticulous" and "Independent Minded" • • . . • . • • . 113 The 1940s at the Telegram-Tribune: Small-town Publisher • • . . • • • 118 The 1950s: Community Activist and Liberal Independent • • • . • 130 The Early 1960s: Conflict with Julius Gius • • . • • • • • • • • 144 The Sacramento Years • . . • . . . • . • 159
5. STATED EDITORIAL POLICY ...... 183
Stated Editorial Policy • • • • • • • • 185 A Sampling of Editorials Goodell Saved • 192
6. CONTENT ANALYSIS .••••••••.•.• 212
Treatment of 10 Selected Issues • . . . 215 Treatment of Political Party . . . • . • 223 Treatment of Richard Nixon and Edmund G. "Pat" Brown . • • • . • . • • • . . 232 Treatment of Controversial Subjects 233
7. CONCLUSIONS ...... 267
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY . . • • • • . • . • • . . 285
v LIST OF TABLES
1. Treatment of 10 Selected Issues: 1944-1963 ...... 245 2. Treatment of 10 Selected Issues: 1944-1963 ...... 246 3. Treatment of Political Party: 1944-1963 . 247 4. Treatment of Political Party: 1944 . . . . . 248 5. Treatment of Political Party: 1949 . . . . . 249 6. Treatment of Political Party: 1954 . . . 250 7. Treatment of Political Party: 1959 . . . . . 251 B. Treatment of Political Party: 1963 . . . . . 252 9. Treatment of Richard Nixon and Edmund G. "Pat" Brown • ...... 253 10. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1944-1963 ...... 254 11. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1944 255
12. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1949 256
13. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1954 257 14. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1959 258
15. Treatment of Controversial Subjects: 1963 259
vi ABSTRACT
EDITOR ROBERT GOODELL:
A CALIFORNIA INDEPENDENT
by
Gregory Robert Warnagieris
Master of Arts in Mass Communication
This study investigates the editorship of Robert
W. Goodell at the San Luis Obispo (Calif.)
Telegram-Tribune from 1943-1963. It compares biographical findings on Goodell's editorial policy and role in the community with his editorials. It was hypothesized that as the community grew, editorials on controversial subjects would be more frequent; also that Goodell balanced community support and controversy, and adhered to
Vll his stated liberal policies.
Goodell's personal papers and other historical materials were examined. Forty interviews were conducted
with co-workers, community leaders and representatives of
the John P. Scripps Newspaper Group, which owned the
paper. A content analysis of Goodell's 20 years of editorials was performed, sampling every fifth year, starting with 1944. In all, 1,710 editorials were read.
They were coded for treatment of 10 specific growth-related topics, political party references and controversial subjects.
It was found that Goodell's editorials were shaped by his close proximity to the local power structure, his perception of his audience, his editorial policy, his personality, and the size and make-up of the community.
He sought to avoid controversy and alienating his small-town audience.
He supported local growth and liberal causes. The number of controversial topics diminished somewhat, but
Goodell took a number of strong stands. For example, he attacked Senator Joseph McCarthy and "Red baiting" tactics. He was a political independent, most often supporting Democrats and opposing Republicans.
Vlll John P. Scripps and Robert Goodell (right) at the California Newspaper Publishers Association convention in San Francisco in 1962. (UPI)
1 The business managers of John P. Scripps Newspapers, Inc. at the Ventura (Calif.) Star-Free Press, following a three-day meeting at the Ojai Valley Inn, August 7-9, 1947. Left to right: Marion S. Walker, Larry McKeown, Alex Ottevaere, Ted Crumpacker, Roy Pinkerton, Robert Goodell, Harry Green, Harry Bostwick and John P. Scripps.
2 3 CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
When Jack Anderson, Washington columnist and
muckraker, was just 18 he was hired as a reporter with the
Salt Lake Tribune. The year was 1939 and Anderson's city
editor was a man named Robert Withers Goodell. Anderson
recalled working for Goodell:
As an editor, he was cool, unflappable, helpful and humorous. He never shouted or put us down, but he got off some good cracks. I remember one time I used the adjective "very" in a terse news story. Well, the word "very" is a superfluous adjective in a terse news story. He left me a note, but instead of telling me it was a superfluous adjective, he wrote, "The next time you feel compelled to use 'very,' insert 'damn' instead."l
Anderson credited Goodell with teaching him "one of the most important lessons of journalism--to check
facts, check spelling ... be accurate." He described
4 5
Goodell as:
... precise and conservative in his journalistic habits. I remember him having a sense of decency, a sense of honor. He didn't want us to hype our stories or include anything false or even slanted.2
Anderson also said of Goodell:
He was willing to let me work on the big stories, which I appreciated. Even though I was low man on the totem pole, he often gave me one of the major stories of the day, not just the obituaries and the back page stuff.3
Less than five years later, in 1943, Goodell became editor of the Telegram-Tribune in San Luis Obispo, 4 a small, rural community on the central California coast. He remained editor of the paper for almost 20 years, supporting a number of developmental issues, such as highway and water projects. He also backed several Democratic candidates and office holders over the years, particularly California Governor Edmund G. "Pat" Brown. Recalled Brown:
In San Luis he (Goodell} supported me in every campaign and on a number of water issues. No editor ever knew his community better than Bob Goodell; but he also had a very progressive view of the state of California and its growth. In politics you meet a lot of editors, but Bob Goodell stood out, partly because he was tall. He was just an outstanding human being. When Bob and I would get together, we had more than just a politician editor relationship, we had a personal, friendly relationship.5 6
Robert Goodell's editorship at the Telegram-Tribune {1943-1963) is the subject of this thesis. Its focus is how Goodell's editorials were shaped by his editorial policy, personality and role in the community. Although Goodell served as publisher of the paper for four years (1944-1948), it was the editorial rather than the business side of the paper that he preferred. As a paper in the John P. Scripps Newspaper Group, the Telegram-Tribune used a management team of an editor and business manager, both of equal standing. Goodell eventually had to choose between the two positions. He chose to be editor because of the freedom of expression it 6 allowed. As editor, one of Goodell's responsibilities was writing a daily editorial. These editorials are the central written record of his editorship and a focus of this thesis. Goodell saw himself as a community opinion leader, responsible for its progress and conscience, and a voice 7 for the underprivileged. For example, prior to the 1960 presidential race he wrote:
Over the years, we have supported gubernatorial, congressional and other candidates of BOTH parties. 7
The Democrats have been far ahead numerically- probably because we favor the "trickle up" philosophy of the Democrats to the "trickle down" theory of the GOP. We think the big fellows have the advantage, and receive the lion's share of government benefits- especially when the Republicans are at the helm. We are inclined to make a pitch for the little fellow when we can.8
Most of the background and biographical information on Goodell came from his personal papers and interviews conducted with family members, co-workers, community members and fellow editors. Based on this material and other written records of his stated policy, such as the quote above, Goodell's editorial philosophy, his political beliefs and issues he considered important will be discussed. The biographical chapter on Goodell is chronological, concentrating on his editorial policy, his personality, his management style as editor of the Telegram-Tribune, his role in the community and his relationship with the Scripps Newspaper Group. From this chronology, political themes, and key issues that Goodell felt strongly about emerged. On the basis of these issues and Goodell's stated policy, a content analysis was performed to address whether he adhered to his stated claims and to determine the degree to which he engaged in editorial controversy. Beyond the questions of consistency and controversy, this study seeks an understanding of how Goodell as a community journalist 8
resolved his often conflicting roles as editor and a participant in community organizations and the community power structure. The ways in which Goodell's editorials changed over time will also be investigated.
Research Questions and Importance of the Study
Research questions include: What were the patterns of coverage in the editorials? Did they•address mostly local, state, national or international issues?
How did the political views of Goodell and the paper change? How did Goodell address issues that he felt were important? Did he adhere to his stated policies? What effect did Goodell's personality and his role in the community have on his editorials? How often did he address controversial subjects? How often did he take a position? Who did Goodell support and who did he oppose?
What do the editorials tell us about San Luis Obispo and
Goodell's perception of his audience?
The subject of this study, a relatively typical small-town newspaper editor, represents an area of journalism history that has been neglected. Insufficient attention has been paid to editors like Goodell, who may actually be more representative of their time than more prominent figures. By focusing on powerful publishers and prominent editors, the more common local editor and the 9 community forces he encounters can be underreported. Not only can such fascination result in inaccurate representations of a given time period, but it can serve to perpetuate certain power structures and editorial . . 9 asp1rat1ons. As a description of a small-town editor, this thesis contributes to a broader social and economic history, rather than courting a fascination with power elites. As an individual case study, the thesis tells about the workin9s of community journalism in post-war America. This particular time period, 1943-1963, has also received little attention, especially among California historians. A series in California Historical Society Quarterly, listing graduate and doctoral works on California history in the state colleges and universities shows only a handful addressing this time period. California historical journals showed a fascination with the turn of the century and topics such as the Gold Rush. The writings on San Luis Obispo's history, at the local libraries and historical society, showed a similar focus, with little attention given to the community's post-war growth. The importance of local histories on communities like San Luis Obispo is strongly supported in a local history guide by James Mahoney. National history is dramatized and made real through such local histories, he 10 writes. These are the small-town applications of national historical developments. "Local history is a microscopic approach to the study of United States history. As one undertakes its study, parallels will emerge between the 10 two." To the field of community journalism, the thesis is an investigation of the recommendations of its researchers in publications like Grassroots Editor. This thesis provides an individual case study of the community forces addressed by these researchers. This study of Bob Goodell in San Luis Obispo illuminates the interplay between the small-town journalist's roles as community watchdog and small businessman. Much of the literature on community journalism concludes that the intimacy of the medium and the forces within the community rule out the presence of controversy on the editorial page. The small paper can be vulnerable to a handful of local advertisers and the editor often has personal 11 relationships with community power brokers. This study will apply these conclusions to an individual case and shed light on their actual application. In answering the research questions stated earlier, the issue of what really happens on the editorial page and the product's relationship to the editor's stated beliefs are addressed. The study also represents an investigation of a 11
small daily paper under group ownership. With the 12 concentration of newspaper ownership continuing, it is
important to address its impact on editorial autonomy and
v1gor.
Goodell's extensive editorship marks the
journalistic era immediately preceding the adoption of the
technological advancements that reporters now take for
granted. It wasn't until 1962 that the first metropolitan
daily began to use the offset method of printing. Only in
the 1970s were video display terminals used in 13 reporting. This thesis describes the staff interaction and day-to-day operation of a newspaper during this
important period in journalism history.
Hypotheses
The hypothesis of this thesis is that Goodell was able to strike a balance between community boosterism and controversy in his editorials, but that supportive or non-controversial pieces far outweighed controversial ones. Pressures from community leaders and advertisers to avoid controversial topics, such as those influences 14 described by Alex Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz, are expected to have affected Goodell.
A further hypothesis was that as the community grew following World War II, so did the frequency of local 12 controversial editorials. With a larger population and a more diverse economic base, it was expected that community pressures would have diminished somewhat, allowing Goodell greater attention to local and controversial topics. It was hypothesized, however, that throughout his 20-year editorship, Goodell would be consistent with his stated liberal Democratic leanings. It also was hypothesized that Goodell would adhere to his claims of support for water, highway and low-cost housing development, as well as labor unions, public assistance, education, Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, local schools, an improved city charter and civic improvements. This thesis is an attempt to describe the interplay between an editor's personality--his values, working relationships, community relationships--and his editorial product. This interplay is the focus of the methodology. The editorials were read for what they revealed about Goodell and how he managed his conflicting roles as businessman, community affairs activist and opinion leader and editor.
Summary of Method
To assess Goodell's values, editorial practices and editorial policy, his collection of approximately 200 personal letters and other articles and clippings was 13
read. This was followed by a series of interviews with co-workers, acquaintances, family members and fellow editors. The interview questions developed from Goodell's personal papers and focused on editorial policy, issues he considered important and his political leanings. Following a review of the letters and the interviews, 10 key issues were selected for a content analysis on adherence to his stated areas of support. The content analysis examined every fifth year that Goodell was editor--1944, 1949, 1954, 1959, and 1963. Every editorial (1,710 total) during each of these years was read and coded to address the issue of change over time. Separate coding was done regarding Goodell's support or lack of support for the issues he felt were important. To address Goodell's stated political stance as an independent with Democratic leanings, each mention of political party was recorded. Every instance of support or opposition to a political party was recorded, as well as those mentions of party where Goodell took no stand. These were labeled "neutral" references. Goodell's references to political party were also divided by geographic region--local, state or national--to help clarify the degree to which addressed local issues and how this changed over time. A separate tally was kept on two politicians Goodell felt strongest about, Richard 14
Nixon (opposed) and Edmund G. Brown (supported). Every mention of these men, during the years selected, was coded as pro, con or neutral.
Regarding degree of controversy, each editorial was coded as either a controversial or non-controversial topic and as taking a position or not taking a position.
Because each editorial was coded for, rather than each mention of an issue, the yearly totals reflected the total number of editorials written for the year. These editorials were also divided by g eographical region--local, state, national, international, and "other".
Notes were taken on general patterns and themes that emerged. Photocopies were kept of those pieces on
Goodell's stated interests and other themes that emerged.
The results of the content analysis were compared with the findings in the biographical research.
Conclusions were drawn from this comparison.
Definitions and Coding Procedures
Coding was done for 10 specific issues relating to
Goodell's stated interests and areas of support. The issue had to be the main subject of the editorial 1n order to be included. Partial mention of the issue within another editorial was not counted. 15
The first issue addressed was housing. This referred to any mention of housing problems or developments. Editorials on housing issues were not included in other categories, such as public assistance. Labor issues were pieces addressing strikes, or any other component of labor-management relations. This included theoretical pieces on labor and labor's role in politics. Mentions of strikes in which Goodell was critical of both sides were considered "neutral." Highways referred to any mention of highway development, funding, statistics or condition. Pieces on driver safety or traffic death tolls were not included. Public assistance referred to general assistance programs for the needy, elderly, disabled or unemployed. They included social security, welfare, unemployment insurance, old-age pensions and Medicare. Pieces on education were generally national and addressed curriculum, teachers and the importance of education. Cal Poly pieces had to be specifically on the California Polytechnic University in San Luis Obispo. These were not coded in the local schools or education categories. A piece was considered supportive of Cal Poly San Luis Obispo if it was congratulatory or mentioned an event in a positive tone, encouraging participation. The local schools category included pieces on 16 school bond drives, local school events and PTA meetings. Any piece on a local high school or junior college event was placed in this category. Pieces on Cal Poly or national issues were not. Water issues included dam building, water shortages, conservation, flood control, water quality and recreational usage. Complaints of shortages, pointing out the importance of the issue to the area were considered supportive. Pieces on c1v1c improvements included those regarding city parks, public buildings, and beautification and public works projects. City charter editorials were those specifically on either the proposed city charter, the old city charter or the need for a council-manager form of city government. General pieces on city government or activities of the council were not included. Coding for geographical region was defined this way: Local referred to the circulation area, San Luis Obispo city and county. Legislators representing the area in state or federal government were considered local. Any piece that introduced a national topic, but then prominently addressed a local angle was considered local. State referred to activity within the state, including other counties or regions in California. 17
National editorials were those addressing national politics, statistics, and other issues within the United States. Pieces on other regions or states in the country were considered national. During World War II, pieces on the war, focusing on production issues or internal debates on such issues as censorship or strategy, were labeled national. International pieces included those addressing both the activities of other countries and internal foreign policy debate. During the war, pieces critical of Nazism, for example, were considered international. Other editorials were those that did not clearly fall within one of the geographic regions, pieces on language usage, for example. Regarding political party, each reference to political party was recorded and multiple counting was done with several references possible within a single editorial. A party reference was defined as a mention of a party candidate, office holder or "issue." Candidates or office holders did not require specific mention of party to be counted, but party issues did. For example, praise for Republican Governor Earl Warren would be coded as support for a Republican, even without a mention that he was a Republican. However, mention of the issue of welfare, without reference to a political party would not (l ' 18
be coded for either party. Mention of a political party that was neither supportive or critical was coded as "neutral," purely informational pieces, for example. A controversial subject was defined as one in which at least two persons, factions, interest groups or beliefs were in opposition. A subject would not be considered controversial unless it was clear within the editorial that there were two opposing sides. For example, an editorial criticizing a piece of legislation would not be considered a controversial topic unless it mentioned that there were proponents or that the legislation was being contested. Goodell was considered to have taken a position if it was clear which side he was on. He did not have to use an outright call for support or strong language to have taken a position. For example, in a piece where Goodell criticized candidate A and praised candidate B, but never said "vote for candidate B," he was considered to have taken a position. Robert Goodell has been described here as a "community journalist." Community journalism is generally determined by circulation of the paper and the size of the community in which it is based. The most commonly used example of community journalism is the weekly newspaper. Although the Telegram-Tribune was a daily paper (six days per week), it qualifies as community journalism 19 because of its relatively small circulation (under 10,000 15 until 1954) and the small population of San Luis Obispo (under 15,000 until the mid-1950s). Another factor was the relative isolation of San Luis Obispo from other metropolitan areas and the intimate, rural character of the city. This intimacy, as described by Larry Timbs, a community journalism researcher, is characterized by personal contact between reader and editor, and close 16 interdependence of the community and its newspaper.
Background on San Luis Obispo
San Luis Obispo could be characterized by such intimacy when Goodell joined the Telegram-Tribune in 1943. San Luis Obispo was a small, rural community with less than 10,000 inhabitants. Located just inland from Morro Bay on the central California coast, the city is almost. equidistant from Los Angeles to the south and San Francisco to the north (about 220 miles.) The city remained relatively isolated from outside influence: during the years that Goodell was editor, Highway 1 passed through town and the city was considered a natural stop, 17 but attracted few tourists. San Luis Obispo is the county seat, San Luis Obispo County being one of the largest in the United 20
States. Within the county were vast cattle ranches and other extensive land holdings. For example, the Hearst
Ranch surrounding Hearst Castle at San Simeon encompassed 18 some 80,000 acres.
Also in San Luis Obispo were two large infantry training camps (Camp San Luis Obispo and Camp Roberts), a state prison and one of the larger engineering colleges in the west, California State Polytechnic University, San
Luis Obispo. The city was a trading center for livestock, 19 poultry, field crops, fruits and nuts. It was also a railroad stop; additional engines were necessary to take the trains over the Cuesta grade, just north of San Luis
Obispo.
Just prior to 1943, when Goodell arrived, the city was still using gas street lamps; boys rode their bicycles throughout the city lighting them at night. For 20 years, up until the late 1930s, the city had been dominated by
Mayor Louis Sinsheimer who sought to keep the city a small rural community. He limited construction and public works projects; nothing could be built without Sinsheimer's 20 backing.
Although the paper was a small daily (10-12 pages), it was analogous to a weekly paper. Goodell had an editorial staff of five people (two during the war) for years, and the paper depended on stringers for stories on 21 sports, fashion, and cultural and community events. 21
Goodell was publisher until 1948, when he turned over the business responsibilities. He remained editor until June 1963. These years were marked by steady growth. The population approximately doubled, from less 22 than 10,000 in 1943 to more than 20,000 by 1963.
Expansion of Cal Poly San Luis Obispo contributed to this growth, and during the war the city was flooded with soldiers and their wives at the nearby army camps.
The circulation of the paper grew from less than
6,000 in 1943 to more than 15,000 by 1963. Circulation was: 8,631 in 1949: 10,547 in 1954: 12,956 in 1959: and
15,330 in 1963. Total advertising inches for these years were 363,000 in 1949: 320,000 in 1954: 408,000 in 1959: 23 and 431,000 in 1963.
Politically, the 20 years that Goodell was editor of the paper can be characterized by growth and liberalism. Liberal California governors Earl Warren and
Edmund G. Brown, Sr., dominated the state during the '40s 24 and '50s.
How Goodell, as a small-town California editor, operated and editorialized during these two decades is a focus of the thesis. This study seeks an understanding of an individual editor in a community context.
In the following chapter the literature pertaining to the thesis is evaluated. Chapter 3 is the methodology and Chapter 4 a biographical background chapter on Goodell 22 and his editorial policy. Chapter 5 addresses Goodell's stated editorial -policy and what he felt were important issues~ it includes several examples of his editorials. Chapter 6 contains the results of a content analysis of Goodell's editorials and Chapter 7 is a summary of findings and conclusions. 23
Notes
1 Telephone interview with Jack Anderson in his Washington, D.C., office, 31 July 1985.
2 Ibid.
3 . Ib1d.
4 Interview with Jean Paulson, San Luis Obispo, California, 26 January 1985.
5 Telephone interview with Edmund G. "Pat" Brown in his Beverly Hills office, 30 July 1985.
6 Interview with Doyle Coons, Harry Green, Paul Scripps and John P. Scripps, San Diego, California, 4 June 1984.
7 Interview with Myrtle Goodell, Ventura, California, 18 December 1984.
8 . "This Is Our Policy," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 October 1960, p. 10.
9 Susan Henry, "Colonial Woman Printer as Prototype: Toward a Model for the Study of Minorities," Journalism History 7 (Spring 1980): 28-29.
10 James Mahoney, Local History: A Guide for Researching and Writing (Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, 1981), p. 8.
11 Larry Timbs, "Community Intimacy," Grassroots 24
Editor 23 (Winter 1982): 3-5.
12 U.S., Federal Trade Commission, Proceedings of the S m osium on Media Concentration (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1979 .
13 Edwin Emery and Michael Emery, The Press and America, 4th ed., (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1978), pp. 517-18.
14 Alex Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz, "The Weekly Newspaper's Leadership Role As Seen by Community Leaders," Journalism Quarterly 40 (Summer 1968): 243-52.
15 Doyle Coons to Greg Warnagieris, 10 August 1984.
16 Larry Timbs, pp. 3-5.
17 Harold Gilliam, "San Luis Obispo County: Two Ideas in Collision," San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1951, This World sec., p. 2.
18 Interview with former county assessor, Joseph Warnagieris, San Luis Obispo, California, 30 January 1983.
19 Carelton M. Winslow, Jr., Discovering San Luis Obispo County (San Luis Obispo, Calif.: San Luis Obispo County Historical Society, 1971).
20 Harold Gilliam, p. 2.
21 Interview with Doyle Coons et al. 22 "City's Total Climbs to 20,386," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 May 1960, p. 1.
23 Doyle Coons to Greg Warnagieris, 10 August 1984.
24 James R. Owens, California Politics and Parties, (New York: McMillan Co., 1970). CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
Because the research subject is a relatively unknown and unrecorded small-town editor, secondary sources cover a variety of topic areas. The purpose of this breadth is to view editor, Bob Goodell, from a variety of perspectives, identifying him as a community journalist and placing him in a post-war historical context. To evaluate his role in San Luis Obispo and his effectiveness as a small town editor, the topic areas of community journalism and San Luis Obispo were searched. These will be the initial focus of the literature review following a discussion of abstracts and indexes used. Once the materials available on San Luis Obispo have been outlined, the review turns to methodologies, particularly local history and biography. Methodological sources were of central importance to this work because of
25 26 its combined use of interviews, letters and content analysis. Additionally, the absence of secondary sources on Bob Goodell made the treatment of the primary sources more critical. The ability to combine and analyze differing materials objectively depended on this methodological overview. Sources on California history and a discussion of interview sources follow this overview. Many developments within the state touched San Luis Obispo. These materials helped place the findings in a broader context and outlined some of the key issues addressed in the Telegram-Tribune. Letters and interviews provided the bulk of the biographical information. Interview sources on Goodell numbered about 40. Goodell saved about 200 personal and business letters. The treatment of these materials is explained in the methodology chapter. Other topic areas searched included California journalism, California history, California politics, editors, u.s. history, history, historical method, Robert Goodell and the Telegram-Tribune. The most useful sources came from the field of community journalism. Specifically, Journalism Quarterly and Grassroots Editor had pieces discussing the role of the small-town editor and the forces that shaped his or her behavior. These pieces provided criteria for 27 assessing the effectiveness of Bob Goodell's 20 years as editor of a small-town daily. Also noteworthy were some of the individual works on local history providing straightforward guidance. Philip Jordan's The Nature and Practice of State and Local History and Thomas Felt's Researching, Writing and Publishing Local History were especially useful. Unfortunately, the historical material on San Luis Obispo focused on events well before the relevant 1943-1963 time span. This forced a greater reliance on interviews and newspaper content. It also showed a need; a characterization of post-war San Luis Obispo could be a useful contribution to the community's history. The unusual cooperativeness of the interview sources and the California Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, librarians and historians helped to fill in some of these gaps. The library at Cal Poly not only had the Telegram-Tribune on microfilm, but an extensive archive on the city and its development. The archives were still being organized, but a careful search of the files on the city and county turned up pieces of useful background material on the community. The San Luis Obispo County Library was less useful and much smaller in scope. However, small files were kept on important historical issues and these became more 28 useful when addressing specific issues. Both the San Luis Obispo County Library and the Cal Poly library were lacking in post-World War II sources on the city, its newspaper and government. The University of California, Los Angeles, library system was also utilized. Its key strength was its broad variety of periodicals, some of which were not to be found at California State University, Northridge. Many of the weaknesses of the Oviatt Library at CSUN in the area of history were compensated for by a trip to UCLA. But Oviatt Library did have the major indexes and abstracts.
Abstracts
A search of all of the issues of Communication Abstracts (1978-1982 Vol. 4) under a variety of topic areas turned up some pieces on community journalism in Journalism Quarterly and a few methodological sources in the area of newspaper history. The topic areas of newspapers, newspaper history, editorials, editors, community journalism and historical methodology were searched. Of the theses mentioned in the "History and Biography" section of Jounalism Abstracts only a single, potentially useful source was located in a search of the issues from 1963-1981. 29
The topic areas searched for each of the abstracts and indexes included community journalism, editors, editorials, historical method, history (except in history indexes), methodology, newspapers, newspaper history, San Luis Obispo and California history. Whenever time elements were mentioned, the years 1943-1963 or more generally, the post-World War II years, were the focus of the search. Each category was not found in every publication. However, if any of the above categories or individual entries were located within an index or abstract, they were searched. For example, the humanities and social sciences indexes had few of these specific categories, while Journalism Abstracts was searched for many of them.
Indexes
The Social Sciences Index and the Humanities Index were particulary weak sources. Both were searched from 1975-1982 but turned up only general journalism articles. The search was stopped in the 1975 as unproductive. The indexes had a few pieces under general headings like "journalism" or "newspapers," but these did not relate to the thesis. The Business Periodicals Index was also relatively general in its selections from journalism-related 30 periodicals. A search of the years January 1979-January 1983 showed that the predominent topics were the business aspects of newspapers, their acquisitions and mergers. What incorporation there was of editorial matters was very general, not applicable to the topic. Based on Editor & Publisher's (which the index covers) reporting of current attitudes and practices, the index was searched for part (1958-1963) of the period during which Goodell was editor. Within these back issues it was discovered that the index had used the category "small town" in its section on newspapers. Unfortunately, these were often accounts of publishers' meetings or very short pieces on the joys of being a small-town editor. Better pieces in the area of small-town journalism were found in Grassroots Editor. The limited time periods searched reflects the lack applicable articles in the index. The historical index, American: History and Life, offered more scholarly works and many that related more closely to the topic. A 10-year search (1973-1983) of the index's somewhat confusing grouping of sources turned up some of the more valuable methodological sources and a few sources on California history. The search was stopped at 1973, because at this point the methodological sources were becoming repetitous and the other sources could best be located elsewhere, in California history journals, for example. 31
The methodological sources were on local history,
biography and content analysis. Those on California
history that were most useful were overviews. Specific
pieces on San Luis Obispo had already been located during
a search at Cal Poly San Luis Obispo.
Articles on San Luis Obispo were also located
through the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. Most
of these were travel oriented, however, and journalistic
pieces in the index were even less useful. The issues
from March 1979 to January 1982 were searched; the search
was stopped once it became clear that the articles were
unrelated to this topic or too general.
One surprise was the discovery that Cal Poly's
student paper, the Mustang Daily, is indexed, albeit
somewhat haphazardly. The index system is located in the
special collections section of Cal Poly Library. Beyond an occasional letter to the editor complaining of low wages or the reporting of a community cultural event, the
paper covers little in the way of community affairs. A
search of the microfilm reel for the Mustang Daily for
1951-1957 located only student and university oriented articles. Neither the index nor the paper itself were particularly valuable. The index categories did not cover the areas most relevant to the topic, references to the
Telegram-Tribune or local politics. Both the index and the paper were searched for these relevant topic areas. 32
They were useful when addressing Telegram-Tribune mentions of the university.
The Topicator index, although it has a "local" category under its section on news reporting, is very limited in its coverage of newspaper related topics. Much of the information in this section related to broadcasting or larger newspapers. It was searched for the years
1980-1982.
Other Reference Sources
A useful source at CSUN's Oviatt Library was 1 California Local History: A Centennial Bibliography, which listed the histories of the San Luis Obispo area.
Although the publication was written in 1950, it included a complete listing of the older, comprehensive histories of the county.
Also at Oviatt was an Inventory of County Archives 2 of California: No. 41 San Luis Obispo County. The extensive 1939 collection included a historical sketch and histories of various departments in county government. As a background description of the county seat at about the time Goodell became editor, it helps characterize county government. 33
Other Collections
The California Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, library's archives section had collections on county regional history, local periodicals and reprints of historical pieces from the Telegram-Tribune. With the cooperation of the research librarians there, the archives were thoroughly searched, resulting in excellent background materials on San Luis Obispo and a handful of publications relating closely to the period being studied. In the reference section of the archives is a catalog of the oral history holdings in the county titled 3 History Comes Alive. Included is an oral history by Elliot Curry, who was managing editor under Robert Goodell for most of the 20 years he was editor. Some of the histories under the category of "politics and government," helped provide a general understanding of the community. Most are held by the San Luis Obispo Historical Society. The histories are broken down by topic area and name. Although many of these discussed earlier time periods, there are some on the experiences of Japanese Americans during World War II and on the post-war period. These provided a strong, first-hand account of the community. 34
Tables of Contents Searches
Although a search of the tables of contents of a publication by the South County Historical Society, Yesterday, Today and Tommorrow (all four volumes} turned up nothing, a similar search of the San Luis Obispo Historical Society's La Vista magazine led to articles on the war and post-war years. Again, all issues were searched; the publication ran from 1968-1973, stopped, and then began again in 1980. By far the most useful issue of La Vista was the 1981 issue, which discusses San Luis Obispo during the war years. The tables of contents for both publications were searched for any articles on the 1943-1963 time period. By far the most fruitful table of contents search was that for Grassroots Editor. Every issue was searched (1960-1983) for pieces on the role of the small-town editor and editorial policy. These played up the importance of a small-town editor's interdependence with community leaders, a key issue in this thesis, considering Goodell's community activism. The table of contents of a number of journalism and historical publications were also searched. The 1980-1983 issues of most of the historical periodicals at Oviatt and UCLA's Undergraduate Research Library were 35
searched.
The Journal of American History (Dec. 1980-Dec.
1982) was very general, for example, showing little need for a more thorough search. The Pacific Historian (Spring
1981-Fall 1982) offered a limited number of articles per issue and most of these covered events long before World
War II. The topics covered a broad geographic area.
California History offered a thorough listing of books on
California. It was searched for the years 1970-1983, but stopped at 1978 because of the focus on events at the turn of the century. New books were listed, but few reviewed.
Southern California Quarterly (1970-1983) and the
California Historical Society Quarterly (1970-1983) also focused on topics like the Gold Rush, California missions or Indians. The search was stopped at 1970 because the topics were growing increasingly older. Both of these turned up only a few pieces that were distantly related to the topic.
Searching the tables of contents of journalism publications was most useful for Journalism History and
Journalism Quarterly. Journalism History provided a number of methodological sources and a few books were chosen from the book review section. All issues were searched (Spring 1974-Autumn/Winter 1981-1982), including book reviews and abstracts.
The search of Journalism Quarterly (1970-1982) 36 also included its book reviews and articles on mass communication. The most useful sections were community journalism, history and biography, and methodology. From this extensive search only a handful of articles turned up, many of these already located through indexes or Grassroots Editor references. Most of these articles fell under the categories of community journalism or methodology.
Community Journalism
The prominence of community journalism as a topic area 1n this literature review was based not only on the fact that Robert Goodell was a community journalist, but on the importance of material in this area in analyzing his effectiveness in this role. The sources that follow provided many of the criteria for judging newspaper content, editorial approach and role in the community. They also suggested interview questions. Such criteria were clearly outlined by Kenneth Byerly, one of the more prominent authors in the area of 4 community journalism. His 1961 book by that title explained the work of the small town editor, devoting major sections to news, editorials, community service, and business operations. This orderly, comprehensive how-to book provided a framework for analyzing a local editor. 37
Bruce Kennedy's Community Journalism: A Way of 5 Life was also a practical guide to community newspapering, and like Byerly, Kennedy based his suggestions on extensive experience editing and publishing small-town newspapers. Kennedy, in addition, provided historical anecdotes on community journalism. His discussion of editorial writing was particularly useful, although much of the book's attention to sales and outside printing jobs was not applicable. A more sociological overview of community journalism is provided by Morris Janowitz's Community 6 Press In An Urban Setting • This is a definitive study in the topic area, backed with statistical analysis and examples from case studies. The post script section of the book was an excellent summary of Janowitz's comparison of family-oriented and urban communities. It provided an understanding of the editor's role in a small town. In Lewis Dexter and David White's compilation, 7 People, Society and Mass Communication, the role of "Civic Pride" in the media is outlined. Editors tend toward boosterism and avoid disturbing elements, according to a piece by Warren Breed, another frequent author on the subject of community journalism. The compilation provided a good bibliography and an excellent article on content analysis by George Gerbner. Another regular contributor to the field of 38
community journalism, Alex Edelstein, describes the community press as an instrument of social cohesion and consensus. In a co-authored 1960 Journalism Quarterly . 8 piece on the weekly press in the urban commun1ty he clarifies the sociological role played by the community editor. This is a strong scholarly work with numerous applications to the topic. A 1963 Journalism Quarterly study by Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz describes the weekly newspaper's 9 leadership role as seen by community leaders. Although the focus is on weeklies, again, there are important applications. Leaders are found to be critical of controversial subjects and editorial activism. The source is important to understanding the pressures faced by a small-town editor. An excellent piece on ways editorial decisions are affected by participation in the local power structure is a 1968 Journalism Quarterly article on the reporting of 10 conflict. Ties to the power structure, the authors show, minimize the reporting of controversy. This is a strong methodological source with direct applications to the thesis. The following pieces were selected from Grassroots Editor. Each article was chosen on the basis of both content and qualifications of the author. The authors selected here were either prominent community journalists 39 0 . or researchers, or both. Larry Timbs provides a strong overview of community journalism and its importance in a 1982 Grassroots Ed Itor. piece . tit . 1 e d " Community . Intimacy." . 11 He evaluates the major works in the field, then discusses the importance of the local press and its study. The piece represents strong ideas and strong research. Another Grassroots Editor piece by regular contributor, Houston Waring, clarifies the personal nature 12 of small town newpapers. He outlines the different ways editors involve themselves directly and positively in community affairs. The source is useful as a justification for editors having close ties to various factions of the community. In the October 1962 issue Kenneth Byerly extends this theme, advocating editorials that provide community 13 support. A stance of constant attack only serves to divide and irritate a close community, he says. The piece provides balanced criteria for understanding an editor's role. Editorials, wrote William Rotch in a Spring 1981 14 piece in Grassroots Editor, should be realistic in considering the community audience. This in-depth guide advocates a focus on local issues and an avoidance of "Afghanistanism." In "Canned Editorials Do Not Fulfill 40
15 Responsibilities" Edgar Trotter describes newspapers
which run outside editorials because of staff limitations.
Local coverage suffers as a result, he says, and some
smaller-town papers avoid local editorials. His discussion of the issue helps clarify an important question at the Telegram-Tribune--did its editorials adequately cover local issues and what forces shaped their coverage?
The question of "Courage and the Small Community 16 Editor" is discussed by Paul F. Gerhard in the October
1961 issue. He mentions the subtle pressures on a local editor and how they are applied. Gerhard discusses the
important balance between community participation and editorial autonomy. The piece helps assess Goodell's editorial approach.
Joseph Jahn's "Community Leadership Proves the 17 Power of the Press" contains an analysis of the editor's role as a voice for the needy, the "voiceless." Jahn describes community journalism as a unique medium made up of editors who are "joiners" or autonomous thinkers. The piece is important because it addresses editorial stances similar to Goodell's.
Robert Shaw discusses editors with a close proximity to the local power structure in his article, 18 "Effective Use of Newspaper Power." He describes effectiveness in terms of the achievement of projects 41 supported by an editor. The isolated "watchdog" stance is compared with more self-restrained editorial positions. This is a useful source, addressing editorials in intimate communities. Jim Willis in the Grassroots Editor Spring 1982 issue addresses the question of whether "To Boost or Not 19 to Boost." The piece contains advice regarding the balance between "raising hell" and moderate boosterism. Willis explains this conflict with statements like, "No matter how much fire an editor may have in his pants, none of them wants to lose his shirt." Beside losing shirts, you can also lose friends, according to Houston Waring in "Newspapers Lose Their 20 Independence" in the October 1961 issue. He discusses the pressures on editors from personal relationships with community members and points to the importance of maintaining cooperation with public officials and advertisers. This is a useful piece with interesting examples. 21 In "Papers Build Town Spirit" Waring says a community's self-image depends on the type of editorial support it receives. He offers a useful discussion of this support regarding personal, cultural and historical coverage. George Padgett, another frequent author on the subject of community journalism, looks at "Ethics at the 42
22 Grassroots" in the Summer 1982 edition. He outlines the ethical questions faced by the loca-l editor. Padgett questions the outcome of entanglements between editors and local officials. The piece is important to understanding the impact of Robert Goodell's extensive involvement with community organizations.
San Luis Obispo
The following entries, most of which were found at the California Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, Kennedy Library, specifically discuss the city and county of San Luis Obispo. Their importance, obviously, is in characterizing the community in which Goodell lived and worked. Many are minor additions to the literature review, but are included for whatever shreds of related material they offer, since there is so little written material to help recreate the San Luis Obispo of the '40s, '50s, and '60s. A few applicable sources were located, however, thanks to the publications of the San Luis Obispo Historical Society and some economic and housing reporting by Cal Poly students. By far the most useful source on the Telegram-Tribune is Paul Scripp's book John P. Scripps Newspapers: Cele~rating 50 Years of Integrity in Journalism. This was the only current written source on 43
the paper and Goodell's editorship there. The section on
the Telegram-Tribune is excellent, describing Goodell and
the location and operation of the paper at that time.
This fact-packed book was an outstanding source on the 23 paper and the newspaper group and its philosophy.
One of the stronger sources on the character of
the area during the war is an issue (Vol. 4, No. 2) of the
local historical magazine, La Vista. Of the issues
searched, few sources on the 1943-1963 period were
located. The 1981 issue is an exception. Titled "San
Luis Obispo Goes to War: 1939-1945," the issue taken as a whole, provides a thorough picture of the town Robert
Goodell entered in 1943. 24 The longest piece {pp. 37-54) is on the experiences of the local Japanese during and after the war. It is packed with anecdotes and extends into all areas of the community in which the Japanese were
involved. Of its more than 120 footnotes, most are personal interviews and Telegram-Tribune reprints.
Another important piece is "War Changed A Small 25 Community" by Thomas Hunt. He describes the early changes brought with the influx of soldiers. The piece is his personal recollections. 26 . . "'In the Groove' at Camp SLO" by local historian
Eric Erwin describes the strains this military training camp placed on the town. In rich detail he tells of the 44 hardships and occurrences within the camp. The camp is important as a source of news and community growth. One of the few pieces that reports consistently on events in the town after Goodell had become editor is an 27 article on the county war bond drive. It mentions the prominent citizens and the specifics of the fundraising. Eugene Smith writes of "Cal Poly's Role in World 28 War II," telling of its predominant veteran population after the war. During the latter years of the war, the school served a number of military functions. In an earlier (January 1975) issue, a short untitled piece describes postal service developments after 29 the war, including the first air mail delivery in 1946. 30 "Selections from Elliot Curry" in the June 1973 issue is included to give a sample of the writing by Goodell's managing editor. After Goodell left the paper, Curry continued on, writing a number of local history pieces. His historical knowledge was an added benefit to his long relationship with Goodell. The piece also discusses his career with the Telegram-Tribune. The strongest statistical source on San Luis Obispo during Goodell's editorship was Housing Market 31 Related Economic Factors: City of San Luis Obispo. The
1949 publication describes the city's population growth~ it doubled between 1940 and 1949. It provides specific evidence of the growth of the community in a number of 45 areas, including housing and average income, and provides analysis of the causes of this growth. Included are tables of economic statistics, such as average income, and a breakdown of where the townspeople are employed. The study concludes with projections of future housing shortages. . . . 32 A 1950 map of San Luis Obispo and vicinity shows what the town looked like near the middle of Goodell's career there. The map is useful not only for the location of events at that time, but for understanding the community's relative size. Another source on the layout of the community is a 33 1939 History of San Luis Obispo County. Although its focus is on the history of the area in the early 1900s, it does provide a look at Cal Poly and its development. To understand the views of area conservatives, who were often angered by Goodell's editorials, America 34 Speaks is included. The patriotic, anti-communist newpaper from Atascadero lashed out at Jews, Reds and local liberals, while promoting America's "divine plan" for the rest of the world. Turning to sources of the area during more recent times, the 425th Civil Affairs Company compiled an 35 economic, labor and planning survey of the area in 1974. Although it describes the area in the early '70s, its introductory history discusses earlier periods. 46
A 1957 publication, The Story of San Luis 36 Obispo,- describes the climate and geography of the area, although it is largely a tourist pamphlet. 37 Discovering San Luis Obispo County describes the prominent buildings in the county. This collection of architectural drawings and historical descriptions is useful for picturing the layout of the downtown area in the '40s. Although produced in 1981, the Community Ecomomic 38 Profile for the City of San Luis Obispo is an in-depth portrayal of the types of industries and governmental employers that had established there. It outlines the growth of government employment and the development of local water, utilities, sewer and transportation projects. The May 1, 1972, issue of U.S. News and World Report contains an article discussing small cities across 39 the United States and their development. Included is a short piece that offers statistical and historical information on the city's development. Of the older histories of the area the most comprehensive and frequently quoted is Myron Angel's 40 History of San Luis Obispo County. Originally published in 1883, it describes the early Spanish and Indian life of the area. Chapter 30 traces the earliest newspapers and journalists in San Luis Obispo. He tells of the roots of the Telegram-Tribune, as well as a number of other early 47 papers in the county. . 41 History of San Luis Obispo County and Env1rons is a similar work, concentrating on the 1800s. It has biographical accounts of the area's earliest settlers and histories of the first papers in the county. A more geographic description is Leigh H. Irvine's 42 book on the county's climate, soil and economy. Again, this is a general background history, included to understand where the community came from and how its post-war years connect to the more distant past. Three final sources are included as cultural and personal reflections on San Luis Obispo and its surroundings. In 1956 the Telegram-Tribune ran 10 separate sections on the city's history titled 43 "Centurama" for the city's centennial celebration. Although much of this series of articles is devoted to the celebration taking place, some of the historical material toward the end of the series touches on World War II and the growth of Camp San Luis Obispo. In her 1960 44 description of the landmarks of the community and their history, Norma Monson helps us visualize the city. Ruth 45 Paulding's 1947 history and biography of the area includes reminiscences of town celebrations and events in the mid-'40s. 48
. I Methodologies
The absence of specific sources on Bob Goodell and the Telegram-Tribune during his editorship intensified the importance of the primary sources and their treatment. With much of the biographical information coming from interviews, biographical methodology and interviewing sources were vital. Local history techniques and the treatment of newspaper copy were important to analyzing events and their coverage in the paper. The following are sources on local history, biography, journalism history, oral history, historical methodology and content analysis. Ralph R. Thrift, Jr., performed a content analysis of editorials in 1978, "Editorial Vigor and the 46 Chain-owned Daily Newspaper." This was a particularly useful source for definitions of categories, such as "controversial" topics. The work is also useful as a reference on editorials in other newspaper groups. Jean Auman's Content Analysis of Editorials in Sixteen Chained and Unchained Newspapers is another example of a content analysis similar to this study. She compared small and large newspapers on the basis of degree 47 of local coverage. In 1971 Dennis E. Brown studied the effects of 48 newspaper concentration on a presidential race. This is 49 a useful source regarding "themes" in editorial content. Thomas Felt's Researching, Writing and Publishing . 49 Local History is an excellent how-to book on the subject. Simply written, it provides practical methodological tips. Especially useful are the sections on using newspapers, interviews and oral history techniques. Felt guides the reader through all phases of the research, including writing and rewriting. James Mahoney's Local History: A Guide for 50 Researching and Writing also has strong sections on the use of oral history and newspapers. Mahoney likens the method to a microscopic approach, focusing on small units and ordinary people. He explains how to incorporate personal papers and organize a variety of materials. Offering an insightful overview of local history and its importance as a method is Philip Jordan's The 51 Nature and Practice of State and Local History. The book explains the importance of local history and provides practical advice on researching and writing. H.P.R. Finberg and V.H.T. Skipp's collection of 52 lectures on local history tell of instinctive biases born of natural affection for the subject. One of the best lectures is titled "How Not to Write Local History." A sample rule--assume the reader has not only your enthusiasm for the subject, but your acquaintance with the technicalities. 50
53 H.G. Jones' book on local government records includes a thorough guide on their uses. Jones recommends the incorporation of election, tax and court records into local histories. Specific topics in the book include justifications for local histories and the use of governmental records by scholars. Turning to biographical methods, a 1981 54 compilation by Anthony Friedson outlines the current trends in the field. A piece by Leon Edel explains the importance of incorporating psychology and not falling in love with the subject--a difficult task when resurrecting one's grandfather. 55 John P. Garraty's The Nature of Biography contains a strong hundred-page section on the biographical method. The author discusses the collection of materials and writing problems. According to Garraty, letters are the most important source to the biographer, because they are the closest thing to seeing his uncensored thoughts. This is a useful source for its practical guidance. The biographer's stance of relative detachment from the subject is discussed by Alan Shelston in 56 Biography. This is a good source on the general philosophy involved in biography and the freedom and independent judgment that must be maintained. The use of newspapers as historical and biographical evidence is analyzed by Catherine L. Covert 51
~1 •
in a piece titled "Jumbled, Disparate, and Trivial: Problems in the Use of Newspapers as Historical 57 Evidence." She discusses the problems faced in attempting to synthesize a mass of newspaper content, using the spread of Freudian thought in America as an example. She deals with the ideas and subjects that are .I omitted from newspaper content, and discusses newspaper style and content as slanted views of reality. This was important when researching the content of the Telegram-Tribune. William H. Taft's Newspapers As Tools for . . 58 Historians is not as applicable as its title implies. Chapter four is the most useful, discussing accuracy problems in using a paper as a primary source. The book is directed toward journalists rather than historians. Of sources on journalism history, Richard Gray's . 59 article on Its uses gives a strong justification for the technique. The field provides a number of journalistic lessons and a more realistic understanding of journalism's inner workings. The necessity of placing journalism history in a sociological perspective is explained by Sidney Kobre in an interview in the Spring 1981 issue of Journalism . 60 History. It must be remembered, he says, that the newspaper began because it filled a community need. The source is useful as an explanation of multiple roles (\ .
52
played by the community journalist.
Susan Henry's Journalism History piece on colonial 61 women printers is a rich and complex methodological source. It is useful to the thesis because it points out the value of history that can describe the lives of ordinary people. A failure of history has been its focus on prominent actors in the power structure of the time.
The source is also important for its discussion of combined methodologies and extensive footnotes on biography, local history and other methods.
A useful example of biography based on a variety of sources, including editorial content, is Cedrith Ann
Bethel's master's thesis on "Cornelia Wells Walter: First 62 American Woman to Edit a Daily Newspaper." Bethel looked at specific pages of the paper, and family letters to form a description based on topics rather than chronology. She combined biography with local, economic and social history.
Much biographical information on Goodell came from interviews, making an understanding of interview techniques and oral history vital.
The use of oral history as a research tool is explained in a 1980 Journalism History article by Maurine 63 Beasley and Richard R. Harlow. The technique is described as an integration of journalistic methods. This is a useful "how-to" piece that discusses biography and 53
the various phases of the oral history interview.
The February 1981 issue of the International
Journal of Oral History contains a piece titled 64 "Reconstructing the History of a Community." The author discusses how source credibility is affected by emotional influences and how these effects and the intentions of the interviewer must be addressed. This is applicable to performing histories on one's relatives.
Additional pitfalls in interpreting oral data are outlined in a piece in the journal's February 1980 65 issue. Oral history is basically a joint recreation of events, and the authors discuss how to base questions on topics as the best way to control the method. The piece is quite technical, but it does provide some organizational pointers. 66 "Structure and Validity in Oral Evidence" is the topic of Trevor Lummis' piece in the June 1981 issue of the same journal. He describes the ways to address problems of omission and distortion in interviews. This is a very strong source on how to handle interview content.
The appendices of Beatrice Webb's book, ~ 67 Apprenticeship, provide a timeless description of interviewing and notetaking methods. She believes the interviewer should refrain from being overly responsive so as to not inhibit or lead the source. She describes the 54 method's importance in writing history. The CSUN Journalism Department's "Questions for 68 Oral Interviews" provides a useful selection of sample questions. The questions are broader and more personal than many used in this thesis, but the section on newspaper office activities is applicable. 69 Barbara Tuchman's Practicing History is a highly readable and practical source on historical methodology. She intersperses the book with examples from her own research. The sections on biography and who should write biography were especially useful. Louis Gottschalk's Understanding History: A Primer 70 of the Historical Method is a strong basic source on the objectives and practices in writing history. Important sections included those on potential problem areas, writing and interview source credibility. A more general overview of the historical method 71 is Robert Shafer's A Guide to Historical Method. Shafer shows the relationship of history to other methods. His "Ideas and History" chapter is useful to the topic, especially the section on motivations of the author and writing biography. The source is especially good on potential problems, the historian's internal criticism of the evidence and addressing bias. 72 The Modern Researcher by Jacques Barzun and Henry Graff is another strong source on the pitfalls in 55 the historical method and is packed with pertinent examples. Besides explaining information gathering techniques, the book includes an entire chapter on how to verify this information. The book's standards for historical research and writing are high, almost intimidating. This is clearly an important guide to all aspects of historical research. . 73 James H. Robinson's The New H1story is a good general source on the purpose and interpretive methods of history. He criticizes the tendency to focus on the picturesque or the lurid. Although its focus is on Southeast Asia, Wang 74 Gungwu's The Use of History provides in its thorough introductory section a unique perspective on the uses of history. Its most important purpose, he writes, is for group and family identification, bringing cohesion. The book is applicable to the thesis, which is a family history. Turning to content analysis, Bernard Berelson's 75 book on the subject was relied on heavily in this thesis. Berelson provides good advice on selection of categories and when to use content analysis, and he gives a strong overview of the method. Ole Holsti's Content Analysis for the Social Sc1ences. and the Human1t1es. . 76 also prov1des. a goo d overview of the method. Useful for this thesis were the 56 sections on the uses of content analysis, coding and sampling.
California History
The following section is included to provide an understanding of the historical development of the state as a whole. This topic area addresses the contribution of San Luis Obispo to the state's development. James E. Gregg, in a Journalism Quarterly article, "Newspaper Editorial Endorsements and California Elections 77 1948-1962," provides a strong overview of the local California press and its influence in state elections. Gregg offers statistics on the percentage of newspapers in the state supporting a particular party. This is an excellent source on the post-war years in California, important political issues in the state and the makeup of the local newspapers. Gerald Nash's article "California and Its 78 Historians: An Appraisal of the Histories of the State" is a thorough analysis of the major histories on California. He critiques these key works and tells of the importance of placing California history in a national context. Most useful was the section after 1945. Pamela Bleich in four issues of California Historical Society Quarterly lists all graduate and 57 doctoral works on California history in the state colleges 79 and universities. This is an important resource on the works done up until 1965. Unfortunately, she divides them up by school and none of the studies were applicable to my topic, outside of those on Japanese relocation. The works of one of the state's best contemporary historians, Carey McWilliams, are reviewed in the February 80 1981 issue of Pacific Historical Review. The summary helped to locate the author's works that are most applicable to my thesis. It also serves as an outline of the lonely stands of an outspoken California liberal. This is a useful source for assessing the liberal beliefs and editorials of Robert Goodell. One of the more applicable books by McWilliams is 81 California: The Great Expectation. In his piecemeal style, the water issues, growth problems and political controversies of the '40s are critiqued. This is a good background piece on the state. The controversial senate race between Richard Nixon and Helen Gahagan Douglas is described in a Southern 82 California Quarterly piece by Ingrid Scobie. She discusses the response of Southern California newspapers to the election. The piece is important as a description of an election of major interest to Goodell, a critic of Nixon's tactics. A strong chronological overv1ew of the state's 58 history is given by Walton Bean in California: An . . 83 Interpret1ve H1story. There are excellent chapters on wartime growth and problems, and the political climate of the '40s and '50s. Bean describes the Democratic revival in the state in the late '50s. Another thorough source on the state that incorporates the 1943-1963 time span is The Rumble of 84 California Politics. Chapter 10 describes the dominant role played by governor Earl Warren. The Nixon-Warren battles and the differing responses of these men to McCarthyism discussed here are particularly relevant to Goodell, as a Nixon critic. Important sections include post-war California history, the return of the military and the period of growth and surplus. 85 California: The New Empire State includes sections on Southern California and San Luis Obispo in the mid-50's. The authors describe the local economy and give population figures and an overview of the major institutions in the area. The source is important to understanding the San Luis Obispo of Goodell's time. The local politics of the state are also explained 86 1n How California is Governed. The book has an extensive bibliography on the subject of municipal and county elections. The role of the press in local California politics is described by Richard B. Harvey in his book Dynamics of 59
87 California Government and Politics. This is one of the few sources to mention political strategy and the role of the local press in statewide elections. 88 California Politics and Parties offers advice on how to ensure newspaper coverage for California candidates of both parties. The book also gives a short political history of the state, including sections on the years 1942-1954 and 1954-1969. The book's practical advice is useful as a non-journalist's view of the workings of the local press. 89 Consensus and Cleavage, a compilation on California politics written in 1967, is a good source on water and economic issues in the state. It includes rather detailed descriptions of the state's political structure and incorporates the influence of the media. A strong source on California local history gathering is w.w. Robinson's article "Writing Local 90 History." This is a good piece on the importance of local history and tells how to use California's local libraries, maps and government services. Glenn S. Dumke's article "History in Your Own 91 Backyard: Digging History Out of Journalism" is a similar methodology source based on experience studying local history in California. Dumke says local California newspapers, including advertisements, are a great source. The title is somewhat of a misnomer; much of the piece 60
describes the use of chamber of commerce material and previous local histories. He uses newspapers primarily for a quick insight into local patterns of thought.
The Post-War Years
The following two sources are included for their thorough descriptions of the time period in which Goodell was editor of the Telegram-Tribune. 92 Another Chance: Post-war America 1945-1968 is an excellent source on the period. It includes strong sections on California's post-war growth and family culture. The work is important as an overview with applications to San Luis Obispo.
A post-war history with excellent detailed descriptions of major events during this time period is 93 Anxiety and Affluence: 1945-1965. The book is useful as a general collection on virtually the exact period Goodell was editor in San Luis Obispo.
Conclusions
This literature review is an attempt to provide secondary sources that get as close as possible to describing Robert Goodell and the world around him as editor of the Telegram-Tribune. The review obviously 61
lacks sources that directly address Goodell or his paper
during the post-war period. Although only one of the
sources actually touches on Goodell, the others place him
within a specific social and historical context.
Sources on community journalism tell us of the
world of the small-town editor. This category in the
review is extensive because of the existence of excellent
literature describing editorial environments just like
Goodell's and because of the editorial focus of this
thesis. The major source in this category, Grassroots
Editor, was especially useful to the thesis. The articles
give perspectives on the editorial stances of community
journalists, a key to understanding why Goodell wrote and
behaved as he did. They are particularly useful for their detail regarding the issues and pressures faced by these
journalists. The books provide an overview, the
Journalism Quarterly pieces, more of a factual backbone
for conclusions about the impact of Goodell's role in the community.
Locating these and other p1eces through indexes and abstracts was rather unproductive. The index topic areas tended to be overly general. Searching for works on
California journalism history, for example, seemed pointless when there were only a handful of references under a more general title, such as "newspapers."
In the section on San Luis Obispo, most sources 62 were gathered from the Kennedy Library archives (Cal Poly San Luis Obispo). This is really a collection of bits and pieces on tangential topics like the local housing market or the history of the area's original settlers. There is virtually nothing on the Telegram-Tribune or the post-war years. These bits and pieces, however, had later applications to individual issues that emerged when evaluating the newspaper. Some of the more general pieces--such as economic profiles and general descriptions--are important to a background understanding of the community. Statistics on population and economic makeup are particularly applicable. The section on methodologies is equally diverse, but perhaps more applicable. The absence of material on Goodell or the paper necessitates a strong methodology section. The local history, biography, oral history and content analysis sources all had direct applications to the thesis. For example, oral history sources served as preparation for interviews. The literature on California history during this time period is spotty. The best sources pertaining to the thesis were the more comprehensive works describing political and economic climate in California following the war. It was a particular struggle to locate material on California journalism. Much of what was available focused 63 on the state's earliest newspapers or related to coverage of specific events. Turning to works on California politics, however, did provide insights into the role and inner workings of the press in the state. James E. Gregg's Journalism Quarterly piece on the impact of editorial endorsements in California elections following the war was an outstanding source. Not only was his specific topic important to understanding the influence of papers like the Telegram-Tribune, but the background information on the makeup of the state press is excellent. He also discusses the impact of the press on local elections. The last section on post-war u.s. history contains two excellent descriptions of the time period. They provide not only factual information, but an understanding of the values held by Americans at that time. Some of the frustrations in searching for sources
/ on San Luis Obispo, California, papers and this time period led to the conclusion that the thesis can make a contribution to the history of the area. The topic is also important to understanding how small-town California editors ran their papers and operated in their communities during this period. In terms of the historical works on San Luis Obispo, the topic can help string together some of the specific reminiscences and statistical pieces into a more 64 extensive overview of the community's post-war growth years. The community has actively worked to maintain a record of its past, having upgraded its museum and restarted its historical magazine. A work that incorporates this historical information and describes the community's post-war period can add to this historical record. 0 .
65
Notes
1 Ethel Blumann and Mabel Thomas, eds., Calif. Local Histor : A Centennial Biblio ra h {Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1950 •
2 Northern California Historical Records Survey Project, Inventory of County Archives: No. 41 San Luis Obispo County, November 1939.
3 . H1stor Comes Alive: Catalo of Oral Histor Holdings in San Luis Obispo County San Luis Obispo, Calif.: San Luis Obispo County Oral History Organizations, 1980).
4 Kenneth R. Byerly, Community Journalism {New York: Chilton Co., 1961).
5 . Bruce Kennedy, Commun1ty Journalism: A Way of Life (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1974).
6 . Morr1s Janowitz, Community Press in an Urban Setting 2nd ed. (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1967).
7 Lewis Dexter and David White, eds., People, Society and Mass Communication (New York: The Free Press, 1964). . I 8 . Alex S. Edelste1n and Otto N. Larsen, "The Weekly Press Contribution to a Sense of Urban Community," Journalism Quarterly 37 (Autumn 1960): 489-98.
9 Alex S. Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz, "The Weekly Newspaper's Leadership Role As Seen by Community 66
[\ . Leaders," Journalism Quarterly 40 (Winter 1963): 565-74.
10 Clarice N. Olien, George A. Donohue and Phillip J. Tichenor, "The Community Editor's Power and the Reporting of Conflict," Journalism Quarterly 45 (Summer 1968): 243-52.
11 Larry Timbs, "Community Intimacy," Grassroots Editor 23 (Winter 1982): 3-5.
12 Houston Waring, "The Grassroots Editor Provides Personal News In an Impersonal Era," Grassroots Editor 5 (Janaury 1964): 8.
13 Kenneth R. Byerly, "Some of the Best Editorials .,"Grassroots Editor, 3 (October 1962): 13-14.
14 William B. Rotch, "An Editorial Primer," Grassroots Editor 22 (Spring 1981): 11-13, 15.
15 Edgar P. Trotter, "Canned Editorials Do Not Fulfill Responsibilities," Grassroots Editor 14 (July/August 1973): 7-8.
16 Paul F. Gerhard, "Courage and the Small Community Editor," Grassroots Editor 2 (October 1961): 8-9.
17 Joseph Jahn, "Community."Leadership Proves the Power of the Press," Grassroots Editor 4 (July 1963): 42-44.
18 Robert Shaw, "Effective Use of Newspaper Power," Grassroots Editor 2 (January 1961): 9-10.
19 Jim Willis, "To Boost or Not to Boost," Grassroots Editor 23 (Spring 1982): 12, 15.
20 . Houston War1ng, "Newspapers Lose Their Independence," Grassroots Editor 2 (October 1961): 3. 67
21 Houston Waring, "Papers Build Town Spirit," Grassroots Editor 17 (Winter 1976): 3, 15.
22 George Padgett, "Ethics at the Grassroots," Grassroots Editor 23 (Summer 1982): 6-8.
23 Paul Ce1ebratin 50 Diego: John P.
24 Dan Krieger and Liz Krieger, "Japanese Odyssey 1n SLO County," La Vista 4 (December 1981): 37-54.
25 Thomas Hunt, "War Changed a Small Community," La Vista 4 (December 1981): 33-35.
26 Eric Erwin, "In the Groove at Camp SLO," La Vista 4 (December 1981): 33-35.
27 Eleanor Brown and Patrick Brown, "County Topped Its Quota In Every War Bond Drive," La Vista 4 (December 1981): 33-35.
28 Eugene Smith, "Cal Poly's Role in World War II," La Vista 4 (December 1981): 61-65.
29 L. Nicholson, ed., La Vista Special Edition 3 (January 1975): 1-3.
30 Elliot Curry, "Selections from Elliot Curry," La Vista (June 1973): 7.
31 Planning and Housing Research Associates, Housing Market and Related Economic Factors (San Luis Obispo, Calif.: City of San Luis Obispo, 1949).
32 Map of San Luis Obispo and Vicinity (Security First National Bank, San Luis Obispo, Calif., 1950.) 68
33 Chris N. Jespersen, ed., History of San Luis ObisTo County (San Luis Obispo, Calif.: Harold Meier, 1939 .
34 America Speaks, February 1946.
35 . . 425th C1v1l Affairs Company, San Luis Obispo Area Survey, 1974
36 w.w. Robinson, The Story of San Luis Obispo County, (Los Angeles: Title Insurance and Trust Company, 1957).
37 Carelton M. Winslow Jr., Discovering San Luis Obispo County (San Luis Obispo, Calif.: San Luis Obispo County Historical Society, 1971).
38 San Luis Obispo Chamber of Commerce, Community Economic Profile for the City of San Luis Obispo, August 1981.
39 "Changing Fortunes of the Small Cities," U.S. News and World Report, May 1, 1972, pp. 66-74.
40 Myron Angel, History of San Luis Obispo County (Thompson and West, 1883; reprinted., Fresno, Calif.: Valley Publishers, 1979).
41 Annie L. Morrison and John H. Haydon, History of San Luis Obis o Count and Environs (Los Angeles: Historic Record Co., 1917 •
42 Leigh H. Irvine, San Luis Obis o California: Its Climate, Scener , Soil, Resources and 0 ortunities San Luis Obispo, Calif.: Tribune Printing Co., 1915 •
43 "Centurama," Telegram Tribune, May 1956.
44 Norma Monson, "Historical Landmarks of San Luis Obispo County," (Senior Project, Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, 1960). 69
45 Ruth Pauldin~, The Gallant Lady (Hubbard Printing, 1947).
46 Ralph R. Thrift, Jr., "Editorial Vigor and the Chain-owned Daily Newspaper," (Master's Thesis: University of Oregon, 1976).
47 Emily Jean Auman, "Content Analysis of Editorials in Sixteen Chained and Unchained Newspapers," (Master's Thesis, Ball State University, 1973).
48 Dennis E. Brown, "The San Francisco Press in Two Presidential Elections: A Study of the Effects of Newspaper Concentration on Diversity in Editorial Page Comment," (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Missouri, 1971), Journalism Abstracts 9:9.
49 Thomas Felt, Researching, Writing and Publishing Local History (Nashville: American Association for State and Local History, 1976).
50 James Mahoney, Local History: A Guide for Researching and Writing (Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, 1981).
51 Philip Jordan, The Nature and Practice of State and Local History (Baltimore: Waverly Press Inc., 1966).
52 H.P.R. Finberg and V.H.T. Skipp, Local History: Objective and Pursuit (United Kingdom: David and Charles, 1967).
53 H.G. Jones, Local Government Records: An Introduction to Their Mana ement, Preservation and Use Nashville: American Association for State and Local History, 1980).
54 Antonyh Fr1e . d son, e d ., New D1rect1ons. . 1n . Biography (Honolulu: Biographical Research Center, 1981). 70
55 John A. Garraty, The Nature of Biography (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957).
56 Alan Shelston, Biography (London: Methuen and Co., 1977).
57 Catherine L. Covert, "Jumbled, Disparate and Trivial: Problems In the Use of Newspapers as Historical Evidence," The Maryland Historian 13 (Spring 1981): 47-60.
58 William H. Taft, Newspapers As Tools for Historians (Columbia, Mo.: Lucas Bros., 1970).
59 Richard Gray, "The Uses of Journalism History," Journalism History 8 (Autumn/Winter 1981): 84-85, 116.
60 "A Conversation with Sidney Kobre," Journalism History 8 (Spring 1981): 18-24.
61 Susan Henry, "Colonial Woman Printer as Prototype: Toward a Model for the Study of Minorities," Journalism History 3 (Spring 1976): 20-24.
62 Cedrith Ann Bethel, "Cornelia Wells Walter: First American Woman to Edit a Daily Newspaper," (Master's Thesis, California State University, Northridge, 1978).
63 Maurine Beasley and Richard R. Harlow, "Oral History: Additional Research Tool for Journalism Historians," Journalism History 7 (Spring 1980): 28-29.
64 Kenneth Kahn, "Reconstructing the History of a Community," International Journal of Oral History 2 (February 1981): 4-13.
65 E. Culpepper Clark, Michael Hyde and Eva McMahan, "Communication in the Oral History Interview: Investigating Problems in Interpreting Oral Data," International Journal of Oral History 1 (February 1980): 28-41. 71
66 . Trevor Lummis, "Structure and Validity on Oral Evidence," International Journal of Oral History 2 (June 1981): 109-21.
67 Beatrice Webb, My ATprenticeship (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1926 •
68 Journalism Oral History Project, "Questions for Oral Interviews," California State University, Northridge, Journalism Department.
69 Barbara Tuchman, Practicing History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981).
70 Louis Gottschalk, Understanding History: A Primer in the Historical Method (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950).
71 Robert J. Shafer, ed., A Guide to the Historical Method (Homewood, Ill.: The Dorsey Press, 1969).
72 Jacques Barzun and Henry F. Graff, The Modern Researcher, 3rd ed. (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Javonavich, 1977).
73 James H. Robinson, The New History (New York: The Free Press, 1965).
74 Wang Gungwo, The Uses of History (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies Southeast Asia Program, 1968).
75 . . Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis In Communications Research (New York: Hafner Publishing, 1971).
76 . . Ole Hoslti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Humanities (London: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1969).
77 James E. Gregg, "Newspaper Endorsements and 72
California Elections 1948-1962," Journalism Quarterly 42 (August 1965): 532-38.
78 Gerald Nash, "California and Its Historians: An Appraisal of the Histories of the State," Pacific Historical Review 50 (November 1981): 387-413.
79 Pamela Bleich, "A Study of Graduate Research In California History in California Colleges and Universities," California Historical Society Quarterly 43 (September 1964): 231-45, (December 1964): 331-43, 44 (March 1965): 35-49, (June 1965): 139-63, (September 1965): 237-50.
80 Alexander Saxton, "Review of The Education of Carey McWilliams," Pacific Historical Review (February 1981): 47-48.
81 Carey McWilliams, California: The Great Expectation (New York: Current Books, 1949).
82 Ingrid Scobie, "Helen Gahagan Douglas and Her 1950 Senate Race with Richard M. Nixon," Southern California Quarterly 58 (Spring 1976): 113-26.
83 Walton Bean, California: An Interpretive History (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968).
84 . Royce Delmatier, Clarence Mcintosh and Earl Waters, The Rumble of California Politics: 1848-1970 (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1970).
85 Paul F. Griffin and Robert N. Young, California: The New Empire State (San Francisco: Fearon Publishers, 1957).
86 Robert Walker and Floyd Cave, How California is Governed (New York: Dryden Press, 1953).
87 Richard B. Harvey, Dynamics of Calfornia Government and Politics (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1970). 73
88 . . James R. Owens, California Politics and Parties (New York: McMillan Co., 1970).
89 Charles M. Price and Earl R. Kruschke, Consensus and Cleavage (San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Co., 1967).
90 w.w. Robinson, "Writing Local History," California Historical Society Quarterly 39 (September 1960): 209-18.
91 Glenn S. Dumke, "History in Your Own Backyard: Digging History Out of Journalism," California Historical Society Quarterly 38 (June 1959): 131-40.
92 James Gilbert, Another Chance: Postwar America 1945-1968 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1981).
93 . Ernest May, ed., Anx1ety and Affluence: A Documentary History of American Life Vol. 8 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1966). CHAPTER 3
METHOD
This history of the life and work of Robert
Goodell during his editorship at the San Luis Obispo
Telegram-Tribune (1943-1963) incorporates Goodell's
personal letters, interviews with co-workers and
acquaintances, secondary materials and an analysis of
Goodell's editorials. The focus is Goodell's stated
editorial policy and its relationship to the content of
his editorials.
Key Sources of Data
Goodell's collection of approximately 200 business and personal letters are in the possession of his wife,
Myrtle Goodell. Included in this collection of letters are several inter-office letters between Goodell and John
74 75
P. Scripps and others with the Scripps Newspaper Group in California. Goodell clipped some of his favorite editorials over his 20-year editorship and these were saved with the letters. Interview sources consisted primarily of co-workers at the paper, but also included personal friends, local politicians and fellow editors in the Scripps chain. The major source on Goodell's editorship was the microfilm of the Telegram-Tribune held by California Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, Kennedy Library. Other copies of the paper are held by the San Luis Obispo County Library, the Telegram-Tribune and the California State library in Sacramento. This combination of data--letters, interviews, newspaper content--allowed for a cross-checking of information on Goodell. Developments and findings in the content often were explained by prior interviews or personal letters, which offered candid descriptions of his editorial policy. Prior to investigating these sources, background materials on San Luis Obispo, community journalism, and historical and content analysis methodologies were read. Sources on San Luis Obispo included oral histories, the county historical society's history magazine La Vista, as well as the older histories of the 76
area, and sources on the economy and geography of the area.
Review of the methodology sources enhanced preparation for a systematic treatment of the primary materials. Because of the combination of biographical, historical and content analysis methods employed, this review was critical.
Key sources included Ralph R. Thrift, Jr.'s, master's thesis, "Editorial Vigor and the Chain-owned 1 Daily Newspaper," Alex Edelstein's study, "The Weekly 2 Newspaper's Leadership Role as Seen By Community Leaders" and a study on "The Community Editor's Power and the . 3 Reporting of Confl1ct."
Treatment of Goodell's Personal Papers
The study of Goodell's personal history and editorial policy began with a careful reading of his personal letters. These letters constituted virtually the only written source on Goodell, other than obituaries.
Several of these letters were surprisingly candid. Notes, dashed off in response to criticism of his editorial approach by Scripps editorial director Julius Gius, were succinct and candid. Letters between Goodell and Gius, and Goodell and John P. Scripps, provided more information on editorial policy and a chronology of Goodell's final 77
days as editor.
Other useful "finds" among Goodell's personal papers were letters to friends on political philosophy, college newspapers and yearbooks, and even a long letter to a friend that he wrote the day he died. Goodell's sister, Mary Smith, provided her own personal letters from
Goodell, as well as family photos from his early childhood. These materials provided insight into his character.
The content of these letters can be expected to be more open and revealing of Goodell's true feelings than his public writings. He was less inclined to inhibit his often strong opinions when conversing with journalistic peers and friends. In his book The Nature of Biography,
John A. Garraty writes, "Letters show a man in one form of interaction with his contemporaries, and thus offer insights into his personality that more self-centered 4 personal documents do not."
Letters were read focusing on political stance and editorial policy, and more generally, what they revealed about his personality. The repetition of ideas, phrases or other information was recorded.
The significance of a letter could often be determined by the relationship between Goodell and the recipient. Garraty writes, "In general, the more familiar the relationship between the author and recipient, the 78
5 more useful the letter." He goes on to point out, however, that the letters do not necessarily contain the real or intimate thoughts of the author, but perhaps whimsies of the moment, dependent on mood and other factors. As patterns and issues emerged, the letters were re-read. They provided an initial understanding of Goodell and some of the interview sources.
Treatment of Interview Sources
The issues and trends that emerged from the letters, clipped editorials and articles developed into a series of specific questions to be asked of the various interview sources. These interviews addressed the relationship of the source to Goodell, anecdotes that revealed his character, his schedule and typical day, and his editorial and political philosophies. The focus of the interviews was Goodell's editorial policy. From interviews with people who had known Goodell at different times in his life and from his personal letters, a chronology developed. The intent was not to create a complete biography, but to explore recollections relating specifically to his editorship. Interviews relating to his childhood and the years prior to his editorship at the Telegram-Tribune addressed areas of his 79
@ •
personality that would influence his editorial approach.
There was an interplay between the letters and the
interviews to cross-check facts and recreate events. For
example, if an interview source could be provided with the
specific date of an event and other parameters,
recollection was improved. Credibility of the various
sources could be judged, in part, by comparing
recollections with letters and other interviews. Overall,
there was a high degree of agreement among the sources and
repetition of common themes.
It was made clear to the interview sources that
their candid reflections were sought, both positive and
negative. Questions, for example, included references to
Goodell's reported drinking, and the criticisms of other
editors of his paper and his personnel practices.
Interview sources at Scripps headquarters in San
Diego included John P. Scripps, owner of the newspaper
group; Harry Green, long-time Scripps general business
manager; Paul Scripps, John P.'s son and assistant
editorial director; and Doyle Coons, auditor for the
Scripps group during Goodell's editorship.
Other sources in the Scripps newspaper group
included Julius Gius, editorial director and editor of the
Ventura Star-Free Press; Frank Orr, former editor of the
Watsonville Pajaronian; and Tom Hennion, former editor of
the group's paper in Tulare. 80
Sources from the Telegram-Tribune included Jean Paulson, editor of the paper prior to Goodell; Elliot Curry, long-time managing editor under Goodell; James McLain, former business manager; John Nettleship, former sports editor; Russell Pyle, former managing editor; Jane Sarber, former reporter and wife of long-time reporter and Goodell's close friend John Sarber; Cecilia Jensen, former society editor; Walter "Andy" Anderson, foreman and columnist for 49 years; and George Brand, editor after Goodell. Other key sources included Louise, Maya and Maynard Marquardt, long-time owners of local station KATY (Louise Marquardt also knew Goodell through little theater); State Senator Alfred Alquist and his wife Mai, both personal friends and Mai worked for Goodell in the late 1940s in the paper's classified advertising section; Richard Miller, the city's first city manager; Fred Lucksinger, former mayor; and Robert Kennedy, former president of California Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, and a summer editor at the paper. Most useful of all, of course, were family sources, particularly Myrtle Goodell, Robert Goodell's wife; Mary Smith, his sister; Jean and Molly Goodell, his daughters; and Jean and Joseph Warnagieris, fraternal grandparents of the author (Joseph Warnagieris was San Luis Obispo County assessor for many years). 81
Most interviews were conducted in the Southern California area, in person, and were taped, and later transcribed. Some telephone interviews were conducted. From the transcriptions of the tapes and from . I Goodell's personal letters, notes were taken regarding editorial policy, common descriptions of Goodell and his role in the community and anecdotes that revealed his character.
Content Analysis of Goodell's Editorials
After the interviews were completed a content analysis of a sample of Goodell's 20 years of editorials was performed. Three central areas were investigated--Goodell's support or lack of support for specific development and public welfare issues, his attitude toward political parties and whether he addressed controversial subjects. The editorials were chosen for analysis, rather than other parts of the paper, because they are the portion for which he was most directly responsible. He wrote most of them and beyond preparing the front page occasionally, the day-to-day news work was carried out by the staff. Other than an occasional editorial written by managing editor Elliot Curry in Goodell's absence, interview sources said Goodell wrote most of the 82
6 editorials. And it can be said that those written in his absence would reflect his views. The editorials reveal Goodell's beliefs, his use of the language, his perceptions of the community and the kind of role he chose to play in that community. Interviews and biographical background provided an understanding of the issues that Goodell considered most important. The 10 specific issues analyzed were water development, highway improvements, local schools, low-cost housing developments, education, Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, civic improvements, public assistance and labor. (Background on Goodell's emphasis of these issues is explained in depth in Chapter 5). The purpose of examining these issues is to determine adherence to stated policy, change over time and the relationship between Goodell's personality and his editorial product. By looking at a series of issues, a characterization of Goodell's editorials and their patterns can be made.
Sampling Plan and Sample Size
From Goodell's nearly 20 years of editorials, a sample was examined composed of the first year and every fifth year thereafter--specifically, 1944, 1949, 1954, 1959 and 1963. The year 1944 was selected as the first 83 year because Goodell did not become editor in 1943 until October. His first full year as editor was 1944. His final year with the paper was 1963: he resigned at the end 7 of June 1963. The sample did not include editorials after that date. The sample resulted in 1,710 editorials being examined--a good cross section of Goodell's typical editorials throughout his career. There is a presidential election year (1944), a congressional and gubernatorial election year (1954), and several years during which municipal and state elections were held. The sample also provides editorials written during times when there were not a lot of "hot" issues present. The interval of every fifth year allows for an investigation of the question of change over time and provides an overall characterization of Goodell's work without a more cumbersome reading of every piece over the full 20 years. Prominent editorials from years other than the years selected were among those Goodell saved in his personal papers. These are discussed in Chapter 5. Every weekend the paper ran a collection of brief, often humorous comments to individuals or groups titled "Sam Luis." These were not complete editorials and were not coded 1n this study. They were read, however, as anecdotal reinforcements to some of Goodell's editorial stances. In 1954, for example, Goodell included a 84
one-sentence attack titled "To Joe McCarthy" in the Sam 8 Luis column.
Coding for Treatment of 10 Key Issues
Each editorial for the years 1944, 1949, 1954, 1959 and 1963 (up until when he quit) was read. If the main subject of the editorial was one of the 10 areas Goodell claimed to support, it was coded as either being pro, con or neutral. Mention of any other issue within a piece other than the main subject was not coded. For example, a brief mention of a labor issue in an editorial on the Republican party would not be counted. A piece was considered pro if Goodell was supportive. For example, a piece on Cal Poly San Luis Obispo, in which he encouraged attendance at an event or congratulated the school on an achievement, would be considered "pro." If he criticized an administrator or pointed out a weakness in the curriculum it was coded in the "con" category. If the piece was purely informational, without any position, it was "peutral." More specific topics took precedence over more general topics. For example, a piece on a local high school would not be coded in the "education" category, but for "local schools." More complete definitions of the 10 issues recorded (as well as other categories) can be found ~1 • 85
in Chapter 1.
Coding for Treatment of Political Party
Each editorial mention of political party within an editorial was also coded. Each reference to party candidate, office holder or issue was included. A party "issue" was only coded for if there was a clear reference to party in reference. Candidates or office holders did not require a specific mention of party. For example, a piece praising California Governor Earl Warren did not have to mention that he was a Republican to be recorded. Each mention of party was categorized as either supporting or opposing the Democrats, supporting or opposing the Republicans, supporting or opposing some "other" political party, or as "neutral." Again, this "neutral" category was for those mentions of party where Goodell's position on the person or issue was not clear. Each of these categories was divided into local, state, or national. For example, the piece backing Earl Warren for governor would be coded as supporting a Republican in the "state" column. Politicians representing the San Luis County area were considered "local," as were pieces on a national issue that primarily addressed the local impact. Multiple scoring was done for party reference. 86
For example, in a pre-election editorial if Goodell backed a Republican for governor and a Democrat for state senator, they would both be recorded. Repeated references to the same candidate within a piece would not be included. A separate tally was kept on mentions of Richard M. Nixon and Edmund G. "Pat" Brown. Goodell stated throughout his newspaper career that he strongly opposed Nixon and supported Brown. These mentions were recorded as either pro, con or neutral.
Coding for Treatment of Controversial Subjects
To investigate degree of controversy, each editorial was coded as addressing either a controversial subject or non-controversial subject and as taking a position or not taking a position. As stated in the definitions section of Chapter 1, a controversial subject is defined as one in which at least two persons, factions, interest groups or issues are in opposition. A subject would not be considered controversial unless Goodell made it clear within the editorial that the topic was being contested. For example, a piece praising a political candidate, without ever mentioning the opposition, would not be considered to be on a controversial subject. This definition was drawn from the methodology of 87 a study by Olien, Donohue and Tichenor in 1967 on "The . 9 Community Editor's Power and the Reporting of Conflict." Although they were not looking at editorials, but articles, the presence of controversy was investigated. The authors wrote, "The crucial question was not whether an article reported a topic of controversy, but whether the story made clear that a controversy was involved and 10 who the protagonists were." This is an important distinction, because Goodell on occasion would avoid controversy by omitting mention of the opposition. Coding for whether Goodell took a position or not was somewhat more lenient. If it was clear from the piece which side of the controversy Goodell supported, he was considered to have taken a position. This did not necessarily mean that he used strong language or called for action; clarity of his position was the key factor. Ralph R. Thrift, Jr., in his 1976 master's thesis "Editorial Vigor and the Chain-owned Daily Newspaper," coded editorial topics for controversy as a component of "vigor." But he made the determination on the basis of "topic context." He pointed out that "An editorial topic or subject was not necessarily controversial or 11 noncontroversial by itself." Without "significant differences of opinion" regarding the topic there was no controversy, he concluded. Each editorial was coded by geographic region-- 88
local, state, national, international or "other." Pieces where ~he geographic region was not clear, such as in
linguistic or philosophical pieces, were included in the
"other" category. Pieces on international or national
topics, but containing a local angle for San Luis Obispo
County readers, were coded as "local."
An example of a controversial topic without a
stand would be a piece on a state senate race in which
Goodell mentioned both candidates, but stated "they're both qualified." A typical non-controversial topic without a stand would be an informational piece, such as local farm statistics without an interpretation.
Notetaking
As the editorials were read, pieces which addressed Goodell's stated interests or the general themes which emerged were photocopied. These were re-read for organization, writing style and editorial stance.
Notes were taken for each year on the general patterns that emerged in both content, style and layout.
For example, Goodell repeatedly wrote upbeat editorials on local statistics, attempting to build civic pride by focusing on the positive. Notes were also taken on the specific language and topics of editorials pertaining to the research questions and general patterns of Goodell's 89 work. The notes and photocopies were re-examined, comparing them with the patterns that emerged from the biographical materials. Conclusions on the relationship of personality and stated editorial policy to the editorial product were drawn from this comparison. The recommendations made in community journalism sources provided a useful tool in evaluating Goodell's editorship.
Additional Justification of Research Design
Goodell's role as an opinion leader in the community and the relationship between his stated policies and newspaper content can best be analyzed through his editorials. As editor of the paper he was responsible for every editorial. Beyond this, his editorial duties were less direct. He guided the staff and only occasionally laid out the front page or did copy editing or writing. The news content says less about Goodell, since the day-to-day news coverage was handled by staff. Because the focus of the thesis is on comparing Goodell and his editorial policy to the editorial product, it was important to establish editorial policy first. It was only through Goodell's letters and the interviews that the issues to investigate in the content emerged. It was also important to interview some of the sources 90
immediately because of their age. The method organizes the content analysis on the basis of the historical issues and patterns. Cross-checking was done between the letters and interviews to establish important topics. Support for this method is offered in a 1980 article in the International Journal of Oral History on the treatment of oral data. The authors state that "topic management" is the most important variable in organizing interviews (as opposed to organizing interviews purely as 12 chronologies, for example). An organization of the content on the basis of stated issues can only come from the initial biographical research. The sampling of every fifth year--relating to the specific topics of controversy, support for selected issues, and party alliegance--meets the objectives of addressing change over time and adherence to stated policy. These three topic areas are keys to characterizing Goodell's editorship in a quantitative way. A more qualitative look at the editorials may have, in the words of Bernard Berelson, "overlooked the 13 non-dramatic." These non-dramatic editorials are accounted for in the coding for controversy and are numerically compared with the more "dramatic" pieces. Without the quantitative elements, the analysis would be purely anecdotal. Berelson also supports the use of a 91
"rotated sampling" (every fifth year in this study) as a 14 way of managing large groups of data. The large number of editorials necessitated some form of quantitative analysis. Writes Berelson, " •.. some trend studies of newspaper or radio content will be completely unmanageable without some form of counting, 15 however crude." He also points out that counting is important "when content data are related to non-numerical 16 . non-content data," wh1ch is the case in this thesis. The content of the Telegram-Tribune, Goodell's personal papers and the variety of interview sources are virtually the only sources on Goodell. This necessitates the focus on primary material. But the quality of this material is excellent. The collection of personal papers and the number of people who remembered Goodell were both more extensive than originally thought.
Methodological Difficulties
Other methodological difficulties should be mentioned. Not only is there little secondary material on Goodell, but little has been written on the Telegram-Tribune or the city of San Luis Obispo during the post-war years. This reliance on primary sources creates a certain vulnerability. Some sources died before followup questions could be answered: some were unreliable 92 because of age and the difficulty of recalling events from 30 or more years before. Others who chose to be interviewed may have done so because of some particular investment in influencing an account of Goodell's editorship. Historian Louis Gottschalk likens interview sources to witnesses 1n a court of law. He writes that "competence" depends on the source's state of mental and physical health, age, memory and narrative skills. "Often the benefit to be derived from a perversion of the truth is subtle and may not be realized by the witness himself," 17 he writes. The sources in this thesis were judged on this basis and by corroboration between sources and letters. Letters too could be somewhat misleading. Only selected letters to and from Goodell were saved. Important letters may have been excluded and other collections, held by members of the Scripps group, were not available. Each of these primary sources was an unknown quantity. The editorials, letters and interviews might have lacked adequate significance to sustain the thesis.
Procedures for Overcoming Bias
As a relative of the subject (his grandson), the 93 writer has an obvious potential bias. Early family accounts of Goodell generally were positive and not particularly detailed. Goodell died when the author was 10 years old. A major impetus for the thesis was the author's own ignorance of Goodell and his career. There were no prejudices brought into the research beyond a few general but positive memories. The purpose of the thesis was to learn as much as possible about the man and his work, and to write an honest characterization of his 20-year career as a community editor. The question of whether a relative can produce a fair a characterization is not new. Historian Barbara Tuchman, addressing the question of "Who is the ideal biographer?" wrote:
. • . biographies that stand out over the ages are mostl~ written by friends, relatives or colleagues of the sJ,]ect. • . • Such biographies have a unique intimacy, and if 1n addition they are reasonably honest and perceptive, they can construct a life that those of us not acquainted with, or not contemporary with, our subject can never match. • . • On the other hand, he may distort, consciously or unconsciously, through access to too much information~ and produce a warehouse instead of a portrait.l~
However, she later writes:
••• it seems to me that the historian--whether or not the biographer--needs distance. It has once or twice been proposed to me that I write a biography of 94
my grandfather, Henry Morgenthau, Sr., ••• but though I loved and revered him, I shrink from the very idea. Love and reverence are not the proper mood for the historian.l9
The author of this present study was aware of the potential pitfalls, and attempted to avoid a one-sided, unobjective study of the subject. John Garraty, in his book The Nature of Biography writes, "The pen of the relative can distort. Love is not 20 necessarily blind, but it tends to be astigmatic." Biographer Leon Edel writes of the importance of not "falling in love" with one's subject. Edel, in a compilation on biography by Anthony Friedson, states that this is vital to cutting through rationalizations and postures, and to finding the "deeper truths" of the 21 "figure under the carpet." To help avoid bias in the interview process, an openness to all information was conveyed. The importance of candid responses--both positive and negative--was stressed. The lack of knowledge of the subject was emphasized; as it turned out, the considerable evidence gathered in the study shattered few preconceptions. The research was described as entirely scholarly; that to meet demands for objectivity, both positive and negative elements must be described accurately. Knowledge of some negative personality traits (such as possible alcoholism) was mentioned up front to establish the 95
author's receptivity to critical information.
To avoid concentrating on newspaper content or
letters that showed Goodell in a positive light, all
editorials (for the years selected) and letters were read.
The more interesting or controversial editorials were
incorporated, as they are often revealing of Goodell's
more passionate beliefs, but their relative numbers were
compared with the more run-of-the-mill pieces. The
purpose was to accurately characterize his editorials and
at the same time to extract those that were particularly
revealing of Goodell.
The selection of interview sources also was comprehensive. Sources included friend and critic. Those
involved in Goodell's stormy resignation in 1963 after 20 years on the job were interviewed and criticism of him was
recorded from staff members and fellow editors.
Many of the areas of potential bias also are
special qualifications for this research. Being Goodell's grandson has enhanced access to both interview sources and written materials. Additionally, the author's other grandfather, Joe Warnagieris, long-time San Luis Obispo
County assessor, helped arrange interviews with some
former city officials and provided background information.
A number of family friends of the author live in
San Luis Obispo and they provided useful historical
information on the community and helped to characterize 96
its people.
Turning again to the methodology as a whole, it accounts for bias and incorporates the variety of evidence available. The focus here is Goodell's treatment of specific issues through his editorials, and how these editorials and Goodell changed over his 20 years as editor.
To quote Andre Maurois:
In biography we recognize that a man is not a solid mass of virtues or of vices, that we are not concerned with passing moral judgement upon him and further, that he does not remain the same man from early manhood to old age.22
It was in this spirit that the study of Robert
Goodell's 20 years as a California editor was conducted. 97
Notes
1 Ralph R. Thrift, Jr., "Editorial Vigor and the Chain-owned Daily Newspaper" (Master's Thesis, University of Oregon, 1976).
2 Alex S. Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz, "The Weekly Newspaper's Leadership Role As Seen by Community Leaders," Journalism Quarterly 40 (Winter 1963): 565-74.
3 Clarice N. Olien, George A. Donohue and Phillip J. Tichenor, "The Community Editor's Power and the Reporting of Conflict," Journalism Quarterly (Summer 1968): 243-52.
4 John A. Garraty, The Nature of Biography (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957), p. 195.
5 Ibid., p. 196.
6 Interview with Doyle Coons, Harry Green, Paul Scripps and John P. Scripps, San Diego, California, 4 June 1984, and interview with Russell Pyle, Port Hueneme, California, 14 January 1985.
7 Julius Gius to John P. Scripps Newspaper editors, 28 June 1963, Julius Gius' Personal Files.
8 . . "To Joe McCarthy," San Lu1s Ob1spo Telegram-Tribune, 13 February 1945.
9 Olien, Donohue and Tichenor, p. 246. {\ . 98
10 Ibid.
11 Thrift, "Editorial Vigor," p.77.
12 E. Culpepper Clark, Michael Hyde and Eva McMahan, "Communication in the Oral History Interview: Investigating Problems in Interpreting Oral Data," International Journal of Oral History, 1 (February 1980): 29-34.
13 Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis in Communicaiton Research (New York: Hafner Publishing, 1971), p. 119.
14 Ibid., p. 183.
15 Ibid., p. 130.
16 Ibid., p. 131.
18 Barbara W. Tuchman, Practicing History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1981}, p. 86.
19 Ibid., p. 87.
20 Garraty, Nature of Biography, p. 157.
21 Anthony Friedson, ed., New Directions in Biography (Honolulu: Biographical Research Center, 1981), pp. 32-33 0
22 Andre Maurois, Aspects of Biography (New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co., 1929}, p. 30. " '
CHAPTER 4
BIOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND
The staff of the Telegram-Tribune had never seen anything like it. Their editor, Bob Goodell--a man almost compulsively good humored and unflappable--stormed back and forth between the offices, swearing loudly and slamming doors behind him. They had seen him disarm irate 1 subscribers and insistent advertisers with ease. But that day another letter had come from Julius Gius, the new editorial director for the John P. Scripps Newspaper Group. The letter gave "hire and fire" authority to his managing editor, repeated strong criticisms of Goodell's editorial policy and restricted his authority as editor of the San Luis Obispo, California paper. The letter spoke of a lack of local editorials and endorsements in city elections as a "failing that must be 2 corrected." Bob Goodell's response to the two-page
99 100
single-spaced epistle, after he finished slamming around . . 3 the off1ce, was a two-word letter to G1us: Fuck You. Just before writing this angry resignation letter he had typed some notes to himself. "What has happened to the theory of having an editor formulate his own editorial policy?" he wrote. "Do I have to make editorials conform to Gius' views on what they should be, or am I permitted 4 tell him to go fly a kite?". These questions referred to the stated policy of the Scripps Newpaper Group allowing local editors the freedom to editorialize in the manner of their choosing. Goodell clearly felt that his autonomy was being diminished and as a result decided to quit. The year was 1963, Goodell's 20th as the Telegram-Tribune's editor. It marked the end of a 40-year career as a newspaper man in Utah and California.
Goodell's Early Years
Robert Withers Goodell was born on St. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1904, in Northport, Washington, near the 5 Canadian border. His father, Albert Goodell, wanted to name the boy Andrew, but his mother, Mary Ellen Withers Goodell, insisted on Robert. Five Goodell children were lost before Robert was born, three girls and two boys. Mary, their only daughter to survive, said the last boy, Albert, lived to age 4, but 101 died an agonizing death after some kind of accident. Afterward, her mother was moody and depressed for an 6 extended period, she said. When Robert was born, he was lavished with attention, partially in response to the death of Albert. According to his sister--they were 10 years apart--Robert was ill and "very delicate" as a child. A doctor prescribed a sugar diet and he "perked right up," but also became fat. Both his mother and sister read to him a great deal and he was reading by age 3. Remaining at home due to illness, Robert was taught by his mother and entered elementary school at age 7. He skipped three grades in two weeks and was placed 1n a third grade class after reading from a history book before his teachers. Robert and his sister attended several elementary schools because the family moved almost constantly among mining towns in the Western United States and Canada. Albert Goodell worked as a metallurgist and mining engineer, moving the family from "little place to little 7 place," because "dad would hear of a better job." The family lived in apartments and Albert believed in spending his fairly substantial earnings, particularly on clothes and entertainment. The family attended the theater regularly. Because his skills as a metallurgist were in 102 demand, better money was always luring Albert on to the next town. Mary recalled attending five different schools in less than a year. Up to the time Robert was 3 or 4 years old, the family lived in the Spokane, Washington, area. They then moved to Marysville in the Canadian province of British Columbia. From there the family moved for short periods to Spokane, Victoria and Vancouver. Robert was educated in the small schoolrooms along the way. Robert and his mother were extremely close. Where Albert, Robert's father, was somewhat cutting and sarcastic with the boy, his mother encouraged him in all of his activities. There were music lessons, attending the theater, reading and athletics. Because he was overweight, he was encouraged participate in sports. He loved baseball and tennis, memorizing baseball statistics from previous years and working as a ballboy during tennis tournaments in the Spokane area. He said later in life that it was by working as a ballboy and watching professionals play that he developed his tennis skills. His sister said Robert had a gentleness and was "unduly" sensitive because of his mother's influence. The family did not attend church services. Robert's mother had been raised in a strict southern Methodist horne, but both of Goodell's parents rejected the church and were 8 cr1t1ca. . 1 o f 1t. . 103
As a boy (7 to 10), Robert frequently attended the theater with his mother. "In every city dad got tickets," his sister recalled, "and mom and Bob went most. I was in 9 boarding school."
From about 1913-1918 Goodell and his family lived in Spokane, Denver and Needles, California, the majority in Spokane. Robert entered Lewis and Clark High School in
Spokane as World War I was coming to a close in 1918. He was only 12 at the time; a classmate wrote in his yearbook that Robert was "the freshest, greenest freshie of them 10 all." He did well in school, particularly in Latin, and demonstrated an ability to memorize material easily. He could accurately recall pages of text, batting averages and other baseball statistics.
From Denver the family moved to Salt Lake City in
1919. Robert attended the large Eastside High School and was captain of the tennis team, wrote for the student newspaper and worked on the yearbook. His sister remembers him at that time as being able to mix with people of all types, tolerant of the foibles of others, a dodger of conflicts who hated quarreling, and "kind of a 11 sissy."
Although he worked for the school paper and was able to accurately quote political speakers, he was not particularly interested in politics. Robert's father followed politics closely and was an independent voter; 104 his daughter Mary said she never knew whether her father was a Republican or a Democrat until just shortly before he died. She said both of her parents voted the candidate rather than the party and were disdainful of marching and other public political displays. According to his sister, "Bob never did state a strong opinion. He didn't want any trouble." She said he didn't talk much, "especially about anything that he thought might have an effect on somebody else. He didn't want to influence people; he wanted you to have your own 12 ideas." In Salt Lake City, young Goodell continued to excell at tennis. He never had a lesson, yet was the top I high school player in Utah, winning the singles championship in 1921. Tall and lean, he played a serve and volley game, had a powerful serve, and was known as . . 13 one of the top amateurs 1n the Rocky Mounta1n area. Robert's counterpart in Colorado was Cliff Darnall, junior champion for 18 year olds and under in that state. "There were some good players in the Rocky Mountain area at that time and Bob was one of the better 14 players," Darnall said. The poor weather and lack of facilities in the area limited the ability of the players to perfect their skills. For example, although Lewis and Clark High School in Spokane had a tennis team, matches had to be held on courts at private homes and it was 105
. 15 difficult to find places to pract1ce. In his senior year Goodell worked as a reporter for the school newspaper and yearbook, both called the "Red and Black." Beside his photograph in the 1921 Red and Black yearbook it says he was in the science and chemistry clubs and, in his senior year, captain of the 16 tennis team. He looked much younger than his peers. Of various courses of study offered, including English, Normal Preparatory, Classical, Elective and Scientific, 17 Goodell took the "Classical Course." As part of a fundraising effort, he played Brutus in a burlesque of Julius Ceasar called "The Ides of March." Also, while in 18 high school, he won a national poetry contest.
At the University of Utah: Achievement, Controversy and Dissapointment
At the age of 16 Goodell entered the University of Utah. He majored in Latin and minored in history, and during his freshman year played on the tennis team and wrote for the university newspaper, the Utah Chronicle. It was at the end of his freshman year that he met his future wife, Myrtle Sumpter, on a hiking party. They agreed to write to one another during the following year, which Goodell spent working with his father. First he worked in the smelter in Copperopolis, California, and 106
19 later as a painter in Marysville, British Columbia. He entered the university again in 1923, continuing his Latin studies, reporting for the Chronicle and playing on the tennis team. He was the school's number two player. He wrote for the school yearbook, the Utonian, the Chronicle and the humor magazine, the Humbug. He was a member of the U-Topian social club was the only 20 male in the language honor society. After returning to school in 1923, Goodell began working for the Deseret News, an evening paper in Salt Lake City and during his senior year he was a sportswriter for the Salt Lake Tribune. He worked nearly 40 hours a week during his junior and senior years, leaving school in 21 the afternoon and often getting home after midnight. Goodell continued with his classical studies, and was able to read Latin and quote passages verbatim. His history courses he particularly enjoyed, having studied history from the time he was a little boy. By the time he reached his senior year, he had completed all of the courses offered in Latin, and he spent his final year studying the Greek language and reading the classics in 22 their original Greek. "He got all A's, but I never saw him study that much," Myrtle Goodell said. "When he got into the Greek, that was the one time I saw him study. He could read Latin like English, but with the Greek, he said, 'I've 107
"I 23 never worked so hard in my life.'" Goodell took special delight in being able to test out of his chemistry class where the final task was indentifying a series of chemical unknowns. Because he had done this kind of work professionally with his father, he was able to complete nearly a semester's work in a single day. From the summer of 1924, through the spring semester of 1926, Goodell was editor of the university newspaper, the Utah Chronicle, published every Tuesday and Friday. It was as editor that he had a series of run-ins with the university president George Thomas. These conflicts would ultimately lead to one of the major disappointments of Goodell's life. Thomas, a stern pedagogue who extolled the virtues of scholarship and was contemptuous of various student traditions, saw the Univeristy of Utah "destined to become a great center of learning in a vast empire that stretches 24 from Denver to San Francisco." Goodell poked fun at the president and campus professors for what he considered their narrow focus on
scholarship and their exaggerated criticism oi the students. As a freshman he had written "The Reformation 25 of William Q. Studious," a satirical article, for the University Pen, and anonymously wrote a similar piece, "Ye Goode Olde Scholar," for the Pen in 1926. In the latter piece, he wrote, "If we took the press of the nation 108
seriously, we would believe that the dodo and the scholar
are two species of fauna which are totally extinct.
Unfortunately, this is not the case." Goodell's fictional
scholar eventually became a university president, boring 26 students with his speeches on scholarship.
On July 23, 1924, he wrote an editorial titled,
"Bunk!" criticizing a visiting lecturer who spoke on the
"Problems of Modern Youth." Goodell wrote, "These 'Mad
Youth' talks are really becoming boresome. . • • We hear
so much of the 'wild parties,' but we see few indeed." He
scoffed at the lecturer's contention that dancing parties created a condition similar to drunkeness, leading to
immoral acts, and that "millions of young men in this 27 country are smoking 75 cigarettes a day!"
This followed another strongly worded stand against restricting students from smoking on campus--they had to go behind the gymnasium.
Goodell was called into President Thomas' office and told he would be expelled. Thomas accused him of being a smoker (he wasn't) and against "high standards," and he was enraged at Goodell's criticism of the 28 univeristy lecturer.
Goodell was not expelled, but on August 6, 1924, printed an editorial "correction." Goodell pointed out that he was criticizing the speaker's exaggerations, not 29 his aims. 109
On the first day of the fall 1924 semester Goodell wrote an editorial, "Our Policy, If Any," which began:
Student newpapers--or any kind of newpapers--with a policy are a nuisance. We have no policy ••• we have decided that there are no particular points sticking out with outstanding stubbornness. • We are violently in favor of no current issue in particular nor are we viciously opposed to any .••• 30
On November 26, 1925, Goodell and a friend produced the Utah Squeal, published by the members of the university journalism fraternity, "whenever they feel so 31 inclined." The four-page newspaper, printed in red ink, carried a front-page drawing of President Thomas standing on the university seal. The caption read, "TRADITIONS UNDER FOOT," and the main headline, "Prexy In Grip of . . 32 Study Complex; Realization of Act1v1ty Value Needed." This lead story in the "scandal sheet" poked fun I at the president's formal appearance and avoidance of student activities, stating:
Prexy has failed to function as good Prexies should. He evidently went to school with a flock of books, left his footballs and tennis rackets home and became a living proof that the old adage, "All work and no play makes George a dull boy" is true. He apparently emerged with a single track mind which gallops madly along with its cloven hoofs clicking out, "High Scholarship! High Scholarship!"33
The piece concluded that Thomas was "narrow," but 110
"looks as if he might be a congenial little cuss if he 34 tried to be." A finance professor was criticized under the headline, "BLONDY A HARD BOZO," several campus organizations were ridiculed and the name "Prexy Thomas" 35 peppered the Squeal. A handful of other professors were complimented for mixing with and encouraging students, and for making difficult subjects interesting. If the intent was "constructive criticism," the response was vengeful indignation. Goodell was called into the president's office again and told that the outrage would not go unpunished and that this time he 36 would be kicked out of the university. Thomas and other professors pressed the student government board to expel 37 the two men responsible, Bob Goodell and Karl King. The following week, the Salt Lake Tribune reported that the journalists refused to apologize and that members 38 of the campus journalism society could be expelled. When president Thomas asked sorority members to deny dates to the journalism fraternity, the fraternity responded: " the Prexy's advice will stimulate a profusion of invitations, the fair ones having a natural taste for . . 39 forbidden fruit." In his meeting with Goodell, President Thomas 40 vowed that he would get even. This vow was to have consequences for the young journalist that he did not 111
,, . forsee at that moment. At the time of the publication of the Squeal, the university exercised strict control of its publications. Besides the earlier mentioned student government board, a publications council supervised "the policies and financial affairs" of campus publications. The 1927 Utonian (yearbook) openly complained of "rigid censorship" . . 41 of campus publ1cat1ons. The Squeal, in a sense, was a reaction to these controls. Goodell and the journalism fraternity ultimately appeased the administration and the Squeal of February 4, 1926, was conspicuous for its lack of criticism. The caption in the large blank space in the center of the page said it all--"This space is dedicated to the things we 42 might have said, but didn't." Goodell finished out his senior year, serving as captain of the tennis team and was selected for the Beehive Club, "probably the greatest honor that comes to a 43 graduating senior." No more than seven members were appointed each year. But the ultimate honor that Goodell sought was the Rhodes scholarship. Among his papers was an article, clipped from his high school newspaper in 1921--discussing the Rhodes scholarship and Cecil Rhodes' philosophy of leadership as a composite of scholarship and athletics. It explained that two Rhodes scholars were selected from 112
each state, listed the criteria and pointed out that seven
Rhodes scholars were graduates of Eastside High School, 44 including two holders at that time. The article must have impressed upon Goodell his potential eligibility, as did his friend and coach, Ott Romney, from Eastside High, 45 who had been selected as a Rhodes Scholar.
In 1926 Goodell applied for the scholarship and was called before the statewide selection committee.
Confident of the outcome, faculty members and friends had a celebration planned for him and Goodell told his girlfriend, Myrtle Sumpter, that if he won he probably 46 wouldn't see her again.
At the meeting he was told that he was first runner-up, that by a three-to-two vote, another student had been chosen ahead of him for the scholarship. The president of his own university, "Prexy Thomas," had voted against him. After the meeting, as they passed each other in the hall, Thomas told Goodell, "I told you I'd get even 47 with you."
As Cecil Rhodes had delineated in his will, "moral force of character" was one of the four central criteria for selecting a student. The marks in this category were 48 given by "the headmaster of the candidate's school."
Rhodes also stated in his will that "students who shall be elected to the scholarship shall not be merely 49 book worms." Ironically, it was Goodell's repeated 113 expression of this very ideal that brought him into conflict with his university president and contributed to his rejection as a Rhodes Scholar. The consequences for Goodell were devastating. The goal that he had worked for since high school, the opportunity of a lifetime, had been denied him by the vindictive act of his university president. He never spoke about it again, but was deeply hurt by the incident. It was one of the biggest 50 disappointments of his life, his wife later recalled. One year after they graduated, in 1927, Bob Goodell and Myrtle Sumpter were married. Much to his father's chagrin, Goodell spent his entire $300 savings on his honeymoon, returning with $5 in his pocket. Robert and Myrtle had three children--Molly in 1929, Doug in 1932 and Jean in 1937. Goodell's only son, Doug, died at the age of four and his loss was a lifelong source of sadness 51 for him.
As a Utah Journalist: "Meticulous" and "Independent Minded"
Goodell was hired as city editor of the Provo Evening Herald in 1927 and from 1929-1931 was both editor and business manager. Jean Paulson, who worked for Goodell at the Herald, remembered him as a bright, meticulous, liberal editor--"He'd throw a fit when he'd 114
find an error." He described Goodell as "independent 52 minded."
The Herald was a Scripps-Canfield newspaper, owned by the Scripps brothers, Edward and James, and was supervised by E.C. "Doc" Rodgers. Rodgers operated out of
San Luis Obispo, California, serving as president of the
Daily Telegram (evening) and the Morning Tribune
(morning). He was publisher for both the Provo and San
Luis Obispo papers. Jean Paulson, who eventually became editor of the Telegram-Tribune, said of Rodgers: "He was an old-timer, a newspaperman from the Midwest. Rodgers never smiled; he was cold and analytical and he stuttered.
He had to answer to the Scripps brothers about money and 53 was always cutting down on this or that."
Rodgers was pleased with the editorial side of the paper, but with the onset of the Depression his cost-cutting measures intensified. In a letter to Goodell on October 21, 1929, Rodgers praised the news content and editing of the paper. He relayed messages from "Mrs.
Scripps" that she was "highly pleased with the way you have taken hold of the editing and managing job" and Mr.
Canfield who "also said he was watching Provo now with renewed interest." He had some strong criticism of the paper's production quality and wrote, "This concern needs 54 capable managers more than it needs anything else."
Goodell found Rodgers' personal attacks and 115 constant cost-cutting reminders petty and degrading. He complained frequently to his wife of Rodgers' drinking and exhortations, such as "don't forget to turn out the lights, Bob." In early February 1932, following a three-week visit to the paper by Rodgers, Goodell quit and accepted a sportswriting position with the Salt Lake Telegram. In Rodgers' formal letter of acceptance--with copies sent to the Scripps brothers--he intimated that Goodell left because, "you believe going back to the Salt 55 Lake City Telegram is bettering yourself ••• " On February 20, 1932, Goodell responded:
. • . I think there should be a clearer understanding of the reasons for my leaving. I am not leaving to "better myself" but to protect myself. At the conclusion of your recent trip to Provo, it was apparent that you were completely dissatisfied with my work, and that you were ready to wield the ax at the next sign of a complaint or difficulty from the Central Office .••• Never have I spent a more discouraging three weeks than those of your January visit. Your constant "riding" methods were, to my notion, uncalled for. Criticism and advice are your business--but continual abuse about everything, down the most trivial details (frequently in front of the whole office force) was most disagreeable. I feel that no one with any self respect could continue under such conditions ••.• I am not giving my reasons for resigning with any animosity, but to state my position frankly and clearly. Excegt for those circumstances, I would rerna1n· •••• 5o
Copies were sent to Canfield and the Scripps brothers. Rodgers died in 1934, two years after Goodell 116
57 left the paper.
At the Salt Lake Telegram--some say better than
the Tribune at the time--Goodell worked as assistant
sports editor. He was there for only about a year before
leaving to work on the copy desk at the Salt Lake Tribune.
At the Tribune Goodell went from the copy desk to assistant sports editor to sports editor, remaining in the
latter position until 1937. He battled with the owner of the Tribune, who made Goodell rewrite sports stories to 58 promote his favorite teams. Various instructions and criticism were given in the form of blue office memos. At the bottom of the form would be assigned various
"Demerits" or "Commendations," with a "No Penalty" category, presumably if the infraction did not warrant a 59 loss of points.
One day in late 1937 Goodell gathered up a bunch of his blue slips, took them to the editor, told him he wasn't going to put up with the system of demerits anymore, quit and walked out. The editor asked Goodell to stay on, offering him a position as night city editor.
Goodell accepted. Although he loved covering sports and he had met a number of prominent athletes, after a few short weeks as night city editor he found city news to be 60 much more interesting and challenging.
Jean Paulson, who worked with Goodell at the Provo
Herald and later at the Tribune, remembered him as a 117
strong copy editor who was good at "dreaming up stories."
Some years after Paulson had left the Tribune, he was surprised to hear that Goodell had not become city editor and felt that Goodell was "not moving up as fast as he might." He said, "Bob was bright, but low-key about it. 61 Once in a while you'd see a flash."
Goodell was eventually made city editor, but felt unchallenged by the position and wanted to get out of Salt
Lake City. He told his co-workers he wanted to get "out of the slush" and longed to play tennis year round. He had continued to play in tournaments in the Rocky Mountain 62 area.
In June 1942 Goodell met John P. Scripps on a visit to San Diego with Jean Paulson. Paulson had been editor of the San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune since
1937, remaining in that position after the paper was sold in June 1940 to John P. Scripps by Edward W. and James G. 63 Scripps (Scripps League).
In a letter to Paulson on June 12, 1942, Scripps wrote:
I found him (Goodell) a very interesting person indeed, who unquestionably has both the ability and desire to handle the reigns of a small city daily newspaper. Although as you know it has always been our policy to advance men within our own ranks to more responsible positions as openings occur, you may be sure that the next time any such opening does develop we will weigh against this policy the candidacy of Bob Goodell, a thoroughly seasoned editor and manager of 118
the Provo Herald, to say nothing of his more recent experience in Salt Lake City.64
Scripps, a perennial practical joker, had taken the opportunity of Goodell and Paulson's visit to surprise them with "various office explosive gags." In Goodell's
June 29 letter to Scripps he said Paulson was:
•.• busily engaged during the rest of our trip, trying to figure out methods of getting even with the Scripps office for the shock--or shocks--to his nerves. I imagine he'll be expecting nothing less than an anti-aircraft salvo on his next trip to San Diego. . • • I'm keenly interested in finding a spot with more "future," so if and when something does turn up, remember I'm not anchored in Utah!65
The 1940's at the Telegram-Tribune: Small-Town Publisher
On September 21, 1943, Goodell resigned from the
Salt Lake Tribune to take a position as managing editor of 66 the San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune under Jean Paulson.
At the time, John P. Scripps owned papers in Ventura,
Watsonville, Redding, and San Luis Obispo, California, and in Bremerton, Washington. It was a close-knit organization, with openings filled from within and employees often remaining several years. Although Scripps had someone else in mind, Paulson's praise for Goodell's abilities and insistence on hiring him led Scripps to make 67 Goodell managing editor. 119
Goodell was made publisher of the paper in October 1944, serving as both editor and business manager as he 68 had in Provo. This was the only time a John P. Scripps daily newspaper had a publisher, a move made in part because of the lack of available personnel during the 69 war. In the tradition of Scripp's grandfather, E.W., the papers were run by a business manager and editor, each of equal stature, but with separate responsibilities. Each paper was allowed local editorial autonomy, a tenet exercised to an unusual degree by the editors of the Scripps group. The late Frank Orr, long-time editor of the group's Watsonville paper, the Register-Pajaronian, said, "We have a kind of local independence, particularly editorially, that nobody else has. It's the principal thing that has kept most of us here for our working 70 lifetimes." The only group editorial oversight came from Editorial Director Roy Pinkerton. Pinkerton started the Ventura County Star, which later became the Star-Free Press and he retained part ownership of the paper and other papers in the group. It was Pinkerton who had originally teamed with John P. Scripps to get him into the 71 newspaper business when Scripps was just in his teens. Because he did not own stock in the Telegram-Tribune or the Bremerton Sun, Pinterton did not direct or critique those papers. "Roy Pinkerton had the il .
120 philosophy that as editorial director he was also editor of the flagship paper (Star-Free Press) and that he would lead by example rather than by issuing orders or manifestos," said Harry Green, long-time general business 72 manager for Scripps newspapers. Goodell arrived in San Luis Obispo in 1943, just after the 25-year reign of Mayor Louis Sinsheimer. Sinsheimer owned the city's primary dry goods store and functioned as "money lender, counselor, baron and general arbiter of tastes and standards. To Mayor Sinsheimer, San Luis Obispo was a sleepy old Spanish town. He liked it 73 that way and he intended to keep it that way." Shortly before Goodell arrived, electric street lamps had been installed. Previously, a lamplighter on a bicycle would light the gas lamps and in a major concession, Sinsheimer 74 permitted him to ride in a motor vehicle. Sinsheimer prevented commercial development and public works 75 projects, including paving the streets. The city's population in 1943 was less than 10,000, but it was flooded with soldiers from nearby Camp 76 San Luis Obispo and Camp Roberts. Despite a severe housing shortage, measures to participate in government housing projects were regularly defeated at the polls. The mayor was a part-time official and there was no city manager. San Luis Obispo was the county seat for a vast 121
rural county (3,300 square miles) stretching from the
Santa Maria River on the south to beyond San Simeon, home of Hearst Castle, to the north. The county had the
state's largest wheat crop in the early 1950s, large 77 almond orchards, cattle ranches and dairy farms. Best of all, the central California coast offered Goodell a milder, temperate climate and year-round tennis.
The Telegram-Tribune during the war years had an extremely small staff, at one point just three people--Goodell, Cecilia Jensen and Eliot Curry. The paper was 8-10 pages, ran Monday through Saturday and cost 78 65 cents a month. Curry was hired as managing editor in
November 1944. He had previously worked for the Riverside
Press-Enterprise. He recalled:
The day I arrived, he (Goodell) sat on one side of the desk and I sat on the other, and he went through the job of making up and putting out the paper. The next day I sat on the other side of the desk and he watched me put it out. The next day he went to San Francisco and left me in full charge.79
Curry described Goodell as gregarious, very active in community affairs, a "fair" but not a "tough" editor, whose general philosophy was to "have a good time every chance he got." Curry was a perfect assistant for
Goodell--steady, serious and quiet. Goodell could depend on him to get the paper out and write editorials in his 122
80 absence.
The Telegram-Tribune office, formerly a Ford garage during the Model T era, had been acquired by
Scripps-Canfield in the 1920s. The paper was printed on two flatbed presses, joined together and simultaneously 81 feeding their products through a single folder.
Louise Marquardt, who, with her husband owned and operated San Luis Obispo radio station KATY, said of the
Telegram-Tribune building:
Norman Rockwell would have liked the whole set up, the grubby, horrible office. The concrete had been poured poorly and there were gouges in it. The board of health wouldn't have passed it for air, light, water, nothing. And the wiring was a mess. And there was Curry--with the green eye shades, the cadaverous build and the Underwood typewriter. The chair was too low, the typewriter too high.82
One of the outer brick walls was barely held up by 83 a telephone pole. Curry came into the office at about 7 a.m., Goodell at 8:30. They discussed assignments with the three reporters on the staff and went over the wire copy. The three reporters were women because of the wartime shortage of men. The paper went to press about 2 p.m. As both editor and business manager, Goodell was out of the office much of the time, serving as president of the city chamber of commerce in the 1940s. Curry said they clipped editorials on occasion from other papers: "It 84 wasn't a very aggressive system, but it was all we had." 123
One of Goodell's reporters during the war years, Cecilia Jensen, said "Bob wrote all his editorials himself. He was too independent of mind to do otherwise." She described Goodell as intelligent, fair, unbiased, considerate and having a good sense of humor. She stated:
Among my various employers during approximately 40 years of working, Bob Goodell occupies the top of the list as the ideal of all my "bosses." Bob was considerate. He always dummied the pages for the paper, and when reporters gave him their copy to be edited, and he slashed or revised, or re-wrote leads, instead of leaving the reporter to suffer a case of deflated ego when he picked up the first edition, Bob always carne in and explained what he had done and why, and how it could be done better. He was a great teacher as well as a fine editor.85
Somewhat surprisingly, these strong words of praise were echoed by most of those who worked with Goodell over the years. He was very popular with his 86 employees, from reporters to the men in the backshop. Jensen said Goodell spent mornings dummying the paper and inserting the stories as they carne in. The 87 editorials were written in the afternoon. Mai Alquist, classified advertising manager during the late 1940s, said Goodell did not necessarily write all of the day-to-day editorials, but would write the "major policy editorials," which "unmistakably had his stamp on 88 them." She described Goodell and Curry as very good friends, but added, "Goodell was a good friend to 124
everybody who worked there. I never had to ask for a
raise, although I got several." Alquist described Goodell
as very supportive and complimentary of his staff, and
able to remain calm and retain a sense of humor "even when . 89 things were go1ng badly."
As both business manager and editor, Goodell
attended meetings of both groups. Recalling the editorial conferences, Frank Orr said:
Personally and physically Goodell was more noticeable than most editors. He was a big guy with a commanding voice. Goodell was older than most of us. He didn't dominate, but when he had something to say, he did. He was a diamond in the rough. He said what he had to say and didn't care if you agreed or not.90
Julius Gius, editor of the Bremerton Sun in
Washington, and later editorial director, remembered
Goodell differently. He said Goodell was not much of an
"intellectual," and that he had little to contribute at 91 conferences, "when compared to a Frank Orr and others."
It was at the various conferences and other visits
John Scripps made to San Luis Obispo that he and Goodell became good friends. "I would say that they were more 92 kindred spirits than any other two," Orr said.
Following a business managers meeting, August 7-9,
1947, at the Ojai Valley Inn, in Ojai, California, Goodell wrote a humorous "blow-by-blow account," signed "Secretary Q • 125 in Chief." He wrote:
Owing to a slight indisposition while at Ojai- caused, no doubt, by the peculiar Scotch flavor in the drinking glasses--! was unable to read all the notes I took during the JPSN business managers' conference. Despite this handicap, and the added difficulties caused by Scripps pouring glasses of water over the notes at frequent intervals, I did manage to record some of the immortal remarks there perpetrated.93
The piece went on to poke fun at each business manager, including Goodell. Of a discussion of expense accounts, Goodell's being largest, his "minutes" recorded:
Bostwick: Jesus Christ, Goodell. Ain't you got no conscience? Goodell: Goddamighty, Bostwick, you piker. Just because you sell Addressographs on the side is no reason to queer our racket ••.. 94
At the later, "evening conferences" Goodell and Scripps served as songleaders. "Goodell had a repertoire of maybe six or eight strange songs and we would all join 95 in and sing," Orr said. Scripps occasionally ventured to San Luis Obispo, parking his yacht at Morro Bay or Oceano and would rendezvous with Goodell and others at the Motel Inn in San Luis Obispo. It was Goodell's deep respect for John P. Scripps that helped convince him to stay in San Luis 96 Obispo. Another reason he stayed was the natural beauty of 126
the area and its climate and the virtual year-round tennis it allowed. In 1947, at the urging of a friend, Goodell managed the National Clay Courts Championship in Salt Lake
City, the first time in 25 years the event was held outside of Chicago. Tennis professionals Pancho Gonzales, 97 Frankie Parker and Ted Schroeder played.
In 1948 Scripps converted the management of the
Telegram-Tribune to the "two-headed" approach followed by the other papers. Given his choice, Goodell chose to be editor rather than business manager for the freedom of expression it allowed. Harry Green, general business manager, believed Goodell was "relieved" that the change 98 was made. Actually, he was "heartbroken" by the move and was reluctant to give up control of the business he 99 had helped to build for the previous five years. He retained the title of "President" of the Telegram-Tribune
Co. After the change his fellow business managers presented him with a tombstone, engraved with the titles of his favorite drinking songs.
James McLain was hired as the paper's new business manager. He had served as the general advertising manager of the Bremerton Sun and had earlier worked for the
Ventura County Star, Santa Ana Journal and the San Diego 100 Union.
Goodell and McLain clashed almost immediately. It was no secret that Goodell was less than impressed with 127
McLain's intelligence and management style, and that
McLain disliked Goodell's politics and less frugal approach with the staff. Julius Gius noted such conflicts were fairly typical and said:
I had a sense that Jimmy didn't think that Bob was the man that he'd like to live with for the rest of his life and I'm sure that Bob had some feeling that he had given up something--that he had nurtured this paper for years and now had given up the business managership to somebody who was an outsider who was less well equipped than he was.lOl
"Bob detested him," said Alfred Alquist, a friend of Goodell's who served as a California state senator for more than 20 years. Alquist's wife Mai, who worked in classified at the paper from 1947-50, said, "I just don't think McLain had the background to take that over. My 102 impression was that he had not had enough experience."
She said that divided loyalties sprang up where before there had been cooperation.
Goodell continued to exercise influence beyond his role as editor for several years. Jimmy McLain complained that Goodell gave in too easily to union negotiators: "He thought the typesetters should be entitled to (overtime pay). I thought it was just another way of getting a few 103 more nickles," McLain said.
In March 1950 Goodell wrote Harry Green, Scripps
Group general business manager, complaining of McLain's 128
"mishandling" of the county tax collector, Joe Barrett.
He wrote that the paper had nearly lost the advertising for the delinquent tax list because McLain "jumped Barrett about his credit" and "barged right into the 'better bring 104 your checkbook' routine." The numerous complaints in the letter and the fact that letters were exchanged behind
McLain's back demonstrated the strained nature of their relationship.
The year that McLain was made business manager,
1948, a State Division of Industrial Safety engineer issued an order for the Telegram-Tribune to "correct unsafe conditions" relating to its presses and folders.
Eight infractions cited referred to a lack of guards. In a three-page, strongly worded letter sent to the engineer's supervisor, (with copies to California Governor
Earl Warren and the director of industrial relations)
Goodell outlined the company's safety policy and protested the engineer's "prejudiced" and "dictatorial" behavior.
He described the Telegram-Tribune as "not only willing but eager to assure maximum safety for all our employees, mechanical and otherwise." Threats made by the inspector to the press foreman and the job shop manager were quoted, each charge of unsafe conditions was explained and a 106 re-inspection was requested.
The state's director of industrial relations responded immediately to Goodell's request, and upon 129
re-inspection, the paper was found to be in full conformity with state safety requirements.
Goodell was well-liked by the backshop crew at the
Telegram-Tribune. Walter "Andy" Anderson, shop foreman and an employee of the paper for 49 years, said Goodell was respected by the typesetters and pressmen because he
frequently socialized with them and regularly pushed for 107 wage increases.
"One night he comes in after we'd put in a lot of hours getting out a special edition and says, 'Give everybody an extra hour of overtime.' I told him, 'I already wrote it down,' and he says, 'Well give 'em 108 another hour.'"
Goodell's letters to John P. Scripps and Harry Green regarding salary and wage negotiations often asked for higher pay for employees. In a March 30, 1948, letter to
Harry Green on negotiations with the printer's union, he built a strong case for a pay hike. He pointed out that the union had "modified" a previous demand of $2.15 an hour to "no lower than Ventura" or $2.11. "Their contention," he wrote, "was that every day during the past week there had been one or more news stories indicating price boosts and additional inflation" and "only a handful of unions in the state are below $2.11 right now." He suggested a quick settlement at a slightly higher wage to 109 avoid an early renegotiation. 130
In a 1952 letter he requested that Elliott Curry, the managing editor, be paid overtime for working election night, despite a company wage freeze denying him that overtime pay. He wrote:
I cannot see the logic in paying a Christmas bonus and NOT paying someone for election work •••• I would ~amble that every paper in California is having its managing editor (or city editor) work on election night and is paying him for it. I certainly hate to ask people to do legitimate work for nothing."llO
The 1950's: A Community Activist and Liberal Independent
Johnny Nettleship joined the paper in 1950, leaving a position as editor of the Paso Robles (California) Journal. A life-long Republican, he described Goodell as a liberal Democrat, but said Republicans received "very fair treatment by the paper; their events often got page one play and were not 111 hidden." He said of Goodell's editorials, "He said things in such a way that he didn't make people mad. His editorials were timely and fit in this community." In an intimate community made up of independent-minded, proud native sons, a strident editorial approach would have been 112 ineffective, Nettleship said. 131
An April 1951 article about San Luis Obispo County in the San Francisco Chronicle pointed out that Goodell was editor of the only daily paper in the county.
"Goodell has to be careful about supporting particular politicians and usually refrains from endorsing local candidates, allowing them equal space to state their 113 platforms," the article said. Goodell had to be careful, the Chronicle reported, because he had a
"monopoly" on news coverage because there was no competing daily newspaper in the county with a different political slant.
A 1952 publication by John P. Scripps Newspapers gave written analyses of the presidential campaign that year by the group's editors. As with most of the other editors, Goodell's initial satisfaction with Eisenhower had waned and he spoke against Ike's "more-than-necessary" acceptance of Wisconsin Senator Joe McCarthy. "I am not sure that the TnT will endorse Stevenson; we certainly won't endorse Ike," he wrote. He added:
We have been highly critical of Poor Richard Nixon and his sob story (Checkers speech) ..• the No. 1 matter, so far as San Luis Obispo county is concerned, is to help get that Great Statesman, E. K. Bramblett out, and to get Hayes in.114
This absence of a specific endorsement characterized Goodell's feeling that in a community the Q •
132 size of San Luis Obispo, with only one paper, strong endorsements or criticisms of candidates should be kept to a minimum. He avoided addressing personalities on the editorial page, particularly local personalities. He focused more on issues and concentrated on growth-related topics during the 1950s. One was highway development. Among Goodell's papers were several articles and editorials, clipped from the Telegram-Tribune, including several on highways. A 1952 article he saved outlined the need for highway improvement in the county. With the "reactivation of three huge military camps in the vicinity, the tremendous population growth of the county and a sharp increase in traffic accidents in the deficient sections," several 115 improvements were needed, he wrote. Throughout the 1950s, Goodell served on highway development committees at the local and regional level. Also in the early 1950s, Goodell promoted the construction of low-rent, public housing. According to a February 6, 1950, article, a citizens' inspection group found "graphic evidence of slum conditions in every corner of the city." The piece described drafty, leaky shacks and "slum properties," and the rents charged and lack of 116 repairs by various owners. Goodell was described by his wife and close friends as "very liberal," and concerned with the plight Q .
133 of the underprivileged. He opposed (and editorialized against) the internment of Japanese Americans in camps during World War II, was critical of "union busting" tactics and was appalled by the treatment of migrant workers in the various agricultural communities throughout 117 the county. In 1954 the Telegram-Tribune ran several pieces (most by reporter Kathy Hunter) on substandard living conditions of migrant workers in Nipomo, a small argricultural town south of San Luis Obispo. Goodell was shocked by the starving children and dirt floor shacks in Nipomo. "He thought it was awful the way people with money treated the poor in the county," Myrtle Goodell said. "There were people renting tiny shacks on their property for as much 118 as $60 a month." He continued to give attention to the issue despite criticism from many in the community for bringing "undue attention" to the problem; he later editorialized against this criticism. Goodell consistently supported community growth and development. As with his promotion of highway improvements, he favored water projects such as the building of Whale Rock Darn to keep pace with the population growth and future water needs of the county. He backed local school development and civic improvements, such as public parks and buildings. Goodell had cooperative relationships with the 134
administrators of California State Polytechnic University,
San Luis Obispo (Cal Poly), the California Men's Colony, the Atascadero State Hospital (for criminally insane), and
Camp Roberts and Camp San Luis Obispo, nearby army camps.
These entities comprised the major source of employment in the county. Goodell knew most of the administrators personally.
For example, he knew the long-time superintendent of the Men's Colony, John H. Klinger, through the San Luis
Obispo Rotary Club, of which Goodell was an active member.
In 1956 he served on the Region 9 Citizens Committee for
State Construction and worked for the passage of
Proposition 3 (state funding for construction projects).
He received a letter of appreciation from Klinger, Cal
Poly President Julian McPhee, Atascadero State Hospital
Superintendent Dr. R.S. Rood, and Paso Robles School for 119 Boys Superintendent Gerald Spencer.
Goodell worked closely with Cal Poly. Robert
Kennedy, public relations director and later, university president, worked for him on the paper for several summers. He described their relationship as ¥ery 120 cooperative.
From the late 1940s to the mid-'50s Goodell pushed for a new city charter to streamline management of the city through a council-city manager form of government.
He worked with members of the city council on strategies 135 for passage of the amendment and was a member of a citizens committee to study the matter. In 1949 the charter amendment was defeated, despite Goodell's 121 editorial support. "Two years later he said, 'We went about it too scientifically, explaining the whole thing in detail. The people didn't understand it. This time we'll 122 use more propaganda,'" Myrtle Goodell recalled. According to Richard Miller, the city's first city manager, the original wording in 1949 included some arbitrary and harsh provisions limiting any council actions against a city manager. With a rewriting of the proposal and a less specific editorial explanation by 123 Goodell, the charter passed in 1955. Goodell's motives in supporting the city charter revisions were not entirely altruistic. He pushed for language that would make the Telegram-Tribune the legal newspaper, thereby securing the advertising revenue for . 124 the city's various legal not1ces. Miller described Goodell as:
••. working behind the scenes with ±he council and discussing strategies. If I wanted coverage of an issue that affected the city I'd call Bob and he'd be supportive, write an editorial or news article. If anyone tried to take advantage of his friendship, he'd be firm. He could be a tough guy. He preserved his integrity and independence, but that didn't keep him from being friendly.l25
Goodell had originally met Richard Miller through 136 the Rotary Club and was active in several clubs and organizations in the community. This not only introduced him to prominent individuals in San Luis Obispo, it provided him with an informal network into the town's activities and it led him to appreciate the importance of publicizing clubs in the close-knit community. Throughout the 1950s, Goodell was active in the Elks Club, Chamber of Commerce, Executives Club, YMCA, Exchange Club and other groups. He founded the Executives Club, which brought prominent speakers from outside San Luis Obispo, and he covered many of the speeches for the paper. He also founded the "Last Man's Club," in which the last survivor of the club would end up drinking a 30-year-old bottle of Scotch. In Goodell's letter of invitation he wrote:
There are no duties; no serious objectives; no dues or fees. The one and only activity is an annual dinner meeting to get together, have some drinks, lie to each other, and eat a steak dinner •••• Some suspicion has been voiced that our youngest member, Al Lape--who somehow became custodian of The Bottle--has been dipping into the current replacement. So the Club may go on forever."l26
The paper would publicize the activities of any legitimate club or organization. In the case of various women's clubs, the paper provided coverage right down to the name of each office holder and what was served for lunch. "I knew who had chronic indigestion before I moved 137
here," said Louise Marquardt, who "studied the paper like
a textbook" before coming to San Luis Obispo to help run 127 radio station KATY.
Marquardt was a friend of Kathy Hunter, who worked
(with her husband George) as a reporter for the paper
until 1957. Years later, it was Kathy Hunter who broke
the Jonestown story in the Ukiah (California) Daily
Journal prior to the mass suicide of the followers of Rev. 128 Jim Jones in Guyana.
Both Kathy Hunter and Louise Marquardt were active
in San Luis Obispo's little theater and it was Kathy
Hunter who in 1952 talked Goodell into taking the role of
editor in a production of "The Front Page." He enjoyed
the experience and continued to act in various little
theater productions for the rest of his life.
Recalled Marquardt:
He was very picky about the part. He did "Look Homeward Angel" and "The Best Man" by Gore Vidal. Bob was such a fast study. If someone hadn't learned their lines and we got bogged down, pretty soon we'd lose Bob: I'd look up and he'd be gone. A slow mind drove him crazy.l29
Because of Goodell's numerous activities in San
Luis Obispo and the size of the community in the early
'50s he "touched the whole town," Marquardt said. This
intimacy led him to avoid strong, local criticism or
endorsements on the editorial page, she said. Marquardt 138
said of Goodell's editorial policy:
Bob planned on living and dying here, so he couldn't have a personal vendetta against every family in town. He jumped on ideas, but never the man. He got the effect without hurting people. Bob was always after a specific result, very pragmatic.130
Doyle Coons, who audited the papers for the
Scripps organization in the 1950s, described Goodell as
"an independent" whose editorials were "middle of the road." Coons would spend a week at a time in San Luis
Obispo. "He didn't come out every day and say a
Republican is an SOB or a Democrat is an SOB. But I don't think he was wishy washy." Coons, Harry Green and John P.
Scripps all described Goodell as more of a community
"booster," whose personality was to avoid a direct head-on 131 conflict.
Coons said Goodell was well-liked by the business community, the courthouse, and throughout San Luis Obispo.
"He met no strangers. He was so personable that even if 132 they disagreed with him they liked him." Said Harry
Green, "I don't think Bob was a controversial editor, but that doesn't mean he wasn't a good editor. He believed 133 you should let the voter make up his own mind."
According to Myrtle Goodell, his experience in
Salt Lake City and at the Deseret News in "trying to tell the Mormons how to vote" convinced Goodell that readers 139
would not follow the paper's suggestions and in some cases an endorsement could be a kiss of death. "I remember Bob saying, 'The American people will not let a newspaper tell them how to vote.' He thought that San Luis Obispo was fairly progressive with the university people and all, but he didn't think the people in the town as a whole were 134 very intelligent."
Alfred Alquist, state senator and long-time friend of Goodell said:
He was tailoring his editorials to the average reader in that small town, whose level of consciousness, or intelligence either, wasn't all that high. If he had been on the editorial board of the L.A. Times, you would have seen certainly a much different product out of Bob.l35
Mai Alquist said:
It was a small town and I don't think it would have been wise to do the things that you could have done in a bigger town. I'm saying that because I was out there selling advertising. You kind of had to be a likeable person and Bob was that, and I think he recognized where he was operating from. He was practical enough to know that he couldn't get too far out from his readers. San Luis is different from Tulare; even if they had the same number of people there it would be different."l36
Frank Orr, editor of the group's Watsonville paper, said he and Goodell were fairly close because of similar size of their papers, which were both located in small coastal towns. Orr said of editors: 140
In a Babbitt kind of role as booster, everything has to be rosy. Bob didn't look at things that way. When he found things wrong he said so. It's important to use an element of surprise. If you're constantly picking--as they did in the past--on local issues and making a lot of noise about little things, it's a bit of wolf crying. If you lie back in the bushes and if you're moderate and polite in general, then when you want to really clobber somebody you have a tremendous effect.137
Regarding local endorsements Orr said:
There are two schools of thought when it comes to endorsements in local election contests. Some have the feeling that, well, everybody knows good old Joe and let's let the candidates forum speak for itself. I cling to the notion that we know more about these people than almost any voter and we owe them at least an observation as to who is most qualified. Bob was the other way.138
Tribune staffer Jane Sarber, who joined the paper
1n 1957, said Goodell considered it the role of a good
newspaper to make sure reporting was fair and accurate, and not to "try to bend minds. He supported people but
not vehemently, because he wanted to live with them 139 all."
In 1957 Goodell also hired Russell Pyle, who had
been sports editor with the Santa Maria Times. Pyle agreed with Goodell's somewhat restrained editorial approach:
It used to be a common practice when you were in a 141
one-newspaper town that you didn't endorse candidates. You're sort of a child of your times. I could see campaigning for housing for Cal Poly students or campaigning for more schools, but I'm not sure the city was big enough to start endorsing candidates for office. Anyone running for office was sort of being a sacrificial lamb; there was no big ego trip involved, so I imagine Bob's philosophy was, "Why harass them?"140
Pyle said Goodell filled a community need by covering "the little stuff," like the clubs and news from the surrounding hamlets. Pyle said the paper had not outgrown this kind of "parochialism," and felt that more controversial editorial stands would have been damaging and divisive. He said:
I do think he was more guided by the good of the community than by making a big name journalistically; the two didn't go together all the time. He wasn't on an ego trip. I think Bob would have liked a Pulitzer prize, but Bob also liked to run into some lady on the street and have her tell him how much she liked a story on the women's page.141
When Jane Sarber began at the paper in 1957 she said she was struck by the comraderie of the staff. John
P. Scripps' wrote Goodell in 1956, after a visit, "There's a sort of homespun esprit de corps in the community and in 142 our plant which I like."
Doyle Coons said Goodell broke down the typical barriers between the composing room people and the editorial staff: 142
Bob would go talk to the pressman or the janitor or the president of the Chamber of Commerce, whoever; it didn't make any difference. The feeling was imminent throughout the organization. It was a pleasant organization to go audit. You didn't have any back-biting or stuff you'd pick up at other plants. He attracted very loyal and conscientous employees.l43
There were some critics of Goodell's approach to his job. Russ Pyle was critical of some of Goodell's hiring practices, saying that he would "take in every hungry puppy in town." He said some members of the staff did not keep regular hours and were generally 144 undependable.
John Sarber, a reporter and confidant of Goodell, was described by staff members as a small man with arthritis who was very independent. "Johnny was the kind of person you'd always run into," Doyle Coons said. "He covered the town and picked up all the scuttlebutt. The complaint was that Johnny Sarber didn't have any hours.
Well he didn't have, because he'd be at work at 145 midnight."
Fen Truebridge was a reporter/photographer who covered the city beat for the paper. He was known for showing up to work Monday morning with a new cut, bump or bandage on his bald head after a weekend altercation.
Goodell considered him an excellent photographer; like
Sarber he always seemed to be near the scene of a story or 143
146 photo opportunity.
However, there were numerous stories among the staff of how Truebridge's drinking had interfered with an assignment. There were tales of him falling into a wedding cake, crashing through a plate glass window or passing out before a picture was to be taken at a
barbecue. He reportedly had missed assignments or come in 147 late for work because of his drinking.
Goodell was described as a social drinker, who drank after work. He never drank on the job, but recalled
Pyle, "I saw him come in a few times looking pretty red-eyed, but pretty soon he'd be out of his office making 148 me rewrite some headline."
In 1958 the Telegram-Tribune relocated to a newly constructed plant on Johnson Avenue. A new 64-page capacity Goss Press was moved into the $225,000 building.
Goodell had a large circular desk designed whereby the editorial staff could work in close proximity and copy 149 could be easily passed to managing editor Elliot Curry.
The expansion complicated the process of putting out the paper and dramatically increased the workload, particularly for Elliot Curry, the managing editor. The paper was larger and more steps were involved. "We went from a paper that a couple of us could handle to something 150 that was weird for us," Pyle said. In 1958 the paper went to two editions, one for the north county, one for 144
the south county.
The Early 1960s: Conflict with Julius Gius
In 1960, Roy Pinkerton, the editorial director for the group and editor of the Ventura Star-Free Press, retired. Pinkerton's lack of ownership of stock in the
Telegram-Tribune had allowed Goodell to operate for years with complete editorial independence. He reported regularly to John P. Scripps, but because of their friendship and Scripps' lack of an editorial background,
Goodell did not come under the same scrutiny as the other 151 editors in the group.
Goodell and Pinkerton were different in their editorial approaches and personality. Goodell refused
Pinkerton's suggestions to read British historian Arnold 152 Toynbee, considering him boring.
John P. Scripps said, "I don't think (Goodell) 153 pleased Roy Pinkerton very much." Said Paul Scripps,
John's son, "They were opposites. Roy was very strident, 154 very strident." Doyle Coons concurred, "Roy endorsed political candidates without any qualms and had very 155 strong stands."
Frank Orr was Pinkerton's first choice as his successor, but Orr did not want to leave Watsonville, so
Julius Gius, editor of the Bremerton (Washington) Sun for 145
156 25 years, was chosen. John Scripps put all of the papers under Gius' purview. "That was the first time in those many years that Bob had to report to anyone but John Scripps," Gius said. "John was not only his publisher and 157 employer, but also his very warm friend." Representatives of John P. Scripps Newspapers described the role of the editorial director as rather limited, with local editorial autonomy taking precedence over any "suggestions" that the editorial director might make. Assistant Editorial Director Paul Scripps said:
Our philosophy is that our editors will do a better job relating to the community and being better editors if they are not being told by others what to say and who to support and how they should say it. The editorial directorship is a role which serves to assist, maybe exhort. He tries to be supportive and in many cases they will seek him out as a sounding board. The whole basis of editorial autonomy is that communities differ and therefore a paper should reflect the community, rather than fitting some outside norm.l58
Former group business manager, Harry Green, said Gius made few changes and governed by example. The group portrayed the editorial director's power as limited to mild "suggestions," which could have been ignored. Julius Gius described his role in much stronger terms. He said editors were free to take any position, but must take definite stands. "I would question an editor who doesn't take any positions or doesn't try to 146 deliver to his community a viewpoint that the readers could either accept or argue with." Gius considered Goodell to be in this category. If suggestions and requests were ignored, an editorial director could 159 terminate an editor, Gius said. After being named editorial director in 1960, Gius began writing Goodell regularly, critiquing the paper and suggesting specific changes. From 1961 on, the criticism grew more pointed. This was the first time in nearly 20 years that Goodell received such oversight, but he 160 "accepted the constructive criticism," Gius wrote. In 1960 Gius criticized the underuse of timelx photographs in the paper, the quantity and quality of sports coverage, and Goodell's choice of new type faces. He requested that Goodell use the Herblock cartoon on the editorial page although Goodell earlier expressed the belief that it was "a little bit too hard hitting for 161 (our) astute San Luis folk." Gius wrote with specific suggestions as to the play of stories, headlines and other issues. Requests for changes were repeated. "We called them Gius notes," Pyle 162 said. "There were some pretty sharp comments." Goodell considered his newspaper experience and judgment to be equal, if not superior, to Gius's and he found Gius's letters condescending in tone and petty in the kind of details they addressed. He became 147
increasingly irritated. "He wasn't accepting the 163 authority of Gius," one staffer said. A more positive letter from Gius was his 1960 letter of congratulations for the Telegram-Tribune's publication of an "extra" edition following the crash of an airplane in Ohio carrying members of the Cal Poly San Luis Obispo football team. Twenty-two were killed and sports editor Johnny Nettleship, was among the 26 injured in the crash. Sixteeen football players were killed. Gius wrote that he had called Goodell Sunday morning, thinking it:
might be advisable to fly a couple of available Star-Free Press men to San Luis to assist in handling the local details under Bob's direction. But when I got Bob on the telephone, he had just put to bed an "Extra" edition ••.• l6q
The story received international attention. Goodell made the decision to put out the special, editing copy and re-writing heads. "He seemed to sense the impact of that thing more than any of us who were swept up in working on it," Pyle said. Goodell encouraged staffers not to embellish their stories. Pyle said he worked for two days without sleep on the extra and that calls carne in 165 from as far away as London and Paris. The Telegram-Tribune won the 1960 California Newspaper Publisher's Association award for best spot news 148 coverage for its extra. The award was presented by 166 Governor Edmund G. "Pat" Brown. In 1960 Goodell stated the paper's editorial approach in an editorial titled, "This Is Our Policy." He claimed to be an "independent with Democratic leanings," and endorsed Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy for president, adding, "we have long been among (Nixon's) more consistent critics." He claimed support for the underprivileged, favoring the "trickle up" philosophy of the Democrats over the "trickle down" theory of the 167 Republicans. In the early 1960's Russ Pyle began taking his criticism of fellow staffers, Truebridge and Sarber, to Julius Gius, whom he described as "the first sympathetic ear" to his complaints. Pyle and Gius called each other 168 at home occasionally. Shortly thereafter, Gius made Russ Pyle managing editor, demoting Elliot Curry. The purpose was to take control of hiring and firing from Goodell and deal with 169 the "personnel problems." Recalled Pyle:
Julius called me at home that night and said he wanted a little more push behind the staff. I think Bob was given the choice before I became managing editor that he could get rid of Sarber and Truebridge and he could straighten up the staff or he could let me do it. I think it was spelled out at that time that the managing editor was going to be in charge of personnel.l70 149
Goodell considered his relatio~ship with Pyle to be a customary editor/managing editor relationship, with
Pyle's role more limited.
Pyle became increasingly unpopular with the staff, and was perceived to have undercut others to achieve his 171 position. He was described as ambitious and abrasive.
In retrospect Pyle said of the situation: "It's like Billy Carter says, 'If it's working, don't mess with it.' And it was working~ it really was working, despite 172 the different personalities."
Pyle and others said Goodell allowed his staff a great deal of freedom in the way they went about producing the paper. Pyle said, "Goodell's wasn't a day to day, minute to minute direction. It was sort of a hands on thing when he felt there was a need for it, but he wasn't looking over your shoulder or each day telling you this was the way you should play it. It was more management by 173 reaction, micro-management."
Goodell encouraged his reporters to get out of the office. They did not follow a rigid timetable and were in and out of the office all day. Goodell himself followed a rather independent schedule, coming in at 9-9:30 a.m. and often working late, which he preferred. He came in on 174 weekends.
Business manager Jimmy McLain was critical of the free-flowing way Goodell managed the editorial staff and 150 his personal relationships with some reporters. And they differed politically, McLain being a "Republican thinking man." McLain said some of his fellow members of the American Legion referred to Goodell as "that goddamn 175 communist." McLain and Julius Gius had worked together for several years at the Bremerton Sun and remained friends. McLain was critical of Goodell in his discussions with 176 Gius, he said. Staffers said morale deteriorated under Pyle and there was a feeling that a staff "shakeup" was . . 177 1mm1nent. Gius considered several of Goodell's activities to be unbecoming of a newspaper editor. These included drinking with members of the staff, and Goodell's acting in little theater. "I didn't relate the position of publisher or editor to amateur theatricals. I looked on the position that he held with the newspaper as one who 178 would stand apart from that sort of activity." In 1963, Gius' criticisms of Goodell and the Telegram-Tribune intensified. On February 12 he wrote that the sports logotype was too large, the women's page a "mish-mash" with "still much to be desired in writing, news handling, and coverage." Gius wrote he "had some preliminary discussions with Jim McLain about the possibility of doing additional makeover of your city edition" and to explore the details with McLain and 151
179 Pyle. In a second letter, also written February 12, 1963, Gius complained that a Telegram-Tribune columnist, Barney Barnett, had criticized the newspaper business. Barnett had praised A.J. Liebling, "our favorite critic of the newspaper industry." Gius questioned Barnett's "loyalty," adding, "If I were a Guild organizer, he would 180 seem a most likely prospect." Goodell responded, telling Barnett to "get off 181 that particular topic." On June 6, 1963, the growing conflict intensified when Gius wrote Goodell regarding his editorial writing:
It is a matter of concern to me that the T-T hasn't been using local editorials with sufficient frequency, and when you do dwell on such material of local relationship, I have a feeling that you do not take strong positions or you do argue controversial matters . • • . It has been quite a while back since I have read an editorial in which the T-T said that black was black and white was white about local issues •••• 182
Gius wrote that he wanted more local controversy, more "forceful" language and less on "park development, 183 litterbugging, road building and assorted whoop-de-do." Gius did not recall Goodell's response to the letter. During a 1985 interview with Gius at the Ventura Star-Free Press, he read from an extensive collection of letters between himself and Goodell. Only selected 152
letters offered, Gius saying that he had shared the 184 "pertinent" ones.
Goodell considered Gius' letter demanding more forceful editorials insulting and an infringement of his editorial autonomy. He strongly disagreed with Gius' assessment that more strident editorials would be effective in San Luis Obispo and apparently gathered examples of his editorials to demonstrate to Gius that he 185 was producing more than "assorted whoop-de-do."
A local editorial at that time which did generate some controversy was Goodell's March 1963 editorial, defending County Tax Collector Joe Barrett. As tax collector, Barrett was a regular source of advertising revenue for the Telegram-Tribune, publishing the delinquent tax list. Over the years Goodell made special efforts to stay in Barrett's good graces. Late in 1962
Barrett had been indicted by the county grand jury for questionable accounting practices and was charged with 186 embezzlling about $350. He was acquitted and Goodell ran a long editorial congratulating him and hinting that he had only been accused because his "personaJ enemies" were "out to get him." He wrote that the grand jury had
"blundered ahead" and made an indictment, despite the 187 district attorney advising against it.
In Goodell's letter to Scripps on the acquittal, he pointed out that in all of his 19 years with the paper, 153 the Telegram-Tribune received the delinquent tax list, despite some attempts to allot the advertising to other papers. Of Barrett he said, "You couldn't make the guy do a dishonest thing" and he referred to an earlier time when E.C. Rodgers had "bragged" about having paid off the tax 188 collector. In June 1963 Pyle fired Fen Truebridge without consulting Goodell. Goodell was enraged, but he did not pursue this issue aggressively with Pyle, considering the situation to be the creation of Julius Gius. After 20 years of complete editorial autonomy, he was being told what to write and having the staff changed around by a young staffer who had been given that authority by the editorial director. The editorial director's role was described by Scripps management as largely "suggestive," but this was clearly beyond suggestion and "management by example." According to Gius, if Goodell did not conform to his editorial requests, such as endorsements in local elections, he could be fired. "He couldn't operate indefinitely without producing more local edi~orial 189 comment," Gius said. Following the Truebridge firing, Pyle initiated several changes. Everyone would be in the office by 8 a.m. and stay to 5 p.m. John Sarber, who was relatively disabled with arthritis and had never had regular hours 154 with the paper, told Pyle he couldn't meet the schedule. Pyle insisted and Sarber quit. Others on the staff were ready to quit and feared they would be fired. Said sports editor Johnny Nettleship, "I didn't take much from Pyle. 190 I was probably going to go next." Goodell visited John P. Scripps in San Diego in June 1963, intending to quit. He took several of Gius' letters. Goodell told his wife, "I wasn't going to blow up, but the minute I went in the office I hit the 191 ceiling." Scripps talked him out of it and convinced him to discuss the matter with Gius. On Friday, June 21, 1963, Goodell went to Ventura to meet with Gius. According to Myrtle Goodell, who drove her husband to Ventura, he came out of the meeting convinced that "things would be different." He said Gius had been accommodating, had agreed to cut back on the letters of editorial criticism and had agreed to clarify to Pyle that Goodell had the ultimate authority over the . . 192 ed1tor1al staff. On June 24 Gius and Goodell wrote up their respective versions of the meeting. Goodell sent his letter to John Scripps, Gius's letter went to Goodell. Goodell wrote that he had found Gius cooperative and that Gius agreed that he was in charge of the editorial department. He wrote: 155
I don't agree with his idea that we should engage in continual editorial controversy. My opinion has always been to avoid the temptation of being a "Scold" or a "Nag and hit hard when you have something important to hit ••.. (Gius) minimized the low staff morale .... I feel that I know a great deal more than the editorial director does about the community of San Luis Obispo, or than he will ever know living in Ventura •••• I'm not thin skinned, but I am not going to be downgraded as editor of the TnT, now or later.l93
Gius, in his lengthy letter of June 24 to Goodell, repeated his criticism of Goodell's editorials as insufficient in addressing "local problems," such as city elections. This "failing must be corrected," he wrote. In a complex explanation, that "may seem at variance with my earlier attitude when you were here in Ventura," he pointedly said hire-and-fire authority would remain with Pyle, because of Goodell's history of "ineptness and 194 indecision." Goodell found particular irony 1n the sentence:
Hiring and separation notices should be confirmed by you, but I would say again that the easiest way to destroy the chain of command and to prevent effective staff management is for the higher level person to attempt to usurp the authority of the lower level.l95
The letter concluded with a patronizing request that a morning conference be held--"don't keep them 196 waiting and keep on the subject." After receiving Gius' letter, Goodell was livid. 156
Staffers remember him slamming the door to his office as he went in and out. To Goodell Gius' letter was more than somewhat "at variance" with his earlier attitude; it rejected all they had agreed to in Ventura, including cutting back on letters of criticism.
In a page of notes to himself, Goodell responded candidly to the portions of Gius' letter he found most offensive. In the notes he wrote of Gius:
He specifically brings up the point of taking sides in a city election. I have believed this town too small to do so to advantage; too many personalities involved. I concede maybe it's growing beyond that point. Not sure. At any rate, to summarize: Russ runs the staff as he pleases, with or without my approval. Gius runs the editorial policy from Ventura •..• What has happened to the theory of having editor formulate own editorial policy? Do I have to make editorials conform to Gius' views on what they should be~ or am I permitted to tell him to go fly a kite?l9J
Goodell decided to quit once and for all. He felt that to the harassment of Gius' letters on editorial matters was added interference with personnel, to the point that a relatively new face on the staff was now in charge of hiring and firing. This, on top of a long-standing unhappiness with his partner, business manager Jimmy McLain, and the shock of seeing the complete autonomy of the previous 20 years vanish, led Goodell to this point. The anger that Goodell felt toward Gius 157 finally exploded. He went to the Western Union office, intending to send a two-word resignation telegram to Gius, but Western Union refused to accept the cryptic message, so he wrote it and mailed it himself. His message to Gius was, "Fuck 198 you." Before he mailed it, he had shown the letter to staffer Walt Beesley. Beesley implored him not to send it, 199 but Goodell said he had been left with no choice. After mailing the letter Goodell called Frank Orr, editor of the Watsonville paper, and a confidant in earlier 200 skirmishes with Gius, and read him the letter. After they had talked, Goodell went to a local bar. Beesley later called Myrtle Goodell, saying that he had spoken 201 with Bob and that he was extremely upset. Gius called Goodell to accept his resignation. He then called John Scripps to report his acceptance. Gius recalled: "John said something like, 'Do you think you have to do that? Do you think it's necessary?' I said, 'I surely do. There's no way that I can accept that kind of thing. John said, 'If you feel you must, you 202 must.'" On June 28, 1963, Gius sent a telegram to all of the editors in the Scripps Newspaper Group, advising them that Bob Goodell had ·resigned and that George Brand had been appointed as the new editor of the 158
203 Telegram-Tribune. After receiving the telegram, Frank Orr wrote
Goodell on June 28, 1963:
Obviously, that didn't take very long did it? I got a telegram this morning telling me what I already knew •••• . There is much speculation as to the whereases and whyfores, but it seems to me that there's no great point in elucidating; the editors have a fairly good picture--those hereabouts anyway--and I see no point in rehashing for others.204
Gius had wondered if Goodell had second thoughts about the letter, but according to Frank Orr and Myrtle Goodell, it was intended as his resignation and he was 205 completely aware of the consequences. There was no involvement by the central office in Goodell's leaving. The dissatisfaction with Goodell was that of Julius Gius. Scripps representatives, including long-time general business manager Harry Green and John Scripps' son Paul, said they were uncertain why Goodell had quit, assuming that he had overreacted to some . 206 editorial "suggestions" that had come from G1us.
Said Gius, "I do not recall a single instance in which anyone at the central office talked to me about management style or overall style or Bob's relationship 207 with people on his staff." Also, the editorial matters over which Goodell and Gius conflicted were outside of the scrutiny of the Scripps management in San Diego, whose 159
focus was the business side of the papers. Gius told Scripps' management that Goodell's resignation was a complete surprise, Harry Green recalled. Gius said, "We had what I thought was a satisfactory relationship. Nobody was more surprised than I to get a 208 two-word letter." George Brand, whom Gius appointed as Goodell's replacement, had previously been managing editor of the Redding paper. Shortly after taking over as editor, Brand asked that Pyle be removed as managing editor. He described Pyle as abrasive and unable to get along with the staff and said that staff morale was poor under 209 Pyle. Pyle was hired by the Ventura Star-Free Press, but was incompatible with the managing editor there and 210 left to work at nearby Point Mugu Navy base, Gius said. Brand was also critical of Goodell's editorship. The paper had a "lassez faire attitude," news reporting was not aggressive or independent enough and the editorial page "looked like something from 1910," Brand said. In the community Goodell was "liked, but not respected," he 211 said.
The Sacramento Years
Goodell sought further newspaper employment through connections he had in Sacramento and was 160 0 . disappointed when it failed to materialize. With the help of former San Luis Obispo mayor Tim O'Reilly and a good word from State Senator Alfred Alquist, Goodell got a job with the State Senate Fact Finding Committee on Water Resources. Beginning in October 1963, he moved to Sacramento and worked with State Senator James Cobey, 212 committee chairman. In an article by John Sarber, which ran in the Santa Barbara News-Press, Goodell was quoted as saying, "I have long been interested in state government, and also, ·I specifically in water resources development. This is of tremendous importance to California, and its significance 213 will continue for a long time to come." On November 7, 1963, Goodell resigned from the American Society of Newspaper Editors, of which he had 214 been a member for since 1958. Acceptance of an editor of a paper with a circulation less than 20,000 was on the basis of merit: the association was very selective. Goodell particularly enjoyed the ASNE conventions and met a number of the nation's prominent journalists through his tennis playing. In the June 1961 issue of . I (ASNE's) The Bulletin, the sports report from the convention said, "Best players probably were Thompson and Goodell, who compounded the felony by playing as a 215 team." In his resignation letter Goodell wrote he had " ••. become a bureaucrat in Sacramento. It's a most 161
interesting job, but I'll admit that it's not easy to discard a newspaper background which has covered most of a 216 lifetime."
Goodell worked with Senator Cobey until July 1965, 217 developing and writing legislation on water issues. He performed in the Sacramento Civic Theater, the Music 218 Circus and JayRrob Productions. The companies had larger audiences and professional leads were brought in from outside Sacramento.
In 1964 he got strong reviews for his performance as Arthur Hockstader in "The Best Man." Said the
Sacramento Bee:
Every now and then a local stage comes up with a new performer so good he looks like a major discovery. So with due respect to a fine production and a brilliant play, the first news about last night's opening of The Best Man at the Eaglet Theater is the totally successful debut of man named Robert Goodell. As a crusty, salty ex-President at a national political convention, he is just about perfect."219
The Sacramento Union had an equally favorable 220 rev1ew.
In 1965 Goodell applied for a position as a public information officer with the Department of Water
Resources, and after scoring high marks on written and 221 oral tests, was hired. He prepared and edited the department newsletter and assisted with public information tasks. 162
Goodell met up with John P. Scripps and friends on
Scripps' yacht, the Novia Del Mar, on a trip to Tinsley
Island on the Sacramento River in October 1967. In the midst of the partiers, he tumbled off the deck and into the river. Scripps' letter on the voyage began "Dear
Plunge," and John Sarber referred to the incident as 222 "apple-bobbing in the Sacramento River."
After about a year with the water department
Goodell was asked to serve temporarily in Director Bill
Warne's office. Under Bill Warne he had contact with the governor's office; Ronald Reagan was governor at the time.
Goodell was not impressed with Reagan or the members of his staff that he had to work with, particularly press 223 secretary Lynn Nofziger.
After the two-week stint, his boss in public information asked for Goodell back, but Warne said, "No. 224 I'm keeping him." Goodell became more involved in water politics, serving as a speech writer for politicians and water officials throughout the state.
In February 1968 Goodell prepared a speech for
Joseph Jensen, long-time chairman of the Board of
Directors of the Metropolitan Water District of Southern
California. Jensen praised Goodell's writing ability, writing, "No changes or improvements on this paper were 225 possible because it was so well done."
Later in the Spring of 1968, Goodell wrote the 163
speeches (and virtually every word spoken) for the dedication of Oroville Dam, including Governor Reagan's 226 speech. Oroville dam was one of the largest earthen dam construction projects in the world; it is the highest 227 dam in the United States. Goodell thoroughly enjoyed putting together the media event, telling his wife Reagan was to enter the scene from a nearby mountain pass riding a white horse. The dedication was attended by several prominent politicians, including former governors Earl Warren and Pat Brown. Recalled State Senator Alquist:
I remember the irony of it, because governor Brown was there, but Ronald Reagan got to give the dedicatory speech and how ironic it was that Brown had worked so hard on it. Old Pat Brown says to me, "Jeeze, everybody gets something named after 'em around here. I thought they'd name that the Brown dam, but all everybody says is damn Brown."228
Goodell found the work challenging and enjoyed the excitement of working in a political environment. "I made a mistake in my life;" he told his wife, "I should have gone into politics instead of newspapering." He wasn't interested in running for office, but working behind the scenes, Myrtle Goodell said. She said:
He liked the politicians he met and was more challenged by the work. He was a guy who limited himself by staying in a small town and he had been 164
bored somewhat. A friend of his had earlier tried to get him to move to San Francisco; he didn't go into details, but I think he stayed because he liked Scripps.229
Two days before the Fourth of July, 1968, while playing an evening tennis match at the Sutter Lawn Tennis
Club, Goodell died of a heart attack. "It was the beginning of the third set and Bob said he felt a little dizzy," Myrtle recalled. "He went to the fence and sat down. There were some doctors there; they said he was 230 gone." Goodell had always told his friends he'd be happy as long as he had a tennis racquet in his hand and they felt sure he couldn't have chosen a better way to die. He was 63.
The day he died Goodell wrote his lifelong friend
Ott Romney. Romney was his high school tennis coach. In the letter, Goodell told of looking forward to playing tennis that night and talked about the Dodger, Giant and
Oakland A's baseball games he had just seen. He scoffed at Reagan's run for the presidency, "the nation's gain will be California's loss," and of Nixon he wrote, "I'd be for any Democrat (or his spotted dog} against_ Tricky 231 Dicky."
The description of Goodell by Jack
Anderson--"cool, unflappable, helpful and humorous"--was echoed by many who knew him. He was a very personable man, yet also fiercely independent. Both his personality 165 and editorial policy reflected an avoidance of undue conflict, a focus on the positive and a compassion and tolerance for others. The following chapter will more directly address Goodell's editorial policy and the issues he considered most important. 166 r ·
Notes
1 Interv1ew. w1t . h E 11"1ot Curry, San Lu1s. 0 b"1spo, California, 2 February, 1984.
2 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
3 rnterview with Julius Gius, Ventura, California, 5 February, 1985.
4 Robert Goodell, personal notes regarding letter from Julius Gius of 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
5california, State Department of Public Health, Certificate of Death, State File No. 4201, Sacramento County Health Department, 5 July 1968.
6 Interview. w1t . h Mary Sm1t. h , San Franc1sco,. California, 20 June 1984.
8rbid.
10The Lewis and Clark Journal, Yearbook, Senior Number (Spokane, Washington: Lewis and Clark High School, 18 January 1920), p.3, Goodell Family Papers.
11 Interview with Mary Smith. ,, .
167
12 Ibid.
13 Interview. wit . h CI . ff Darna 11 , San Luis. Obispo, . California, 26 January 1985. 14 Ibid.
15 The Lewis and Clark Journal, 1920, p. 85.
16 The Red and Black, Eastside High School Yearbook (Salt Lake City: Salt Lake City High Schools, 1921), p. 16, Goodell Family Papers.
17 Program for the 29th Commencement of Salt Lake City High Schools, 10 June 1921, p.2, Goodell Family Papers.
18 East HI. s enior . Jinx . ( Sa 1 t La k e City . City: . Eastside High School, 1920), p.5, Goodell Family Papers.
19 Interview. wit . h Myrt 1 e Goo d e 11 , Ventura, California, 18 December 1984.
20utonian, Yearbook (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1925), pp. 150, 176, 181, 266, 276.
21 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
22 Ibid .•
23 Ibid.
24 utonian, Yearbook (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1927), pp. 18, 31, 72.
25Robert Goodell, "The Reformation of William Q. Studious," The University Pen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, February 1922), pp. 85-86. 168
26 [Robert Goodell], "Ye Goode Olde Scholar," The University Pen (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, April 1926), pp. 65-67.
27 "Bunk!" The Utah Chronicle, 23 July 1924, p. 2.
28 Interv1ew. w1t . h Myrt 1 e Goo d e 11 •
29 "A Correction," The Utah Chronicle, 6 August 1924, p. 2.
30 "Our Policy, If Any," The Utah Chronicle, 29 September 1925, p. 2.
31 Utah Squeal (Salt Lake City: Pi Delta Epsilon, University of Utah, 26 November 1925), p. 2.
32 "Prexy in Grip of Study Complex: Realization of Activity Value Needed," Utah Squeal (Salt Lake City: Pi Delta Epsilon, University of Utah, 26 November 1925), p. 1.
33 Ibid.
34 Ibid.
35 Ibid, pp. 1-4.
36 Interv1ew. w1t . h Myrt 1 e Goo.e d 11 •
37"Frat Members Deny Insulting University Head," Salt Lake Tribune, November 1925, Goodell Family Papers.
38 Ibid.
39" Un1vers1ty. . Wr1ters . Rat h er Favor Prexy , s Proposal of 'U' Coeds Social Boycott," The Utah Chronicle, November 1925. 169
40 Interview. Wit . h Myrt 1 e Goo d e 11 •
41 Utonian,. Year b oo k ( Sa 1 t Lake City:. University . . of Utah, 1927), pp. 220, 222.
42 utah Squeal (Salt Lake City: Pi Delta Epsilon, University of Utah, 4 February 1926), p. 1.
43 utonian, 1927, p. 188.
44 "Leadership Is a Factor of First Importance in Make-up of Ideal Student, Declares School Head," The Red and Black, 29 April 1921.
45 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
46 Ibid.
47 Ibid.
48 . Lewis Michell, The Life and Times of the Right Honorable Cecil John Rhodes, Vol. 2 (New York: Negro University Press, 1910), p. 331-336.
49 Ibid.
50 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
51 Ibid.
52 Interview with Jean Paulson, San Luis Obispo, California, 26 January 1985.
53 Ibid.
54 E.C. Rodgers to Robert Goodell, 21 October 1929, 170
Goodell Family Papers.
55 E.C. Rodgers to Robert Goodell, 17 February 1932, Goodell Family Papers.
56 Robert Goodell to E.C. Rodgers, 20 February 1932, Goodell Family Papers.
57 I bid.
58 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
59 Salt Lake Tribune Office Memo, Goodell Family Papers.
60 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
61 . Interview with Jean Paulson.
62 "Showers Delay Second Round of Idaho State Tennis Tourney," Idaho Statesman, 5 September 1937, p. 7.
63 John P. Scripps to Jean Paulson, 12 June 1942, Goodell Family Papers.
64 Ibid.
65 Robert Goodell to John P. Scripps, 29 June 1942, Goodell Family Papers.
66 Robert Goodell to Mr. Howard and Mr. Heal, Salt Lake Tribune Office Memo, 21 September 1943, Goodell Family Papers.
67 Interview with Jean Paulson.
68 . PaulK. Scripps, ed., John P. Scripps Newspaper Group: Celebrating 50 Years of Integrity in Journalism 171
(San Diego: John P. Scripps Newspaper Group, 1978), p. 52.
69 . Interview with Doyle Coons, Harry Green, Paul Scripps and John P. Scripps, San Diego, California, 4 June 1984.
70 Frank Orr, Watsonville, California, 20 January 1984.
71 . Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
72 Ibid.
73 Harold Gilliam, "San Luis Obispo County: Two Ideas in Collision," San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1 951, This World sec., p. 2.
74 Ibid.
75 Ibid, p. 3.
76 Ibid, p. 2.
77 Ibid. p. 3.
78 Interview with Elliot Curry.
79 Ibid.
80 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
81 . Scripps, Scripps Newspaper Group, p. 52.
82 Interview with Louise Marquardt, Maynard Marquardt and Maya Ashworth, San Luis Obispo, California, 16 July 1984. 173
98 . Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
99 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
100 Paul Scripps, John P. Scripps Newspapers.
101 Interview with Julius Gius.
102 Interview withAl and Mai Alquist.
103 Interview with James McLain, San Luis Obispo, California, 27 January 1985.
104 Robert Goodell to Harry Green, 21 March 1950, Goodell Family Papers.
105 Lee Cawthorne, California Department of Industrial Relations, Division of Industrial Safety, to the San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 19 March 1947, Goodell Family Papers.
106 Robert Goodell to C.M. Cole, Supervising Industrial Safety Engineer, California Department of Industrial Relations, Division of Industrial Safety, 17 February 1948, Goodell Family Papers.
107 Interview with Walter Anderson, San Luis Obispo, California, 18 January 1984.
108 Ibid.
109 Robert Goodell to Harry Green, 30 March 1948, Goodell Family Papers.
110 Robert Goodell to Harry Green, 31 October 1952, Goodell Family Papers.
111 Interview with Johnny Nettleship, San Luis 0 '
174
Obispo, California, 22 May 1984.
112 Ibid.
113 Gilliam, San Francisco Chronicle, p. 3.
114 "How JPSN Editors Regard the Candidates," 1 October 1952, p. 2-3, Goodell Family Papers.
115 "Paso Hearing Changed to 8 Tonight," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 27 May 1952, p. 1.
116 "250 Citizens Form Caravan to Inspect Slum Housing," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 February 1950.
117 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
118 Ibid.
119 John H. Klinger, Superintendent of the California Men's Colony at San Luis Obispo, to Robert Goodell, 20 November 1956, Goodell Family Papers.
120 . Interv1ew with Robert Kennedy, San Luis Obispo, California, 15 January 1984.
121 "At Last--A New Charter," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 April 1955.
122 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
123 "At Last--A New Charter," Telegram-Tribune.
124 Interview with James McLain.
125 Interview with Richard Miller, San Luis Obispo, California, 27 January 1985. 175
126 Robert Goodell to Al Muller, 18 March 1967, Goodell Family Papers.
127 Interview with the Louise Marquardt et al.
128 Ibid.
129 Ibid.
130 Ibid.
131 . Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
132 Ibid.
133 Ibid.
134 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
135 . Interview with Al and Mai Alquist.
136 Ibid.
137 Interview with Frank Orr.
138 Ibid.
139 Interview with Jane Sarber (reporter John Sarber's second wife), San Luis Obispo, California, 11 February 1984.
140 Interview with Russell Pyle, Port Hueneme, California, 14 January 1985.
141 Ibid. 176
142 John P. Scripps to Robert Goodell, 1 June 1956, Goodell Family Papers.
143 Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
144 Interview with Russell Pyle.
145 . Interv1ew with Doyle Coons et al.
146 Interview with Johnny Nettleship, 22 May 1984, and interview with Louise Marquardt et al.
147 Interview with Russell Pyle.
148 Ibid.
149 "Telegram-Tribune Moving Day!" San Luis Obispo Telegram Tribune, 28 September 1958.
150 Interview with Russell Pyle.
151 Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
152 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
153 Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
154 Ibid.
155 Ibid.
156 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
157 Interview with Julius Gius. 177
158 . Interv1ew with Doyle Coons et al.
159 . Interv1ew with Julius Gius.
160 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 4 October 1960, Goodell Family Papers.
161 Ibid.
162 . Interv1ew with Russell Pyle.
163 . Interv1ew with Johnny Nettleship, 26 January 1985.
164 Julius Gius to John P. Scripps Newspapers editors, 31 October 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
165 . Interv1ew with Russell Pyle.
166 . Julius G1us to John P. Scripps Newspapers editors, 7 February 1961, Goodell Family Papers.
167 "This Is Our Policy," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 October 1960, p. 10.
168 . Interv1ew with Russell Pyle.
169 Ibid.
170 Ibid.
171 . Interv1ews with Johnny Nettleship and Jane Sarber.
172 . Interv1ew with Russell Pyle. 178
173 Ibid.
174 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
175 Interview with James McLain.
176 Ibid.
177 Interviews with Johnny Nettleship and Jane Sarber.
178 Interview with Julius Gius.
179 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 12 February 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
180 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 12 February 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
181 Robert Goodell to Julius Gius, February 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
182 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 6 June 1963, Julius Gius' Personal Files.
183 Ibid.
184 . Interview with Julius Gius.
185 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
186 "Barrett Not Guilty," San Luis Obispo Telegram- Tribune, 13 March 1963, p. 1.
187 "All's Well That Ends Well," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 13 March 1963, p. 1. 179
188 Robert Goodell to John P. Scripps, March 1963, Julius Gius' Personal Files.
189 Interview with Julius Gius.
190 . Interview with Johnny Nettleship, 26 January 1985.
191 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
192 Ibid.
193 Robert Goodell to John P. Scripps, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
194 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
195 Robert Goodell's personal notes regarding letter from Julius Gius, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
196 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 24 June 1963.
197 Robert Goodell's personal notes regarding letter from Julius Gius, 24 June 1963.
198 Interview with Frank Orr.
199 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
200 . Interview with Frank Orr.
201 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
202 Interview with Julius Gius. 180
203 Julius Gius to John P. Scripps Newspapers editors, 28 June 1963, Julius Gius' Personal Files.
204 Frank Orr to Robert Goodell, 28 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
205 . Interv1ew with Myrtle Goodell.
206 . Interv1ew with Doyle Coons et al.
207 . Interv1ew with Julius Gius.
208 Ibid.
209 Interview with George Brand, San Luis Obispo, California, 26 January 1985.
210 . Interv1ew with Julius Gius.
211 . Interv1ew with George Brand.
212 John Sarber, "Former Editor Has Key State Position," Santa Barbara News Press, 10 November 1963.
213 Ibid.
214 Robert Goodell to Michael J. Ogden, Treasurer of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, 7 November 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
215 "Belated Sports," The Bulletin, No. 443, 1 June 1961, p. 11.
216 Robert Goodell to Michael J. Ogden.
217 Interview with Alfred and Mai Alquist. 181
218 Scrapbook on Robert Goodell's little theater roles, Goodell Family Papers.
219 William C. Glackin, "Fine New Performer Gives Salty Flavor to Best Man," Sacramento Bee, 2 October 1964, Sec. A, p. 22.
220 Charles F. Slater, "Robert Goodell Hits Mark as Politician," Sacramento Union, 2 October 1964, Sec. B, p. 15.
221 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
222 John P. Scripps to Robert Goodell, 24 October 1967, Goodell Family Papers.
223 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
224 Ibid.
225 Joseph Jensen, Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, to John Teerink, Deputy Director, California Department of Water Resources, 1 March 1968, Goodell Family Papers.
226 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
227 California Department of Water Resources, The California State Water in 1966: Facilit --- Descriptions, Bulletin 132-66 Sacramento, Calif.: Office of State Printer, June 1966).
228 Interview with Alfred and Mai Alquist.
229 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
230 Ibid. 182
231 Robert Goodell to Ott Romney, 2 July 1968, Goodell Family Papers. CHAPTER 5
EDITORIAL POLICY
From the recollections of those who knew him and from Goodell's own words emerge a portrait of a moderate, progressive liberal serving as newspaper editor in a small, intimate, generally conservative community. The biographical description of the previous chapter focused on Goodell's editorial policy and his career at the
Telegram-Tribune. This chapter will investigate that editorial policy more directly and provide a sample of the editorials he saved.
From 1943-1963 Goodell wrote editorials several times a week for the Telegram-Tribune. Altho-ugh Goodell did not write all of the editorials, the bulk of the evidence leads to the conclusion that he wrote most of them. Long-time managing editor Elliot Curry wrote some, particularly when Goodell was away on travel.
Occasionally a reporter would write an editorial on an
183 184
issue that he or she covered. For example, Russell Pyle wrote a few editorials on education when that was his 1 beat; Goodell often rewrote them.
However, by most accounts Goodell wrote the majority. He had a discernible style and was responsible for the major policy statements, and it can also be said that those pieces written in his absence conformed in the main to his views. Typical of the accounts regarding who wrote the editorials was this statement by Doyle Coons: "I know that Bob wrote most of the editorials. I know he did because I knew what he was thinking and I know what he 2 wrote."
Goodell occasionally clipped and reused editorials from papers in the Scripps chain and other publications.
According to Elliot Curry and Editorial Director Julius
Gius, this was an accepted practice, but both agreed that 3 Goodell did it somewhat to excess. Many of these editorials were recognizable; Goodell introduced extended quotes from other publications with a few words of his own, then gave attribution. If he used an entire editorial from the Newspaper Enterprise Association, to which the paper subscribed, he put the attribution at the top. 185
Stated Editorial Policy
Even as a college journalist Goodell questioned the effectiveness of extended editorial crusading. In an editorial he wrote for the Utah Chronicle (university paper), he stated that papers with an unwavering political slant were a "nuisance" and he was disdainful of making harsh editorial statements: "We are violently in favor of no current issue in particular, nor are we viciously 4 opposed to any." According to several people interviewed, Goodell's editorial policy could best be understood as an extension of his personality. He was described as a man who could disarm an angry subscriber, a man who regularly praised ·I the positive efforts of his reporters and rarely criticized them in public, a man who tolerated the foibles and differing viewpoints of others, a man who sought to defuse conflicts with humor, and a man who was an independent thinker. He was more concerned with maintaining a friendship than with stating his often strong opinions. For example, Goodell was one of only two Democrats in San Luis Obispo's Rotary Club, but remained popular among the members. Also, he resented "nagging" and "petty" criticism of minor issues, and had quit three newspaper 186
positions where he felt such criticism was exercised. He was described by reporter (and later managing editor)
Russell Pyle as conservative in his journalistic habits, 5 but a "compassionate," encouraging boss.
His editorial policy generally reflected these traits. Boosterism and support for community groups was considered more important than criticism. He attempted to focus on issues rather than personalities. He was against endorsing candidates in local elections, often people he knew. He sought to avoid being a ~scold" on local issues, focusing instead on the potential improvements, for example, a new city charter or water project. Goodell took an educational approach to editorial writing, avoiding a harshness that might alienate his audience. He did not believe editorials would change the way people 6 voted and he respected their independent choices.
But Goodell's own words provided the most immediate source on his editorial policy. While in the throes of his conflict with Scripps Editorial Director
Julius Gius, Goodell clarified his policy in his letters.
In a June 24, 1963, letter to John P. Scripps, regarding
Gius' criticism of his editorials for a lack of local controversial material, Goodell wrote:
I don't agree with his idea that we should engage in continual editorial controversy. My opinion has always been to avoid the temptation of being a 'Scold' or 'Nag' and hit hard when you have something 187
important to hit. I think this policy, which I have followed over the years, has been a factor in the T-T's success."?
And in response to a letter from Gius 1n June 1963, he wrote:
. I He specifically brings up the point of taking sides in a city election. I have believed this town too small to do so to advantage; too many personalities involved. I concede maybe it's growing beyond that point. Not sure."B
In an October 6, 1954, editorial, Goodell wrote:
With a circulation approaching the 11,000 mark in San Luis Obispo county, we have outgrown the 'local newspaper' field, yet we have no ambition to the title of 'metropolitan.' We lean toward the hometown newspaper ideals, and expect to be that way for a long t1me. to come •••• 9
In the same editorial, Goodell supported the idea that a hometown newspaper should focus on local clubs, build civic pride, assist needy individuals, organize safety campaigns and provide a daily record. He quoted another editor who wrote, "There is no form of communication in America in which the medium and the 10 people are so closely--so affectionately--interrelated." . I One of Goodell's clearest statements of his editorial stance was a 1960 editorial, "This is Our Policy." He claimed to be "an independent with Democratic leanings." Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy was 188
endorsed for president instead of California native son
Richard M. Nixon. Goodell wrote, "We have long been among
(Nixon's) more consistent critics." He said the paper was not a Democratic newspaper, because:
••• Over the years, we have supported candidates of. BOTH parties. The Democrats have been far ahead numerically--probably because we favor the 'trickle up' philosophy of the Democrats to the 'trickle down' theory of the GOP. We think the big fellows have the advantage, and receive the lion's share of government benefits--especially when the Republicans are at the helm. We are inclined to make a pitch for the little fellow when we can ••.• • • • The fact that we support a candidate does not mean that we presume to tell our readers how to vote. We give them our preference, if we feel strongly enough on the matter, and we tell why. That is our happy privilege. If they don't see it the same way that we do, we're sorry--but never angry. We hope that the great majority of our readers feel the same way about it.ll
Although he claimed to be an independent and did support a handful of Republicans over the years, particularly Earl Warren, Goodell was a lifelong Democrat.
Family members and close friends described him as "very liberal." He was known to prominent Democrats in the state that he had supported over a number of years, including Alan Cranston, first state controller and later
U.S. senator, and governors Earl Warren and Edmund G.
"Pat" Brown. Goodell consistently voted for Democratic candidates and he occasionally assisted local party activists with logistics during campaign swings through 189
12 San Luis Obispo. Again, Goodell'& political leanings are expressed most candidly in his own words, particularly his letters to friends. He wrote to lifelong friend, Ott Romney, in 1968:
Politix is still well scrambled, after the ghastly Kennedy shooting. • • • It begins to look positively like Dicky-Boy and Hubert Horatio. Of course Ronnie-Baby still has hopes, but I think the nation's gain will be California's loss, or something of that sort. The legislature muzzled him pretty thoroughly this year. (Some of those grrreat statesmen are no bargain either.) I have always thought rather highly of Humphrey, and as far as I'm concerned, I'd be for any Democrat (or his spotted dog) against Tricky Dicky ••.• 13
A letter Goodell wrote much earlier in his editorship at the Telegram-Tribune reveals virtually the same attitude. The letter, written December 13, 1947, to Don McMillan of Shandon, California, was regarding McMillan's running against longtime Republican congressman E.K. Bramblett. Goodell wrote:
... I find myself voting for most of the Democrats because I don't like the stodgy~ reactionary characters who seem to creep their way through most of the Republican party primaries. Be that as it may, I've never voted a straight ticket in my life, and don't expect to. I certainly AM in accord with your own liberal views on most current issues, and if you decide to take the plunge, you can count on active support from the Telegram-Tribune. . • . To my notion, any honest progressive with an idea in his head would be a tremendous improvement. • • • Certainly it wouldn't be a cinch to beat Ernie with all of the hardshell 190
Republicans around.l4
Goodell's perception of his audience in San Luis
Obispo County is also important to understanding his editorial writing. It is clear from his previous statements that he considered the community too conservative and close-knit to listen to an uninhibited expression of some of his more liberal beliefs. During his 20 years as editor, the city population approximately doubled from less than 10,000 in 1943 to more than 20,000 15 in 1963. The county population grew more slowly, to over 80,000 in 1963, and it should be remembered that although the Telegram-Tribune served as the major paper for the county, which was geographically large and mostly 16 rural.
According to several of those interviewed for this study, Goodell "tailored" his editorials to a San Luis
Obispo audience. Sportswriter Johnny Nettleship said
Goodell toned down his editorials out of sensitivity to the "proud native sons" of San Luis Obispo. In 1960
Goodell considered Herblock's political cartoons too "hard hitting" for the San Luis Obispo audience. In his campaigns to change the city charter he blamed early failure of the measure on the complex language, believing explanations of the issue to have been too sophisticated.
Said his friend State Senator Alfred Alquist, "He 191
was tailoring his editorials to the average reader in that small town, whose level- of social consciousness or 17 intelligence either wasn't all that high." According to Myrtle Goodell, her husband had a similar assessment of 18 his audience. To summarize, Goodell's stated editorial stance was independent with Democratic leanings; he was a registered Democrat and claimed consistent support of the party. He claimed to be a liberal and a supporter of progressive developments in the community, promoting assistance for the underprivileged, construction of low cost housing, and development of public works, school and park projects. He espoused a "small town" approach to newspapering, building civic pride, serving as a community "booster," and avoiding undue controversy. He did not believe in endorsing candidates in local elections, or in using splashy headlines or promoting conflict through strong accusations. He attempted to focus on 1ssues rather than personalities. Except in rare circumstances, he did not believe the editorial page should be used to hold members of the community up to public ridicule. In addition to his basic editorial policy, there were specific issues that Goodell felt were important. These included housing (particularly for the poor), water development, highway improvements, the growth of 192
California State Polytechnic University, San Luis Obispo, 19 the city charter and city public works projects. Myrtle Goodell reported that her husband considered these issues particularly important and over the years he clipped and saved several of the editorials he wrote on these 20 subjects. These editorials represented his interests and what he considered to be some of his better writing. They are particularly helpful in clarifying his editorial policy. A more quantitative examination of Goodell's nearly 20 years of editorial writing will be made later, focusing on adherence to stated policy, degree of controversy and change over time. What follows here is a sampling of the editorials Goodell saved and the issues they addressed. (For purposes of this study they are called "clipped editorials.") As a group, they serve as examples of his editorial approach and writing style, and demonstrate his stands on key issues.
A Sampling of Editorials Goodell Saved
One of Goodell's early causes was an attempt to get San Luis Obispo (city) to participate in a low-rent housing project authorized under the Federal Housing Act of 1949. He gave front page coverage to many of the pro-housing activities that led up to the city council 193 vote in October 1949 and saved several of these articles. Typical of the coverage was a piece under the headline "Fact-Finding Housing Survey Only Fair Way, Says O'Reilly." It described Mayor Tim O'Reilly's support for 21 a fact finding survey of the need for low-cost housing. In 1949, after participation in the housing plan was voted down 3-2, Goodell wrote an editorial, "City Misses the Boat," in which he argued public sentiment had been "overwhelmingly in favor of it." The piece, which he had saved in his files, concluded:
••• The negative decision means that the city's rental housing shortage--the existence of which no one denies--will continue on the present basis indefinitely. The proposed project would have alleviated the situation to some extent, and its rejection was a big mistake for the city of San Luis Obispo.22
Goodell saved several other housing related pieces when the question of low-cost housing continued in 1950, when a "caravan" of more than 75 cars toured city areas 23 with sub-standard housing. A clipped editorial from February 16, 1950, explained Ventura, California's decision to participate in the low-rent housing program. Goodell wrote that unlike San Luis Obispo, the decision was made without a single oration about "the horrors of socialism ... tremendous cost to the city •.. (or) 24 bureaucratic control." 194 Q .
After the council decided to hold a special election on the issue (June 6, 1950), Goodell explained and supported the 50-unit housing plan in editorials in April and May. He scoffed at the "millions of dollars of expense" claimed by the council majority and said the plan would allow families to move out of "San Luis Obispo's 25 shacks." Related to the housing issue was the plight of the migrant pea pickers in the nearby Nipomo area of San Luis Obispo County. Goodell saved clippings from 1958, when the paper reported that the workers were living on dirt floors and their children were ill and had little food. The paper was criticized by farm groups and others for its prominent coverage of the pea pickers in the spring of 1958. Goodell responded with an editorial titled "Migrants are People." He wrote:
••• living conditions were, and continue to be, deplorable. The state of California, this county and the ranchers who hire these migrant workers have nothing to be proud of in the situation •••. We hear much moaning about "undue publicity," plus many statements claiming that "migrants have lived that way for 30 years and they dont't want to change. . • . They'd only ruin better facilities if they had 'ern. • • • Most of 'ern are only working for wine money." Statements of that kind do not impress us at all. The ranchers who hire them seem to have forgotten that these migrant workers are people. They ARE people--men, women and children. They can suffer from exposure; they can get hungry and sick, and they can die •••. As to "undue publicity," we are glad that we are {\ . 195
in a position to publicize such a crisis when it arises • ••• 26
In addition to housing issues, Goodell saved
several articles and editorials on highway development. In
1952 he served on the highway committee of the California 27 State Chamber of Commerce.
A clipped editorial from May 1952 stated that
"virtually all main travelled routes in the county are 28 deficient" and many were "dangerous."
And on June 18, 1952, Goodell addressed the necessity of additional revenue for the "critical situation in the matter of highways" in an editorial 29 titled "Alternatives on Highways."
Also among Goodell's papers was an editorial from
February 26, 1953, supporting an increase in the gas tax . . 30 and predicting oil company oppos1t1on.
Goodell saved several other editorials regarding the county's traffic volume and highway expenditures and the future importance of highways to suburban development 31 and the travel industry.
In editorials saved from 1955, Goodell offered support for a new city charter for San Luis Obispo, one that would bring a city manager form of government. The measure passed in an April 4, 1955, election. Goodell had editorialized and worked behind the scenes since the 32 mid-1940s to bring a new charter. 196
In a 1955 editorial titled "Why Change the
Charter?" Goodell said that "Members of the charter study committee, all of whom made personal visits to other cities, found amazing unanimity of support for this type 33 of municipal government."
On March 17, 1955, he wrote: "Those words
BUSINESS, EFFICIENCY, ECONOMY need to be kept prominently
in the voters' minds. They will be furthered, we believe, 34 by the passage of the new charter.
After the charter's approval by the voters,
Goodell wrote an editorial titled, "At Last--A New
Charter." He praised the "modified city manager plan, with the mayor and city council continuing to play an
important role in the conduct of city affairs •.• " This plan "got rid of many outmoded features of the old 35 document."
The construction of Whale Rock Dam near San Luis
Obispo was another cause that Goodell took up. Two back-to-back 1957 editorials he saved on the issue
illustrate his support for water development projects.
Goodell served on the steering committee of the 135-member
Whale Rock Citizens Committee in 1957. He participated in several debates and gave speeches regarding the Whale Rock bond issue.
On April 3, 1957, he rebutted the arguments in opposition to Whale Rock Dam. He wrote: 197
We believe that our Cayucos neighbors have been thoroughly misinformed of the facts of the situation. Downstream users protested violently when the Salinas dam was being built •.. but their rights were fully protected •••• Those individuals who object to San Luis Obispo's growth are simply fighting against the inevitable. Like it or not, San Luis Obispo is going to grow. When it does, everyone, INCLUDING THE OBJECTORS, will suffer from a water shortage--not just the "newcomers •••• "36
On April 4, 1957, Goodell listed the principal reasons he favored the project. He predicted a water shortage and said state engineers were correct in recommending Whale Rock as "the only possible" adequate 37 water source for the city of San Luis Obispo.
Related to water development and the growth of San
Luis Obispo was Goodell's consistent support for the building of new schools in the area. When the San Luis
Obispo city school board refused to open the completed
Morro Bay High School because of a lack of money for furnishings and anger over the voters' rejection of school bond issues, Goodell strongly criticized the board. A clipped editorial titled "Forget 'All or Nothing'," exemplified his practical approach to local issues. He wrote:
The voting public admittedly makes mistakes. So, we submit, do school boards. The case in point is that of the San Luis Obispo city board of education, in its apparent intention of not opening the new Morro Bay high school this fall, 198
because of "the lack of $68,000" to provide furnishings for the virtually complete $1,250,000 . I institution. If this threat--and a threat is precisely what it is--is carried out, it means that an expensive institution will stand idle .•. because of what appears to be a bad case of official "pouting."38
An example of another of Goodell's local editorial causes was a September, 18, 1961, editorial he saved, calling for the elimination of a hazardous railroad crossing. A local teacher was critically injured at the crossing September 9. Goodell wrote:
There is no reason for additional time-consuming discussion of "what to do about the Foothill-California Southern Pacific railroad crossing." Action is needed--and swift action, too--to prevent more bloody accidents on that heavily used and poorly protected crossing .•.• The extent of S-P cooperation in this matter will not be great, if past history is any criterion. Railroads just don't spend any more money on safe crossings than they have to spend--and they have imposing legal staffs to fight every effort to extract extra dollars from their coffers. The city of San Luis Obispo can testify to this fact after its tussle to get a modern underpass on Johnson avenue a few years ago.39
The victim of the crash, after she recovered two years later, wrote Goodell, thanking him for the editorial. She stated, "I know no editorial on the subject could better say what I wanted said. I'm 40 eternally grateful to you that it was written." Goodell took another shot at the railroad industry 199
. I in a 1959 editorial in which he predicted a rail strike "fairly early in 1960." The piece, titled "Rail Workers' Side," showed his support for labor. He wrote:
Usually, we have found, management's side is more than adequately expressed in the sympathetic metropolitan press and equally sympathetic national magazines •••• The railroads have been conducting a powerful campaign against "featherbedding"--a campaign in which they have had the happy cooperation of Life, Reader's Digest and the usual quota of metropolitan newspapers •••• The unions have some answers to these claims •••• • • • they get no extra pay after they've worked 40 hours a week. "For many road operating employes in freight services," says a union paper, "the seven-day week of 56 hours at straight time pay is commonplace. In fact these employes can be worked up to 96 hours a week at straight time rates ...• " Railroad labor charges management with disregard of essential safety requirements, both that of employes and of the public •••• 41
Goodell clipped several editorials demonstrating his support for labor. In 1958, regarding so-called "right to work" proposition No. 18, he wrote an editorial titled "Just Plain Anti-Union." He said:
(Attorney General Edmund G. "Pat" Brown) pointedly called on sponsors of the measure to "quit hiding behind a false front and be frank with the public as to the meaning of the measure." Good for Pat Brown! His office could, with entire accuracy, have designated it as "Anti-Union Proposal." That's what it is, period. Right-to-work, under whatever sweet-scented name, is a union-busting anti-labor measure.42 200
In a 1959 editorial, "Record Steel Profits," he stated that the steel industry would make "the highest profits in its entire history in 1960" and blamed the 43 industry for a predicted strike. And in another clipped editorial from 1959, "Labor and Politics," he criticized a speech by former minister of finance of Hungary, Dr. Nyaradi. In response to Nyaradi's warnings that labor could take over the Democratic party, leading to socialism and "chaos" Goodell wrote:
• • • We think that the laboring people are just as good Americans as the vice presidents of corporations, and that they have the same right to fight politically for economic benefits as do those same vice presidents. We don't think strikes are always caused by labor. We are confident that if the Democratic party, with labor support, wins an election, communism will NOT take over the United States .••• 44
Goodell also took a liberal position on the issue of capital punishment. He saved a March 4, 1960, editorial on the subject which stated:
We are strongly opposed to capital punishment. We hope that it will be abolished, but we fear that result is not likely at this session of the legislature •••• We think the death penalty is useless as a deterrent of crime, and that this has been proved time and time again. When the British hanged convicted pickpockets, they tell us that some of the worthy citizens attending the executions invariably had their pockets picked. States without capital punishment have no more crime than others. 0 ' 201
The death penalty, in practice, is grossly unjust. Rarely, indeed, is it applied to a wealthy individual who can afford top legal talent. Then there is the moral issue. Should a society which professes to believe in "Thou shalt not kill" sanction killing as an instrument of public policy?45
Goodell saved an editorial from earlier in 1960 noting that the long-time warden of San Quentin, Clinton
T. Duffy, was opposed to capital punishment. Goodell wrote, "The death penalty, said Duffy, serves no purpose as a deterrent to murder, and it is not imposed with equal 46 justice."
In a June 6, 1963, editorial, "Death Penalty Still
With Us," he criticized a compromise bill that retained the death penalty in special murder cases. He wrote:
.•• we commend Gov. Brown for his determined stand against capital punishment--a conviction which he knows has cost him a substantial number of votes 1n the past, and may do so in the future. But he has held fast to his belief, and we admire him for it. Also, we think he's right.47
Perhaps greater than Goodell's support for Edmund
G. "Pat" Brown was his consistent criticism of Richard M.
Nixon. During Goodell's term as editor, Nixon had been a u.s. Congressman from Southern California, U.S. Senator from 1950-1952, and vice president from 1952-1960. In
1962 Nixon lost the California gubernatorial race to Pat
Brown.
Goodell had met Nixon early in his political (l •
202
career and was repulsed by him. "He considered Nixon clever, but dishonest, and (Ronald) Reagan, just plain 48 stupid," Myrtle Goodell said. Among his papers, Goodell
saved anti-Nixon pieces by columnist Art Buchwald, a UPI piece on Nixon's response to an expose of the John Birch
Society, and assorted background pieces and columns about
Nixon.
Among the Telegram-Tribune editorials he saved was a piece from October 16, 1958, titled, "Radicals, That's
What," which stated:
President Eisenhower, vice president Nixon and others have sounded the alarm: Republicans are "sane and sound;" Democrats are "a bunch of radicals .••• " How ridiculous can you get? Brown is so firmly established as a conservative Democrat that no attack or series of attacks can make the state's voters believe him a Red or a Pink or a fellow-traveller. We doubt the panting arrival of Eisenhower and Nixon will change many California votes at the last minute. Nixon, of course, is an old-time expert at name-calling--but that was before the "new Nixon" was born. We are watching with interest to see what the "new, new Nixon" will turn out to be •..• 49
During 1960 Goodell scoffed at the praise of the
Republican party for Richard Nixon. He saved two editorials questioning "Nixon's genius." On January 15,
1960, after Nixon was being given credit for settling a steel strike, Goodell wrote:
It seems to be an open secret that the steel companies will raise the price of steel, with the administration blessing--but not until after election 203
day next November •.•• It was, of course, a political settlement, and one which we think will work greatly to Nixon's benefit.50
And on February 26, 1960, Goodell scoffed at statements that Nixon was "the best trained vice president in history." He gave an account of the experience of John Adams, Thomas Jefferson and Martin Van Buren and concluded the piece stating, "Obviously, the most ardent Nixon supporters would have a little difficulty making a 51 convincing comparison with any of these three records." Goodell also saved a 1960 editorial regarding a Nixon speech to the California Newspaper Publishers Association. He wrote:
.•. the vast majority of California newspapers are Republican, in varying degrees, in their politics. Nixon, to many, is "their boy." We are among the not-at-all-enthusiastic minority .•.• • . • He said very little of importance at the CNPA meeting, but he said it well •.. his "argument" with Khrushchev convinced many voters that he will be "tougher on the Reds than Eisenhower"; he hit the jackpot in the Alger Hiss case; he is an effective, at times savage campaigner .... How about the "new, new Nixon?" It's the same Nixon •••• 52
Goodell saved another editorial on Nixon from May 26, 1960, titled "So Easily Shocked." He wrote of Nixon's "shock" at Adlai Stevenson's criticism of President Dwight Eisenhower: 204
The American people have been "idolized" into a state where many of them seem to believe that criticizing Eisenhower is something like criticizing motherhood •..• So let's keep things in proportion. Eisenhower is just as subject to criticism as any president--and that's good. If Nixon is "shocked," that's too bad.53
On October 19, 1960, Goodell endorsed John Kennedy for president. He wrote:
As for ourselves, we think Kennedy has met the issues frankly and forthrightly, while Nixon has engaged chiefly in double-talk. We disliked, and that's a very mild term--the "old Nixon's" savage attacks on Jerry Voorhis and Helen Gahagan Douglas in the forties. We were disgusted with his television "poor-boy's vindication" in the slush-fund disclosures of 1952, and that ••. carefully staged "drama" didn't make us change our minds a bit. Nor do we care for his "tranquilizer" statements which boil down to this: "Everything is just dandy in this country, thanks to the administration--but if anything isn't exactly right, I'll fix it up when I get the authority •..• " Kennedy is vigorous and looks upon change as normal and desirable, rather than a dirty word •..• 54
Following Nixon's farewell spe~ch after his loss to incumbent Pat Brown in the 1962 governor's race, Goodell wrote an editorial titled "Strong Reactions to Nixon's Farewell." He saved a copy of the piece, which a subscriber had sent back to him, topped with a note stating, "Put this in your own sewer where it belongs. You should be ashamed. The commies know how to influence 55 people who have no ability to think." Goodell's 205
56 editorial portrayed Nixon as a petulant, bitter loser. Goodell also saved the front-page piece he wrote for the Telegram-Tribune after covering the 1960 Democratic convention in Los Angeles. He wrote:
Adlai Stevenson got the cheers--but Jack Kennedy got the votes. • • • Drama of the day was provided by a mammoth demonstration for Stevenson--a demonstration which dwarfed everything else at the convention •••• Hardest worker was chairman Collins, who banged his gavel 2,436 times while shouting: "We must have aw-duh. Cleeuh the aisles, puhleez."57
Goodell covered Kennedy again at the American Society of Newspaper Editors' meeting in Washington, D.C., April 1963. His piece in the Telegram-Tribune began:
A cool and confident President John F. Kennedy met the press at Friday's luncheon meeting of the American Society of Newspaper Editors, answered their questions, and left them laughing. The laugh--and it was a hearty one--came when he told the editors he was looking forward to their visit to the White House for a Presidential reception Friday evening, and that he was sure it "would leave their journalistic integrity unmarred. • n58
Goodell enjoyed the editorial autonomy that allowed him to cover events of interest, such as the Democratic national convention and Kennedy speech mentioned above. The editorials that he saved demonstrate a generally liberal, progressive, pro-development approach to local, state and national issues. He considered 206
editorial freedom one of the central attractions of an 59 editorship in the Scripps Newspaper Group. The editorials above serve as examples of both his interests and editorial policy. The writing style is simple and clear, and Goodell often included a humorous twist at the end of his editorials. A key factor in Goodell later leaving the Telegram-Tribune was what he considered to be interference in the free expression of that editorial policy. He was criticized by Julius Gius, editorial director, for a lack of local editorials, particularly those taking strong positions on controversial matters. The growth-related issues that Goodell believed were important, such as highway improvements and park development, were considered by Gius to be boring topics that would "not draw 60 thoughtful people to an editorial column." The following chapter is a content analysis exploring the issue of editorial controversy, as well as Goodell's adherence to his own stated policies and the changes in his editorials over his 20 years as editor of the Telegram-Tribune. 207
Notes
1 Interview with Russell Pyle, Port Hueneme, California, 14 January 1985.
2 Interview with Doyle Coons, Harry Green, Paul Scripps and John P. Scripps, San Diego, California, 4 June 1984.
3 Interview with Elliot Curry, San Luis Obispo, California, 2 February, 1984 and interview with Julius Gius, Ventura, California, 5 February 1985.
4 "Our Policy, If Any," The Utah Chronicle, 29 September 1925, p. 2.
5 . Interv1ew with Russell Pyle.
6 Interview with Myrtle Goodell, Ventura, California, 18 December 1984.
7 Robert Goodell to John P. Scripps, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
8 Robert Goodell's personal notes regarding letter from Julius Gius, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
9 "We Like Hometown Label," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 October 1954, p. 10.
10 Ibid. 208
11 "This is Our Policy," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune," 23 October 1960, p. -10.
12 Telephone interview with Edmund G. "Pat" Brown, Beverly Hills, California, 30 July 1985.
13 Robert Goodell to Ott Romney, 2 July 1968, Goodell Family Papers.
14 Robert Goodell to Don McMillan, 13 December 1947, Goodell Family Papers.
15 "City's Total Climbs to 20,386," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 May 1960.
16 Harold Gilliam, "San Luis Obispo County: Two Ideas in Collision," San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1951, This World sec., p. 2.
17 Interview with Alfred and Mai Alquist, San Jose, California, 22 August 1984.
18 . Interv1ew with Myrtle Goodell.
19 Interviews with Myrtle Goodell, Alfred and Mai Alquist, Russell Pyle, and Edmund G. "Pat" Brown.
20 . Interv1ew with Myrtle Goodell.
21 "Fact Finding Housing Survey Only Fair Way, Says O'Reilly," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 November 1949, p. l.
22 "City Misses the Boat," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 November 1949, p.6.
23 "250 Citizens Form Caravan To Inspect Slum Housing," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 February 1950, p. 1. 209
24 "Ventura's Housing Decision," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 16 February 1950, po6.
25 "Settle It June 6," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 April 1950, p. 8.
26 "Migrants are People," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 19 March 1958, p. 21.
27 "State c. of C. Reviews Work On Highways," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 28 May 1952, p. 3.
28 "Highways Never Catch Up," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 28 May 1952, p. 12.
29 "Alternatives on Highways," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 18 June 1952, p. 10.
30 "Gasoline Tax Fight Due," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 26 February 1953, p. 10.
31 "New Economic Lifelines," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 3 October 1958, p. 24.
32 Interview with Richard Miller, San Luis Obispo, California, 27 January 1985.
33 "Why Change the Charter?" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, March 1955.
34 "Support for New Charter," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 March 1955, p. 16.
35 "At Last--A New Charter," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 April 1955, p. 12.
36 . . "Whale Rock Oppos1t1on," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 3 April 1957, p. 10. 210
37 "We're FOR Whale Rock," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 April 1957, p. 12.
38 "Forget All or Nothing," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1960, Goodell Family Papers.
39 "Must Eliminate Crossing Hazard," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 18 September 1961, p. 12.
40 Florence Schirza to Robert Goodell, 14 August 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
41 "Rail Workers' Side," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 28 June 1960, p. 20.
42 "Just Plain Anti-Union," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 30 January 1958, p. 12.
43 "Record Steel Profits," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1959, Goodell Family Papers.
44 "Labor and Politics," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 December 1959, p. 10.
45 "Capital Punishment," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 March 1960, p. 14.
46 "Clinton Duffy on Crime," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1960, Goodell Family Papers.
47 "Death Penalty Still With Us," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 June 1963, p. 14.
48 . Interv1ew with Myrtle Goodell.
49 "Radicals, That's What," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 16 October 1958, p. 8. 211
50 "Delayed Ricker in Steel," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 15 January 1960, p. 6.
51 "Trained Vice Presidents," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 26 February 1960, p. 12.
52 "Nixon Ready for Campaign," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1960, Goodell Family Papers.
53 "So Easily Shocked," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 26 May 1960, p. 12.
54 "Kennedy vs. Nixon," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 19 October 1960, p. 14.
55 Note from anonymous subscriber to Robert Goodell, 1962, Goodell Family Papers.
56 "Strong Reactions to Nixon's Farwell," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1962, Goodell Family Papers.
57 Robert Goodell, "Adlai Bagged the Cheers; Jack Got the Golden Egg," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 14 July 1960, p. 1.
58 Robert Goodell, "Editors Talk with JFK," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 20 April i963, p. 1.
59 . Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
60 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 6 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers. CHAPTER 6
CONTENT ANALYSIS
This chapter examines Robert W. Goodell's nearly
20 years of editorial writing for the Telegram-Tribune
(1943-1963), looking specifically at his editorials for the years 1944, 1949, 1954, 1959, and 1963 (five year intervals). In all, 1,710 editorials were read. As discussed in the methodology chapter, a content analysis was performed on the editorials for each year to determine the degree to which he adhered to his stated policy and the relationship of his personality, and role in the community to his editorial product.
This content analysis focuses on three areas.
First, it explores the frequency and type of coverage given issues that Goodell considered important, such as water development, housing, highway development, local schools and labor unions. This is an attempt to determine
212 213 how Goodell performed in editorializing the issues he considered important. Second, adherence to Goodell's stated political stance as an independent with Democratic leanings is examined. Was he really an independent? When he mentioned party, did he support Democrats and oppose Republicans? And third, to what degree did he address controversial topics and take an editorial stand. The ways in which these three areas changed over the 20 years will also be discussed. It was hypothesized that the degree of editorial controversy and partisan political coverage would increase over time, corresponding to the population growth of the San Luis Obispo area. Other changes were expected based on Goodell's changing role in the community, serving as publisher from 1944 to 1948, then later as editor alone. Throughout his 20-year editorship, Goodell could be characterized as a community activist, operating within the local power structure. According to a 1967 study of 88 Minnesota community editors, the degree of editorial controversy is dependent on the size of the community and the editor's promximity to the local power structure. The smaller papers in smaller communities reported less conflict, as did the editors who were more directly involved in the 1 community power structure. The population of San Luis Obispo about doubled during Goodell's editorship, from less than 10,000 in the 214
2 early 1940s to more than 20,000 by 1963. Throughout that period Goodell was active in community organizations, serving as president of the Chamber of Commerce in 1948, for example. He worked behind the scenes with local . 3 politicians to promote various 1ssues.
Because of Goodell's closeness to community leaders, he could be expected to reflect their support for consensus and their opposition to reporting controversy.
A 1963 study by Alex Edelstein found that community leaders said a newspaper should publish controversy "only when it could not avoid doing so." They said an editor should not initiate community projects, but should merely 4 publicize them. Many of the issues that Goodell considered important were community development projects that called for the kind of "consensus" building preferred by Edelstein's community leaders.
A 1976 study of editorial vigor concluded that
West Coast dailies, in general, lacked such vigor, taking few stands on controversial topics.5 And in the earlier mentioned Minnesota study, the authors found "almost a total absence of local government conflict was reported in 6 editorials."
Goodell's direct involvement in community affairs could be expected to contribute to a lack of editorializing of local conflict. But also, this direct involvement could be expected to increase his coverage and 215 support for community developments. A 1961 piece in Grassroots Editor on "Effective Use of Newspaper Power" encourages an editor to use this proximity to the local 7 power structure to support local developmental issues.
Treatment of 10 Selected Issues
Tables 1 and 2 demonstrate Goodell's consistent support for these local developmental issues, as well as education and public assistance programs. Opposition to these issues was rare. Editorials in the labor category were a notable exception, with the total number of neutral editorials (12) nearly equaling the supportive ones (15). Of the 10 topics, local schools and civic improvements, were covered most frequently on the editorial page. Editorials on the issue of housing were relatively infrequent, but those present showed a consistent support for housing developments. The 1944 editorials supporting housing were attempts to find rooms in the community for servicemen's wives. For example, on February 23 Goodell urged homeowners to provide temporary housing for transient wives and visiting servicemen from Camp San Luis 8 Obispo. Goodell's strongest support for housing carne in 1949 during debate over a federal public housing measure. In a June 15 editorial he chided Republicans for their 216
"fulminations" on "socialism" and he reported California had "an urban housing shortage of at least 129,000 dwelling units, with the GREATEST NEED IN LOW COST RENTAL UNITS." He urged "individuals to write or wire their congressman at once" with "strong support for the public 9 housing bill." Another somewhat infrequent topic was labor unions (see table 1). Although Goodell claimed to be a backer of labor unions, and a liberal, and was supportive of pay increases for his employees, he was reluctant to favor labor editorially during a strike. He often empathized with the claims and demands of labor, but typically opposed strikes as a "no win" alternative. On July 21, 1954, he wrote an editorial titled "Ill-Timed Strike" which began, "We don't know who's right in the current strike of the Carpenter's union in San Luis Obispo County, but we do know that both sides are bound to 10 lose." This language typifies those labor editorials in the neutral category. Goodell's editorials on newspaper strikes followed this "everybody loses" approach. Neutral (3) and opposition (2) editorials in 1944 reflected his consistent opposition to war-time strikes. It should be remembered that he was both editor and business manager for the paper from 1944-1948, making him wary of encouraging strikes among his employees. Goodell was more supportive of the labor movement 217 when the editorial focused on party alignment or was theoretical, rather than addressing a specific strike. For example, on December 7, 1959, he criticized a speaker from Hungary who warned that union political activism could lead to communism. He wrote: "We don't think that strikes are always caused by labor. We are confident that if the Democratic party, with labor support, wins an election, communism will NOT take over the United 11 States." In the category of highway development (see table 1), Goodell was supportive, with increasing frequency over the 20 years. Much of this can be attributed to his personal involvement in highway development through the state Chamber of Commerce. He gave editorial accounts of meetings he attended regarding the need for highway improvements in the county. On March 5, 1954, he supported a speaker who called for highway improvements on 12 a national scale. Goodell consistently supported increases in the gasoline tax to fund highway expenditures. He also backed a variety of public assistance programs (see table 1), including pensions for the elderly, Social Security, unemployment insurance and welfare. In a typical piece, published July 6, 1954, he supported an increase in the state's maximum unemployment pay. Titled "Better Deal for Unemployed" it said: 218
"Practically all the money paid for unemployment insurance goes immediately for food, clothing, housing and other necessities. • • • in California the fund has certainly 13 been an important economic stabilizer." And on January 9, 1963, he was skeptical of complaints of "welfare cheaters" and called for more comprehensive and effective support for the needy. He wrote:
Too many times the people in the worst need are the least skilled, and few jobs are offered them. Some, of course, are in areas of chronic labor surplus. • • • ••• One woman got a job for $1 an hour, only to .I find the sitter charging exactly that •••• The dispensing of welfare aid, public and private, is today an enormous business. Therein lies the chance for cheating. But it seems clear that, big as it is, the welfare effort is still not geared to assist many who honestly need help.14
In the education category (see table 2), Goodell editorialized from 4 to 10 times per year, generally supporting spending for education and praising the quality of education provided nationally. Those instances in which he opposed national education policy related to official calls for an increased science curriculum. Goodell felt that promotion of science curriculums for elementary schools was exaggerated and he favored the kind of liberal arts education he had received. Goodell also backed the "practical" educational approach offered at Cal Poly, San Luis Obispo, which was 219
one of the subjects of his regular editorials on the university. Table 2 shows that he steadily (7-10 editorials per year) supported the university. Typically these were editorials promoting campus events--such as the annual "Poly Royal"--and the university's growth and accomplishments. This support reflected Goodell's personal relationship with the campus public affairs office and his agreement with the direction toward a practical educational approach taken by long-time 15 president Julian McPhee.
By far Goodell's most frequent editorial cause, among the 10 issues selected, was his support for local school development and activities. Table 2 shows almost
50 supportive pieces during the five years examined. The exception was 1954 with only four supportive pieces, six total. Goodell focused that year on the election and political activities, particularly those of Senator Joseph
McCarthy of Wisconsin. As he said in the headline of a 16 1954 editorial, "It's a Political Year."
That local schools were editorialized more extensively than other areas (see table 2) was somewhat unexpected. Few of those interviewed recalled this as a ma1n 1ssue of support. Yet in 1959, for example, he repeatedly called for the funding of new schools with 17 editorials titled, "School Tax Boost Needed," "Vote Yes 18 19 on School Bonds," "Need for School Bonds," and "City 220
20 School Impasse." Local school development, at times,
became controversial and several bond issues were voted down. For example, in 1959, bond issues to provide funds
for Morro Bay high school and elementary districts failed, creating a conflict over the delayed opening Morro Bay 21 High School. Other editorials promoted local school events, such a fundraiser in April 1949 to buy uniforms 22 for the San Luis Obispo High School band.
Water development and control over local water resources also generated controversy in San Luis Obispo.
As with highway development, Goodell was personally
involved in promoting this issue, serving on the citizens 23 committee to study Whale Rock Dam in 1957. Table 2 shows an overall support for water development (1949 and
1959 were the years Goodell most strongly supported water projects, with little coverage in 1944 and 1954).
On March 2, 1959, he editorialized, promoting
Governor Edmund G. "Pat" Brown's visit to San Luis Obispo 24 for the Whale Rock Dam groundbreaking and on March 17,
1959, supported Brown's "unprecedented" multi-million 25 dollar aqueduct and water reclamation project~
In the years prior to the Brown administration,
Goodell regularly warned of potential water shortages and the need for local water development. On March 18, 1949, in an editorial titled "Plenty of Water?" Goodell wrote: tl . 221
Latest official to be heard from on the subject is A. A. Peters, county supervisor from the Paso Robles district. From Peters comes the statement that "We have plenty of water in Paso Robles, and we would be foolish to enter into a contract with the bureau of reclamation to pay for construction of additional dams along the Salinas River or its tributaries." To us this is genuinely astonishing. The Paso Robles supervisor apparently believes that Paso Robles has all the water it needs, or ever will need; if this is· indeed the case, Paso Robles is singularly fortunate among central and Southern California communities~ whose water problems run from shortages to crises.2b
In 1949 he urged citizens to "take a bath, then vote" in favor of a new filtration plant to improve the 27 area's sometimes "murky" tap water.
Table 2 shows that support for civic improvements--public works projects, park development--was another area Goodell emphasized. The total number of supportive editorials (45) was ~econd only to those for local schools (50), although by 1959 and 1963 there were about half as many editorials on civic improvements as in earlier years. A possible explanation is that Goodell's earlier (1944, 1949, 1954) calls for civic improvements were in response to the more than 20 years of neglect in this area before his arrival in San Luis Obispo. Under
Mayor Louis Sinsheimer few public works projects were initiated. For example, the city was one of the last in the United States to convert from gas to electric street 28 lamps in the early 1940s. 222
Often these editorials addressed the purchase of land for city parks or called for beautification projects. In 1944 several of his calls for "post-war planning" focused on providing a funding base for park development. On July 10, 1944, he suggested a "post-war construction fund," writing that "County parks, beaches, roads and bridges and public buildings are the component parts of 29 this suggested post-war budget." Others supported new county buildings, such as the Veterans Memorial Building, 30 which he backed in a November 25, 1949, editorial. One of issues that Goodell felt most strongly about and again, worked personally to implement, was a new city charter for San Luis Obispo (see table 2), one that used a city manager form of government. On 12 occasions in 1949 he editorialized in favor of a new charter, and 31 the measure was soundly defeated. Considering that the 32 issue was voted on again in 1955 and passed, the number of editorials in 1954 (3) was rather small. On January 12, 1949, Goodell said a new charter and city manager would bring "increased efficiency," help eliminate "favoritism" and take the burden of personnel matters from councilmen who are "engaged in full-time 33 business and professional life." On March 24, 1949, he criticized opponents of the charter as reluctant to change 34 and lacking "knowledge of the full details of the plan." After the proposed charter was defeated he wrote in an 223
editorial titled "It Went That-a-Way!":
Ouch! San Luis Obispo voters up and swatted the proposed new city charter, manager and all, clear to oblivion yesterday. The Telegram-Tribune, along with a few--a very few--citizens thought that the time had come to bring the city up to date and start running the municipal corporation the way other big business is run .••• As expected, the water filtration bonds passed with little opposition. And so we'll hoist a glass of nice, pure, filtered San Luis Obispo water and drink to the health of the city charter--vintage of 1910. Looks like it will be with us for a long time.35
Treatment of Political Party
Turning from Goodell's stated issues of interest to his party affiliation, table 3 shows support for
Democratic candidates, office holders and issues (109 instances) and opposition to the Republican party (133 instances). There were 122 "neutral" political party references. During the five years selected, party references were relatively evenly divided among local
(102}, state (142) and national (186) categories.
References to political party were most frequent in 1954
(115} and 1959 (105), and least frequent in 1949 (74).
Only a single reference to a third or "other" political party was found (in 1944}. 224
Treatment of Political Party in 1944
Being the only presidential election year 1n the sampling, it was anticipated that 1944 would have one of the highest number of references to political party. This was not the case (see table 4}, with a total of 82 references. Most frequent in 1944 were Goodell's support for local (13) and national (12) Democrats, his opposition to national Republicans (14) and neutral references to party at the national level (12). Much of Goodell's editorial focus during 1944 was non-partisan and related to the events of World War II, particularly the progress of the allied forces in Europe. In support of a Democrat at the national level, Goodell backed the efforts of then Senator Harry Truman of Missouri and his committee overseeing war production costs. On March 20, 1944, he described Truman and the committee as "serious, painstaking, hard-headed trouble 36 shooters." He also supported President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt and regularly chided the Republican~ for their criticisms of Roosevelt and their opposition to allowing soldiers to vote. On September 23 he scoffed at New York Governor Thomas Dewey's criticism of Roosevelt for "insufficient war preparations." He wrote: "People remember plainly enough that it was the president and his 225 aides that demanded more arms and generally the 37 Republicans in congress who pooh-poohed the idea." Locally, he supported George E. Outland, a long-time Democratic congressman, but he did not specifically endorse Roosevelt for president in his election editorials, which accounts for several of the 38 entries in the "neutral" category. Support for California Governor Earl Warren and the activities of a handful of Republican senators accounted for the positive Republican references. Despite the fact that it was an election year, partisan controversy was conspicuous in its absence and clearly was deliberately avoided.
Treatment of Political Party in 1949
Table 5 shows that in 1949 Goodell supported Republicans more often than Democrats, and that more frequent than this support was his opposition to Republicans. Although there were several propositions on the state ballot on November 8, there appeared to be little partisan political activity and coverage by Goodell. Much of the lack of support for Democrats that year can be attributed to the fact that the governor and local state representatives were Republicans. Goodell generally continued to support the liberal approach of 226
Governor Warren and backed local State Senator Chris Jespersen and Assemblyman James w. Silliman. On March 3 he supported Jespersen's call for the federal government to take over control of the Salinas Dam near Santa . 39 Margarita. On April 4 he criticized Republicans and southern Democrats for filibustering to thwart civil rights legislation. He wrote:
The Republican party is on record as favoring the anti-lynch law, abolition of the poll tax and other civil rights provisions. Yet, when a likely chance appeared for putting those party promises into practice, most of the senate Republicans turned their back on the opportunity.40
Goodell's pet Republican whipping boy for the year was State Senator Jack B. Tenney, head of California's senate committee on un-American activities. On May 17 he wrote:
State Senator Jack B. Tenney, Los Angeles Republican leader, is a great hand for investigating other people. Let some school teacher, editor, lawyer, or anyone in public life, show liberal symptoms on almost any subject and he is apt to find himself accused by Sen. Tenney of being a Communist "fellow traveler."41
In a June 10 editorial titled "We're 'Uncooperative' Too" he wrote:
It seems that the California senate committee on un-American activities is downright incensed at 227
newspapers that "attack" it •••• It also mentioned that the "overwhelming majority of California's rural newspapers have been cooperative, fair and accurate." Judged by Tenney committee standards, we're afraid we do not belong to that august group •••• 42
And on July 14:
No, we aren't sorry. Referring, that is, to the exit of one State Senator Jack B. Tenney as chairman of the senate committee on un-American activities. Without hashing over Tenney's record as head man in the California Communist hunt ••• we hope that the new chairman will operate very differently. The process of investigating un-American activities in California will be vastly improved if the principal figures in such arenas give less attention to headlines and more attention to the handling of witnesses and of evidence.43
Treatment of Political Party in 1954
By 1954 Goodell's opposition to "fear and smear" tactics by some Republicans, most notably, Senator Joe McCarthy, was a consistent campaign. It accounted for much of the anti-Republican activity entered in table 6 for 1954. It was 1954--among the years selected--that saw the greatest attention by Goodell to partisan politics. Other than mild support for some state and national Republicans, such as State Assemblyman James Silliman, Goodell adhered to his pattern of Democratic support and Republican opposition. 228
That opposition, the most frequent party reference, often took the form of criticism of Red smear tactics. Goodell's editorial of February 24, "Fear and Smear," said:
Virtually everyone is alarmed at the "gossip accusations" against Earl Warren, publicized by Sen. "Wild Bill" Langer of North Dakota, in delaying senate confirmation of the chief justice, and seemingly doing everything possible to smear him with the nation as a whole. • For, let us face it, Langer's "unevaluated charges" constitute no new method. McCarthy has been doing precisely that with great success for several years .••• Meanwhile, most Americans have been blandly unconcerned. • • • But the Warren incident may serve to spotlight the viciousness of the smear-and-fear trend ..•. It is quite as unjust to call an obscure clerk in the state department "a drunk, a pervert, a Communist or whatever" (on unevaluated evidence) as it is to call Earl Warren "a follower of the Marxist line" (likewise without evidence). And it's high time the American people rose up on their hind legs and did something about it.44
Goodell's attack of McCarthy took the form of both entire editorials and criticisms within editorials on related subjects (as in the example above). He also took regular pot-shots at McCarthy in the "Sam Luis" editorial column. On February 20 he wrote: "To McCarthy Supporters: Is it possible that now, like children turned loose in a 45 candy store, even you are getting sick?" He disagreed with those who felt newspapers should ignore McCarthy's antics. On September 10 he wrote: 229
Although we are full-fledged critics of Sen. Joe McCarthy, and glad of it, we have held that the policy of 'playing him down in the news' as advocated by some anti-McCarthyites is just plain silly . • . • the mail of Sen. Arthur v. Watkins, Utah solon who is the chairman of the committee probing charges of misconduct against the Wisconsin stormy petrel, has increased five to six times since he became head of this committee •••• Moral: Whether we like him or not (and we certainly don't) he's still big news.46
Opposition to local Republicans included criticism of Congressman E. K. Bramblett. On February 8, Goodell wrote an editorial titled "Good Move for the GOP," stating, "It was no surprise when San Luis Obispo county Republicans quietly ditched Congressman Ernest K. 47 Bramblett and endorsed Charles M. Teague for the job." Goodell told friends he thought the four-term congressman for the 13th district was a "turkey." On April 10 he wrote:
To Republicans: Are you proud of the spectacle of Congressman Ernest K. Bramblett, convicted of taking kickbacks and holding down his seat in congress, voting 100 percent right wing Republican, of course--and accomplishing his customary zero as far as the 13th district?.48
Among the Democrats, Goodell supported Richard Graves against Governor Goodwin Knight and Tim O'Reilly against Republican Charles M. Teague for U.S. . 49 Representative. 230
Treatment of Political Party in 1959
In 1959 support for state and national Democrats increased (see table 7), due in part to Goodell's praise for the efforts of Governor Edmund G. "Pat" Brown. On March 5 he wrote:
First Democrat in many years to hold the state's top office, Brown seems to have survived the first skirmishes with various high-powered opposition without major bruises .••• During his brief time in office, he has demonstrated that he has ideas, and is willing to fight for them. He has also demonstrated that he isn't going to be pushed around by big business, big labor, high-powered lobbyists or anyone else. To us it seems like a remarkably good start. 50
Also at the state level, Goodell opposed cross-filing 1n primaries and criticized conservative Republicans in the state for supporting it. On March 6 he wrote, "Republicans, of course, are usually classed as conservatives--and they're clinging to an old familiar 51 pattern ••.• " Nationally, he supported Adlai Stevenson for 52 president and at times praised Governor Nelson 53 Rockefeller of New York.
Several of references to political party in 1959 were informational, reporting how politicians voted or quoting them, without taking a particular stand. This 231
accounts for some of the "neutral" entries (33) for the
year.
Treatment of Political Party in 1963
Most noteworthy for the first six months of 1963
(Goodell quit at the end of June) is the absence of local
editorial references to political party (see table 8).
Other than a few neutral references to the local
assemblyman, James L. Holmes (R-Santa Barbara), there was
little attention given local politicians. Much of
Goodell's local attention during this period was on the
April 9 municipal election, particularly a proposed
property tax increase for the San Luis Obispo Elementary 54 School District.
Support for state (6 instances) and national (9
instances) Democrats in 1963 often took the form of praise
for President John F. Kennedy and Governor Pat Brown. He
backed Brown's water development projects that year, 55 including the proposed Feather River project. On June 6 he applauded Brown for his opposition to capital punishment, saying:
• • • we commend Brown for his determined stand against capital punishment--a conviction which he knows has cost him a substantial number of votes in the past, and may do so in the future. But he has held fast to his belief, and we admire him for it. Also, we think he's right.56 232
On April 30 he supported President Kennedy's restraint in responding to Fidel Castro's overtures to the 57 Russians. Also at the national level he opposed the segregationist activities of Alabama Governor George
Wallace. As in previous years, opposition to Democrats was usually to conservative southern Democrats. On June
25, referring to Wallace as the "King Canute of Alabama," he explained:
Canute was that Dane who, about 950 years ago, became conqueror of England and one day ordered the incoming tide to stop advancing. Legend has it that he tried to sweep back the rising water with a broom. Canute, however, was smart; he was simply proving something to "his fawning courtiers." Wallace, too, was playing to the yokels •.•• 58
Treatment of Richard Nixon and Edmund G. "Pat" Brown
A tally was kept on Goodell's support or opposition to two politicians that he claimed to have strong opinions about--Richard M. Nixon and Edmund G.
Brown (see table 9). He spoke fondly of Brown and was repulsed by Nixon's campaign tactics and personal style.
Each mention of both of these men was recorded for the five years. Overall there were more mentions of Brown
(28) than Nixon (14} and he took a stand relating to Brown
(27) more often he did with Nixon (10}. In 1959 there were 233 four "neutral" references to Nixon, which was somewhat of a surprise, considering the harshness of some of his attacks of Nixon. These neutral references, however, were often simply factual statements, such as mentioning Nixon's support for a local Republican. In an April 23, 1954, editorial titled "Nonsensical Secrecy," Goodell criticized then Vice President Nixon for saying the United States might have to send troops to Indochina and then telling United Press and others not to mention the source. UP did mention the source; Nixon had made the remarks before 1,000 editors at 59 a Washington, D.C., convention, Goodell reported. Also in 1954, Goodell backed then California State Attorney General Brown in his attempts to reform the ineffective 60 campaign expense reporting laws in the state. As mentioned earlier, Goodell was very supportive of Brown's efforts as governor, particularly his water development plans. Also, in these later years (1959 and 1963), Goodell criticized Nixon for his various attacks on President John F. Kennedy and others as "soft" on communism.
Treatment of Controversial Subjects
His editorials on Brown and Nixon accounted for some of the entries in the "controversial" categories in p •
234
table 10. It should be repeated that every editorial for the years '44, '49, '54, '59 and '63 was entered in the table and the yearly totals include all editorials written for that year. An obvious finding, as expected, is that the editorials on non-controversial subjects far outweighed those on controversial ones. For all the years the ratio of non-controversial to controversial topics was approximately 7:1. From a grand total of 1,710 editorials
(over the 5 years selected), 179 were controversial topics on which Goodell took a position--approximately one in 10.
There were notable differences in the total numbers of editorials during each of the five years (see tables 11-15). For example, in 1944 there were 608 editorials, Goodell often writing three a day. It should be remembered that the paper ran six days a week and that the editorials on Saturday ("Sam Luis" comments) were not coded, leaving approximately five days a week or about 250 days a year in which Goodell wrote editorials. Between
1944 and 1949 the number of editorials fell by about half, from 608 to only 291 in 1949. By 1959 the number increased to a total of 339 for the year, and in 1963 there were 194 editorials in Goodell's first six months
(see tables 14, 15).
The total number of "local" (572) and "national"
(555) editorials were about even, with 293
"international," 187 "State" and 103 "other" editorials 235
(see table 10). Goodell often ran a short local (and
usually non-controversial) editorial followed by a longer
national or international piece.
Overall Goodell's position on an issue was clear more often than not, regardless of whether the editorial
subject was controversial. For example, in 1944 there were 466 editorials in which Goodell's position was clear,
142 where it was not (see table 11).
Treatment of Controversial Subjects in 1944
Looking at the categories by year, 1944 (see table
11) was marked by a large number of non-controversial
international editorials. Typically these were anti-Nazi pieces or other pro-American war-related editorials. The largest category was for local non-controversial editorials in which Goodell took a stand. Many of these were calls to buy war bonds and contribute to local war bond drives. By far the fewest number of state editorials were written in 1944, a total of eight.
Regarding controv~rsial topics for the year, few of the numerous international editorials were controversial and contained a position. Again, most of these international pieces had no clear mention of two opposing sides; they praised allied advances or attacked the axis powers. 236
Two controversial topics on which Goodell regularly took a stand were his support for allowing soldiers to vote and his opposition to what he considered excessive military censorship. He also criticized racist remarks directed at American soldiers of Japanese descent and called for "tolerance and restraint" toward Japanese 61 Americans returning to the West Coast. (Prior to 1944
Goodell had editorialized against the internment of 62 Japanese Americans.)
Of the soldier vote he wrote on January 17:
••. the elections committee of the House of Representatives ••• voted seven to five against allowing the soldiers to vote at all. • • . Do these congressmen fear that the vast majority of the Army will vote for Franklin Delano Roosevelt for a fourth term? •.. forget this anemic excuse of a "soldier vote" bill that you now have--and do something that will make a 1944 soldier vote a fact.63
On February 4 he wrote of military censorship:
With a few notable exceptions--such as the Tarawa campaign--the release of news to the American public has been remarkably poor. We have been over-censored to "keep up our morale," to "prevent us from becoming complacent," and for every other reason between those two extremes.64
Responding to "those rock-bound 'practical' citizens who think post-war planning is a 'lot of nonsense,'" he wrote on July 21: 237
..• advantages include a record-breaking tourist trade; ports of entry and exit for world trade, particularly with the Far East, and sustained demand for California agricultural products .... San Luis Obispo ••• must get a coordinated plan of post-war activity ready to function. We have a city planning commission now. Let's not stop with just having one.65
Treatment of Controversial Subjects in 1949
By 1949 (see table 12) the total number of editorials for the year was down to 291. Gone was the attention to international issues, the most prominent categories being local and national non-controversial subjects. The largest number of the controversial topics on which he took a stand (35 total) were local (15). Also by 1949 the virtual absence of state editorials in 1944 had increased to a total of 50 for the year.
This was a time when Goodell's focus was on local developmental issues (new city charter, local schools): he 66 was president of the Chamber of Commerce in 1949. In this local non-controversial category were pieces like a 67 January 18 plug for Cal Poly's practical curriculum, repeated editorials supporting a new city charter in which the presence of an opposing side was not made clear, and support for local park and school development.
Two of the local controversies that he regularly addressed were the yielding of the county's control over 238
Salinas Dam to the federal Bureau of Reclamation, and the battle to update the 1910 city charter to bring a council-manager form of government to the city. On March 3 he wrote:
••• a controversy has developed over Sen. Jespersen's strong recommendation that the county invite the USBR to take over control of the Salinas dam. • • Fear has been expressed by some in San Luis Obispo that USBR operation of the dam might mean that the city would lose its rights to the domestic water it now receives • • • • a 40-year contract would be possible, which would be more than adequate (for the city) .••• • the aob would be too big for the city to handle •••• 6
In a piece on a national controversy (the House un-American activities committee) on February 2, 1949, he wrote:
If (no more cameras are allowed) a great deal of the circus atmosphere which invariably accompanied the committee on its headline-hunting excursions will be no more •••• It might even come to pass that this committee ••. minus the Gestapo-like practices of the group, eventually will be of genuine benefit to the nation.69
Treatment of Controversial Subjects in 1954
In 1954 (see figure 13), despite the comparatively small number of editorials (278), there was a high degree of controversial material editorialized. More than one 239 out of every five editorials were on controversial subjects (52 controversial editorials total). There were a number of important issues in 1954: the congressional races, the activities of Senator Joseph McCarthy, the governor's race, the appointment of Earl Warren to the Supreme Court, the conviction of E.R. Bramblett for padding his payroll with "ghost" employees and the starving migrant pea pickers in Nipomo. As mentioned earlier in the chapter, his criticism of McCarthy came often and brought out some of Goodell's strongest language. An editorial early in 1954 titled "It's a Political Year," began, "Senators Joe McCarthy and William E. Jenner storm about the country, hurling charges intended to show that anyone who isn't a Republican must 70 be a traitor •••• " And on February 25 he wrote:
••• secretary of the army Robert T. Stevens' budding revolution against the bullying and abuse of Sen. Joe McCarthy, ended before it started •••• The victorious McCarthy, a living success story of the current doctrine of fear-and-smear, will now continue on his merry way, hurling irresponsible and unsubstantiated charges at all and sundry. The Great Red-Hunter reigns supreme in Washington • • the administration's fear of McCarthy is greater than its oft-expressed desire for fair play •• • it is incredible that Eisenhower would have ignored the whole episode. From now on, the president must share the responsibility of the pro-McCarthy Republicans for the swaggering bully •••• (The photographs of) the "surrender to McCarthyism" present a sorry spectacle to the world--and particularly to those American citizens who care deeply about basic freedom and principles.71 240
Other controversial stands included Goodell's 72 calling delays of the Warren appointment "ridiculous," 73 his opposition to party cross-filing on state ballots, his support for San Luis Obispo Mayor Fred Lucksinger in a 74 zoning battle with the county, his criticism of Republican congressional candidate Charles M. Teague for 75 his "vague, I like Ike" campaign, and his stabs at local congressman E. K. Bramblett for doctoring campaign photos, padding his office payroll and accomplishing little for 76 the 13th district. Goodell drew personal criticism from the San Luis Obispo County Grand Jury in 1954 for his coverage of the poor living conditions of the migrant pea pickers in the Nipomo area of San Luis Obispo County. The Nipomo pea harvest in 1954 was the "worst in 10 years" and hundreds of migrant workers faced severe poverty that spring, constituting an "emergency." Some children were virtually 77 starving. On June 1 he wrote:
The grand jury said • . • "Although an emergency existed at the time, the resultant widespread publicity was unfair and unwarranted. • • " Unfair to whom? Unwarranted, when a public appeal was absolutely necessary to relieve children's hunger? ••• without the publicity, which the grand jury deplores as "adverse to the county," no public relief could have been given when it was needed •••. In our opinion (this was) mighty GOOD publicity. 241
••• the growers involved were given full opportunity to state their side of the case •• So, we're afraid we can't apologize for not keeping quiet about the whole thing. We don't go along with the "hush hush" theory about unpleasant facts. Telling such stories is part of a newspaper's duty, and it will continue to be, so far as this newspaper is concerned.78
Treatment of Controversial Subjects in 1959
In 1959 (see figure 14) the largest number of
controversial topics on which Goodell took a position was
at the state level (13). Fewer than one in nine
editorials that year was on a controversial subject, 37
out of a total of 339. The number of editorials in which
Goodell's position was not clear increased to 82, that
total was only 49 in 1944. There were more national
editorials (136) than local (91). Again, the biggest categories were national and local editorials which were
non-controversial and in which he took a stand.
By 1959 the total number of editorials for the year had increased by 61 to 339 from 278 in 1954. There were occasionally two editorials a day, the second often being relatively inconsequential--a comment on language usage, or a humorous anecdote.
By 1959 Goodell was increasingly relying on quotes
from the Newspaper Enterprise Association's "canned" editorials and quoting other newspapers and their 0 .
242 columnists. Some of his favorite sources were the Christian Science Monitor and Washington columnists Roscoe Drummond and James Reston. Goodell would occasionally state an opinion or introduce a topic, then quote extensively from a national source. As in previous years, the non-controversial subjects he covered included local farm, population, or financial statistics; community events or fundraisers (Fiesta Days, Red Cross blood drives, community concerts); national economic statistics; and even election issues where he would encourage people to vote, but wouldn't make any particular recommendations.
For example, on January 5 he listed statistics on 79 the number of new businesses in the county; on January 23 he mentioned the upcoming city election and encouraged 80 more people to run; and on September 21 he described 81 Soviet Premier Khrushchev's visit to the city. State topics of controversy on which he took a 82 stand included his opposition to cross-filing, and his telling critics of Governor Brown to "Put Up or Shut 83 Up!" Local controversial topics generating his comments included clashes over increased funding for local schools and water projects, and his defense of the Telegram-Tribune after charges by local politicians that 84 "we wuz misquoted." 243
Treatment of Controversial Subjects in 1963
In the first six months of 1963 (see table 15) there were nearly as many controversial editorials with a stand (24) as there were for the entire year in 1959 (26).
There was also an increase in "other" editorials. These were not clearly local, state, national or international, for example, editorials on language usage. As in 1959 there were more national (62) editorials than local (44).
The total number of editorials for the first six months was 194, pointing to an increase over the total of 339 in all of 1959.
In 1963 Goodell's use of a second, short, anecdotal editorial was a common practice. Many of these ended up in the "other" category, some were coded as national, non-controversial and without a position.
Goodell also continued the practice of quoting others extensively after introducing a topic. These included columnists, editorials from other California newspapers, and even government reports.
Controversial subjects included the death penalty, the conservative John Birch Society, and support for the state's fair housing bill. On the death penalty Goodell wrote: 244
••• of 47 prisoners executed in the United States last year, California executed 11 persons, more than in any year in almost two decades. California led the nation in the dubious distinction of total executions •••• • . • abolition of the death penalty is coming surely and inevitably. New York has just abolished the mandatory death penalty for persons convicted of premeditated murder or kidnapping •••• We applaud the trend .••• 85
Of the Birch Society he wrote on March 25:
For John Birchers .•• there is no gray--only black and white (or red) • • • • Their West Coast great white father, ex-Congressman John Rousselot ••• said: The John Birch Society never accuses a person of involvement with communism unless it can document its charges. And then he tossed around a few charges including this one: "Eisenhower was either a Communist dupe, a deliberate agent of the Communist conspiracy or a clever man •••• " Asked to present some of his oft-mentioned documentation ••• (he) failed to do so and passed on to other accusations •••• 86
Goodell supported the "much contested" state fair housing bill as a "constructive step to end 87 discrimination" and he encouraged strict enforcement. 245 ' .
TABLE 1
TREATMENT OF 10 SELECTED ISSUES: 1944-1963
'.. Jr.::J::.J
...... - ..JU
·-;o r-; L·J
15
1Cl
5
+
V :~::~;~::~::::~ :J 111111111 ... .····:::·::: .I r Housinq L.at1c1r Put1. H _,_. ·.
+ = Support = Opposition 0 = Neutral 246 ' .
TABLE 2
TREATMENT OF 10 SELECTED ISSUES: 1944-1963
50
40
30
21]
11]
I] I + 0
111111111 Loc.a l S Ci't/iC
+ = Support = Opposition 0 = Neutral 247
TABLE 3
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1944 - 1963
120 105
~31] 75 61]
..1F.J.J
15
[I+ [1- P+ P- 0+ n-
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other Party N = Neutral Total = 420 248
TABLE 4
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1944
61]
11]
J(l
2CI
1[1
[I+ [1- P- CH n-
~~<:::::~ :: ~<~1 Local N-31 i Ofl -31
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other Party N = Neutral Total = 82 249
TABLE 5
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1949
(J·"O
r::o.. J
10
J(l
s__"~n
10
0 [I+ [I- P+ 0+ n-
[: :::;::~ : :~ ~::~~~ 1 Local :3t-- d~fl N-d ~ i on.a l
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other N = Neutral Total = 74 250
TABLE 6
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1954
6(1
51]
40 ,-,o .. .)
7ns...~
10
I] [I+ [1- P+ P- 0+ 1]-
k :>> : ::~J Local N.a ~ i on -3 l
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other Party N = Neutral Total = 115 251
TABLE 7
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1959
[I+ [I- P+ R- CH n-
f:~~~:~::~~>~~1 Local N.a ~ i on.al
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other N = Neutral Total = 105 252 , .
TABLE 8
TREATMENT OF POLITICAL PARTY: 1963
60 r.::o0
40
JO ·]n -'-~
10
0 [I+ [1- P+ R- 0+ n-
t:~:?.~~~~~~:~J Local N.a ~ i Orl-31 .
D = Democrat R = Republican 0 = Other N = Neutral Total = 44 (1st 6 months) 253 ..
TABLE 9
TREATMENT OF RICHARD NIXON AND EDZ.lUND G. "PAT" BROvlN: 1944-1963
+ I]
~:::: ; : ::::: : ::: :: : ::: :: : ] Br c:n ...Jr1
+ = Support = Opposition 0 = Neutral 254
TABLE 10
TREAT HEN T OF CONTROV ERS I AL SU BJ ECTS: 1944-1963
12[11] 1050 900 750 6rJO 4-50
300 150
C+ t··.JC+ NC:-
E>: :~~:::-~: ::~::-~ 1111111 rl f:::::: <~~ : :: :::~] - t" L-.,::. t~ Loc.al N.a-t; ion.al I n 1: et-· r1 a t. U ·. 1 I~
r.=: """7 .-, · -'~ .. L 555 2~3 : =:: 1 D :]
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No position Taken Total = 1,710 255
TABLE 11
TREATHENT OF CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS: 1944
t51} +00-
·?r.::ll-1-...... _
31]1]- 250- 21]1]- 151]- Ill .... -. ·-. ·-. ·-.·-. 11](1-
C+ r·-..... r··.JC+ t·K:
t: : ~~~: ~~:.:~~:] 111111111 k::~::~~::>::J Loc.a1 S- "1-3 t e N-3"1 ion.al Othe(
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-Controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No Position Taken Total = 6 08 256
TABLE 12
TREATiviENT OF CONTROV ERSIAL SUBJ ECTS: 1949
"•') r-: L"- .J 20(1 1?5 '151]
·"';! r-: 1.(_ ._1 101] 75
~,~, ~'- ...._._-~· r-:,
,..... _ C+ -· r··.JC+ ~·~C-
[:::: ::~ :~;:::;;::~ : 1 111111111 E~:: : : ~< : ~:::J Loc.al :3- ~ . ate N . a~ i()rJ .a 1 In~ er r1.a t n- r~' -·,_~r
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No Position Taken Total = 291 257
TABLE 13
TREATHE NT OF CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS: 1954
200 175 150
1"7~ .L. ·- 100
7~ I ·- 5[1
.L.-~· t=j·-
I] r·· + ~·.JC: + ~- c- NC-
t~:~:::~< :::=:- : } ffffiHH Loc.al N.a-r: ion.3l I n -r: e~· · fl-3 ~
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-Controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No Position Taken Total = 278 25 8
TABLE 14
TREAT t-1ENT OF CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS: 19 59
240 21[1
nl,...j 10 151] 12[1
61]
][I
C+ r··.JC+ NC
r:.:~~:~><: :] 111111111 k~::><~:>J n r~- . ~~~ Loc.al : : :;~-. ate N.a~ ic)n.a l - -. 1 1- I
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No Position Taken Total = 339 259 ..
TABLE 15
TREATHENT OF CONTROVERSIAL SUBJECTS: 1963
120 105
~jl]
7~ ( ·- t;o 15
·.... -,~I:tL 15
I] •,l('- r·+~ ·· r··.JC+ t ~ ·-'
t~~~~~?~ : : : :~::1 111111111 Loc-31 N-31: i (WI-3 l
C = Controversial Subject NC = Non-controversial Subject + = Position Taken - = No Position Taken Total = 194 (1st 6 months) 260
Notes
1 Clarice N. Olien, George A. Donohue and Phillip J. Tichenor, "The Community Editor's Power and the Reporting of Conflict," Journalism Quarterly 45 (Summer 1968): 243-52.
2 "City's Total Climbs to 20,386," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 May 1960, p. 1.
3 Interview with Richard Miller, San Luis Obispo, California, 27 January 1985.
4 Alex S. Edelstein and J. Blaine Schulz, "The Weekly Newspaper's Leadership Role As Seen by Community Leaders," Journalism Quarterly 40 (Winter 1963): 565-74.
5 Ralph R. Thrift, Jr., "Editorial Vigor and the Chain-owned Daily Newspaper," (Master's Thesis, University of Oregon, 1976).
6 Olien, Donohue and Tichenor, p. 246.
7 Robert Shaw, "Effective Use of Newspaper Power," Grassroots Editor 2 (January 1961): 9-10.
8 "Rooms for Servicemen's Wives," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 February 1944, p. 6.
9 "Public Housing Bill," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 15 June 1949, p. 8.
10 "Ill-Timed Strike," San Luis Obispo 261
Telegram-Tribune, 21 July 1954, p. 10.
11 "Labor and Politics," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 December 1954, p. 6.
12 "More About Highways," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 May 1954, p. 10.
13 "Better Deal For Unemployed," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 July 1954, p. 6.
14 "Welfare Effort Often Tangled," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 January 1963, p. 16.
15 "His Dreams Came True," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 25 August 1959, p. 14.
16 "It's a Political Year," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 February 1954, p. 10.
17 "School Tax Boost Needed, "San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 9 April 1959, p. 16.
18 "Vote Yes On School Bonds," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 8 May 1959, p. 11.
19 "Need for School Bonds," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 15 October 1959, p. 16.
20 "City School Impasse,"San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 2 November 1959, p. 18.
21 "Forget All or Nothing," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 22 May 1959, p. 12.
22 "High School Band Uniforms," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 14 April 1949, p. 10.
23 "City of San Luis Obispo Annual Report," San I • 262
Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 August 1957, p. 1.
24 "Whale Rock Day," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 2 March 1959, p. 6.
25 "A Project Named 'San Luis,'" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 March 1959, p. 19.
26 "Plenty of Water?" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 18 March 1949, p. 12.
27 "Take a Bath, Then Vote," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 November 1949, p. 10.
28 Harold Gilliam, "San Luis Obispo County: Two Ideas in Collision," San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1951, This World Sec., p. 2.
29 "Post-War Production," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 10 July 1944, p. 10.
30 "Veterans Memorial Building," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 25 November 1949, p. 12.
31 "That 0'1 Debbil Charter," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 November 1954, p. 6.
32 "At Last--A New Charter," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 April 1955, p. 10.
33 "New Charter Scanned," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 12 January 1949, p. 12.
34 "Views on City Manager," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 24 March 1949, p. 10.
35 "It Went That-A-Way," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 22 November 1949, p. 12. (l •
263
36 "Production Progress," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 20 March 1944, p. 8.
37 "Dewey on Roosevelt," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 September 1944, p. 8.
38 "Election Day Tomorrow," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 November 1944, p. 10.
39 "Water Atmosphere Clears," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 March 1949, p. 8.
40 "Strange Republican Tactics," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 April 1949, p. 12.
41 "There's Got To Be a Better Way," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 May 1949, p. 12.
42 "We're Uncooperative Too," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 10 June 1949, p. 8.
43 "No Regrets," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 14 July 1949, p. 8.
44 "Fear and Smear," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 24 February 1954, p. 20.
45 "To McCarthy Supporters," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 20 February 1954, p. 6.
46 "Joe Can't Be Ignored In News," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 10 September 1954, p. 6.
47 "Good Move For GOP," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 8 February 1954, p. 6.
48 "To Republicans," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 10 April 1954, p. 12. 264
49 "Almost Election Day," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 June 1954, p. 12.
50 "Good Start on Tough Job," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 March 1959, p. 8.
51 "Cross Filing On Way Out?" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 March 1959, p. 10.
52 "The Stevenson Manner," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 11 December 1959, p. 12.
53 "Rigged Nomination," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 28 December 1959, p. 10.
54 "School Tax Boost Deserves Support," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 3 April 1963, p. 12.
55 "Feather River Okeh is Wise Decision," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 February 1963, p. 14.
56 "Death Penalty Still With Us," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 June 1963, p. 20.
57 "Kennedy on Cuba," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 30 April 1963, p. 8.
58 "Another Canute," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 25 June 1963, p. 14.
59 "Nonsensical Secrecy," San Luis Obi~po Telegram-Tribune, 23 April 1954, p. 10.
60 "Full Disclosure Needed," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 July 1954, p. 10.
61 "Test For Tolerance," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 27 December 1944, p. 10. 265
62 Interview with Myrtle Goodell.
63 "Soldier Vote," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 17 January 1944, p. 6.
64 "Release the News," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 4 February 1944, p. 8.
65 "Post-War Planning 'Nonsense,'" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 July 1944, p. 7.
66 See photo caption, San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 16 May 1949, p. 1.
67 "Practical Education Works," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 18 January 1949, p. 8.
68 "Water 'Atmosphere' Clears," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 3 March 1949, p. 8.
69 "What? No Cameras!" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 2 February 1949, p. 8.
70 "It's A Political Year," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 15 March 1954, p. 12.
71 "McCarthy Reigns Supreme," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 25 February 1954, p. 8.
72 "Ridiculous Warren Delay," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 16 February 1954, p. 10.
73 "Impact of Party Labels," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 27 May 1954, p. 8.
74 "Efficiency, Not Temper," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 22 April 1954, p. 8.
75 "GOP Views Don't Jibe," San Luis Obispo 266
Telegram-Tribune, 30 September 1954, p. 10.
76 "Doctored Photos Again," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 2 May 1954, p. 8.
77 "Starving in Nipomo," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 19 March 1954, p. 1.
78 "Adverse Publicity," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 1 June 1954, p. 6.
79 "New Businesses Keep Coming," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 5 January 1959, p. 8.
80 "City Election Wide Open," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 January 1959, p. 12.
81 "Mr. Khrushchev in SLO," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 21 September 1959, p. 12.
82 "Cross Filing on Way Out?" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 26 March 1959, p. 12.
83 "Put Up or Shut Up!" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 2 February 1959, p. 8.
84 "Poor News Reporting?" San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 7 April 1959, p. 10.
85 "Death Penalty Still With Us," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 6 June 1963, p. 12.
86 "Birchers' Proof Still Missing," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 25 March 1963, p. 12.
87 "Fair Housing Bill, Fair Comprimise," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 24 June 1963, p. 8. CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSIONS
Robert Goodell's editorials in the Telegram-Tribune, during the 20 years following World War II, demonstrated support for a variety of developmental and liberal causes. He consistently backed highway, water, low-cost housing and school development projects, particularly at the local level. He used his editorials as a tools of consensus and progress in the community, often becoming personally involved in an issue. In 1949 and 1954 he repeatedly called for revisions of the antiquated city charter, working with city officials on strategies for its passage. He supported Cal Poly, San Luis Obispo, working closely with Robert Kennedy in the university public affairs office. Kennedy worked for Goodell for several summers as a copy 1 editor and in other editorial positions. Goodell consistently backed programs of public
267 268 assistance for the underprivileged--welfare, social security, old age pensions. In labor disputes he often empathized with union grievances, but considered strikes divisive and a "no win" last resort, perhaps because of his own position in management. He called for improved conditions for local migrant workers and low-cost housing for the city's poor. When he mentioned political party in his editorials, Goodell most often supported Democrats and opposed Republicans. He was clearly in the mainstream, supporting a number of (usually liberal) Republicans and completely avoiding mention of candidates in "other" parties. Prominent politicians he backed included Edmund G. "Pat" Brown, Earl Warren, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Nelson Rockefeller (occasionally), and Alan Cranston. He regularly criticized Republicans Joseph McCarthy, Richard Nixon and long-time local Congressman Ernest K. Bramblett. Several of the Republicans that he supported were state politicians representing San Luis Obispo. He opposed conservative southern Democrats in general and specific Democratic pieces of legislation. Looking at his editorials as a whole (during the five years examined), rather than how he addressed specific issues, the vast majority were on non-controversial subjects. About one out of every seven 269 editorials addressed a controversial topic. The non-controversial topics ranged from local fundraisers and events to national economic statistics and even pieces in which Goodell did not clarify that there were two sides present. But among the controversial p1eces where he took a position, there were areas in which he took strong stands. He was an outspoken opponent of McCarthyism, including the "Red smear" tactics of a number of politicians. In 1954 and 1958 he called for emergency aid for migrant pea pickers in the face of criticism by local growers and the San Luis Obispo County Grand Jury. During 1944 he strongly criticized the military for its censorship activities and spoke out against racism against Japanese Americans. Following 1954 this editorial vigor appeared to diminish. There was a greater reliance on "canned" editorial material and outside quotes. Although the number of editorials went from a low of 278 in 1954 to 339 in 1959, these were increasingly non-controversial. Many of these were short, minor editorials which followed the main editorial for the day. An unexpected finding was the large number of editorials on local schools, and education in general. Also, the extent of Goodell's support for Republican candidates was underestimated by those interviewed in this v ' 270 study. Turning to Goodell's stated editorial policy, it was hypothesized that his editorials would reflect his stated liberalness. He claimed to be an independent with Democratic leanings and he clearly was. His support for local candidates of both parties often depended more on their positions on specific issues or their effectiveness among their peers than their party affiliation. His support for Republican candidates was often an attempt to liberalize the party. For example, his support for Nelson Rockefeller on December 28, 1959, was more an attack on Nixon's "rigged nomination" as the party's 2 presidential candidate in 1960. Goodell's approach to partisan politics was similar to his approach to other issues; he often held back potentially divisive or partisan elements and focused on what he felt were the facts involved. Descriptions of him as "issues oriented," proved to be the case, with few exceptions. The language was often hesitant, attempting the delicate task of not offending a sector of the community that disagreed with his view. His ~riting style was simple and he often included humor. The exceptions to this "issues" rather than partisan or personal approach were striking for their infrequency. Goodell said he wanted to avoid being a "scold" but to "hit hard when you've got something to 271
3 hit." This policy related to his support for the Democratic party. His editorials supporting Democratic candidates often failed to mention who the candidate was running against: he stressed the affirmative, addressing the qualifications of one candidate. When he attacked Nixon or Joe McCarthy, as he did in 1954, it got the reader's attention. It was hypothesized that he would increasingly address controversial subjects as San Luis Obispo grew and the economic base diversified over his 20 years as editor. Based on the years examined, this didn't happen. Degree of controversy appeared to be more dependent on the specific issues that arose, 1954 having the highest percentage of controversial topics addressed. Goodell was considered an anachronism by some and criticized by Scripps editorial director Julius Gius for his avoidance of controversy. He did not endorse candidates for office in city government in San Luis Obispo and believed this to be in the best interest of the community for his entire 20 years as the paper's editor.
Whether he was right is a difficult question ~o answer; the character of the community, his relationship with the community power structure, and a post-war historical context are just some of the factors coming into play. For example, Goodell would clearly be categorized as an editor who was closely linked with the community 272 power structure. He had cooperative working relationships with city politicians, for example, working with long-time city manager Richard Miller behind the scenes to promote 4 certain issues. Such relationships, among editors of weekly papers in Minnesota, were shown to limit the reporting of . 5 conflict. Community leaders often view the role of the newspaper as building consensus and community pride, and 6 avoiding controversy. As an individual example, Goodell's editorship reinforces these studies. In addition, Goodell's four-year stint as publisher of the paper, early in his career there, may have influenced his attitudes about editorializing controversial subjects. He was remembered as publisher of the Telegram-Tribune beyond 1948, when James McLain was 7 named business manager. Members of the community who were interviewed, and even editorial director, Julius Gius, thought that Goodell was publisher for a longer period. He maintained the ties to the local power structure that he had developed as publisher, which may account for his saying there were "too many personalities 8 involved" to endorse local candidates. As a rural community, approximately 200 miles from Los Angeles to the south and San Francisco to the north, San Luis Obispo remained somewhat insulated from the outside world. To this day it is characterized by some as 273
"SLO town" or a "cow town." During the 25 years prior to Goodell's arrival in 1943, the town had been dominated by Louis Sinsheimer, who sought to retain its small-town atmosphere and limited construction and public works 9 improvements in the community. Goodell's editorial approach was affected by the character of the community. He was sensitive to the rural, ranch community and the town's "proud native sons." He did not want to get too far from his audience, which he considered fairly conservative. This accounted for some of his avoidance of a strident editorial approach. Some of his his focus on developmental issues--water, highways, housing, parks, public works--was a response to the Sinshiemer years. On the question of how Goodell's editorials changed over time, he maintained the same basic principles during the 20 years, with fluctuations depending on the issues that arose. He consistently supported Democrats more than Republicans, supported assistance for the underprivileged, and supported developmental issues. As mentioned earlier, the degree of controversy and partisan political coverage was greater in 1954 than during the other years, primarily because of the congressional and governors races, and his strong opposition to the Senator Joeseph McCarthy. Goodell praised the "small town" newspaper 274 approach and sought to maintain it throughout his 20 years as editor. As stated by Edelstein in a study on the importance of weekly papers to a sense of community, this "small town" approach builds social cohesion and community 10 consensus. Goodell continued to report the activities of local clubs and organizations throughout the county. He printed a large number of local non-controversial editorials that congratulated these local groups and specific individuals for their accomplishments, and encouraged participation in their activities. This content facilitates " ••. community integration and identification by enhancing personal prestige, disclosing threats to the community, defining local issues and 11 reflecting local opinion." On the question of how Goodell's personality affected his editorial product, his tolerance of the foibles of others, his respect for their independent views, his emphasis on the positive and his compassion are all reflected in his writings. Goodell was able to mix with all types of people and was accepting of their differences with his own views. For example, he was one of the only Democrats in the local Rotary club, but was able to get along with the group through his humor and personable nature. His editorials followed a similar tone. There was 275
a respect for the opposing view and a certain grace, even on issues he backed which were defeated. When his extensive efforts to pass a new city charter in 1949 were defeated he wrote:
The Telegram-Tribune, along with a few--a very few--citizens thought the time had come (for a new charter) •••• The voters didn't agree and they let us know in the good old American way. The group of citizens, drawn from all walks of life, who worked for months to prepare the new charter will be disappointed in the result of the election, but we know them well enough to know that they will accept the verdict gracefully and go right on working for what they see as the best interests of San Luis Obispo.l2
His respect for the independent political views of his acquaintances was reflected in his low-key, educational approach on the editorial page. He believed 13 "the American people will not be told how to vote" and that a strident editorial approach would turn off the reader.
It was said of Goodell in San Luis Obispo that "he 14 met no strangers," and that he was well-liked, even by many who disagreed with him politically. This influenced his editorials; he avoided offending various community groups and political figures because of his personal relationship with many.
Goodell did, however, take some strong stands on the editorial page, and at times some unpopular stands. 276
The freedom to editorialize as he pleased was one of the reasons he stayed with the John P. Scripps Newspaper Group for nearly 20 years. Goodell was an independent thinker, who had little tolerance for what he considered interference with his editorial autonomy. At the University of Utah he was an outspoken critic of the university president, even when threatened with expulsion. In 1932 he had quit as editor/business manager of the Provo Herald in Utah over what he considered the petty harrassment and "riding" 15 methods of his supervisor. As sports writer with the Salt Lake Tribune he battled with the owner who wanted him to promote his favorite teams. When he threatened to quit over the Tribune's use of blue slips, for suggestions, "demerits" and "commendations," he was taken off the sports desk and put on the city desk, eventually becoming 16 city editor of the paper. This independent attitude was demonstrated in his resignation from the Telegram-Tribune after 20 years as its editor. It was the same combination of editorial interference and repeated "suggestions" on a yariety of items that led him to quit, that and the usurping of his control over the hiring and firing of the staff. His troubles began shortly after Julius Gius was named editorial director, replacing Roy Pinkerton in 17 1960. As Gius pointed out, Goodell had operated with (l • 277 complete editorial freedom for nearly 17 years; Pinkerton did not own stock in the paper and Goodell had only to 18 answer to his personal friend, John P. Scripps. Gius sought to establish his authority over the paper, authority which Goodell refused to accept. Gius's complaints with Goodell's editorials took the form of written suggestions for changes to be made. Ultimately Goodell's managing editor, Russell Pyle, was given almost total control over hiring and firing. Gius disapproved of Goodell's personnel practices, which he labeled "cronyism." As Gius stated, within a certain period of time, if Goodell did not increase the amount of controversial and local material on the editorial page, he would be 19 terminated. Some of Gius' criticisms of the editorials were supported by the content analysis. By 1963 Goodell relied more on "canned" and quoted editorial material. The number of controversial topics he addressed had declined somewhat. In the first six months of 1963 there were no local controversial subjects on which Goodell took a stand. He frequently used short, relatively insignificant, editorials after the main editorial for the day. Overall the "vigor" of the editorial page had declined somewhat. Many of the differences between Gius and Goodell 278
related to style. Editorially, Goodell's policy had been to minimize controversy and he stressed developmental issues. He socialized and drank with members of his staff, including the men in the backshop. He was an actor in little theater productions and treated some community power brokers, like county tax collector Joe Barrett, with a certain favoritism. Gius did not consider these 20 activities "appropriate" for an editor. He wanted a more aggressive, independent approach. The John P. Scripps Newspaper Group prides itself on the local autonomy of its editors to tailor their papers to their communities. Goodell exercised such autonomy for many years. But the relationship of Julius Gius and Bob Goodell after 1960 did not fit the group's description of the editorial director's role as "ruling by example," serving as a "sounding board" and making 21 "suggestions" for improvement. Letters from Gius became increasingly forceful, eventually stating specific 22 editorial changes which "must" be made. Gius said Goodell was free to editorialize on any subject and take any opinion, so long as he addressed more local controversial subjects and took stronger stands. If Goodell did not respond, he eventually could be 23 replaced. Goodell had written in his notes: 279
Do I have to make my editorials conform to Gius' view on what they should be, or am I permitted to tell him to go fly a kite? What happened to the theory of autonomy, with each editor formulating his own policy?24
He concluded that his editorials would have to conform, at least to halt the patronizing letters from Gius. And that was intolerable to him. As to the question of editorial autonomy, this thesis is in a sense an example of the different ways that autonomy is shaped. With group ownership, or any kind of ownership, the lines of demarcation regarding editorial autonomy are not always clear. Influence can be exercised in a variety of ways, some indirectly. Interpersonal conflicts, disagreements over non-editorial matters and differing interpretations of "editorial autonomy" all shape the way that autonomy is exercised. The debate over the degree of controversy an editor can or should engage will continue. Of the editorial roles of community "watchdog" and community "booster," Goodell was clearly more a booster. In the context of the community of San Luis Obispo, post-World War II values, Goodell's personality and his role in the community, this makes sense. He felt the best way to advance the community was to restrain some of his liberal tendencies and avoid straying too far from his audience. Goodell was very 280 sensitive to his audience in San Luis Obispo. "He understood this town and he touched every part of it, from the ladies clubs to city hall," said Louise Marquardt, who with her husband owned and operated local radio station KATY. At times his actions based on these perceptions of the community were somewhat cynical or manipulative. He allowed the county tax collector, Joe Barrett, some preferential treatment in paying his advertising bills to the paper. Of his calculated effort to keep Barrett happy and retain advertising revenue for printing the county's delinquent tax list, he wrote to the Scripp's general business manager, "leave him (Barrett) to my Machiavellian 25 touch." Of his failed campaign to pass a new city charter, he told friends his factual explanation had been over the head of the average reader and that next time he 26 would use more "propaganda." But Goodell's approach was pragmatic and effective. He was able to strike a balance between community participation and editorial independence that allowed him to successfully achieve many of his goals for the community, from water projects and new parks to new schools and a new city charter in 1955. "He was always after a specific result," said Louise Marquardt. "He got the effect without hurting 27 people." 281
Marquardt recalled how reporter Kathy Hunter talked Goodell into taking his first role in San Luis Obispo's little theater:
When the people clapped it was like two scotch and sodas ••• man, she had him. But he was always picky about the part, very picky. He did three Gore Vidals, including "The Best Man." In "The Best Man" there's something about the way the old senator handles what can be done and what cannot be done, politically ••• the art of the possible, not the ideal. That's what Bob did with the paper. It was the art of the possible.28 282
Notes
1 Interview with Elliot Curry, San Luis Obispo, California, 2 February 1983.
2 "Rigged Nomination," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 28 December 1959, p. 12.
3 Robert Goodell to John P. Scripps, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
4 Interview with Richard Miller, San Luis Obispo, California, 27 January 1985.
5 Clarice Olien, George A. Donohue and Phillip J. Tichenor, "The Community Editor's Power and the Reporting of Conflict," Journalism Quarterly 45 (Summer 1968): 243-52.
6 Alex S. Edelstein, "The Weekly Newspaper's Leadership Role As Seen By Community Leaders," Journalism Quarterly 40 (Winter 1963): 565-74.
7 . Interview with Julius Gius, Ventura, California, 5 February 1985.
8 Robert Goodell's personal notes regarding letter from Julius Gius, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
9 Harold Gilliam, "San Luis Obispo County: Two Ideas In Collision," San Francisco Chronicle, 8 April 1951, This World sec., p. 2. 0 . 283
10 Alex S. Edelstein and Otto Larsen, "The Weekly Press Contribution to a Sense of Urban Community," Journalism Quarterly 37 (Autumn 1960): 489-98.
11 Ibid., p. 497.
12 "It Went That-A-Way," San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 22 November 1949, p. 10.
13 Interview with Myrtle Goodell, Ventura, California, 18 December 1984.
14 Interview with Doyle Coons, Harry Green, Paul Scripps and John P. Scripps, San Diego, California, 4 June 1984.
15 Robert Goodell to E.C. Rodgers, 20 February 1932, Goodell Family Papers.
16 Salt Lake Tribune office memo, 1942, Goodell Family Papers.
17 . Interview with Julius Gius.
18 . Interview with Doyle Coons et a1.
19 . Interview with Julius Gius.
20 Ibid.
21 . Interview with Doyle Coons et al.
22 Julius Gius to Robert Goodell, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
23 Interview with Julius Gius.
24 Robert Goodell's personal notes regarding letter 284
from Julius Gius, 24 June 1963, Goodell Family Papers.
25 Robert Goodell to Harry Green, 21 March 1950, Goodell Family Papers.
26 . Interv1ew with Myrtle Goodell.
27 Interview with Louise Marquardt, Maynard Marquardt and Maya Ashworth, San Luis Obispo, California, 16 July 1984.
28 Ibid. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Slater, Charles F. "Robert Goodell Hits Mark as Politician." Sacramento Union, 2 October 1964, Sec . B. , p. 15.
Smith, Eugene. "Cal Poly's Role in World War II." La Vista 4 (December 1981): 61-65.
"Telegram-Tribune Moving Day!" San Luis Obispo Telegram Tribune, 28 September 1958. 293
"This is Our Policy." San Luis Obispo Telegram-Tribune, 23 October 1960, p. 10.
Timbs, Larry. "Community Intimacy." Grassroots Editor 23 (Winter 1982): 3-5.
Trotter, Edgar P. "Canned Editorials Do Not Fulfill Responsibilities." Grassroots Editor 14 (July/August 1973): 7-8.
Waring, Houston. "Newspapers Lose Their Independence." Grassroots Editor 2 (October 1961): 3.
Waring, Houston. "Papers Build Town Spirit." Grassroots Editor 2 (October 1961): 3.
Waring, Houston. "The Grassroots Editor Provides Personal News In an Impersonal Era." Grassroots Editor 5 (January 1964): 8.
Willis, Jim. "To Boost or Not To Boost." Grassroots Editor 23 (Spring 1982): 12, 15.
Theses and Dissertations
Auman, Emily Jean. "Content Analysis of Editorials in Sixteen Chained and Unchained Newspapers." (Master's Thesis, Ball State University, 1973).
Bethel, Cedrith Ann. "Cornelia Wells Walter: First American Woman to Edit a Daily Newspaper." (Master's Thesis, California State University, Northridge, 1978).
Brown, Dennis E. "The San Francisco Press in Two Presidential Elections: A Study of the Effects of Newspaper Concentration in Editorial Page Comment." (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of 294
Missouri, 1971).
Thrift, Ralph R., Jr. "Editorial Vigor and the Chain Owned Daily Newspaper." {Master's Thesis: University of Oregon, 1976).
Interviews
Anderson, Jack. Washington, D.C. Telephone interview, 31 July 1985.
Anderson, Walter. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 18 January 1984.
Brand, George. San Luis Obispo, California. Telephone interview, 26 January 1985.
Brown, Edmund G., Sr. Beverly Hills, California. Telephone interview, 30 July 1985.
Coons, Doyle; Green, Harry; Scripps, Paul; and Scripps, John P. San Diego, California. Interview, 4 June 1984.
Curry, Elliot. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 20 June 1984.
Darnall, Clifford. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 26 January 1985.
Gius, Julius. Ventura, California. Interview, 5 February 1985.
Goodell, Myrtle. Ventura, California. Interview, 18 December 1984.
Kennedy, Robert. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 15 January 1984. 295
McLain, James. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 27 Janaury 1985.
Marquardt, Louise; Marquardt, Maynard; and Ashworth, Maya. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 16 July 1984.
Miller, Richard. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 27 January 1985.
Nettleship, Johnny. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 22 May 1984.
Orr, Frank. Watsonville, California. Interview, 20 January 1984.
Paulson, Jean. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 26 January 1985.
Pyle, Russell. Port Hueneme, California. Interview, 14 January 1985.
Sarber, Jane. San Luis Obispo, California. Interview, 11 February 1984.
Smith, Mary. San Francisco, California. Interview, 20 June 1984.