DOCSLIB.ORG

Amerimuncvi BG Japan-Lla2.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Amerimuncvi BG Japan-Lla2.Pdf © 2018 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] Ricardo Vergel-Negron and Sofia Garcia Chairs Distinguished Delegates, Faced with the crisis in the Pacific and tensions with China and North Korea, Japan faces a moral and practical dilemma. After over 72 years of pacifism, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe convenes his cabinet to meet the current crisis and prepare to protect against the ambition of the nations around Japan. The committee will look for viable solutions on how to deal with this crisis and at the same time ensure the stability of the country. We hope that this committee will help the delegates to understand better the dilemma faced by countries like Japan and the ways to solve it. We are really excited for the committee and hope that it will be a fascinating one for all delegates. Please keep in mind that this is a crisis committee and thus delegates must be prepared for an extremely fast paced debate and the use of press releases and communiqués. Portfolio powers will be allowed, but they will subject to the discretion of the dais. Also, we remind delegates that this background guide is merely a starting point for research and that you should not limit yourselves to it, but instead read about other topics relevant to the situation in Japan. It is our most sincere wish that all delegates enjoy this committee and that we will be able to resolve the many dilemmas that exist regarding this topic. We are extremely honored to be the dais members of this committee, our first experience in AmeriMUNC! Ricardo: For the past four years I have been a delegate in my country, Puerto Rico. As a member of Model United Nations in my high school, I had the experience to serve as secretary general in our intercollegiate competition, CSIMNU, and to be a member of the dias in several committees. I am currently a first-year student in AU, majoring in International Studies with a minor in Public Administration and Policy. In the past year, I was studying in Germany as part of the Congress-Bundestag Youth Exchange, where I also had the chance of being a delegate in one competition. I am fascinated by international relations, specifically in Latin America and the politics of my country. I am very interested in what the delegates will bring to AmeriMUNC! Sofia: My name is Sofia Williamson-Garcia and I grew up in Gaithersburg, Maryland. My mom is originally from Spain and I am fluent in spanish, so I was ecstatic about a bilingual committee coming to AmeriMUNC! I am a freshman at AU’s School of International Service with a major in International Studies. I hope to do a concentration in Latin America, because I am passionate about helping to create self-sustaining political systems with decreased foreign intervention. I applied to my high school’s Model United Nations team as a junior, not knowing much about international politics and wanting to learn more. Little did I know that MUN would be the reason why I would decide to pursue a major in International Relations and immerse myself in the world of international politics as a whole! My first year I was a delegate at the North American Invitational Model United Nations conference (NAIMUN) hosted by Georgetown in a 200-person legal committee, but my experience was taken to a whole new level the following year when I was given the opportunity to represent Clodomiro Almeyda, a socialist revolutionary in Chile at the time of the 1989 “NO” vote against the militaristic dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. - Just remember that there is no point in participating in Model UN if you don’t have fun. The only time we will get upset is if you’re not enjoying your time. Other than that, we hope you are as excited as we are to welcome you all to the committee! Sincerely, Ricardo & Sofia Chairs Cabinet of the State of Japan THE CABINET of JAPAN 01 THE CABINET of JAPAN ABOUT JAPAN Japan is the only country to truly know the horrors of nuclear weapons. Yet, once again we find ourselves in the crosshairs of the world's deadliest weapon. As the steadfast counter balance to China in east Asia, we are a prime target of the DPRK’s aggression and missiles. Today, Japan faces a moral and practical dilemma. Internal Affairs for the Allied Powers (SCAP/GHQ) had the power to effectuate the terms of Article IX surrender. Historical Context Post-War Japan faced the crucial issue On August 15, 1945, Emperor Hirohito of drafting a new constitution. Emperor expressed to the people of Japan his Hirohito, the Prime Minister Shidehara decision to settle after four years of war and his cabinet favored the 1889 Meiji due to the desire of “Japan's Constitution and were receptive of a self-preservation and the stabilization of replacement. Shidehara appointed an East Asia, it being far from our thought expert committee led by Jōji either to infringe upon the sovereignty Matsumoto, to suggest amendments to of other nations or to embark upon the existing constitution. On February territorial aggrandizement.” Hirohito 8, 1946, Matsumoto presented the “Gist declared the acceptance of the of the Revision of the Constitution.” provisions that the Allies established on Although the Potsdam Declaration the Potsdam Declaration of July 26, (1945) declared that the SCAP would 1945. Three weeks later, the Japanese assure the “freely expressed will of the Foreign Minister signed the Japanese people a peacefully inclined Unconditional Surrender, agreeing that and responsible government,” general Japan's war-making power would be MacArthur declined Matsumoto’s destroyed. Under this surrender proposal. On February 3, 1946, he Douglas MacArthur, the Supreme ordered American military lawyers to Commander draft a constitution based on his three principles: “(1) the preservation of the 02 Emperor System, (2) the total between the United States and Japan renunciation of war, and (3) the (1951), which established a ten-year abolition of the feudal system.” military agreement between both MacArthur proceeded without telling countries. The Treaty agreed to let the the Japanese government, which took United States remain on Japanese soil them by surprise on February 13, 1946, and establish their military presence. when the Japanese received the GHQ’s Additionally, Japan granted its rights of draft for consideration. self-defense to the United States and agreed that it could not allow the After being translated to Japanese and presence of any foreign military power discussed within the negotiations, the without the approval of the United Minister of State, Matsumoto, began a States. Such agreements gave the draft based on the GHQ draft. The GHQ advantage to the United States for the denied the majority of amendments advancement of U.S. forces in Asia proposed by Matsumoto. On March during the Vietnam War. 5th, the GHQ demanded that the Cabinet adopt their draft. They had no Development of Article IX choice but to adopt it. After final amendments, the draft was finished on The first post-war prime minister April 17, 1946. This draft defined war in Shigeru Yoshida established his Article IX: “as a sovereign right of the so-called Yoshida Doctrine, delegating nation, and the threat or use of force is the security responsibilities of the forever renounced as a means of country to the United States and settling disputes with other nations. The focusing on the economic maintenance of land, sea, and air strengthening of Japan. As part of forces, as well as other war potential, will never be authorized. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.” The Diet amended this article and finally approved on November 3, declaring the sincere aspiration to become “an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. (2) In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea and air forces, as well as another war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized.” The implementation of Article IX led to the negotiation of the Security Treaty 03 THE CABINET of JAPAN 04 As a renewal of the 1951 treaty, a Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between the United States and Japan was signed in 1960 Yoshida’s doctrine, in 1954 he provisions and processes.” Given the proposed the Japanese Self Defence continuous debate of US presence in Forces (SDF). Although this proposal Okinawa due to the evasive attitude of seemed to be conflicting with Article 9, the US to confirm or deny the presence the government restated their right of of nuclear weapons in the base, prime civilian control in the government. Also, minister Satō established his Three Yoshida’s cabinet enforced nonmilitary Non-Nuclear Principles in 1967. These terms for the organization and functions principles made Japan pledge “not to of these forces. manufacture, possess, or permit the introduction of nuclear weapons onto As a renewal of the 1951 treaty, a Treaty Japanese soil.” In 1972, the attempt on of Mutual Cooperation and Security denuclearization seemed to fail after Between the United States and Japan the agreement of Okinawa’s reversion was signed in 1960. Amidst a rise of depended on the term that nuclear opposition to the revision of the treaty weapons would be allowed under due to the presence of US military in “emergency circumstances.” A Okinawa, the new agreement declassified US document in 2017 reinforced the presence of US military revealed that “the Foreign Ministry of bases in Japan.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • GJAA Nishimura.Pdf (936Kb)
    Nishimura | Chasing the Conservative Dream Research Chasing the Conservative Dream: Why Shinzo Abe Failed to Revise the Constitution of Japan Rintaro Nishimura This paper examines the role of domestic actors in shaping Japan’s constitutional debate during Shinzo Abe’s time as prime minister. Based on a holistic analysis of the prevailing literature and the role of the public, leadership, and other political actors, this study finds that Abe was unable to garner enough support from the public or fellow lawmakers to push his version of proposed revisions to the Constitution of Japan. The paper identifies the wide spectrum of views that exist on the issue and how revising the constitution is viewed as a challenge against prevailing norms. Public opinion remains opposed to revision and the inability of lawmakers to build consensus on what to amend stymies the process further. Abe seems to have had a grasp on the political climate, opting to pursue constitutional revision largely for electoral purposes. Introduction Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced his decision to step down in August 2020.1 Japan’s longest-serving prime minister left behind a mixed legacy defined by electoral and foreign policy achievements, as well as a period of economic stagnation and string of political scandals.2 But what best defines Abe’s political career will undoubtedly be his desire, and ultimate failure, to revise the seventy-four-year-old Constitution of Japan (COJ). Although Abe’s failure to amend the COJ is often attributed to institutional hurdles, this paper argues that varying interests among domestic actors—from public resistance to militarism, to the prime minister’s agenda, and lawmakers’ scattered inter- ests regarding what exactly to amend—ultimately determined the fate of his political 1 Eric Johnston and Satoshi Sugiyama, “Abe to resign over health, ending era of political stability,” Japan Times, August 28, 2020, https://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2020/08/28/national/politics-di- plomacy/shinzo-abe-resign/.
    [Show full text]
  • Uncorrected Transcript
    1 JAPAN-2013/05/03 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION GROWTH, ENERGY AND ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP: JAPAN'S CURRENT OBSTACLES AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES Washington, D.C. Friday, May 3, 2013 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction: RICHARD BUSH, Senior Fellow and Director, Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Moderator: MIREYA SOLIS Senior Fellow and Philip Knight Chair in Japan Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: TOSHIMITSU MOTEGI Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry Government of Japan * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 JAPAN-2013/05/03 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. BUSH: Welcome to Brookings on a beautiful Friday afternoon. It's my great pleasure to welcome you to this afternoon's event. My name is Richard Bush. I'm the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies here at Brookings. We're very privileged this afternoon to hear an address by His Excellency, Toshimitsu Motegi, who is the Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry in the Government of Japan. He will speak on economic growth, energy and economic partnership, Japan's current obstacles and new opportunities. After the Minister speaks my colleague, Dr. Mireya Solis, will moderate the discussions and we need to end promptly at 3:50. I think there's biographical information about Minister Motegi outside. I will just say that he is a graduate of Tokyo University in 1978. He received a Masters from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. He is now in his seventh term as a member of Japan's lower house.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013-JCIE-Annual-Report.Pdf
    Table of Contents 2011–2013 in Retrospect .................................................................................................................................3 Remembering Tadashi Yamamoto ............................................................................................................6 JCIE Activities: April 2011–March 2013 ........................................................................................................9 Global ThinkNet 13 Policy Studies and Dialogue .................................................................................................................... 14 Strengthening Nongovernmental Contributions to Regional Security Cooperation The Vacuum of Political Leadership in Japan and Its Future Trajectory ASEAN-Japan Strategic Partnership and Regional Community Building An Enhanced Agenda for US-Japan Partnership East Asia Insights Forums for Policy Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 19 Trilateral Commission UK-Japan 21st Century Group Japanese-German Forum Korea-Japan Forum Preparing Future Leaders .............................................................................................................................. 23 Azabu Tanaka Juku Seminar Series for Emerging Leaders Facilitation for the Jefferson Fellowship Program Political Exchange Programs 25 US-Japan Parliamentary Exchange Program ......................................................................................26
    [Show full text]
  • Volume II, Issue 3 | March 2021
    Volume II, Issue 3 | March 2021 DPG INDO-PACIFIC MONITOR Volume II, Issue 3 March 2021 ABOUT US Founded in 1994, the Delhi Policy Group (DPG) is among India’s oldest think tanks with its primary focus on strategic and international issues of critical national interest. DPG is a non-partisan institution and is independently funded by a non-profit Trust. Over past decades, DPG has established itself in both domestic and international circles and is widely recognised today among the top security think tanks of India and of Asia’s major powers. Since 2016, in keeping with India’s increasing global profile, DPG has expanded its focus areas to include India’s regional and global role and its policies in the Indo-Pacific. In a realist environment, DPG remains mindful of the need to align India’s ambitions with matching strategies and capabilities, from diplomatic initiatives to security policy and military modernisation. At a time of disruptive change in the global order, DPG aims to deliver research based, relevant, reliable and realist policy perspectives to an actively engaged public, both at home and abroad. DPG is deeply committed to the growth of India’s national power and purpose, the security and prosperity of the people of India and India’s contributions to the global public good. We remain firmly anchored within these foundational principles which have defined DPG since its inception. DPG INDO-PACIFIC MONITOR This publication is a monthly analytical survey of developments and policy trends that impact India’s interests and define its challenges across the extended Indo-Pacific maritime space, which has become the primary theatre of global geopolitical contestation.
    [Show full text]
  • JAPAN: the Silence Defeated Suga, As Eyes Turn Now to Kono
    Asia | September 3, 2021 JAPAN: The silence defeated Suga, as eyes turn now to Kono ● Strategic silence from Abe and Aso undermined Yoshihide Suga, but the prime minister’s own gambits hastened his departure. ● Taro Kono is set to enter the race as the favorite, and Kishida may now be joined by Ishiba and other candidates. ● The LDP’s prospects for the general election will now improve, as will the likelihood of another stimulus package The dominos all fell quickly at the end. Perhaps the chief factor in Yoshihide Suga’s decision to step down from his positions as party president and prime minister was the ongoing silence of two of the kingmakers, his boss of eight years and former PM Shinzo Abe, and his current deputy PM and Finance Minister Taro Aso. Their lack of public support created the space for doubts to fester in Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) circles about whether the factionally-unaligned premier would secure the votes to repeat his unlikely victory of 12 months ago. Suga also hastened his own departure with two consequential gambits this week – first floating the idea of a snap September election that resulted in blowback from jittery party colleagues, then presenting several prominent names with a back-me-or-I’ll-sack-myself ultimatum with his plan to reshuffle top posts only weeks before the party vote. Environment Minister Junichiro Koizumi and others ultimately seem to have concluded that Suga’s offers of promotion were akin to being given front-row deck chairs on the Titanic. The leadership race opens The incumbent’s withdrawal leaves the field open in the party leadership race.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Transcript
    TRADE-2018/05/02 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION THE FUTURE OF TRADE IN U.S.-JAPAN RELATIONS Washington, D.C. Wednesday, May 2, 2018 Introductory Remarks: BRUCE JONES Vice President and Director, Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution Keynote Address: AKIRA AMARI Member, House of Representatives, Liberal Democratic Party Former Minister in Charge of Economic Revitalization Moderator: MIREYA SOLÍS Philip Knight Chair in Japan Studies, Senior Fellow and Co-Director, Center for East Asia Policy Studies, The Brookings Institution Panelists: AKIRA AMARI Member, House of Representatives, Liberal Democratic Party Former Minister in Charge of Economic Revitalization KOICHIRO GEMBA Member, House of Representatives, Independent Former Minister for Foreign Affairs RYAN HASS David M. Rubenstein Fellow, John L. Thornton China Center The Brookings Institution YOSHIMASA HAYASHI Member, House of Councillors, Liberal Democratic Party Minister of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology AKIHIKO TANAKA President, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 TRADE-2018/05/02 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. JONES: Good morning, everyone. Welcome to Brookings. And for those of you visiting, welcome to Washington D.C. My name is Bruce Jones. I'm the vice president for Foreign Policy here at the Brookings Institution. And on behalf of the Center for East Asia Policy, it's my pleasure to welcome you to today's discussion on the future of U.S.-Japan trade relations; at this key moment, not only in U.S.-Japan bilateral relations, but at a critical moment that may redefine America's role in Asia.
    [Show full text]
  • Center on Japanese Economy and Business
    Center on Japanese Economy and Business ANNUAL REPORT 2015–2016 (JULY 2015–JUNE 2016) Table of Contents Letter from the Directors 2 The Battle Against Deflation: The Evolution of Monetary Policy and Japan’s Experience 52 CJEB 30th-Anniversary Featured Highlights 5 Lunchtime “Zadankai” Seminars 53 CJEB’s 30-Year History (Photos) 5 The Effect of Family-Friendly Regulation on Fertility and CJEB’s 30th-Anniversary Event Highlights 11 Work: Evidence from Japan Using Natural Experiments 53 His Excellency Shinzo Abe, Prime Minister of Japan, Abenomics: Politics and Policy 53 Greets Audience at CJEB’s Tokyo Conference 11 For Yaskawa, the Future Is Now 54 CJEB Lecture Featuring Governor Haruhiko Kuroda, Abenomics: Skepticism and Hope 54 Bank of Japan 14 Two Cultures, One Team: Leading a Major Japanese-Owned CJEB Symposium Featuring Hideki Matsui, Bank in the Americas as the First American CEO 54 Jean Afterman, and George Rose, New York Yankees 15 From Japan’s Leading Securities Company to Asia’s Global 30 Years of Visiting Fellows at the Center 16 Investment Bank: History, Challenges, and Ambitions 55 CJEB Team 21 The Silo Effect on Japanese Companies and Elsewhere 55 Leadership and Staff 21 The Latest Landscape of International Finance 55 Core Faculty 24 The Structure and Characteristics of the Japanese Manga Market 56 Research and Faculty Engagement 27 Lessons in Entrepreneurship: Building a Global Business 56 “Japan’s Economy: Moderate Performance, Japan’s Prewar and Postwar Economic Development 56 Puzzles Persist” by Hugh Patrick 27 Current
    [Show full text]
  • Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression for More Information on This Publication, Visit
    C O R P O R A T I O N MICHAEL J. MAZARR, JOE CHERAVITCH, JEFFREY W. HORNUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD What Deters and Why Applying a Framework to Assess Deterrence of Gray Zone Aggression For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR3142 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0397-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © 2021 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: REUTERS/Kyodo Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report documents research and analysis conducted as part of a project entitled What Deters and Why: North Korea and Russia, sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Mizuho Economic Outlook & Analysis
    Mizuho Economic Outlook & Analysis Policy Issues facing the Abe Administration in the final stage of Abenomics - Looking beyond to “post-Abenomics” - October 10, 2018 Copyright Mizuho Research Institute Ltd. All Rights Reserved. Contents 1. Policy Issues of the Abe Administration [ Overview ] P 3 2. Key Policy Issues of the Abe Administration [ Details ] P 4 3. Future Points of Focus P 12 4. Shift in Priorities of Abenomics P 13 Conclusion P 14 1 Summary The Liberal Democratic Party leadership election held in September 2018 saw LDP President (Prime Minister) Shinzo Abe capture his third consecutive victory and party leadership for the next three years. During his last three-year term under the LDP constitution, the Abe administration needs to complete the final stage of Abenomics and draw up a roadmap for the post-Abenomics era. Over the past nearly six years, the Abe administration has promoted its economic policy featuring “three arrows” and “three new arrows,” and the policy has demonstrated certain achievements, for example, substantial progress made in overcoming deflation. But Japan’s full-fledged economic recovery is only halfway down the road. In the coming years, the government needs to advance its policy agenda below and address important medium- and long-term issues. This report examines (1) consumption tax increase, (2) fiscal consolidation, (3) monetary policy, (4) growth strategy, (5) social security, (6) employment, and (7) regional revitalization as the government’s key policy issues. Japan is facing numerous domestic and foreign affairs challenges, including changing the current Japanese era name, the Upper House election, chairing the G20 summit in 2019, and hosting the Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games.
    [Show full text]
  • World Assembly for Women
    5th World Assembly for Women March 23 (Sat)-24(Sun), 2019 Hotel New Otani Tokyo Report W20 Japan 2019 SPONSOR September 1 2005 ブランドロゴ＿基本タイプ［ プロセスカラー再現 ］ Materials for Reproduction : Master Data ［ 再現用資料 ］ 01-3 ■ フルカラー／ポジティブ表示（ LW = 150mm ） A y u w a https://akari-kikaku.com/ https://www.seeds-virtue.com Contents 1. Opening Speech/ Keynote Speeches/ Special Address ................................................................................................................ 2 2. WAW!/W20 Joint Panel Discussion "Human Resource Development in a Changing Society with Technology Transformation" ...................................................... 4 3. WAW! Panel Discussion "Leadership for Regional Development and Job Creation" ................................................................. 6 4. W20 Panel Discussion 1 "Closing the Gender Gap for New Prosperity: Enhancing Governance for Women's Empowerment" ....................................... 8 5. High-Level Panel Discussions/ Special Sessions WAW! High-Level Panel Discussion 1 "Media and Contents to Nurture Diversity" ................................................................ 10 WAW! High-Level Panel Discussion 2 "Women's Participation in Conflict Prevention, Peacebuilding and Post Conflict Recovery" .................................................. 12 W20 High-Level Panel Discussion 1 "Creation of New Market Value by Women Entrepreneurs" .......................................... 14 W20 Special Session 1 "Gender Lens Investing: Emerging Global Trends" ............................................................................
    [Show full text]