Conflict Or Peace? Ethnic Unrest Intensifies in Burma

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Conflict Or Peace? Ethnic Unrest Intensifies in Burma Burma Policy Briefing Nr 7 June 2011 Conflict or Peace? Ethnic Unrest Intensifies in Burma The breakdown in the ceasefire of the Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO) with the Conclusions and Recommendations central government represents a major failure It is imperative that ceasefire talks resume in national politics and threatens a serious and that all armed actors, both government humanitarian crisis if not immediately ad- and KIO, pursue peaceful processes that will dressed. Over 11,000 refugees have been dis- placed and dozens of casualties reported during bring lasting inclusion and stability. Priority two weeks of fighting between government must be given to the humanitarian needs of forces and the KIO. Thousands of troops have peoples in the conflict-zones. been mobilized, bridges destroyed and commu- The new government must seek to peace- nications disrupted, bringing hardship to com- fully address ethnic conflicts in the country. munities across northeast Burma/Myanmar.1 The occasion of a new government provides There is now a real potential for ethnic conflict to an opportunity to resolve Burma’s long- further spread. In recent months, ceasefires standing political and ethnic crises. Failure in have broken down with Karen and Shan 2011 will only perpetuate conflict and state opposition forces, and the ceasefire of the New under-achievement for another generation. Mon State Party (NMSP) in south Burma is under threat. Tensions between the government It is vital that the new government pursues and United Wa State Army (UWSA) also policies that support dialogue and participa- continue. tion for all peoples in the new political and economic system. Many communities and It is essential that peace talks are initiated and parties remain marginalised outside the new grievances addressed so that ethnic conflict in structures of administration. Policies that Burma does not spiral into a new generation of continue to favour the armed forces and militarised violence and human rights abuse. military solutions will perpetuate resentment and division. To date, no transparent or inclusive process of peace talks has been established. Burma With the advent of a new government, remains a land in political transition, and the opposition groups should seek to find ways to Kachin crisis signifies the first major challenge support progressive political reform through to the new government, under President ex- democratic processes. National unity and Gen. Thein Sein, that assumed power in March participation are essential to achieve 2011. But no clear or coherent policy has democratic and ethnic reforms. emerged among government authorities to address the causes behind the KIO and other The international community must pro- ethnic struggles. Different ministers, military mote conflict resolution, political rights and officers and representatives in the new system equitable opportunity for all ethnic groups in of legislatures are competing to set policy. every sector of national life, including the For its part, the KIO accuses generals of the economy, health and education. Burma is at a national armed forces, known as the Tatmadaw, critical stage in political transformation. of continuing a long-term strategy to marginal- Policies that truly support national inclusion ize and repress ethnic minority groups. and stability are essential. Burma Policy Briefing | 1 List of abbreviations used Such a collaborative path is now under threat, raising questions about ethnic peace and stabi- BGF Border Guard Force lity throughout the country. The way that the Thein Sein government seeks to address the CPB Communist Party of Burma crisis could well determine the pattern of KNU Karen National Union national politics for a generation to come. The international community is watching closely. KIO Kachin Independence Will conflict or peace prevail? The warnings Organisation from Burma’s troubled history are clear. KSPP Kachin State Progressive Party BACKGROUND NDA-K New Democratic Army-Kachin Ethnic conflict in Burma has continued through NDF National Democratic Front every political era since independence in 1948. NLD National League for Democracy In the process, countless lives have been lost, millions of citizens displaced and the country NMSP New Mon State Party declined to become one of Asia’s poorest. SLORC State Law and Order Restoration Meanwhile many borderlands have remained Council under the control of different ethnic nationality forces that have contested the authority of cen- SPDC State Peace and Development tral governments, mostly military, in the Council Burman-majority heartlands. Ethnic minorities SSA-N Shan State Army-North are today estimated to make up a third of Bur- ma’s 56 million population. UNFC United Nationalities Federal Council Ethnic volatility has always accompanied peri- USDP Union Solidarity and ods of political change. Perceptions of discrimi- Development Party nation and marginalization have consistently fuelled conflict. The first upsurge occurred in UWSA United Wa State Army 1948 when the Karen National Union (KNU) and other ethnic parties challenged Burma’s Burma has remained under military-dominated new parliamentary system; in 1962 when the governments since 1962. In response, the KIO Tatmadaw seized power and tried to impose has allied with Chin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Gen. Ne Win’s monolithic “Burmese Way to Shan armed forces in seeking joint negotiations Socialism” on the country; and in 1988 when with the new government to redraw the political the SPDC (initially State Law and Order Resto- landscape. Four months into the life of a new ration Council - SLORC) suppressed pro- political system, ethnic tensions are deepening democracy protests, re-imposing military not reducing in the country. control. Over six decades later, the KNU remains in The implications could not be more serious. armed struggle and over twenty ethnic Ethnic ceasefires were a flagship policy of the opposition organisations, with over 40,000 military State Peace and Development Council troops under arms, continue to administer their (SPDC) that preceded the Thein Sein govern- own territories in the borderlands. At the same ment. At its 1994 inception, the KIO ceasefire time, there are 16 newly-formed ethnic was promoted as a model for Burma. Develop- nationality parties that won seats in the 2010 ment projects started and international aid general election, and a similar number of organisations returned to a conflict-zone that electoral groups outside the government’s had been off-limits to outside visitors for deca- political process. These include political parties des. More recently, foreign investment – pri- which, like the National League for Democracy marily Chinese – has accelerated. Economic and (NLD), won seats in the 1990 general election. humanitarian challenges have remained acute. During a time of change, the future of all these But protagonists on the different sides parties is presently unclear.2 maintained a public commitment to dialogue and the goal of resolving political problems by Against this backdrop, the need has always con- political means. tinued for an inclusive peace process in which 2 | Burma Policy Briefing political and ethnic challenges are addressed. THE KIO CEASEFIRE But in 2011, just four months after the new After protracted talks, the KIO ceasefire was government was introduced, there are already eventually agreed in February 1994. The KIO warnings that Burma’s tragic cycles of ethnic became one of four NDF forces, including the grievance and insurgency could be repeated. Shan State Army-North (SSA-N) and NMSP, that changed their strategy from armed struggle THE KACHIN INDEPENDENCE in border-based alliances such as the National ORGANISATION Council Union of Burma to dialogue in political and economic processes established by the Formed in 1961, the KIO has long been among SLORC-SPDC. Under the ceasefire terms, the the most political of Burma’s different ethnic KIO was allowed to maintain its arms and terri- forces. Initially established in response to eco- tory until a new constitution was introduced. In nomic and religious discrimination (most the meantime a policy of “peace through deve- Kachins are Christians), the KIO rapidly ex- lopment” was initiated to support reconciliation panded its territories during the 1960s follow- and the rehabilitation of communities long- ing Gen. Ne Win’s military coup. With popular devastated by war. support and control of the lucrative jade trade, the KIO was able to establish extensive “libera- The impact was immediate. With support from ted zones” in the Kachin state and northern the Kachin Baptist Convention, Catholic Church Shan state. It also became a key member of the and other community-based groups, aid pro- National Democratic Front (NDF - established jects spread across northeast Burma in both 1976) with the KNU and other federal-seeking KIO and government-controlled areas, and ethnic forces. international visitors were officially allowed to return for the first time in over three decades.5 Following the SLORC-SPDC’s assumption of Social and economic progress, however, was power in 1988, the KIO was initially a principal contentious and slow. Particular humanitarian actor in the changing politics in the border- challenges developed in Kachin communities, lands, providing sanctuary to students and including rising heroin use and HIV, that had democracy activists who had fled from urban not been anticipated. At the same time, Tatma- areas. But under
Recommended publications
  • A Short Outline of the History of the Communist Party of Burma
    A SHORT OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF .· THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF BURMA I Burma was an independent kingdom before annexation by the British imperialist in 1824. In 1885 British imperialist annexed whole of Burma. Since that time, Burmese people have never given up their fight for regaining their independence. Various armed uprisings and other legal forms of strug­ gle were used by the Burmese people in their fight to regain indep~ndence. In 19~8 the biggest and the broadest anti-British general _strike over-ran the whole country. The workers were on strike, the peasants marched up to Rangoon and all the students deserted their class-room to join the workers and peasants. It was an unprecendented anti-British movement in Burma popularly called in Burmese as "1300th movement". Out of this national and class struggle of the Burmese people and working class emerges the Communist Party of Burma. II The Communist Party of Burma was of!i~ially founded on 15th ~_!l_g~s_b 1939 by _!!nitil)K all MarxisLgr.9J!l!§ in Burma, III From the day of inception, CPB launched an active anti-British struggles up till 1941. It was the core of CPB leadership that led ahti­ British struggles up till the second world war. IV In 1941, after the Hitlerites treacherously attacked the Soviet Union, CPB changed its tactics and directed its blows against the fascists. v In 1942, Burma was invaded by the Japanese fascists. From that time onwards up till 1945, CPB worked unt~ringly to oppose the Japanese fa~ists 1 .
    [Show full text]
  • Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’S Ethnic Insurgencies
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Goldsmiths Research Online Manuscript submission to Contemporary Politics - Original Article Title: Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’s Ethnic Insurgencies Author: David Brenner: [email protected] Lecturer in International Relations Department of Politics University of Surrey Guildford, GU2 7XH, United Kingdom Research Associate Global South Unit Department of International Relations The London School of Economics (LSE) Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’s Ethnic Insurgencies ABSTRACT: This article contributes to the emerging scholarship on the internal politics of non-state armed groups and rebel governance by asking how rival rebel leaders capture and lose legitimacy within their own movement. It explores this question by drawing on critical social theory and ethnographic field research on Myanmar’s most important ethnic armed groups: the Karen and Kachin insurgencies. The article finds that authority relations between elites and grassroots in these movements are not primarily linked to the distributional outcomes of their insurgent social orders, as a contractualist understanding of rebel governance would suggest. It is argued that the authority of rebel leaders in both analysed movements rather depends on whether they address their grassroots’ claim to due and proper recognition, enabling the latter to derive self-perceived positive social identities through affiliation to the insurgent collective. This contributes to our understanding of the role that authority relations between differently situated elite and non-elite insurgents play in the factional contestation within rebel movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Competing Forms of Sovereignty in the Karen State of Myanmar
    Competing forms of sovereignty in the Karen state of Myanmar ISEAS Working Paper #1 2013 By: Su-Ann Oh1 Email: [email protected] Visiting Research Fellow Regional Economic Studies Programme Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 1 The ISEAS Working Paper Series is published electronically by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © Copyright is held by the author or authors of each Working Paper. Papers in this series are preliminary in nature and are intended to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The Editorial Committee accepts no responsibility for facts presented and views expressed, which rests exclusively with the individual author or authors. No part of this publication may be produced in any form without permission. Comments are welcomed and may be sent to the author(s) Citations of this electronic publication should be made in the following manner: Author(s), “Title,” ISEAS Working Paper on “…”, No. #, Date, www.iseas.edu.sg Working Paper Editorial Committee Lee Hock Guan (editor) Terence Chong Lee Poh Onn Tin Maung Maung Than Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30, Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 Main Tel: (65) 6778 0955 Main Fax: (65) 6778 1735 Homepage: www.iseas.edu.sg Introduction The Thai-Burmese border, represented by an innocuous line on a map, is more than a marker of geographical space. It articulates the territorial limits of sovereignty2 and represents the ideology behind the doctrine of modern nation-states. Accordingly, every political state must have a definite territorial boundary which corresponds with differences of culture and language. Moreover, territorial sovereignty is absolute, indivisible and mutually exclusive, as set out by the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia.
    [Show full text]
  • Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State
    A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State ASIA PAPER May 2018 EUROPEAN UNION A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State © Institute for Security and Development Policy V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.isdp.eu “A Return to War: Militarized Conflicts in Northern Shan State” is an Asia Paper published by the published by the Institute for Security and Development Policy. The Asia Paper Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Institute’s Asia Program, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Institute is based in Stockholm, Sweden, and cooperates closely with research centers worldwide. The Institute serves a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. It is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion. This publication has been produced with funding by the European Union. The content of this publication does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the paper lies entirely with the authors. No third-party textual or artistic material is included in the publication without the copyright holder’s prior consent to further dissemination by other third parties. Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. © European Union and ISDP, 2018 Printed in Lithuania ISBN: 978-91-88551-11-5 Cover photo: Patrick Brown patrickbrownphoto.com Distributed in Europe by: Institute for Security and Development Policy Västra Finnbodavägen 2, 131 30 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden Tel.
    [Show full text]
  • Sample Chapter
    lex rieffel 1 The Moment Change is in the air, although it may reflect hope more than reality. The political landscape of Myanmar has been all but frozen since 1990, when the nationwide election was won by the National League for Democ- racy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi. The country’s military regime, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), lost no time in repudi- ating the election results and brutally repressing all forms of political dissent. Internally, the next twenty years were marked by a carefully managed par- tial liberalization of the economy, a windfall of foreign exchange from natu- ral gas exports to Thailand, ceasefire agreements with more than a dozen armed ethnic minorities scattered along the country’s borders with Thailand, China, and India, and one of the world’s longest constitutional conventions. Externally, these twenty years saw Myanmar’s membership in the Associa- tion of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), several forms of engagement by its ASEAN partners and other Asian neighbors designed to bring about an end to the internal conflict and put the economy on a high-growth path, escalating sanctions by the United States and Europe to protest the military regime’s well-documented human rights abuses and repressive governance, and the rise of China as a global power. At the beginning of 2008, the landscape began to thaw when Myanmar’s ruling generals, now calling themselves the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), announced a referendum to be held in May on a new con- stitution, with elections to follow in 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • Transnational Ethnic Communities and Rebel Groups' Strategies in a Civil Conflict
    Transnational Ethnic Communities and Rebel Groups’ Strategies in a Civil Conflict The case of the Karen National Union rebellion in Myanmar Bethsabée Souris University College London (UCL) 2020 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science I, Bethsabée Souris, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis 1 2 Abstract Few studies have systematically analysed how transnational ethnic kin groups affect the behaviour of domestic ethnic groups in an insurgency, in particular how they have an effect on the types of activities they conduct and their targets. The research question of this study is: What are the mechanisms through which transnational ethnic kin groups influence the domestic rebel ethnic group’s strategies? This thesis analyses the influence of transnational communities on domestic challengers to the state as a two-step process. First, it investigates under which conditions transnational ethnic kin groups provide political and economic support to the rebel ethnic group. It shows that networks between rebel groups and transnational communities, which can enable the diffusion of the rebel group’s conflict frames, are key to ensure transnational support. Second, it examines how such transnational support can influence rebel groups’ strategies. It shows that central to our understanding of rebel groups’ strategies is the cohesion (or lack thereof) of the rebel group. Furthermore, it identifies two sources of rebel group’s fragmentation: the state counter-insurgency strategies, and transnational support. The interaction of these two factors can contribute to the fragmentation of the group and in turn to a shift in the strategies it conducts.
    [Show full text]
  • Sold to Be Soldiers the Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers in Burma
    October 2007 Volume 19, No. 15(C) Sold to be Soldiers The Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers in Burma Map of Burma........................................................................................................... 1 Terminology and Abbreviations................................................................................2 I. Summary...............................................................................................................5 The Government of Burma’s Armed Forces: The Tatmadaw ..................................6 Government Failure to Address Child Recruitment ...............................................9 Non-state Armed Groups....................................................................................11 The Local and International Response ............................................................... 12 II. Recommendations ............................................................................................. 14 To the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) ........................................ 14 To All Non-state Armed Groups.......................................................................... 17 To the Governments of Thailand, Laos, Bangladesh, India, and China ............... 18 To the Government of Thailand.......................................................................... 18 To the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)....................... 18 To UNICEF ........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Burma Coup Watch
    This publication is produced in cooperation with Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN), Burmese Rohingya Organisation UK (BROUK), the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), Progressive Voice (PV), US Campaign for Burma (USCB), and Women Peace Network (WPN). BN 2021/2031: 1 Mar 2021 BURMA COUP WATCH: URGENT ACTION REQUIRED TO PREVENT DESTABILIZING VIOLENCE A month after its 1 February 2021 coup, the military junta’s escalation of disproportionate violence and terror tactics, backed by deployment of notorious military units to repress peaceful demonstrations, underlines the urgent need for substantive international action to prevent massive, destabilizing violence. The junta’s refusal to receive UN diplomatic and CONTENTS human rights missions indicates a refusal to consider a peaceful resolution to the crisis and 2 Movement calls for action confrontation sparked by the coup. 2 Coup timeline 3 Illegal even under the 2008 In order to avert worse violence and create the Constitution space for dialogue and negotiations, the 4 Information warfare movement in Burma and their allies urge that: 5 Min Aung Hlaing’s promises o International Financial Institutions (IFIs) 6 Nationwide opposition immediately freeze existing loans, recall prior 6 CDM loans and reassess the post-coup situation; 7 CRPH o Foreign states and bodies enact targeted 7 Junta’s violent crackdown sanctions on the military (Tatmadaw), 8 Brutal LIDs deployed Tatmadaw-affiliated companies and partners, 9 Ongoing armed conflict including a global arms embargo; and 10 New laws, amendments threaten human rights o The UN Security Council immediately send a 11 International condemnation delegation to prevent further violence and 12 Economy destabilized ensure the situation is peacefully resolved.
    [Show full text]
  • The-Contested-Corner
    200X270 mm sun 9 mm 200X270 mm ISBN 978-616-91408-1-8 9 786169 140818 56-06-011_COVER_V=G ClassicArtCard-cs6 The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Conflict and International Development Assistance Thomas Parks Nat Colletta Ben Oppenheim Authors Thomas Parks, Nat Colletta, Ben Oppenheim Contributing Authors Adam Burke, Patrick Barron Research Team (in alphabetical order) Fermin Adriano, Jularat Damrongviteetham, Haironesah Domado, Pharawee Koletschka, Anthea Mulakala, Kharisma Nugroho, Don Pathan, Ora-orn Poocharoen, Erman Rahman, Steven Rood, Pauline Tweedie, Hak-Kwong Yip Advisory Panel Judith Dunbar, James Fearon, (in alphabetical order) Nils Gilman, Bruce Jones, Anthony LaViña, Neil Levine, Stephan Massing, James Putzel, Rizal Sukma, Tom Wingfield World Bank Counterparts Ingo Wiederhofer, Markus Kostner, Adrian Morel, Matthew Stephens, Pamornrat Tansanguanwong, Ed Bell, Florian Kitt, Holly Wellborn Benner Supporting Team Ann Bishop (editor), Landry Dunand, Anone Saetaeo (layout), Kaptan Jungteerapanich, Gobie Rajalingam Lead Expert Nat Colletta Project Manager Thomas Parks Research Specialist and Perception Survey Lead Ben Oppenheim Research Methodologist Hak-Kwong Yip Specialist in ODA to Conflict Areas Anthea Mulakala This study has been co-financed by the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) of the World Bank. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the World Bank and its affiliated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. Additional funding for this study was provided by UK Aid from the UK Government. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of The Asia Foundation or the funders.
    [Show full text]
  • ACLED – Myanmar Conflict Update – Table 1
    Actor Name Ideology Status Areas of Operation Affiliations Modus Operandi & Adversaries - Armed wing of ULA: United - Chin State League of Arakan - Battles and Remote violence against Active - Kachin State - Member of FPNCC Myanmar Security Forces Arakan Ethnic combatant; not - Rakhine State (Northern Alliance) - Battles against Bangladeshi Security AA: Arakan Army Nationalism party to 2015 - Shan State - NCCT, , , Forces ceasefire - Myanmar-Bangladesh - Allied with KIA - Battles against ALA Border - Formerly allied with ABSDF (pre-ceasefire) - Myanmar-Thailand ABSDF: All Burma Liberal Party to 2015 Border - Battled against Myanmar Security - Allied with KIA, AA, KNLA Students’ Democratic Front democracy ceasefire - Myanmar-India Border Forces - Myanmar-China Border Active AA: Arakan Army (Kayin): Arakan Ethnic combatant; not - Member of NCCT, ANC - Kayin State - Battles against Myanmar Security Forces Arakan State Army Nationalism party to 2015 - Allied with DKBA-5 ceasefire - Armed wing of the ALP: ALA: Arakan Liberation Arakan Liberation Party - Battled against Myanmar Security Army Arakan Ethnic Party to 2015 - Rakhine State - Member of NCCT, ANC Forces Nationalism ceasefire - Kayin State - Allied with AA: Arakan (Also known as RSLP: Rakhine - Battled against AA State Liberation Party) Army (Kayin), KNLA, SSA-S WWW.ACLEDDATA.COM | Conflict Update – Myanmar – Table 1 Rohingya Ethnic Active ARSA: Arakan Rohingya - Rakhine State Nationalism; combatant; not Salvation Army - Myanmar-Bangladesh UNKNOWN - Battles against Myanmar Security
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3, Section 1 – China and Continental Southeast Asia.Pdf
    CHAPTER 3 CHINA AND THE WORLD SECTION 1: CHINA AND CONTINENTAL SOUTHEAST ASIA Key Findings • China’s pursuit of strategic and economic interests in Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos often jeopardizes regional environmental conditions, threatens government ac- countability, and undermines commercial opportunities for U.S. firms. • China has promoted a model of development in continental Southeast Asia that focuses on economic growth, to the exclu- sion of political liberalization and social capacity building. This model runs counter to U.S. geopolitical and business interests as Chinese business practices place U.S. firms at a disadvantage in some of Southeast Asia’s fastest-growing economies, particu- larly through behavior that facilitates corruption. • China pursues several complementary goals in continental Southeast Asia, including bypassing the Strait of Malacca via an overland route in Burma, constructing north-south infra- structure networks linking Kunming to Singapore through Laos, Thailand, Burma, and Vietnam, and increasing export opportunities in the region. The Chinese government also de- sires to increase control and leverage over Burma along its 1,370-mile-long border, which is both porous and the setting for conflict between ethnic armed groups (EAGs) and the Burmese military. Chinese firms have invested in exploiting natural re- sources, particularly jade in Burma, agricultural land in Laos, and hydropower resources in Burma and along the Mekong Riv- er. China also seeks closer relations with Thailand, a U.S. treaty ally, particularly through military cooperation. • As much as 82 percent of Chinese imported oil is shipped through the Strait of Malacca making it vulnerable to disrup- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Longest
    TRANSNATIONAL I N S T I T U T E B URMA C ENTER N ETHERLANDS Burma’s Longest WAR ANATOMY OF THE KAREN CONFLICT Ashley South 3 Burma’s Longest War - Anatomy of the Karen Conflict Author Ashley South Copy Editor Nick Buxton Design Guido Jelsma, www.guidojelsma.nl Photo credits Hans van den Bogaard (HvdB) Tom Kramer (TK) Free Burma Rangers (FBR). Cover Photo Karen Don Dance (TK) Printing Drukkerij PrimaveraQuint Amsterdam Contact Transnational Institute (TNI) PO Box 14656, 1001 LD Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel: +31-20-6626608 Fax: +31-20-6757176 e-mail: [email protected] www.tni.org/work-area/burma-project Burma Center Netherlands (BCN) PO Box 14563, 1001 LB Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel: +31-20-671 6952 Fax: +31-20-6713513 e-mail: [email protected] www.burmacentrum.nl Ashley South is an independent writer and consultant, specialising in political issues in Burma/Myanmar and Southeast Asia [www.ashleysouth.co.uk]. Acknowledgements The author would like to thank all those who helped with the research, and commented on various drafts of the report. Thanks to Martin Smith, Tom Kramer, Alan Smith, David Eubank, Amy Galetzka, Monique Skidmore, Hazel Laing, Mandy Sadan, Matt Finch, Nils Carstensen, Mary Callahan, Ardeth Thawnghmung, Richard Horsey, Zunetta Liddell, Marie Lall, Paul Keenan and Miles Jury, and to many people in and from Burma, who cannot be acknowledged for security reasons. Thanks as ever to Bellay Htoo and the boys for their love and support. Amsterdam, March 2011 4 Contents Executive Summary 2 Humanitarian Issues 30 MAP 1: Burma
    [Show full text]