David E. Rowe Einstein's Allies and Enemies: Debating

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David E. Rowe Einstein's Allies and Enemies: Debating DAVID E. ROWE EINSTEIN’S ALLIES AND ENEMIES: DEBATING RELATIVITY IN GERMANY, 1916-1920 In recent years historians of mathematics have been increasingly inclined to study developments beyond the traditional disciplinary boundaries of mathe- matical knowledge.1 Even so, most of us are accustomed to thinking of the relativity revolution as belonging to the history of physics, not the history of mathematics. In my opinion, both of these categories are too narrow to cap- ture the full scope of the phenomena involved, though interactions between the disciplines of physics and mathematics played an enormously important part in this story.2 A truly contextualized history of the relativity revolu- tion surely must take due account of all three scientific aspects of the story – physical, philosophical, and mathematical – recognizing that from the be- ginning Einstein’s theory cut across these disciplinary boundaries. Still, one cannot overlook the deep impact of the First World War and its aftermath as a cauldron for the events connected with his revolutionary approach to gravitation, the general theory of relativity.3 Historians of physics have, however, largely ignored the reception and development of general relativity, which had remarkably little impact on the physics community as a whole. Hermann Weyl raised a similar issue in 1949 when he wrote: “There is hardly any doubt that for physics special relativity theory is of much greater consequence than the general theory. The reverse situation prevails with respect to mathematics: there special relativity theory had comparatively little, general relativity theory very considerable, influ- ence, above all upon the development of a general scheme for differential geometry” (Weyl, 1949, 536–537). This was the mature Weyl speaking, which is perhaps why he said nothing about the wider implications of rela- tivity for the history of human thought. Back in 1918, when he wrote Raum- Zeit-Materie (Weyl, 1918), the philosophical implications of relativity were at the forefront of his mind. Weyl was younger then, but his former men- tor, Hilbert, was just as excited about the import of Einstein’s ideas for the post-war era (Hilbert, 1992). In this specific cultural context relativity had a deeply polarizing effect that is easy to document but difficult to explain. A central assumption of this essay is that the highly politicized debates on relativity that took place in post-war Germany cannot be understood in terms of disciplinary developments alone. A variety of other lenses are thus required to study the nexus of political and scientific issues surrounding rela- tivity, one being the semi-popular scientific literature on relativity as well as 231 V.F. Hendricks, K.F. Jørgensen, J. Lützen and S.A. Pedersen (eds.), Interactions: Mathematics, Physics and Philosophy, 1860-1930, pp. 231–280. © 2006 Springer. 232 DAVID E. ROWE the popular articles in the press.4 Another is gained by looking at the activi- ties of leading pro- and anti-relativists during these years.5 By closely exam- ining these sources and events, new insights emerge that can help us gauge the ideological import of the relativity movement and the countermovement it spawned. 1. PUBLICITY AND FAME Both movements were, of course, reactions not only to Einstein’s ideas but also to his personality and fame (Rowe, 2006). Indeed, a significant factor that shaped the relativity debates in Germany stemmed from the circum- stance that Einstein’s fame was launched by British and American newspa- pers. In banner headlines they announced the confirmation of his general theory of relativity in November 1919 (F¨olsing, 1993, 513–533). The Ger- man press, by contrast, reacted far more soberly. A month later Einstein’s achievement made a comparable splash in his native land; but this time the new wave of interest came from an image rather than enlarged print. On 14 December 1919 a brooding face appeared on the cover of the Berliner Illustriter Zeitung above the caption: “A New Giant of World History: Al- bert Einstein, whose research signifies a complete overturning of our view of nature comparable to the insights of Copernicus, Kepler, and Newton.” The text that followed offered a compact history of cosmology from Copernicus to Einstein, two great revolutionary thinkers: In the year 1543 a new chapter began in human thought and understanding, indeed in the entire development of humanity. This was brought about by the publication of one simple book, De revolutionibus orbium coelestium, the work of Nicolaus Copernicus (Grundmann, 1998, 116–117). Readers of BIZ learned that the Canon of Frauenburg “dethroned the earth from its place in the cosmos; man was no longer in the center of the creation.” Then came Kepler, Galileo, and Newton, whose laws governed the motions of celestial bodies for two centuries. till various anomalies began to creep in, but even such a “luminary physicist as Heinrich Hertz, the spiri- tual creator of the wireless telegraph and telephone, sought in vain to resolve the contradictions” in Newton’s mechanics. Finally, along came Einstein, who ...probedourconventionalconceptionsofspaceandtimewith daringanddetermination.... Byshowingthatwecannot de- termine any absolute motion and that all of our physical mea- surements must involve the concept of time he overcame the EINSTEIN’S ALLIES AND ENEMIES 233 gaping contradictions between electrodynamics and Newto- nianmechanics....Thesolareclipseof29May1919 became the crucial test for Einstein’s ideas, and the English researchers who worked on obtaining these results had to concede that Einstein had emerged victorious over Newton. Newton’s law of gravitation became only a special case of Einstein’s theory of relativity. Our notions of space and time must be changed to accord with Einstein’s theories, and just as before in Coperni- cus’s time, a change in our image of the world has once again come about. A new epoch in human history has now arisen and it is indissolubly bound with the name of Albert Einstein (Grundmann, 1998, 117). The BIZ stood at the forefront of a new trend in journalism in which photography rather than the printed word dominated the page. Few remem- bered the stories, but the BIZ’s images left a lasting impression on many of its million-plus subscribers, nearly three times that of the popular Berliner Tageblatt.6 Editor-in-chief Kurt Korff exploited the camera’s potential for conveying the dramatic events of the day, and its impact on popular culture in Germany was enormous. On top of this, Einstein was unusually photogenic, which helps to account for why people were constantly taking snapshots of him. His son-in-law, Rudolf Kayser, found the famous title-page portrait for BIZ at once authentic and powerful, noting how it evoked a sense of awe in and reverence for the man heralded as the greatest scientific genius of the day.7 Although Einstein has often been seen as an otherworldly sage totally indifferent to his own worldly fame, he was nevertheless deeply puzzled by the psychological roots of the relativity revolution. Sometime during the 1940s he wrote that: For me it was always incomprehensible why the theory of rel- ativity, whose concepts and problems are so far removed from practical life, should have found such a lively, even passion- ate resonance in the widest circles of the population for such a long time. Since the time of Galileo nothing quite like that has happened. Yet then the church’s officially sanctioned view of man’s place in the cosmos was shaken – an event of patent sig- nificance for cultural and political history – whereas the theory of relativity is concerned with the attempt to refine physical concepts and to develop a logically complete system of hy- potheses for physics. How could this have occasioned such a gigantic and long-lasting psychological reaction?8 234 DAVID E. ROWE This suggests that, on the one hand, Einstein found the parallels between “his” scientific revolution and the one linked with the names of Copernicus and Galileo far-fetched. On the other hand, he was convinced that the recep- tion of relativity in Germany after 1919 was deeply influenced by political factors, especially anti-Semitism (Stachel, 2002, 63–64). Like Einstein, Philipp Frank was puzzled and intrigued by the relativity revolution. Frank had succeeded Einstein as professor for theoretical physics in Prague. There, back in November 1919, he delivered a semi-popular lec- ture on Einstein’s theory of relativity that led to a bitter debate with the philosopher Oskar Kraus, a vehement anti-relativist (Hentschel, 1990, 173– 176). Thus Frank was an early participant in and witness to the storm that began brewing over Einstein’s theory in the tense, ethnically divided atmo- sphere of Prague. After both Frank and Einstein fled the Third Reich for the United States, they had ample time to contemplate how the theory of relativity quickly became entangled with concurrent political ideologies and cultural slogans. Einstein thereafter encouraged his friend to explore this theme by grappling with the social, political, and psychological roots of the relativity debates. The result was Frank’s biographical study, Einstein, sein Leben und seine Zeit (Frank, 1949), written during the early war years, but first published in complete form and in the original German in 1949. The un- dated quote cited above comes from a preface Einstein wrote for this book, probably the abridged English version (Frank, 1947). But this preface never appeared, thereby depriving the world of any insight into the role Einstein had played in promoting Frank’s study. Philipp Frank related an anecdote that nicely captures how the politi- cized atmosphere in France affected attitudes toward Einstein and relativity. During Einstein’s trip to Paris in 1922 a distinguished historian at the Sor- bonne commented: “I don’t understand Einstein’s equations.
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