Dancing Between Old Worlds and New:
The New Eretz Israeli Jewish Body From a Dancer's Perspective
Gdalit-Avidia Neuman
A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS
GRADUATE PROGRAM IN DANCE
YORK UNIVERSITY
TORONTO, ONTARIO
AUGUST 2011 Library and Archives Bibliotheque et 1*1 Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition
395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawaONK1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A 0N4 Canada Canada
Your file Votre r6f6rence ISBN: 978-0-494-80473-5 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-80473-5
NOTICE: AVIS:
The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library and permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par I'lnternet, preter, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans le loan, distribute and sell theses monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, sur worldwide, for commercial or non support microforme, papier, electronique et/ou commercial purposes, in microform, autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats.
The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la these ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission.
In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privee, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont ete enleves de thesis. cette these.
While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis.
1+1 Canada IV
ABSTRACT
Muscular Judaism, a concept presented by Zionist leader Max Nordau at the Second
Zionist Congress of 1898, had far reaching ramifications. One of these was the construction of a new human type; the blond haired, blue eyed, masculine and muscular indigenous/authentic Hebrew person. The Sabra, born in and to his homeland, would be superior to his diasporic ancestors in body and spirit. Through a combination of archival work, media analysis and interviews, the present study traces the gendered New Muscular
Jew ideology from turn of the century Central Europe to Eretz Israel through the dance realm. In so doing it demonstrates dance's importance as a medium through which Sabra youth were taught hegemonic characteristics of the ideal New Jew image. Finally, interviews with first generation Sabra dancers were conducted regarding their self image in order to analyze further the relationship between on and off stage performances of
Sabra identity. V
DEDICATION
I would like to dedicate this thesis to my mother, Dr. Manuela Neuman, whose guidance and support were of tremendous importance to me during this process.
I would also like to dedicate this project in memory of my beloved grandmother, Mali Cerbu, who was my first and most important teacher. VI
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I thank my thesis supervisor and mentor Professor Danielle Robinson, for her scholarly guidance, support and expertise. Her genuine enthusiasm for my research never wavered. Most of all I thank Professor Robinson for challenging me to think critically every step of the way.
I am indebted to my interviewees who generously shared with me their personal stories and reflections over a cup of coffee (or two).
I would like to thank the graduate faculty with whom I have had the pleasure and honour of studying during my time as a graduate student at the Department of Dance at York University.
Thank you to Professor Paul Frosh and Professor Michal Frenkel of Hebrew University's Rothberg International School for increasing my understanding and aiding me in gaining further insight into Israeli society.
I would like to thank librarian/archivists Victoria Chodorkovski and Irena Chenter from the Dance Library of Israel for their, help, enthusiasm and support of my research over the past year.
Thank you to Batia Leshem of the Central Zionist Archives and Zippi Rosenne of Beit Hatfutsot for their time and generosity.
I would like to thank The Centre for Jewish Studies at York University as well as Canadian Friends of Hebrew University for their generous financial support of my research and studies abroad this year.
Thank you to my colleagues and friends at Canada's National Ballet School, who believed in me and gave me the time and space to grow.
This research was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council in the form of a Joseph-Armand Bombardier Canada Graduate Scholarship- Master's Scholarship Vll
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abstract iv
Dedication v
Acknowledgments vi
Table of Contents vii
List of Figures ix
Preface x
Introduction 1
1. Researching Culture through the Body 7
1.1 The Body in Eretz Israel 9
1.2 A Body of Work: Israeli Dance and Body Discourses 16
2. Embodiment of Sabra Spirit 21
3. Posture Perfect: The Intersection of Body and Spirit 31
4. The New Muscular Jew as Sabra Dancer 33
5. Dance on Film: Shaping the Sabra through Dance 51
6. Gender and the New Muscular Jew as Dancer 55
6.1 Is Folk Dance Feminine? Gender and the Folk Dance Camp 62
6.2 Common Ground or Gender Bound? Gender and the Dancing of Gertrud Kraus 67
7. Interviews: Sabra Identity, Dance and Self Image 71
7.1 Ayalah Goren-Kadman 73
7.2 Mirali Sharon 79 viii
7.3 Yoav Ashriel 82
7.4 Yonatan Karmon 89
7.5 Interview Analysis: Performing the Sabra 95
8. Conclusion: Muscle Memory 100
9. Notes 104
10. Bibliography 123
10. Appendix A: Glossary of Hebrew Terms 145
11. Appendix B: Supplementary Bibliographic Information on Interviewees 147 ix
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 Photograph: Sabras dancing...xi
Figure 2 Poster: Land for Youth...pg. 25
Figure 3 Photograph from a programme: Dalia Festival... pg. 30
Figure 4 Photograph from a programme: Israel Dance Suite...pg.39
Figures 5 & 6 Photographs: The Songs of the Ghetto....pg. 40
Figures 7& 8 Photographs: Gertrud Kraus dancing in Tel Aviv...pg. 41
Figure 9 Photographs: Gertrud Kraus' company dancing in Tel Aviv...pg. 42
Figure 10 Poster: The New Jew on a stamp...pg. 46
Figure 11 Poster: Hapoel Athletes...pg. 47
Figure 12 Poster: various manifestations of the New Muscular Jew Image...pg. 48
Figure 13 Poster: The New Jew as Dancer...pg.50
Figure 14 Poster: 50 Years to Jewish Physical Culture...pg. 56
Figure 15 Poster: Male and Female New Jews...pg. 70
Figure 16 Photograph: Children of Ein Harod 1930's...pg.71 x
PREFACE
My generation was at a time of first conquering of Israeliness, and cutting off from the past. We were born into a process of change. A change of identity, a change of names, a
change of language, everything in the land followed a dramatic change, the codes of life changed, from religiousness to secularization, from a traditional framework to a nationalist framework of global identity.
-Mirali Sharon
They called us Tzabarim (Sabras). It was a surprise that children were born in Israel.
There are kids and they're alive and they're fine. They educated us according to the
ideology, to build the land, pioneering, to survive on very little. They educated us in the pioneering spirit.
-Yoav Ashriel
The kibbutz was really the most active social cultural establishment/organization, which pushed the creation of something that was original, indigenous, in this country, pre-Israel, in order to say: we too are creating our own indigenous culture and art!
-Ayalah Goren-Kadman Figure 1
"The future generation will dance" - Gurit Kadman qtd. in The Palestine Post, 1947
Gurit Kadman Archives
Printed with permission from The Dance Library of Israel 1
INTRODUCTION
Constructed as the first generation of Jews born in the Land of Israel, the Sabras were viewed as a triumphant achievement of Zionist ideology. They represented the realization of a 2,000-year-old Jewish dream to return to Zion (the biblical name of
Jerusalem and by extension of Israel) and live autonomously in the land of their biblical forefathers. This generation,1 born in the Yishuv (the name of the Jewish community in the pre-state) was distinguished from that of their parents', the pioneering Chalutzim
(Jewish Zionist pioneers) generation, which bridged the gap between the old world and the new. In contrast, the Sabras were conceptualized as authentic natives; born in and to their homeland. Furthermore, they came to represent the total and complete embodiment of the 'New Muscular Jew,' a concept invented by the physician Dr. Max Nordau, one of
Zionism's most important advocates, as a response to the anti-Semitic image of the
European Jew as physically weak and effeminate.
In the sections to follow I will track the New Muscular Jew image, from its inception during Nordau's speech at the Second Zionist Congress of 18982 to its manifestation, several decades later, as an important marker of Sabra identity in the dance realm. This is of relevance because, "by looking at dance we can see enacted on a broad scale, and codified fashion, socially constituted and historically specific attitudes toward the body in general, toward specific social groups' usage of the body in particular, and about the relationships among variously marked bodies..." (Desmond 32). As a result, this thesis is concerned with issues of identity, ideology and the transference of ideas 2
from one generation to the next through the unique medium that is dance, with a specific
focus on the body as the site of change.
Metaphorically, this study is shaped like a large funnel. Grand, overpowering
ideologies trickle through (up until now almost imperceptibly) and find expression in individual dancers' subjective experiences, realizations and reflections concerning their
self-images as Sabras. I take as my starting point the wisdom of dance scholar Jane
Cowan: ".. .it is necessary to approach dancing not only as a 'spectacle' in which dancing bodies are 'read' as 'signs' but also as a process of inter-subjectivity. Dance must be considered from the actor's point of view, both performance and experience" (23). As will be seen, the experience of performance of dance practices indeed had an effect on
'individual meaning making,' to use dance scholar Michael Gard's terminology for intersubjectivity.
Throughout my study of the New Muscular Jew and its representations I have come to understand the complexity inherent in this idea. The native New Jew- the Sabra - was not only conceived as muscular in body, but just as importantly strong in spirit as well (Shapira, New Jews 161; Ben Israel, Jewish Sports 592; John 8; Brenner 14; Almog
87; Gilman 53; Mayer 100; Sela-Sheffy 480). This basic equation of a strong body and a healthy spirit, in opposition to the diseased mind and body as depicted by the anti-Semitic images of the diasporic Jew, is helpful in understanding just how the Sabra ideal was inscribed onto the first generation of Jews born in Eretz Israel prior to the establishment of the state. 3
The New Muscular Jew image was just one aspect of the broader New Jew concept, in and of itself a product of the Western world's preoccupation with the renaissance of a 'new man' for the modern era. In fact, Israel studies scholar Anita
Shapira identifies this as a global phenomenon characteristic of social revolutions the world over (155).4 The New Jew ideology was as social as it was political; it re- conceptualized the potential of the individual for the good of the collective. It took on many forms and interpretations, amongst them the embodied nature of Muscular Judaism, as did the Zionist enterprise as a whole.
In her 1997 book New Jews Old Jews (Hebrew) Israel studies scholar Anita
Shapira suggests four models of the New Jew, three of which might be considered muscular. The first, most closely associated with the image of Cultural Zionist5 leader
Echad Ha'am, was the secular, educated Jew, able to blend liberalist tendencies with
Jewish spirituality. The second model, associated with such Political Zionist6 leaders as
Theodor Herzl and Max Nordau, prioritised external aesthetics as well as high brow
European manners (in contrast to unwanted Jewish mannerisms). Nordau's Muscular
Judaism, which preached strength of body and spirit and by extension bravery and Jewish honour, belongs to this second type. Anita Shapira's third model for the New Jew was best articulated by the Hebrew writer and poet Micha Joseph Berdichevsky. This New
Jew was free, proud and earthly as opposed to modest, intellectual and religiously spiritual. Similar in some respects to Nordau's philosophy, this third type of New Jew also embodied physical strength and masculinity. The fourth model of the New Jew as described by Shapira was represented by kibbutz members who began their journey as 4 socialist pioneers of the third Aliyah (massive Zionist immigration to Eretz Israel, 1919-
1923). The glorification of manual labour on the land was characteristic of this group as was a radical sense of collectivist ethos. The enlistment of the individual for the common good of the group was highly valued as were aspects of self-sacrifice and altruism. As can be seen, elements of Max Nordau's New Muscular Jew are evident in three out of four of Shapira's New Jew models.
Muscular Judaism was one idea which contributed to the larger New Jew concept.
It is for this reason that I have chosen to use Anita Shapira's taxonomy of the New Jew, the only one of its kind in the literature, as a model for the creation of a theoretical framework with regards to Nordau's Muscular Judaism in particular. Throughout my research I have identified three primary manifestations of the New Muscular Jew, namely the New Muscular Jew as athlete, farmer and soldier. Each of these New Muscular Jew manifestations constructed the New Jew through the embodiment of strength of body as well as strength of spirit. Likely the most evocative example of these can be found in writer Moshe Shamir's legendary 1947 novel He Walked in the Fields. In it Shamir depicts his protagonist, Uri, as the Sabra archetype: '"he was a Jewish friend/member,7 tanned, young ...sufficiently sportive, a farmer by instinct...he was a fighter...'" (qtd. in
o
Sivan 55). By using these three practices/embodiments of the New Muscular Jew as a framework upon which to build my thesis, I will present a distinct fourth type of the New
Muscular Jew. 5
The first and most traditional avenue to embody the New Muscular Jew image was through agricultural labour on the kibbutzim. The physical toiling on the land and the spirit of will to painstakingly endure the physical and psychological difficulties associated with this work was especially valued due to the symbolic importance the concept of homeland held (and still very much holds) in Zionist thought. 9 The second manifestation of the New Jew, one which is most closely associated with Jewish gymnastics and Max Nordau's Muscular Judaism (Muskeljudentum), is that of the New
Jew as athlete. This individual was virtuosic in his/her physical strength and gained strength of spirit from the unity of the group/team/imagined community10 or nation. The third manner of embodying the New Muscular Jew was through paramilitary and later military service. The Eretz Israeli soldier was a Jew who was not only physically capable of defending the homeland but courageous enough to withstand the pressures of training and conflict. All three clearly promoted strength of both body and spirit.
I argue that there was yet another prototype of the New Muscular Jew, a dancer, who also embodied strength of body and spirit. Strength of body, as will be described shortly, was evidenced by dance's (both folk and expressionist modern dance)11 incorporation into the 'physical culture movement' of Eretz Israel. Strength of spirit will be analyzed according to its unique manifestations in the dance genres just mentioned. In addition to justifying dance as the fourth embodiment of the New Muscular Jew, that has yet to be recognized by scholars, I argue that this was the only manifestation of the New
Muscular Jew designed especially for the Sabra generation. 6
The following research aims to understand the impact dance had in the formation
of the New Jew image and by extension a New Jew identity. I began with a thorough
literature review of current scholarship in dance studies, Israel studies, gender studies and
Israeli dance history. My methodology included close examination of archival
documents. Both Hebrew and English language newspaper articles, found as part of The
National Library of Israel as well as at the Dance Library of Israel, included a variety of
performance reviews, announcements/advertisements for courses and relevant general
interest columns. Archival letters, conference proceedings, speeches and manifestos,
found mostly in Hebrew as part of various collections at the Dance Library of Israel were
of particular interest because of their political significance. I also studied documents such
as relevant archival programmes and programme notes of dance performances from
Germany, Eretz Israel and Israel from the first half of the twentieth century. Do to the
embodied nature of the dance realm, media analysis of archival photographs, Zionist propaganda posters, as well as films from The Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archive, became an integral part of this research. Finally, published as well as unpublished retrospective interviews, newspaper and magazine articles about dance, dancers and
dance practitioners of interest were extremely valuable.
I begin this thesis by dissecting the New Muscular Jew as dancer image into the
sum of its parts: body and spirit. Finding the intersection between these realms, I then move on to investigate the centrality of gender within the discourses related to the New
Jew as dancer. Next, I closely examine original interviews of first generation Sabra 7 dancers regarding their individual identities as well as their self-image in relation to the
New Jew concept.
As we shall see, the New Muscular Jew ideology was fostered through dance activities in Eretz Israel. I will argue that the New Muscular Jew as dancer, a concept first presented in this thesis, was unique in that it was the only New Muscular Jew manifestation that was Sabra specific. Furthermore, I believe that dancers of the Sabra generation were taught hegemonic codes of conduct through both folk and expressionist modern dance activities, and their dancing on stage contributed to their performance of
Sabra identity off stage. Inherently imbedded in this discussion are the broader topics of body, gender and national identity.
Researching Culture through the Body
I begin this thesis by examining a topic which intersects with dance studies as well as Jewish studies, namely, the body. Following the surge of scholarly writing and theorizing on the human body over the past fifty years by such scholars as Marcel Mauss,
Michel Foucault, and Mary Douglas, it comes as little surprise that the Jewish body as a marked and marginalized entity has become a topic of scholarly research for a handful of
Jewish studies scholars over the past three decades. Scholars such as Sander Gilman and
Todd Samuel Presner have examined the Jewish body from a historical perspective regarding its perception in the non-Jewish world, and Meira Weiss has investigated the
Israeli body politic in her 2002 book The Chosen Body. Dance studies scholars such as
Ann Cooper Albright, Jane Desmond and Jane Cowan have progressively led the way for 8 thinking about the body, gender and dance critically. Their theoretical approaches are of particular relevance to my project.
As Jews were historically disenfranchised and perceived as inferior beings, their identities were always "tied to the material conditions of their bodies" (Cooper Albright
4). Indeed, in his 1991 book The Jew's Body, Sander Gilman identifies hegemonic stereotypes and myths about the Jew's body present throughout European history which were endorsed by the medical community, the church and state. These in turn, negatively impacted the way Jews were perceived of by the outside world for centuries. Moreover, by the nineteenth century, at a time when most Central European Jews were experiencing emancipation and enlightenment, centuries-old stereotypes regarding the Jew's physical inferiority negatively affected their own Jewish self-image as well. Not surprisingly then, the Zionist response, the New Jew image, was embodied in nature.
The Jewish body chosen to represent the Zionist enterprise both locally and internationally for generations to come, namely Sabra dancers, visualised the desired aesthetics of the New Jew. Their on stage performances were designed to be ambassadorial in nature: first as a demonstration of successful 'Jewish regeneration' (as
Max Nordau had envisioned), followed closely by a display of Jewish survival and revival in the wake of the Holocaust.
Dance scholar Ann Cooper Albright describes the body as a malleable space in which identities can literally be shaped, and dance as an active agent in this process:
"Dance techniques not only condition the dancer's bodies, they literally inscribe a 9 physical ideology into the dancer's physiques. Behind every different aesthetic orientation and style of movement within the field of dance dwells a view about the world that is transmitted (albeit subconsciously) along with the dance technique" (32). As will be seen in this thesis, in the Eretz Israeli case the postures and styles produced and disseminated locally (through community dance events) and globally (through the consumption of theatrical dance performances) were not subconscious at all, but of primary importance to their creators. If, according to Judith Butler, identity is a continuous "process of becoming," (Cooper Albright 26) the embodiment of dance in the pre-state must have served in instilling desired corporeal and spiritual ways of being in line with the hegemonic Zionist narrative.
The Body in Eretz Israel
The body and embodiment were valued aspects of daily life in the Yishuv (Ben
Israel) and reflected the anti-intellectual ethos of its Zionist membership. Politically affiliated sports clubs, paramilitary units and physical labour (whether in the field or in urban environments) reflected this trend. Dance, too, was every bit a part of this phenomenon. In the section to follow, I will demonstrate how the physicality inherent in dance was valued in the Yishuv as a means of cultivating the body, and by extension the preparation of the body for physical labour, as well as a demonstration and performance of the New Muscular Jew. 10
The physicality inherent in dance was valued in the Yishuv as a means of cultivating the body. Dance was officially included within the physical culture movement of Eretz Israel. 'The Private Teachers' Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel' was founded by none other than folk dance pioneer, Gurit Kadman13 in 1939 (Brin
Ingber, Vilified or Glorified 45). Many dance professionals who emigrated from
German speaking countries were members of the association. These included important modern dance pioneers Margalit Ornstein, Shulamit Roth and Gertrud Kraus, who were among the presenters at its first official meeting (held out of Kadman's home) in 1939
(Davar).15 16 The speeches and manifestos (hand written by Gurit Kadman herself) presented at the organization's meetings clearly showcase the importance placed on a strong Jewish body.
In line with the German physical culture movement model, Korperkultur, both
17 folk and modern expressionist dance were considered extensions of gymnastics, a highly regarded form of exercise at the time (Bing-Haideker 3; Hammergren 59; Eshel
62). Indeed, even the world famous German expressionist dancer Mary Wigman described gymnastics' close affiliation to dance. She wrote the following in 1927: "our dance cannot live without its gymnastics; it is the basis upon which the dance stands; the actual point of its departure (qtd. in Keas 686)." Kadman echoed Wigman's statements19 in her Supplement to the Program for Physical Education in our Schools20 when she wrote of gymnastics as being the core element in physical culture, having influence on both sport and dance. Kadman described gymnastics as the trunk of the tree of the physical culture movement and dance as one of its many branches.21 11
Public opinion on dance's inherent connection to gymnastics was similar. Davar daily journalist Benjamin Heller published the following on expressionist dance as early as 1933: "The new dance was borne out of organic and anatomically correct exercise, which is the result of diligent work. This form, although manifested in the development of the individual's character, encompasses the entire body as it involves rhythms as well as drills of gymnastics standards." Heller's comment regarding the individual's character is significant22 and will be addressed at a later point.
A Davar Ha-sport (the sports supplement to the Davar daily) article titled "Two that are One" and published in two segments on April 9th and April 14th 1950 provides further insight into the intimate relationship between dance, gymnastics exercise and the
Hapoel Sport Association. Davar Ha-sport journalist Eliezer Roee wrote on April 9th:
"Gymnastics exercise is in actuality the basis for all our active physical culture, and certainly for folk dance." He provides more information on April 14th: "...these two branches -folk dance and gymnastic exercise- are not two separate entities but one...[as they] come from the same source- from physical culture of the working nation." It would seem that both gymnastics exercise and dance had as a common goal the training of the body for work. In fact it was Hapoel athletes (worker athletes) who participated in the first folk dance group of the association.24
Dance was valued in the Yishuv as a preparation for physical labour and the toiling of the land. In her 2003 book Performing the Nation, scholar Elke Kaschl 12 describes folk dance pioneers' goals, which were in line with the anti-intellectual orientation of the Yishuv.
Arriving in Mandatory Palestine, they [folk dance pioneers] instituted dance
activities as a physical work out and show of Zionist strength, vigour and energy.
To them, dancing was a means of training the body through repetitive drills that
were, in Kadman's words, 'simple and energetic' Such as 'stamping, and leg
swinging, the main thing being to go on for hours and hours' (Kadman 1972: 27).
(49).
Indeed, in her writings regarding the importance of physical education in schools,
Kadman described grade one and two students (whose studies included dance amongst other techniques) as "the future labourers" (With the Program for Physical Education...).
This connection between physical training and dance is closer than one would initially imagine. In a 1931 film produced for the American Jewish National Fund, and titled Palestine in Song and Dance: Scenes and Songs of Life and Growth in the Jewish
National Homeland, high school students from the Herzliya Gymnasium (high school)25 are first filmed in a massive demonstration of group calisthenics under the direction of their physical education teacher. Of note is the caption for this section of the film, which reads: "training the sons and daughters of the pioneers." The film then cuts to a vigorous
Oft •
Hora, practiced in the same session and with the same group of students. The film, one of the earliest examples of the close relationship shared by dance and exercise in the 13
Yishuv is important as it clearly marks the way the New Jew image was embodied by urban youth, who did not work the land regularly as did their comrades on the kibbutzim.
Dance was valued in the Yishuv as a physical performance of the New Jew.
"[Folk dance pioneer Rivka] Sturman later recalled that the urge to create folk dance awoke within her out of that desire to negate the Diaspora ..." (Ronen Jewish Women's
Archive). According to scholar Anita Shapira, the Sabra generation too, as did their parents the Chalutzim, wanted to suppress any characteristics that were reminiscent of the
Diaspora including stereotypical body language associated with it (Jews, Zionists 97).27
They negated the anti-Semitic image of the slouching shtetl (Jewish European village)
Jew by attributing the opposite aesthetic to dance performances, one of pride, confidence and self-worth. Through participation in dance activities the Sabra generation was given an opportunity to learn and teach to others the desired aesthetic of the New Muscular Jew image. Moreover, as will be seen much later in this thesis, the physical embodiment of
Sabra identity 'on stage' was intimately linked to the performance of valued aspects of
Sabra-ness in everyday life.
The desired aesthetic of the body for the Sabra generation was strikingly similar in folk dance, modern dance and athletics. In an article published June 27th 1947, Davar journalist Y.M. Naiman reports on the second folk dance conference at Dalia: "It was a pleasure to see the new generation which grew up in the country; upright bodies, flexible, full of tension and expression; full of life." The same author, on July 10th 1949 wrote of a performance of A Midsummer's Night Dream: "And the beautiful fairies, all 14
Sabra, students of Gertrud Kraus, symbolize the erect body: its stature, and the body is relaxed and allows itself to exult." The proud upright body, in opposition to the apologetic slouch associated with the diasporic Jew image was a coveted feature for the sports athlete as well. A Davar article from April 15th 1952 describes the Hapoel exhibition of that year: "..long rows of young men, upright bodies, wearing black tanks and trousers." The significance of the upright body will be discussed later. Noteworthy in this section is the consistency of the New Muscular Jew image in various physical activities including the two most popular forms of dance in the Yishuv, artistic modern expressionist dance and the new Eretz Israeli folk dances.
Gymnastics was most certainly the through line for all these aesthetics. It was the basis of the physical culture movement in Eretz Israel, of which dance was an official part. Since early physical culture professionals in Eretz Israel were almost exclusively immigrants from Germany/Austria and had taken part in physical culture in their home countries (Bing-Haideker; Kaschl; Ronen), their brand of Eretz Israeli physical culture was likely very much fashioned after the elaborate German model, with gymnastics as its foundational technique (Toepfer 34). Gymnastics was also recommended by Max
Nordau at the Second Zionist Conference of 1898 as the cure for Jewish physical degeneration and the vehicle towards the New Muscular Jewish body (Ben Israel;
Brenner et al; Gilman; Mosse; Presner).32 33 Both Korperkultur and Jewish gymnastics
(the equivalent to Korperkultur for the Jewish community), then, thrived in Germany in and around the same time period (from the fin de siecle period onwards). More 15
importantly, both movements utilized and promoted gymnastics-based aesthetics toward
a national revival movement based on the rejuvenation of the body.
In addition to taking part in German Korperkultur before (and in some instances
even after) immigration, future Eretz Israeli dance professionals were introduced to the
concept of Muscular Judaism in their youth (Brin Ingber, Dance Perspectives 7):
"Kadman and...many of the immigrants who initiated folk dance activities in the kibbutzim had been involved in Jewish gymnastics and the Zionist youth movement, or
more generally had been influenced by the ideology of the Muscular Jewish body as postulated by these movements" (Kaschl 49). This connection with their own past (that of pioneering dance practitioners) and education as youth in their countries of origin is the
linking thread between Nordau's ideology of Muscular Judaism and the instruction provided to the Sabra generation.
Thus, as was propagated by Zionism as well as German Body Culture, the world
view of Eretz Israeli dance pioneers centred on the importance of the body and its potential for personal as well as societal regeneration. Dance was directly linked to other
New Muscular Jew models such as the athlete and labourer. By conditioning their bodies through dance activities, young Sabras were preparing to become "the future labourers"
(Kadman, With the Program for Physical Education in our Schools) and by extension to continue building the nation. More than solely artistic expression, dance in the context of the Yishuv mobilized Zionist ideals and the construction of the New Muscular Jew
aesthetic. 16
A Body of Work: Israeli Dance and Body Discourses
The physical body, one of the most contested elements in diasporic Jewish history, 4 was given prime importance in the Yishuv as integral to the manifestation of a
New Jew ideology. In line with this creed was dance's focus on the body. As Davar journalist Yedidya Ben Zion wrote of Gertrud Kraus as early as 1931:35 "The new
[modern dance] art, in contrast to the accepted tradition (likely ballet), places the body at the centre of the dance...its natural talents, and its dormant but plentiful possibilities... raised the body to incredible perfection." Interestingly, Ben Zion chose to take note of this 'dormant' body. Eretz Israeli readers would likely have agreed since in Zionist collective memory the Jewish body indeed lay dormant in the Diaspora for over 2,000 years.
Ideas and writings about the body and the education of the Jewish child by those very same dance pioneers, namely Gurit Kadman, Rivka Sturman, and Gertrud Kraus, were in line with the New Muscular Jew model. They equated the regeneration of the
Jewish body with the salvation of the Jewish people. These writings are significant as they help us to understand the kinds of implicit messages about the Jewish body that were transmitted to the first generation of Sabra dancers. As will be seen, in line with the
Zionist vision, these educators placed great value on the desired 'correct development' of the Jewish body and in particular that of the Jewish child. In her address at the first annual meeting of The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel 17 on Dec. 8th and 9th 1939, Gurit Kadman explicitly discusses the Jewish body in great detail:36
...we must recall that the nation of Israel in its origins is talented in movement
abilities in the motor sense, in its youthful period; as a free people in its own land,
it celebrated holidays physically with movement... Only afterwards, through the
hundreds of years of suffering, [of pressure], through coerced life (outside of the
Israelite kingdom) did the people become alienated from such movement, while
there developed dread and hatred toward the beauty of [the body and of]
movement and the whole aesthetic of movement; a disproportionate preference
for the mental life and nostalgia for study negated the physical contexts of the
ancient Israelites.
Here Kadman describes the biblical connection of the Jewish people to the body and to movement. Her tone is consistent with that of the Zionist narrative which saw the nation of Israel as a continuation of the ancient Israelites, an authenticating link.
Gurit Kadman's discourse becomes ever more direct and politically charged:
Our people are being physically tormented; and therefore the need is great in
altering the situation. We must return our people to its original course in regards
to the body. Therefore the need for a popular movement in physical education and
the movement of culture is very great. The people of the book are themselves
[once again re-]building their own bodies... Body in all the meanings of the word: 18
in the general sense:... earth, work- in this unique sense: a healthy, strong,
beautiful body for you and for the entire nation here in Eretz Israel.
Forty years following Max Nordau's speech at the Second Zionist Congress in Basel,
Kadman's emphasis on 'a healthy, strong and beautiful [Jewish] body' directly echoed his call for a New Muscular Jew. In addition to signifying the magnitude of this message for members of her generation, the relevance of this speech with regards to the Holocaust should not be underestimated. According to Jewish/Israel dance studies scholar, Judith
Brin Ingber, the Eretz Israeli German physical culture teachers, through correspondence with their families, were well aware of the physical danger which Germany's Jews
(including their immediate families) were in {Vilified or Glorified 45). I suggest that their
Zionist ideology combined with the impending existential threat of the European
Holocaust further motivated these women in their mission toward the creation of a New
Eretz Israeli Muscular Jew, turning their agenda into one of immediate political importance.
Remarkably, Gurit Kadman described the Jewish ghetto with the same loath as did Max Nordau in his writings (Mosse 574). She comments on the difficulty in recruiting support from the entire Yishuv, especially those with a commitment to maintaining the spiritual and religious orientation (with a focus on the mind and learning) of Judaism as was customary in Jewish diasporic communities:38
We face opposition also in broad circles of those who are convinced, to this day,
that the culture of the body is something, which is contrary to the spirit of Judaism 19
and with an exaggerated emphasis on the spiritual life at the expense of the body,
which remains as a relic from the days of the ghetto. What is demanded today
here is persistent, energetic and tolerant work until we establish a popular
movement unique to ourselves. We must launch such an enterprise immediately.
Lastly, Kadman's call to arms reads as a dramatic manifesto. Once more, the negation of the Diaspora is an ongoing theme consistent with the hegemonic Zionist narrative.
Gurit Kadman promoted the cultivation of the body in the Sabra generation in line with Zionist ideology and Max Nordau's Muscular Judaism concept. The Private
Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel, under her direction, participated in The Conference for the Physical Education of Youth in Jerusalem as early as May 8l
1939.39 In a paper (likely presented at one of the PTAPCEI40 conferences) titled
"Gymnastics-Working Towards Youthful Joy," Kadman had younger children in mind when she posed the question: "which are the spiritual and physical needs of the child at this age?" Her answer unquestionably describes the New Muscular Jew model: "exercises for [strengthening] muscles and nerves." Kadman became an expert in children's physical education and wrote curriculum for the younger grades as well. In her Supplement to the
Curriculum she writes of "the future generation" and explicitly states that "physical education is an organic part of the education of the child." Of note in the supplement is
Kadman's criticism for the then current approach to physical training in schools.41 She propagated a progressive approach ("for youth in our country"), based on physical culture 20 and urged teachers to be fluent in all movement forms, specifically; exercise, sport, eurhythmies and dance.
Nowhere is this aspect more pronounced than in Gurit Kadman's report titled
With the Program for Physical Education in our Schools, which preceded her specific recommendations for physical education in grades one and two. Kadman describes the significance of physical education (which in the same report she specifies as including exercise, sport, eurhythmies and dance) in:
...embroidering an image of man as labourer who lives by toiling with his hands
in the village or the city; who builds a new society on the principles of justice and
truth; who is willing to dedicate his body and soul toward Zionism and socialism;
who discovers a willingness to redeem a people, to aid a friend; to unite his nation
with care and responsibility and to direct this generation toward to a new life.
Within these five lines Kadman expresses all ideological attributes associated with the hegemonic Zionist narrative. She writes in the present tense, indicating with pride and transparency the active role of members of her generation in creating a new 'image of man' by instigating activites within the physical culture framework, dance being one of them. Significant is the inclusion of body and soul (to be addressed in detail shortly) within this framework.
In line with folk dance pioneers and the New Jew model, the healthy development of the Jewish child was also central to educators of expressionist modern dance in Eretz
Israel. Gertrud Kraus, a world famous dancer in her own right immigrated to the pre-state 21
in 1935 and soon afterwards opened up her studio in Tel Aviv; The School for Body
Culture and Dance. The studio published a letter on November 25l 1937 in which pedagogical goals were highlighted: "I dreamed of organizing this year, in the framework
of my school for gymnastics, eurhythmies and dance, a studio especially for
children....The aim of advanced studies in gymnastics is the correction of all physical
deficiencies as well as psycho/physical inhibitions, the increase of strengthening of resistance as well as the positioning of the body." The correlation between the
strengthening of the physical body and the wellness of the psyche (which, interestingly
enough, was presumed to be ill) is of note here and will be addressed shortly.
Embodiment of Sabra Spirit
The New Muscular Jew image as I have come to understand it through
conversations with first generation Sabras, referred to a cultivated body as well as a
liberated soul (Gilman 215; Mosse 568; Presner 184; Zimmerman 16). In the Supplement
to the Curriculum for Physical Education in our Schools, Gurit Kadman addresses this
idea with tremendous clarity: "One must see in physical education a basis from which to
help mould the general spirit of the child, a person who is physically fit and stable in
character." In other words, a healthy spirit was the result of physical activity (dance was a
part of this). Kadman's address is useful in understanding the intricacies implicit in these
ideas. The body and spirit, in actuality, were not two separate entities but one. This was 22 true both in folk dance as well as in the expressionist modern dance realm, but in different ways.
Gurit Kadman's theories regarding the intimate relationship between body and spirit were greatly inspired both by the popular Jewish Gymnastics movement (Nordau's solution to the New Jew idea) as well as other well-known German thinkers. According to scholar George Mosse, an early proponent of this idea was the German educator
Johann Christoph Friedrich Guts Muths (1759-1839) (Encyclopaedia Britannica). His famous book Gymnastics fur die Jugend (Gymnastics for Youth) emphasized the dependency of the spirit, soul and intellect upon the body (568). Indeed, Kadman mentions Guts Muths by name in her 1940 address to the Second National Conference for the Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel. This line of thought, whereby the mind and character were dependent on physical strength, ran consistent to
The Journal of Jewish Gymnastics (Jiidische Turnerzeitung) founded under the inspiration of Max Nordau. Nordau himself, according to Mosse, utilised this logic as well (569). The partnership between body and spirit was an ongoing theme in Western
European progressive thought which found its way to the Jewish national revival movement (Zionism) through Max Nordau's New Muscular Jew philosophy. Gurit
Kadman's investment in this idea is noteworthy due to her overall influence on the physical culture movement in Eretz Israel, and folk dance in particular.
Kadman was able to identify the magnitude of these ideas as essential in changing the identity of the burgeoning nation. In her speech at The First National Conference of 23 the Private Teachers Association for Physical Culture in Eretz Israel in 1939, Kadman was optimistic: "in my opinion the nation took root of the idea that physical culture
should motivate health...and happiness." A healthy body was the means by which to
acquire a happy spirit.44 As we shall see in the revealing interviews in a later chapter, the
visceral concept of (individual, and by extension national) 'happy spirit' was just as tangible for the Sabras as was the concrete idea of a healthy physical body.
The seamless integration of body with spirit is most obvious in the Hebrew folk
dance realm,45 where value was placed on youthfulness (Ben Israel, From Theory 183), vitality and joy of spirit. Telling is the name of the representative folk dance company
chosen to perform in a nationally distributed heritage film from 1953. 'The Youth Dance
Company' (Lehakat Alumim), directed by Kadman and a young Yonatan Karmon (one of my interviewees), indeed displayed movements which exemplifies qualities of lightness
and joy with small leaps and plentiful buoyant 'pas de basque steps.46 Dance pioneer Sara
Levi Tanai had this to say about Rivka Sturman's work: ".. .her children from Ein Harod
(Sharon's Kibbutz) ...were so energetic" (qtd. in Brin Ingber Dance Perspectives 59
autumn 1974 ). Gurit Kadman, in an otherwise critical review of a Hapoel folk dance company performance in 1954,47 reported of the satisfactory "momentum, temperament
and youthful spirit," serving to highlight the importance of this aspect for 'the mother of
Israeli folk dance.' Moreover, we can understand from this review that a performance of
Sabra character, by this point in history, was codified. 24
Folk dance activities served to reinforce desired character traits of Sabra youth. In an interview for the Anchorage (Alaska) Daily Times in 1968, folk dance pioneer, Rivka
Sturman noted that it was the spirit and instinct of Israeli youth which dictated the dancing style. Referring to the vitality and sheer energy reminiscent of classic Israeli folk dance (Israel Pride), Sturman here, as she often did, gives full credit to the Sabras themselves, thus highlighting the organic nature of this expression. In a retrospective interview with Jewish/Israel dance studies scholar Judith Brin Ingber, Sturman, for the first time, placed emphasis on the dancing itself as a vehicle toward the desired spirit; the antithesis to the anti-Semitic image of the Diasporic Jew: "from that time [of the Dalia festivals] I recognized that folk dance is worthwhile for educating our children to the special spiritual... quality of our country: for me it was the best means of national and human expression" (qtd. in Brin Ingber, Dance Perspectives 17). In line with their parents' aspirations for the moral fibre of the young nation, in folk dance, the aesthetic itself was a visual representation of the young generation's pulsating spirit. Perhaps it was for this reason that the Jewish Agency49 decided to send a representative folk dance company on a delegation tour to Europe in 1947 (Brin Ingber); in order to demonstrate to the world the spirit which was alive and well in the new Hebrew nation. 25
7 "^gjp*^ -.^^^y'-^^^^m^^w^^^f^l
/ /-/ /. 7-7 / .''•'• ' //// , * • ••/ * 7 •/ / 1 '//•'•' '• J1//'// I ' I£l$**Js I 7'?-/ y 7 -J Jff&y " ' /* • (** •*( *v 7"/ ^fe?
isfe&-?fttsj'i£i)? &S*S» *&& :•*
ft-LJM j-**M'&fF *rW**r4Jfcdtfr £*, -•3*..—
:=**. i-$fea
Ssmu'J nw np
Figure 2 Zionist poster demonstrating the value placed on youthfulness
Jewish National Fund, U.S.A circa 1930s Courtesy of The Library of Jewish Theological Seminary/ photo courtesy of Beit
Hatfutsot Archive, Tel Aviv. 26
Expressionist modern dance, with its emphasis on the individual's agency and self-expression was successful in Eretz Israel because it too promised to nourish the spirit of the dancer while simultaneously empowering his/her body with exercises "of gymnastics standards" (Heller). Gertrud Kraus, one of the most influential artists and educators of the time, spoke eloquently about the role of dance as the emancipation of the soul and its significance in the 'correct' development of the child: "There is nothing like dance for the purification of emotions and impulses... this is the ultimate release of the body and the soul. Dance is most important for children as it develops the imagination as well as sentiment" (Nachmias). The new expressionist modern dance was an ideal medium by which to educate the Sabra child holistically, providing him/her with tools for bodily as well as spiritual rejuvenation, themes which directly negated the anti-Semitic image of the diasporic Jew as diseased in mind and body. These initiatives on the ground serve to demonstrate to what extent members of the pioneering generation whole heartedly believed this stereotype.
In expressionist dance, the separation of body and spirit was an impossibility as the dance's expression is that of the soul itself. In a 1949 interview with the late New
York based dance writer Walter Sorell titled "Dancing in Israel," Gertrud Kraus discusses the aims of expressionist dance: "...to be thrilled with the power of one's body, to use the body as a unified whole, and to derive enormous satisfaction from the continued unification of body and soul." Similarly, Professor Yehoshua Shor, (who beginning in
1945 taught art and dance history at the dance teacher's program of The Ornstein Studio)
(Eshel 67), wrote the following on expressionist dance in 1939: "...dance in its purist 27 form...which makes it an instrument for the expression of the soul and spirit." I suggest here that these ideas, in line with the ideology of the New Muscular Jew, were amongst the contributing factors to expressionist dance's monopoly over classical ballet
(thought to embody the Cartesian split between body and soul) (Kant 17), in the Yishuv period and at the beginning of statehood.51
Gertrud Kraus, in a candid interview with dance scholar Judith Brin Ingber points to other reasons as well: "Expressionism is very Jewish, this temperament is in itself
Jewish; but ballet where everything is naive expression, holiness, pristine. The performer can't add anything to the shape. It's hard for the Jewish girl not to add, it is hard to remain within the limits, to be so naive." In her comments we can identify the aspect of
'agency' for the dancer, plentiful in expressionist dance and lacking in classical ballet (as it was interpreted by members of the Yishuv). Agency, as a performance of an individual's innermost will/want is reflective of their soul's desire, and if acted upon in the form of artistic creation, suggests the power of her/his spirit. I suggest here that expressionist dance for the pioneering generation symbolized an avenue for the exploration of true agency and autonomy, aspects which were not often available to
Jews living in the Diaspora (Elon 136).
A focus on the individual was common to both expressionist dance and to Max
Nordau's ideology. According to scholar George Mosse, Nordau was a devout liberalist who considered the individual's rights as paramount and above all loyalties to the collective. It would be out of free choice that the "individual voluntarily identified 28 himself with the group" (576). A dichotomy (which Mosse also addresses) certainly exists between the Yishuv's collectivist ethos, well demonstrated in the form and function of folk dance, and the value concurrently placed on individual freedom of choice, expression and creativity.54
By examining Professor Shor's 1939 article further, we can begin to contextualize how this dichotomy between the individual's self fulfilment and his/her responsibility to the group was interpreted by members of the Yishuv. Shor describes Kraus's double loyalty to both her 'individual dance' as well as to organizing 'collective dance plays' as just one of her paradoxical yet pleasant character traits, suggesting to the reader that
ideological conflicts between self and society were simply non-issues, or were resolved through balance in this context. Kraus researcher Giora Manor's explanation follows the
same logic as does Nordau's. According to him, although her dancing was "a quest for personal, even egocentric, expression of oneself," Kraus found "personal identification with ideals" (Gertrud Kraus 59) of the collective and therefore this seemingly obvious
ideological conflict simply did not exist. Indeed, dance scholar Ruth Eshel emphasizes
Kraus' use of the "universal" modern dance language in the expression of Jewish values
such as justice for the benefit of the Jewish people (32). In a retrospective interview
Kraus described how her early training in expressionist dance encompassed much more than personal expression: "...we were also taught to participate in social questions, to participate philosophically and to make a true involvement with humanity" (qtd. in Brin
Ingber Conversation 46). As her patriotic performance for Jewish soldiers in 1941 29 illustrates, Kraus found ways to combine her personal expression for the good of the
Hebrew nation.
The spirit of the New Jew as dancer found expression in two seemingly contradictory ways. For the folk dance camp it was the embodiment of the aspirant spirit of a youthful and united generation. Expressionist dance fostered the development of autonomy and creativity though individual expression. The collectivist ethos (best described in folk dance) thrived on the self-fulfillment (best described in expressionist dance) of the individuals within it. Significantly, as will be described in a later section, all four interviewees took part in both styles of dancing, serving to demonstrate the co existence and co-dependence of both sets of value systems in Yishuv period. 30
S1IEL FOLK DANCE FESTIVAL
I" - 1 I 1 I t If 1 9 5 s
,. lilE BUB f JBISH UN I «B. (BIND BOTH I*«B • W
Figure 3
Dalia Festival programme cover-195 8
Demonstrating the youthful joy of the dancers and gender specific roles
Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 31
Posture Perfect: The Intersection of Body and Spirit
The upright posture, as a negation to the stereotypical image of the stooping
Diaspora Jew was the most obvious physical characteristic attributed to the New
Muscular Jew image. It was also the desired aesthetic of the Sabra dancer in both folk and artistic forms. As one of the most basic "dispositions" of the body, to use dance
scholar Jane Cowan's term, posture is revealing as it showcases fundamental world views and value systems of a given society. "Dispositions are 'cultivated' through interaction with 'a whole symbolically structured environment,' and these 'cultivated dispositions' become 'inscribed in the body schema and in schemes of thought'(32)." Postures, then,
are extremely meaningful.
The embodiment of upright postures in various dance activities contributed to the
desired socialization of Sabra youth. The significance attributed to this posture can be understood through a reading of scholar George Mosse's important 1992 article titled
"Nordau, Liberalism and the New Jew." In it he states that "Nordau took up the Jewish
stereotype [that]...the Jewish anatomical structure was inherently different from the norm and it had to be reshaped if Jews were to escape from their stereotype and recapture their dignity (567)." Indeed, according to Mosse, the need for the restoration of Jewish dignity became a theme in Nordau's Zionist writings. Dignity then, alongside related characteristics [such as duty, discipline, self respect and manliness56 according to Mosse; self control and determination according to Ben Israel {From Theory 10); moral integrity according to Sela-Sheffy; and good citizenship according to Connerton (73)] were 32 performed through the embodiment of an upright posture in all manifestations of the New
Muscular Jew image.57 In other words, the body was the ideal medium by which to exhibit the 'upright' character of the 'new man.'
Gurit Kadman addresses the importance of this aspect in her 1963 report (in
English) titled "Tradition and Creation in Israeli Dance." Here Kadman reveals the technical similarities between Israeli folk dance and other such dances from around the world (in steps and patterns). It is the "character of Israeli youth," according to her, which sets the "execution" of the dancing apart from that of any other nation. This in turn,
Kadman explains, is (at least partially) formulated through "recent historical events" such as "the struggle for independence." According to her logic and as a reality of the local environment, Sabras had demonstrated their worth through activities which shaped their bodies and spirits such as soldiering. To the pioneering generation, it was the upright posture of both New Muscular Jew models (soldier and dancer), which visually represented the extraordinary and intrinsic Sabra character. By embodying the New Jew posture in various dance activities youth were taught hegemonic codes of conduct of the new 'utopian' society. 33
The New Muscular Jew as Sabra Dancer
The four manifestations of the New Muscular Jew, the embodied practices of the
New Jew image, shared common characteristics. Equal emphasis was placed on strength of body as well as strength of spirit in all four forms. Additionally, value was placed on the identical aesthetics in each such as a tall erect posture. As will be seen later on in this section, the New Muscular Jew in the first three forms mentioned above was made manifest by the pioneering generation in Europe. The New Muscular Jew as dancer was unique; however, as it was the only embodiment of the New Muscular Jew designed especially for the Sabra generation.
Eretz Israeli dance was created in Israel by the Chalutzim pioneering generation for their children as a break with the past, as well as a means of establishing Israeli authenticity and indigenousness. Pioneering Chaluzim danced the dances of the Diaspora, namely the Hora (albeit in a revived Israeli style), the Krakoviak and the Rondo (Ashriel;
Roginsky; Sharon). As early as the beginning of the 1920s one can find archival evidence of the dissatisfaction of the pioneers with the then current dance fashions of the Yishuv and their longing for a uniquely Hebrew dance. As the late Israel dance studies scholar
Dr. Zvi Friedhaber documented in an important 1993 article, one kibbutz member complained in 1929 that "we don't have dances of our own; and because of this we have stopped dancing." Even though early choreographers such as Yardena Cohen and others
(mostly anonymous innovators) were already experimenting by presenting dance 34 pageants at Hebrew-themed festivities for their local communities by the mid 1920s, it would take another twenty years for Eretz Israeli folk dance to bear its first fruits.
As one of the foremost important folk dance pioneers of Eretz Israel, Rivka
Sturman saw the need for a new dance for a new nation. In a retrospective interview she described her bitter disappointment at hearing kindergartners at her kibbutz singing
German songs in 1942 (The United Kibbutz). Sturman, with the cooperation of their teachers, approached the children directly and thus began experimenting with Hebrew song and movement for the first time. She created dances with a uniquely native Eretz-
Israeli character and was inspired by its most indigenous inhabitants (in her eyes), the
Arab,61 Yemenite Jew62 and especially the Sabra child. "She watched how the children of the country danced: 'the spirit of our dances comes from their creative minds, their instincts, what they learned from nature,' "she said in 1968 {Israel Dance Tradition
Described by Pioneer). This is just one of the many examples in which Sturman and her peers stressed Eretz Israeli children as the inspiration for their work.
Time and time again Rivka Sturman became the spokeswoman for Eretz Israeli youth and their integral partnership in the development of the folk dances. Five years following her first experiments in the field she wrote with great pride in 1947: "the strength which drives folk dance is the vital essential strength of the young generation...The youth who dance the Hebrew dances complete in the most natural way its style...this is their way of life and how they grow" (Sturman). For reasons of continuity it was understandably important for first generation folk dance pioneers to 35 legitimize this invented tradition by highlighting its authenticity and inherent indigenousness. Since their own diasporic identities were visually and audibly apparent, the ownership of Eretz Israeli folk dance must then be given to those whose identities were obviously local, the Sabra generation. Israeli folk dance came into realization just as the Sabra generation was coming of age and the pre-state was beginning to demonsrate its potential for soveriengty and eventual statehood; a youthful generation and a new dance for a country in-the-making. Perhaps it was the nation's thirst for an original expression, authenicity and indigineity which explains dance's popularity in the Yishuv period; perhaps, for reasons discussed throughout this thesis, folk dance was the ideal medium in which to perform the New Jew as Sabra.64
Gertrud Kraus"new dance,' as it was expressed by the 1940s also served to disseminate an Eretz Israeli identity to dancers of the Sabra generation. In her address at the Conney Conference in Jewish Art, Israel dance scholar Gaby Aldor discusses her theory of "the immigration of ideas." According to her, ideas travel from one geographical location to the next and at their destination are somehow re-interpreted or re-imagined altogether in order to be meaningful in the new environment. I would argue that this was the case for expressionist modern dance in Eretz Israel.
Unlike in folk dance, expressionist modern dance was not invented in Eretz Israel but was made over and folded into the Zionist enterprise in ways it was not in Europe.
Upon her arrival in Eretz Israel in 1935, Gertrud Kraus was already world famous as an expressionist dancer, performing in the same venues as Mary Wigman, Rudolf van Laban 36 and Ted Shawn. She was well known to the Yishuv's cultural circles due to her international success as well as her tours to Palestine between 1930 and 1933 (Manor).
There was, however, an important noted change to her art upon immigration. Dance history expert, Professor Shor, wrote the following of Kraus in Davar in 1939: "Here in
Eretz Israel, the artist felt, for the first time, the calming wind which engulfs the person after his/her return to his/her origins after long wanderings in far off lands...and with this new synthesis a new Hebrew dance must appear. G. Kraus is at the beginning of her second artistic period, the Eretz Israeli one." A series of dynamic photographs of Kraus and her all female Eretz Israeli company in long satin dresses, improvising on the beach in Tel Aviv, indeed present a euphoric sense of freedom, space and joy; one which is not evident in any of the photographs taken of her dancing in Europe.65 Here we witness
Kraus's personal transformation and by extension, that of her art.
Kraus herself recognized this change: "right from the first moment on I felt a deep attachment to the people, the land, the whole place. I knew my dances would never be the same after this encounter" (qtd. in Manor, The Life and Dance 24). Indeed by 1941 we find The Songs of My Land6 dance suite in program notes, in direct contrast to the diasporic Songs of the Ghetto dance cycle performed in Vienna as early as 1928.68
Similarly, Kraus' Jewish Girl solo performed in Holland in 1932 (Eshel 32) is juxtaposed to Young Girl from Palestine, a solo choreographed for one of her students.69 By 1942 this shift was evident in the name given to her collaborative performance with the
Ornstein studio, titled An Evening of Hebrew Dance. In addition to finding inspiration for her art from her new surroundings, Gertrud Kraus chose to proudly showcase Eretz 37
Israeli (and later Israeli) identity in company works and, most significantly, in children's dance recitals of her private studio.
The style and movement quality in at least in some of her company's dancing was representative of Kraus' new thematic choices following immigration. Comparing still photographs from the 1930 Munich Dance Congress, in which her European company performed the Songs of the Ghetto, to a still photograph found in a 1951 programme for the Israel Ballet Theatre's Israel Dance Suite one can clearly see contrasting characteristics. Most likely inspired by the Eretz Israeli folk dance style at the time, the elements of joy, vitality, youthfulness and lightness are evident in Israel Dance Suite. In contrast, the dancers in Songs of the Ghetto are posed in angular positions, bent from the waist. They lean heavily on one another, instead of gladly embracing each other with a sense of togetherness, as depicted in the Israeli photograph. Eretz Israeli qualities are evidenced in the athletic physicality and optimistic spirit of Kraus' choreography following her immigration to the pre-state.
Gertrud Kraus became one of the most influential dance educators in Eretz Israel
(Miriam). It is noteworthy then that over time her expressionist dances became Eretz
Israeli in character as this expression was undoubtedly both inspired by the Sabra generation and simultaneously transmitted to it. A 1951 Davar article illustrates this point: "She...is constantly searching after an original Hebrew style. She is attentive to her environment and learns from her students, those born in the Land of Israel" (Sagol).
Clearly Kraus had made incredible efforts to conform as well as contribute to her new 38 environment. What is certain is that the expressionist dance which met the Sabra dancers had been significantly transformed, if not in form then at least in function, by the early
1940s in Eretz Israel. Moreover, it served to instil the New Muscular Jew image through the unification of an athletic body and an uninhibited soul (as described in previous sections) as well as an explicit emphasis placed on Eretz Israeli identity.
Unlike the three traditional embodiments of the New Muscular Jew, namely the
New Muscular Jew as agricultural labourer, soldier and athlete, the New Muscular Jew as dancer was designed especially for the Sabra generation. Eretz Israeli folk dance was an invented tradition created by the parenting Chalutzim generation specifically for their children. The Sabras were not only their inspiration but often times their collaborators. In addition to being poetically symbolic, this may have even been intentional. The new state in the making could only be represented by a new and thriving generation; pulsating with the sights, sounds and spirit of the land. German expressionist modern dance only became Eretz Israeli once it was embodied by the Sabra generation. Gertrud Kraus' choreography changed in character and intent upon its arrival in Eretz Israel. For the first time, it functioned in disseminating Eretz Israeli identity to the local youth who danced it. 39
T *l 5'T
, A-d J
t , a 1 If"- 'Sft; . -"• " r*-> '"'* •i-.J'" *'*V^ • • :'V
'-* • - r* ii.d
Figure 4
A Scene from Gertrud Kraus' Israel Dance Suite as performed by her company, The
Israel Dance Theatre, in 1951.
Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 40
L\ !
(Scrlrua .?-r * . 1i i / 4- i f • - - * '."i. : : v • ,: \ifSf'' • - /> v - • . i i - -» -. -•* t % • *» ' , J • 1 1 •j 1 Figures 5 & 6 Gertrud Kraus' dance company in The Songs of the Ghetto in 1930 Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 41 Figures 7 & 8 Gertrud Kraus dancing on the beach in Tel Aviv, 1943 Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 42 tvymvir*R-f^i3fTry GROUP 4 • *4 "A -*S-JSS^,=S-;;;*> * . •*.•* i #y" " V 7* ;a^ * AT-V •• • V..'A- ; VA *»*•-- ft, ,>» 1 ,. . . ."•f • Figure 9 Gertrud Kraus dancers on the beach in Tel Aviv, 1943 Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 43 In contrast to the New Muscular Jew as dancer phenomenon, the three traditional embodiments of the New Muscular Jew, namely the labourer, athlete and soldier were designed by and for Diaspora Jews. The Jew as the Hebrew socialist farmer was a goal realized by the pioneering generation. Jews took part in agrarian colonization projects 70 years prior to the first Aliyah (mass Jewish immigration). Jewish studies scholars Dekel Chen and Bartal, in their respected 2007 articles, describe the astounding agricultural initiatives taken on by Eastern European Jews, as early as 1808, as part of the Haskala (enlightenment) movement. "As envisioned by the maskilim [philosophers of the Haskala movement]- a return to productive work- whether in the trades or on the land- would strengthen the bodies, minds and spirits of European Jews..." (Dekel-Chen, One Big Agrarian Family 265). The New Jew as land labourer was disseminated first in previously uncharted territories of Russia and the Ukraine and later, (beginning in the 1880s) in the Americas as well as Palestine (257-59). As can be seen, the New Jew as agricultural labourer was more closely related to emancipation than Zionism and began to manifest almost a century before the birth of the Sabra generation. Max Nordau, the father of Muscular Judaism, believed in the capacity for gymnastics to rid the 'nervous' Jew of both physical and psychological disorders. Dr. Nordau (and others) recommended gymnastics as the remedy for Jewish national regeneration. Jewish student organizations, as both Gilman and Presner demonstrate, embraced the concept of Jewish gymnastics as early as 1902, and by 1903 the Jewish 77 Gymnastics Federation was established (Presner 120). In the decades to follow, Jewish gymnastics, and by extension sport, became increasingly popular in central Europe, 44 eventually leading to a Jewish Zionist club, Hakoach Vienna's incredible win of the Austrian Soccer Championship in 1925 against West Ham United 5-0 (Brenner 2). Jewish gymnastics was the vehicle towards two juxtaposing yet surprisingly closely related phenomena; emancipation (Brenner 4) on the one hand and a communal sense of Jewish national consciousness and pride on the other. Not discrete to the Zionist enterprise, the latter found expression in Zionist, anti-Zionist and neutral circles (Reuveni 49-50). The New Muscular Jew as soldier existed in the Diaspora long before the founding generation left Europe. Israel sports scholar Tali Ben Israel briefly describes lone groups of Jews in Siberia as early as 1905 that, with the full support of local Jewish community, collaborated for the purposes of self-defence {From Theory 38). In his chapter "Soldiers of Regeneration," Todd Presner outlines the desire amongst German Jews to negate anti-Semitic rhetoric regarding their inadequacy for military service and to prove once and for all their 'muscularity and masculinity' through their enthusiastic participation in WWI. In fact, approximately 100,000 Jews fought for the fatherland in the Great War (Shapira 280). "Since defence of the state demonstrated loyalty, military service became connected to the debate over Jewish emancipation and the extension of civil rights throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries" (Presner 188). The ongoing German national consciousness about bodily rejuvenation and its association with good citizenship was directly connected to the Jew as soldier phenomenon (200). 45 The three traditional images of the New Muscle Jew were characterised by identical aesthetics (such as an upright posture, muscularity and masculinity) and were often represented together. Propaganda posters and logos from the first half of the twentieth century commonly depicted two of the three images as one. One popular theme found in an eclectic array of posters was the New Jew as agricultural labourer and warrior. A Jewish National Fund issued stamp from 1938 shows a young sturdy pioneer in shorts ploughing the field with one hand and holding onto a rifle with the other. Significantly, the man's shadow (twice his size) is one of an ancient Maccabi warrior (Blue and White in Color). Apparant here is the hegemonic Zionist narrative which placed great value on ancient (pre-diasporic) Jewish history. The red Hapoel logo, still in use today by this sports association, showcases an athlete engulfed by a giant sickle and hammer. Apart from the socialist affiliations, these symbols represent the New Muscle Jew in his multiple yet inter-connected roles. Indeed, according to Israel studies scholar Anita Shapira, Zionist activist and Israeli politician Yitzhak Tabenkin "characterized the New Jew as a person with a hoe in his hand and a gun on his shoulder" (Shapira, Zionists 169). 46 Figure 10 Jewish National Fund issued stamp from 1938, New York The New Jew in his multiple roles as compared to an ancient Hebrew warrior Courtesy of The Library of Jewish Theological Seminary/ photo courtesy of Beit Hatfutsot Archive, Tel Aviv. 47 APRIL 19S2 • 3*i&Xi TIVP Figure 11 The Fifth Hapoel Conference The Israeli flag is joined by that of Hapoel Sport Association's-featuring its logo Here we see the New Muscular Jew as athlete marching onwards with pride From the collections of the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem 48 1 —*!7r* *• ., v W4M, ••&•*» t i.. aTNn n * TT.IITJ • 'ii'iiii •iiiiiiii Figure 12 Shoulder to shoulder muscular Hebrew workers are seen in their multiple roles The caption on the bottom reads "recruit for work" The Work and Construction Office - human resources management From the collections of the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem 49 Jews participated in these three well recognized New Muscular Jew roles in the Diaspora as a means of emancipation, liberation from and regeneration of the stereotypical Jewish image, and only later in Palestine as an integral part of the nation building project. As just described, these New Muscular Jew manifestations were visually recognizable in Zionist posters. Similar representations of the New Muscular Jew as dancer articulate the embodiment of this practice by the Sabra generation. One such example is a 1950 poster published by the Jewish National Fund. Significantly, the New Muscular Jew as dancer image was not one of an adult but of a young child. The colourful scene is set on the outskirts of a very green kibbutz. Boys and girls are seen in the background dancing joyously, hand in hand, around a "young tree in full bloom" (Walsh). In the foreground their peers are planting saplings on Tu Bishvat, the glorified holiday of the Jewish Yishuv. The Hebrew poem by Y. Shinberg is significant: On this day we will plant trees And we will set down roots here Another year and another year— And here is a grove! Clearly, the 'trees' were meant to represent the flourishing and beautiful children of Eretz Israel, growing roots of national identity deep into the earth of their homeland through activities (namely dancing and planting) that shape their bodies and spirits. 50 ••**•*• v .•• /V£, WT.'winnO "nSSs nam ^ ^ ^3^|^22l-l\7 •.*«• ••:y&i ft imn a30: ' " "' ' ^»^«»ia-''^™TliraMaaai<^^ B«n.w.d p.orfoCtiDn,TU Bi=h»a Figure 13 Tu Bishvat- The New Jew as Dancer -1950 Keren Kayement L'Israel- Jewish National Fund From the collections of the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem 51 Dance on Film: Shaping the Sabra through Dance Dance, as a powerful conduit in the regeneration of the body and the rejuvenation of spirit, became one instrument for the embodiment of the New Jew image; one which was of particular significance to the Sabra generation. Examples exist in the folk dance as well as the artistic dance realms which testify to the importance of dance in sculpting the body of the Sabra in line with the physique of the New Muscular Jew. The spirit of the New Jew was performed quite explicitly in folk dance as an expression of joy and youthful vitality. In expressionist modern dance, the body's physicality described a more subtle performance of individual agency and power of will. At this moment I would like to complicate the argument further and to suggest that dance was such a powerful medium for the manifestation of the New Muscular Jew image, that the Chalutzim generation believed it was capable of transforming diasporic identities into Eretz Israeli ones. More specifically, as will be seen shortly, many child immigrants were socialized into the New Muscular Jew image through their participation in dance activities. The following is an analysis of three archival films; a documentary, a feature film and a film with elements of both genres. These examples will serve to illustrate how this generation viewed the power of the physical body as a site for change, and dance specifically as a vehicle for the rapid transformation of identities. The early propaganda film Departure of Youth, produced in 1934 by the Youth Aliyah Department of the Jewish Agency in the German language, documents dance's impact as one of a series of activities used to inscribe Eretz Israeliness onto young 52 German Jewish immigrants. This incredible documentary follows a youth Aliyah (immigration) group from their port in Germany all the way to Palestine and their eventual settlement in the youth village of Ben Shemen and later in Kibbutz Ein Harod. Through the combination of agricultural work, Hebrew language acquisition, song and dance, the children in this documentary were shown to be in the transformative process of becoming Eretz Israeli Sabra Jews. A lively, almost rustic Hora (in a linked circle 01 formation) shot in the last few moments of the film vividly captures this experience. The film concludes with the following heading: "thus awaits Jewish youth from Germany a life of work and joy in Palestine." This heading can be variously interpreted. Perhaps the narrator referred to agricultural labour as 'work' and song and dance as 'joy.' Perhaps too 'Hebrew work,' (in the form of agricultural labour, Hebrew language study and dance) was the means towards joy of spirit. The 1947 movie The Great Promise, produced independently by filmmaker Yosef Leytes and accepted by the British Board of Film Censors, is valuable in its simple yet compelling depiction of the power of dance as a transformative agent of identity. The scene is set in a refugee camp directly following the Holocaust in which a handsome (and very blond) young Sabra tells a discouraged Holocaust survivor about his home in Palestine. The second scene, called "Children's Tale" is of great interest here. In it we see 'typically happy' kibbutz children playing and exercising. They are seen rehearsing a playful and intricate folk dance in partners, when suddenly orphaned child Holocaust survivors arrive at the kibbutz as refugees. These children have difficulty adjusting to their new lives. Here we are introduced to our protagonist, Tamar, who is having 53 particular difficulties as she is anti-social (connotations of sadness and depression), has a tendency to steal objects and food and when found out, is hostile to the others. In a later scene we see the kibbutz children rehearsing for a folk dance performance. The simple choreography of hops, leaps and hand clapping in a circle formation highlights dance's prime objective in uniting the kibbutz children through the performance of pedestrian steps, available to all participants. Tamar first sits quietly and observes, but by the end, and with the encouragement of the Sabra children, joins and even leads the dancing with great enthusiasm and joy. The final scene in which many youth are dancing at the "Festival of the First Fruits" is particularly powerful. At this point the narrator of the story, a Sabra girl from the kibbutz states: "can you pick out who used to be the wild kitten among us? No! because all hearts beat together in the same rhythm!"82 Dance provided Tamar a non verbal means of communication and, for the first time, a powerful sense of belonging to the group. Through her participation in Eretz Israeli folk dance activities Tamar embodied the identity of a Sabra; a New Jew in body and spirit. Unlike the last two films, dance does not appear in the third and final film in question. The reason for its inclusion in this section, however, speaks to the film's incredible capacity in identifying the human body as a malleable space, available for the negotiation of new identities. Our Children (Unzere Kinder), produced in Poland in 1948 by the filmmaker Nathan Gross,83 is a Yiddish black comedy featuring the famous Yiddish comedians Dzinger and Shumacher. The clip of interest here, titled "The Song of 54 Fun," was filmed in 1947 and features the two comedians touring the Halnovek orphanage in Poland, and interacting with the Jewish children there (not actors). This scene is supposed to be light-hearted and depicts the children working and singing about their bright futures in Palestine. At specific points, when the comedians meet a child, the film 'jump cuts' to a dark and frightening 'memory scene' in which the same child is imagined as if they were back in the Holocaust (hiding, being abused by an SS officer etc.).84 Striking are the lyrics to the song: "Sing us a fun song; A strong body that does not tire. Every young person will 'give a hand' (chip in) to fulfill the dream of building our country." The children featured in the film are (and were at the time) in transition between their old identities and new ones, which they hoped to acquire through physical working of the body for the good of the collective. Noteworthy is the optimism and cheerful spirit of the working children. In line with Gurit Kadman's address at the first Or conference for the PTAPCEI, it was their active physicality which motivated their positive state of mind. Even the bodies of very young children were considered in need of a major transformation. The hopefulness in the "The Song of Fun" constituted a realization that these young children, thanks to their age, have the capability to be seamlessly transformed from their diasporic identities into new Eretz Israeli ones once they begin the task of physical work toward a common good in their new land. Their bodies being 'unfinished' entities]' (Williams and Bendelow 4), as evidenced in all three films, the children themselves actively adopt appropriate body language and seek out this adaptation (Proust in Williams and Bendelow 43). 55 Gender and the New Muscular Jew as Dancer The New Jew image, as Max Nordau and other Zionist leaders had envisioned, was explicitly gendered (Almog; Aviv; Ben Israel; Gilman; Mayer; Pellegrini; Presner; Shapira; Shiffman; Shohat; Shneer; Spiegel; Reuveni; Weiss).86 Nowhere is this concept more clearly illustrated than in a powerful poster found as part of the Gurit Kadman Archives at the Dance Library of Israel. Printed in 194787 as part of Hapoel Sport Association's celebration in honour of "50 years to Jewish physical culture," the poster clearly marks a physical space between the old world, effeminate (and clearly inferior) Diaspora and the dynamic masculine aesthetic of Eretz Israel. The Diaspora is depicted in the background of the poster as a silhouette of a nineteenth century woman, appearing as the cloud of smoke coming out of a sinking ship's smoke stack. In the foreground is an illustration of young male athlete framed by a bolt of lightning, showcasing his muscularity. Significantly, the athlete has turned away from the female figure in complete disregard for her attempts to draw his attention by waving her white handkerchief. In the poster, as in Eretz Israeli collective consciousness, old world effeminate embodiments of the Jew were left to drown. Instead, a new masculine and muscular Jew was celebrated. fete !.•..>>_•.--• -i--.. y >*/y *>^ ." --' ""* •*J I'SV^-i* » •••'•J -.1 •pjkjr-V... * ^ • • »*• ••.'•* 1:VI*M Figure 14 1947 poster advertising a banquet for the Hapoel Sport Association in of 50 Years to Jewish Physical Culture Printed with permission by The Dance Library of Israel 57 The new Eretz Israeli man would bring pride and confidence to Jewish men everywhere because, as Jewish studies scholar Todd Samuel Presner points out, "...it was Jewish men [as opposed to Jewish women] who were supposedly not strong enough, healthy enough, and fit enough..." (12). In fact, the diasporic Jewish male was associated with all the physical and psychological maladies attributed to women at the time, namely physical fragility (Weiss 15) and hysteria (Gilman 63) amongst others. By "cultivating a new Jewish body, they sought to transform the Jewish image from that of a feminized European Jew to that of a masculinised Eretz Israeli one" (Spiegel 390). Those who emigrated were determined to set the Jewish image free of all anti-Semitic stereotypes still rampant in Europe. Women in Europe, though not the target audience of Muscular Judaism (Weiss 34), quickly found a space in which to participate in sports clubs and physical activity. Indeed as scholars Presner, Brenner, Jacobs and Wildmann document, women's sports clubs and women's divisions of gymnastics clubs existed from the turn of the twentieth century on, culminating in women representing almost half of the total participants in Warsaw's largest Jewish sports club, Morgnshtem, by the 1930's (Brenner 97). Although some Jewish women participated in such activities, their own interests were not necessarily validated by Zionism. Instead the discourse, in line with Zionism's (and certainly modern Israel's official)89 pro-natalist ideology, relegated fit and healthy women to productive motherhood of strong and healthy 'New Jew' babies (Presner 129; Shiffman 131). Dance studies scholar Janet Wolff was right on the mark when she wrote the following in 1997: "...contemporary discourses and practices rendered women 58 inferior, put control of women's bodies into men's hands, and produced new sciences which redefined women and femininity centrally in terms of reproductive function..." (86).90 The women for their part, either out of a sense of loyalty to the Zionist cause or perhaps as a means to gain legitimacy, too emphasized their future roles as mothers to the Hebrew nation in order to gain further access to Jewish sports organizations. "Confirming the significant health benefits of gymnastics that her male colleagues consistently emphasized, [Betti Eger of the women's division of the Jewish Gymnastics Association] argued that gymnastics would not only produce healthier mothers but beget stronger children" (Presner 130).91 Jewish women in fin de siecle Europe had little choice but to negotiate between complex and nuanced realities on the ground. There is evidence to believe, at least in theory, that women in the Eretz Israeli case were not subjugated solely to mothering roles. Unlike the discourses existent in Europe at the time, women in Eretz Israel: "...were supposed to enjoy the pleasantries of life, which are impossible to experience in a sickly and weak body" (Gymnasts Association [of Eretz Israel] 1909; trans. & qtd. in Ben Israel, From Theory 200). Their bodies, according to this ideology (which ironically in and of itself stemmed from stereotypes about women), served the women themselves instead of society at large. They thus assumed the status of private ownership instead of universal commodity; a revolutionary way of thinking about women's bodies. The Private Teacher's Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel, as previously mentioned, consisted mainly of immigrant Jewish women of Central European 59 (mostly German) descent. Having arrived in Eretz Israel after the formative years of the physical culture movement, these women, I argue, were at a double disadvantage. Their progressive German methodologies were not welcome within the already crystallized physical education system in Eretz Israel. Additionally, because the vast majority of these teachers were women, their professional status was most likely negatively affected. Indeed, Israeli feminist and post Zionist scholarship has, for the past thirty years, negated the 'utopian myth' of gender equality in the Yishuv, demonstrating time and time again how women were underrepresented in the workplace, the military and even in toiling the land.92 Even with all their professional challenges, the women of The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel were driven toward the common goal of increasing the physical fitness of the Eretz Israeli Jewish public. Although too young to have been inspired by Nordau's teachings directly, these women were at once influenced by the thriving physical culture movement of the Weimar Republic (Bing-Haideker 3) as well as Zionist doctrine (which taught Nordau's philosophy implicitly), introduced to them through their participation in Jewish youth movements in their countries of origin (Kaschl 43). At the second annual meeting of The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel (Dec. 1940), Gurit Kadman concluded her speech with these inspirational words: "If we fulfill our role with success, we will find for ourselves... satisfaction and joy of knowing that our lives have purpose, and our work will aid in reviving the nation and building the land." This group of women of the physical culture movement saw their roles as separate but equal to those of the men in this growing field. 60 Gurit Kadman's thoughts on the role of women in physical culture were paradoxical as she simultaneously promoted women all the while maintaining hegemonic stereotypes of women so common to her generation. In her address at the second conference of The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel in 1940, she celebrated 'women's gymnastics,' and women leaders of'women's gymnastics,' noting the American/German physical culturist Bess Menzendieck and the German Else Gindler, a pioneer of somatic work. Kadman also signified her aversion to traditional gymnastics methods which dominated Eretz Israeli physical education classes at the time,93 calling them: "...dated rationalization/methods of the mind..." She unabashedly mocked the so-called "experts" of physical education and sport in Eretz Israel, who were mostly men (Ben Israel), for their repudiation of sentiment. In this as well as other writings Kadman highlighted gymnastics' goal to return the human body to a state of 'naturalness' as opposed to the mechanical and mathematical techniques, founded by such men as the German Turnvater Jahn and the Swedish Pher Henrich Ling; and the then standard in Eretz Israeli schools (Goren-Kadman; Eshel; Ben Israel).94 Interestingly enough, progressive, holistic notions and techniques of body work, which in the following generation would lead to such important methods as Feldenkrais, psychotherapy, Gestalt therapy and dance therapy, and which were called 'reform gymnastic' by their mostly female practitioners in Germany (Weaver, Geuter and Heller), were categorised as 'women's gymnastics' (at least in Eretz Israel as stated by Kadman in her address in 1940). There is evidence to believe that Kadman proudly hailed women for their leadership in these progressive methodologies. In fact, the emblem of the 61 PTAPCEI consisted of a figure of a woman and not that of a man. However, by highlighting the elements of'naturalness' and 'sentiment' in 'women's gymnastics' in her 1940 address to the PTAPCEI, Kadman conformed to hegemonic stereotypes of women as emotional and natural beings in contrast to rational, and by extension, sensible men. Although there is little evidence to believe that the women of the PTAPCEI were involved in any kind of official feminist initiatives, politically speaking, there is no doubt that they made physical culture more accessible to women and girls of the Yishuv. In her address at The Conference for the Physical Education of Youth, Gurit Kadman encouraged girls and young women to participate in physical culture in order to increase their self confidence. Let us not forget Gertrud Kraus's special note of 'the Jewish girl' in expressionist dance in her candid interview with dance scholar Judith Brin Ingber. The 'Jewish girl' according to Kraus, was supposed to be liberated, continually questioning. In fact, Kraus herself was notably remembered as an early Eretz Israeli feminist. In 2008, on the occasion of International Women's Day, Tel Aviv's weekly Timeout Tel Aviv magazine listed her as among the city's top 50 strongest and boldest women. The women of the physical culture movement used their limited resources to empower other women of the Yishuv. Instead of following the male-oriented Jewish gymnastics movement as their mother's generation had done in Europe, progressive German Jewish women of Kadman and Kraus' generation sought to level the playing field by creating a space in which to 62 execute their own initiatives. The gymnastics teachers that had been part of 'reform movements' in Germany did not hesitate in initiating similar activities upon their arrival in the Yishuv, even with the pedagogical (and I suggest gender) conflicts on the ground. Gurit Kadman's double loyalty to both the physical education camp as well as the physical culture movement proves the complexity of the situation and the ideological compromises she and others had to make in order to make a living. Nonetheless, with the founding of The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel, Kadman gave a voice to female Eretz Israeli gymnastics, eurhythmies and dance teachers. For the first time Jewish women were marking, as opposed to mothering, a new Jewish body (as well as spirit) for themselves, their children and future generations to come. Is Folk Dance Feminine? - Gender and the Folk Dance Camp Having taken the responsibility of educating children of the Sabra generation in physical culture and dance, the women of the physical culture movement (those affiliated with the PTAPCEI) had a great influence on the kinds of aesthetics eventually disseminated to male and female Eretz Israeli (and later Israeli) dancing youth. Interestingly, they educated children of both sexes in line with the masculine model of the new muscular Jewish body. A prime example was the prized 'tall posture' valued for both male and female folk dancers alike. This male-based aesthetic was an obvious negation both visually and symbolically to the stereotypical and anti-Semitic image of the feminized Diaspora Jew. 63 According to Ayalah Goren-Kadman, however, the early folk dances, choreographed for community dance events, by such pioneers as Gurit Kadman and Rivka Sturman endeavoured to echo the Zionist call for "gender equality" (her term from her perspective). The image of the dancing woman in Israeli folk dance "...resembled and was equal [to that of the men], also strong" (Goren-Kadman). When asked, Mirali Sharon (another interviewee) agreed with Goren-Kadman and stated that women performed elevated movements with the same vitality as did male dancers. The reason for their choice of a male-oriented aesthetic (described as 'gender equality' by Goren-Kadman) for both male and female dancers is debatable. However, it seems to me that, as early feminists (though not officially), these women perhaps sought to prove that women were indeed as physically capable as men and therefore chose to not address female-based aesthetics at this initial and exciting period of discovery. There is evidence to believe that first generation female folk dance practitioners were invested in the Yishuv's ideology (in theory) of gender egalitarianism. They preferred creating folk dances in circle formations, and by extension were not subjugated to essentialized gender differences inherent in partner dances. In fact, out of a total forty dances choreographed by the first generation of Israeli folk dance practitioners (namely Gurit Kadman, Rivka Sturman, Leah Bergstein) from 1940 tol959, only fourteen (35%) were partner dances (twelve of which were choreographed by Leah Bergstein). Two of these, according to rokdim.co.il (an official website for the Israeli folk dance community), namely Dodi Li (1948) and Eiti Mi'Levanon (1949), were designed specifically in order to targeted urban youth who were enchanted with the fashionable 64 ballroom dances at the time. Noteworthy is that men and women in all the partner dances mentioned performed identical steps, advancing in a circle formation with traditionally gendered roles (that of the man leading the woman) observable only in the hand holds typical of Western European folk dances. This example serves to further highlight Goren- Kadman's claim that early female folk dance pioneers were more attracted to, and thus mobilized, gender neutral practices (gender neutral in that there were no distinguishing factors between steps taught to men and women). At least one example of this egalitarianism exists in performance as well. Gurit Kadman and her then assistant Yonatan Karmon (one of my interviewees) choreographed a folk dance sequence for a nationally distributed film produced by the Israeli Government in 1953. In The Song of the Grape Harvesters, young men and women are seen performing small hops, leaps, ball changes and pas de basque steps with the only distinguishing factor among the genders being their dress. Men and women are placed in mixed lines and circle formations throughout the sequence rendering the entire staged dance performance (with the exception of costuming-dresses for women and loose shirts and trousers for the men) as gender neutral. This is not to say that gender differences disappeared entirely. There were couple dances in which women did exemplify discrete femininity as deemed appropriate for the normal socialization of Sabra youth. One such dance is Etz Harimon (The Pomegranate Tree), a gentle waltz choreographed by Gurit Kadman in 1948 in which the man leads the woman as is traditional in European folk dance. These dances were important, I argue, as 65 they served to re-affirm traditional gender roles within this (supposedly) non discriminatory and progressive society. Indeed, Rivka Sturman choreographed five partner dances for children in comparison to only two circle dances for the same demographic between 1947-1972. The 'process of gendering,' to use dance scholar Jane Cowan's term (23) included and was not limited to folk dance activities. Israeli folk dance as performed on stage magnified the minimal differences between men and women's choreography and style. According to Goren-Kadman, the stage space functioned differently. Even staged versions of regular folk dances acquired a glamorous dimension in which women became "beautiful, desirable, coquettish" (Goren- Kadman) in order to 'decorate' the male dancer, to borrow a term from dance scholar Michael Gard. The Debka is a prime example. Off stage the Debka was performed by everyone, however, on stage this dance was reserved for men (Goren-Kadman) in order to exemplify their physical strength and boisterous spirit. The acute visual contrast between constructed female and male aesthetics in these dances magnified the masculinity of the male dancer even further and in the end served to celebrate the New Muscular Jew image as masculine to audiences. Young men were expected to embody the hyper masculine model in folk dance. There was, after all, only one accepted hegemonic Sabra male ideal. Folk dance pioneer Leah Bergstein, in a 1974 retrospective interview with dance scholar Judith Brin Ingber, described her aspirations for young boys at Kibbutz Beit-Alpha: "Beit Alpha created a beautiful [sheep shearing] ceremony...! thought of the strength of the men. It seemed like 66 the holiday represented both vigour and freedom. I wanted the boys to feel the power..." (Dance Perspectives 38). Here, a female dance pioneer was seeking to reinforce masculinity. As Gard notes in his 2006 book Men Who Dance, gender issues are no longer straight forward and easy to identify "or to make clear distinctions between oppressors or oppressed (18)." Upon closer investigation we can identify power struggles between the genders which tread in both directions. As second generation male choreographers began to dominate the folk dance scene, striking increases in essentialized gender differences were noticeable in performance and, to lesser degree, in choreographed community dance practices. In an interview with Yonatan Karmon, former choreographer of Israel's representative folk dance company, he had this to say regarding his approach to choreographing for the Karmon Company: "I drew a difference between femininity and masculinity...I wanted to characterize the men and the women."97 Before becoming a world famous choreographer, Karmon began his career by choreographing for community dance events. He choreographed ten folk dances from 1954-1958, seven of which were couple dances. Ze'ev Havatzelet, another well-known folk dance practitioner, choreographed six such dances from 1949-1960, five of which were couple dances. As male choreographers, I suggest here, these individuals were perhaps attracted to partner dances as they served to legitimize heterosexual men's participation in folk dancing. While the ideal male figure in Israeli folk dance embodied the New Muscular Jew image with his youthful athleticism, young women negotiated between two contradicting 67 and explicitly gendered models. As described in this section, female folk dance pioneers who choreographed folk dances specifically for community dance events tended to present young women as physically equal to men, while also valuing a masculine aesthetic. In later generations, when men began choreographing the majority of community dances, gender role differences (though certainly minor in comparison with folk dances from other countries) began to appear. Women's roles in staged folk dances, and later dances choreographed specifically for the stage in the folk style, saw a dramatic transformation in line with the hyper-gendered model of folk dance traditions from European countries. To conclude, while the male model in Israeli folk dance stayed static, the image of the Israeli female folk dancer took on various and sometime contradictory aesthetics depending on the choreographer's gender and generation. Common Ground or Gender Bound? Gender and the Dancing of Gertrud Kraus Unlike in the folk dance scene, gender lines blurred in the early modern dance of Eretz Israel. According to descriptions by former student and later dancer in Gertrud Kraus"s company, Ahuva Anbary as well as Israel dance scholar Ruth Eshel, Kraus encouraged experimentation, improvisation and self expression (33). There was little in the way of specifically gendered movements, if any dictated movement existed in her classes at all. Sabra children taking classes under Gertrud Kraus"s tutelage, according to Anbary, were provided with a gender neutral space in which to explore movement. In 68 theory, this noted egalitarianism, in line with the Utopian ideology of gender equality in the Yishuv may be yet another reason for modern dance's popularity in the pre-state. As a performer, Gertrud Kraus challenged traditional gender roles in some ways, as well as endeavoured to empower women. She herself danced both male and female roles as is well demonstrated in her two discrete yet thematically related solos titled Jewish Girl and. Jewish Boy, both performed in Holland in 1932 (Eshel 32). Following her tours to Palestine in the early 1930s, Kraus choreographed a series of solos for herself inspired by strong biblical women titled Judith, Ruth and Hagar (Eshel 32). Professor Y. Shor, who taught art and dance history at the program for dance teachers, wrote of the "manly attack" which characterized Kraus" s expressionist dance in an article devoted only to her in 1939 (Davar). Kraus"s bold physicality and her dynamic personality on stage drew audiences in. Her strength of will and self-determination were in line with the New Jew ideology. Finally, her fearlessness as a woman likely enlisted support in the Yishuv, where an ideology of gender unity, at least in theory, prevailed. Gender, within the context of early dance in the Yishuv has up until this point not been studied in great detail. There are several reasons for this. One reason is the obvious lack of consistency; the complicated nuances and the paradoxical pieces of evidence which the researcher must negotiate. The other major reason is that the primary focus of interest here should be that of Eretz Israel versus diasporic identities. Theirs were existential problems of nation building, constant threat of war and economic hardship, with gender issues playing a secondary role. I believe this research is important, however, 69 as it complicates our view of the reality in which these people lived. As dance scholar Helen Thomas wrote in 1993: "A culture is that which is shared by all of the members of a society. In practice, however, the possibilities of such intersubjectivity will always be limited by differences of gender (11)." Intersubjectivity, according to dance scholar Michal Gard, refers to "individual meaning making." It is into those intersubjective spaces, those complex realities and the non linear truths that dancers of the Sabra generation were raised. It is my hope that the present section on gender has shed some light on the Sabra dancer's self image as it was strongly influenced by ideals of the New Muscular Jew ideology. 70 Figure 15 Currently the Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archive logo, this Zionist poster stems from the 1930s. It read "Toward a New Life" in Romanian and "The Promised Land" in Hungarian. The poster served several purposes. It advertised a film about life in Eretz Israel as well as depicted (albeit in caricature) a Utopian vision of the male and female New Muscular Jew. For our purposes, this poster demonstrates the ideal of gender egalitarianism at the time; an ideology not always matched with activity on the ground. From the collection of the Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem 71 Interviews: Sabra Identity, Dance and Self Image 'In the garden of Eden that was my youth.. .1 was a part of the landscape',9 9 *. , .-V" » r'i Figure 16 Children of Kibbutz Ein Harod circa 1930s. Printed with permission by Kibbutz Ein Harod Meuchad Archives 72 The New Jew image has long and fascinating history, some of which has been described in this thesis. One of its most successful offshoots was the Muscular Judaism movement, founded by Dr. Max Nordau in turn of the century Central Europe. I became fascinated with this idea and if and how it made its way to Palestine; and if and how it found expression in dance. Throughout this thesis I have tried to track the concept of Muscular Judaism through the decades, generations and over land and sea. Thus far in this thesis, I have managed to find the linking thread between first generation Sabra dancers and the philosophy of Muscular Judaism. The next step now is to move from discourse to human experience and find out what these individuals have to say regarding their unique identity as well as their self image as a first generation Sabra dancer; what did all these ideas mean within people's lives? The clues found in these interviews bring us full circle back to the New Muscular Jew ideal and its significance in the shaping of a uniquely Israeli, as opposed to Jewish, identity. It is my hope that the structure of the sections to follow are consistent and easy to navigate. Each of the four interviewees will be introduced briefly in order to provide the reader with my rationale for interviewing this particular individual. Next, I present the narrative of each interview along with my commentary. Following the four interviews, I present a discourse analysis of relevant themes and ideas found in the content of the interviews. Finally, I will conclude this section and the entire thesis with a general overview of my thoughts and reflections concerning content as well as process. 73 Ayalah Goren-Kadman "don't be a galut (Diaspora) Jew!" Ayalah Goren-Kadman is a first generation Sabra and the daughter of Israeli folk dance pioneer Gurit Kadman. In addition to growing up in a Zionist household and participating in all activities having to do with folk dance as well as physical culture (as her mother was also the founder of the Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel) she herself enjoyed (and continues to enjoy) a lifelong career in the folk dance realm which has encompassed everything from dancing, teaching, choreographing, to management, research and academia. What follows are relevant segments of a two-part interview I conducted with Goren-Kadman in Tel Aviv on November 12th 2010 and February 16th 2011. Ayalah Goren-Kadman was born near Vienna, Austria in 1925. Her parents were sent there on an educational mission by several Zionist organizations active in Palestine and Europe "to influence people to join this movement." Leo and Gurit Kadman (then Gert Kaufman) were young Chalutzim (Zionist pioneers) who had immigrated to Eretz Israel from Germany five years earlier as part of a Zionist socialist movement. They arrived as a married couple with an infant and were amongst the founders of the early communal settlement Hefzi-Bah. They worked the land during the day and danced the dances of the pioneers at night (Goren-Kadman). "I grew up on the ideas of what we call Mapai (Mifleget Poalei Eretz Israel- Land of Israel Workers Party-Zionist socialist political party). It was in the middle of the extreme Mapam (United Workers Party- 74 socialist Zionist)-Hashomer Hatzair (socialist Zionist political party). It was a real Zionist socialist movement," says Goren-Kadman. Prior to their mission abroad the family left the kibbutz for Tel Aviv where Leo Kaufman founded and directed Shikkun Ovdim (worker's housing), the housing unit of the Histadrut (general union of labour) which looked after urban workers' needs. Notably, they believed that urban workers too should have the opportunity to work the land if only on a small scale, and so new houses built in the city were designed with a small plot of land around them. According to Gurit-Kadman their happy home was filled with activity. All the children played music, danced and were involved in athletics. Their mother, Gurit Kadman, in addition to pioneering many initiatives in folk dance, physical culture and teaching physical education and dance throughout Eretz Israel had a private home studio. Goren-Kadman described: Private classes at home for gymnastics and children, youth, adults, women and it [all] was very well organized. I participated as did all my siblings. People who later on became very famous...dancers [were amongst her clients]... It was also to make the body healthier, stronger, the back. It was very important for her [Gurit Kadman] that there would also be a creative element in it. She would let the students improvise. Physical activity, according to Goren-Kadman, was very much emphasized at home. A home video from 1936 showcases the entire family participating in physical culture and sports in and around the house. 75 Ayalah Goren-Kadman received a unique education outside the home as well. From grades one through five she studied at a private school named Beit Sefer Shalva (The School of Tranquility) which her mother founded along with another couple. These child-centred progressive schools were popular in Germany. Students, teachers and parents were on a first name basis and the content was far more liberal than was the custom at the time. Afterwards she studied at one of the three Beit Chinuch L 'yelidei haOvdim (The House of Education for the Worker's Children) schools in Tel Aviv (her mother taught physical education in all three at the time). For high school she attended the liberal Tichon Chadash (New High School). Goren-Kadman became a member of the Zionist youth movement Machanot Ha'olim: "I was certainly in the [Zionist] atmosphere, ideologically, culturally and socially" she said. I asked Goren-Kadman to discuss her identity as a Sabra: I don't remember if it was discussed officially or not officially but there was a distinct strong feeling that we are different. Because we are growing up not trying to please another culture or to please another nation or the country in which we live. We are creating our own and our own comes from something new, especially because I was very close to the creation of folk dance. There was a lot of discussion why we were doing it -1 was in it. We are creating something new, something that has to be based on who we are and how we feel; although we have ancient roots which were the bible and having lived in this country thousands of years 76 ago. The bible is an important source for so many things - how many songs and how many dances are connected to the bible? But we did not relate to what was painted as the Diaspora Jew. We are not like the Diaspora Jew, although we did encounter a lot of Jews from the Diaspora when they came illegally and legally during and following WWII. There was a psychological split - on the one hand you couldn't fully identify - some of them did not know the language etc. We had a very negative association to Yiddish culture. Yiddish culture signified the galut (Diaspora in Hebrew-with a negative connotation). The people who talked Yiddish or talked with an accent were not terribly respected - you had a different attitude to new immigrants. We definitely felt the difference between us and them. I don't recall in my group, very few were from the Diaspora, very few. There were thoughts that we Sabras were arrogant. There is something [some truth] to that. Ayalah Goren-Kadman was taught to embrace the hegemonic Zionist narrative which placed value on ancient Jewish roots in the Land of Israel and devalued two thousand years of Jewish history in the Diaspora. Galut, the common (non academic) Hebrew word for Diaspora, exudes a negative connotation associated with forced exile.101 This 'forced exile' and by extension, dependency on the generosity of foreign countries/rulers, was at the heart of the New Jew revolution. As New Jews, her generation embraced an ideology of autonomy and independence, a given to those born and raised in the Land of Israel. The taboo of galut, for members of Goren-Kadman's generation was represented by 77 Yiddish culture and language which was embodied by new immigrants with a European accent. Due to her mother's active involvement in the development of Eretz Israeli culture, and specifically in the folk dance realm, Ayalah Goren-Kadman grew up with physical culture and dance all around her.102 "She [Gurit Kadman] was the engine behind the whole thing," Yoav Ashriel was quoted as saying in his interview for this project. Kadman involved her daughter in dance events and as a teenager Goren-Kadman was given responsibilities to lead groups and teach folk dance. She noted that at the age of fifteen her mother asked her to organize a big pageant for Tu-Bishvat103 at her former school Shalva. Naturally, she performed in the Dalia Festivals as well as with the inter- kibbutzim folk dance company which was sent to Prague in 1947 as part of the delegation to the first World Festival of Youth and Students organized by the World Federation of Democratic Youth. In addition to the festival, the company performed in front of Jewish refugees at displaced persons camps: "We didn't realize it was the same nation. We knew they were Jews who were very miserable. But we knew that we were very different from them. We felt that we were another kind of human being. They wanted to touch us; they were so astonished to see that there were also these kinds of Jews."104 Judith Brin Ingber's 2000 article "Glorified or Vilified" describes this event in great detail. Notable is the way in which these Sabras not only distinguished themselves from Diaspora Jews but also, as Goren-Kadman attested to in an earlier part of this interview, from newcomers who had immigrated to the pre-state. Ironically, Ayalah Goren-Kadman 78 herself was not actually born in Eretz Israel. She arrived in the pre-state as a toddler following her parents' mission to Austria as socialist Zionist representatives of the Jewish Yishuv in Eretz- Israeli, "...but I consider myself [to be Sabra]," she said. Not being of Sabra status to Goren-Kadman was somehow unacceptable. In a later part of the interview Goren-Kadman admitted of her humiliation whenever friends and classmates would come to the house and could hear German being spoken (her parents' mother tongue). I asked Goren-Kadman to describe the aesthetic of the male Sabra dancer. "The person who I would say is the prototype of the Israeli dancer is Yonatan Karmon. He himself is not Sabra, he came to Israel as a youth of fifteen... The most important thing was uprightness (erect posture), to be manly, strong." This ideal model embodied the New Muscular Jew image in body and spirit and serves to demonstrate the immense power of this ideology half a century after its introduction. The image of the Sabra dancing woman, as described by Goren-Kadman and as is already noted in a previous chapter, expressed itself in various ways: "For women there were two images- one was the feminine young women, beautiful, attractive, coquettish. The second image was the young women who could resemble the [man] and be equal [to him]...also strong and erect in posture. The image of the male and female Sabra was to strive for equality in terms of rights and obligations...one must serve in the army [for example].... and in dance there were both aspects- there needed to be femininity/coquettishness and also the erect posture." When asked which one of the images best resembled her own aesthetic she joked: "I was myself, I don't remember." In a later conversation, Goren-Kadman clarified 79 that hyper-femininity was introduced later, mostly for staged performances by Yonatan Karmon and others (mostly male choreographers) in order to be more attractive to both local and global consuming audiences. However, the initial idea, according to her, was that of solidarity and gender unity, which at least in theory, were part of Eretz Israeli ideology. This is well demonstrated in many early dances in which the men and women perform the same steps in gender neutral formations, such as a circle. Mirali Sharon "I called it super-life " Mirali Sharon was an obvious choice as an ideal interview candidate. In addition to her relevant personal history as well as her intimate relationship with the creation of Eretz Israeli folk dance, many sources identify her as the archetype Sabra female folk dancer of her generation. Moreover, Sharon was a major player in the Israeli dance scene for decades, experiencing local as well as international success as a professional dancer and choreographer of modern dance in the 1950s through to the 1980s. Mirali Sharon is used to being interviewed. She's used to journalists and dance scholars asking her about her works, and her choreographic process. She was not, however, anticipating the questions I was about to ask her. When I walked into Sharon's beautiful home in north Tel Aviv, I was warmly welcomed by a tall elegant woman who graciously invited me to her lovely kitchen. She asked me what my project was about. 80 When I told her that I wanted to discuss identity and ideology, her eyes opened wide and already I could feel her particular interest in my project. To follow are the relevant segments of a two-part interview I conducted with Sharon on November 16th 2010 and February 20th 2011. Mirali Sharon was born on Kibbutz Ein-Harod in 1931. The daughter to two of its founders (who had immigrated from Russia and the Ukraine in 1920), Sharon had a childhood grounded in deeply ideological Zionist teachings. She described her days on the kibbutz: working in the field with the other children one day a week as part of her schooling; celebrations of Labour Day (May 1st) with kibbutz-wide athletic competitions and participating in plentiful kibbutz festivals which served to develop the invented traditions of the new Eretz Israeli folk culture. The negation of the Diaspora was an important principle, she noted, and only Hebrew was allowed to be spoken. Life on the kibbutz was very difficult but everyone exhibited a strong sense of purpose and commitment to building the nation. According to Sharon, the Sabra generation was conscious of its 'specialness.' At school they would recite such Zionist slogans as "a new generation for redemption." They were proud, she said, and exhibited confidence as individuals as well as a collective: "I had self confidence, they drove that into you., .the pride, the self worth." Sharon spoke of dugri speech, the rough and sometimes confrontational way of speaking which was typical of Sabra slang. Dugri was about freedom of speech and confidence to voice one's opinion without the fear of judgement or embarrassment of either side. 5 It is 81 important because its style is characteristic of Sabra temperament: rough around the edges but sincere, open and uninhibited. Dugri speech was one more avenue of negating the anti-Semitic stereotype of the diasporic Jew image. Important folk dance pioneer Rivka Sturman was a member of Kibbutz Ein Harod and Sharon spent her childhood and adolescence working closely with her on the development of the new Hebrew dances. She later performed with the folk dance delegations to Prague and Budapest in 1947 and 1950 respectively. When I asked Mirali Sharon to describe the folk dancing in which she was so involved in her youth she used the words: open, flowing, happy. She described the "surge of energy" which overtook the group of dancers. "It was a kind of elevation," she said. I called it "super-life." Sharon contrasted this with the introversion often found in tango in which the individual is concerned with his/her own feelings. In folk dance, in line with kibbutz mentality, it was about the group and everyone being together. This group mentality was indicative of the climate at the time: "We very much hid our [individual] emotions -you needed to overcome, you needed to think of how you could best accommodate yourself to the group-don't prefer yourself, because the group was very important and how you placed yourself [within in]." Sharon used the word LeHitgaber. A noteworthy linguistic connection exists here which genders her comments significantly. This word stems from the word gever or man (as in manly man). The word for hero, gibor, is also gendered in the same way. In other words, to be a hero signifies manliness as does overcoming emotion or any other difficulty. 82 My next set of questions involved her Sabra identity as a folk dancer in comparison to her Sabra identity in regular life. Her answers revealed an intriguing connection: "you can't dance folk dance in a certain way and to be lacking self confidence- it gives you confidence." In the same way that Sabra youth were tremendously influential in shaping the qualities of Hebrew dance, as described by Rivka Sturman in various interviews, the dancing inscribed desired elements of Israeliness as well as masculinity and Muscular Judaism onto the Sabra generation. Yoav Ashriel "For me, the Jezreel Valley is the most beautiful place on earth...and I know every corner" Yoav Ashriel is a Sabra archetype. His real life history describes the mythological Zionist narrative in both theory and practice. AshriePs childhood, adolescence and early adult life were characterized by the embodiment of all four manifestation of the New Muscular Jew. Moreover, his introduction to Eretz Israeli folk dance constituted the official beginnings of this movement. Finally, I chose to interview Yoav Ashriel because of his lifelong professional career as a dancer, choreographer and instructor of Israeli folk dance. The following are relevant segments from a two-part interview with Yoav Ashriel on December 23rd 2010 and March 15th 2011. Yoav Ashriel was born on the tiny and remote Kibbutz Ramat David in the Jezreel Valley in 1930, only four years following its establishment. His parents were 83 early Chalutzim pioneers who came to Eretz Israel for devout ideological reasons. His father arrived with the second wave of immigration as early as 1918106 from Austria and his mother with the third wave from Poland. Ashriel proudly described his grandfather from his father's side as a true Zionist who sent his three sons to Eretz Israel: "what? you will stay here and serve the Austrian Emperor?" was the way Ashriel described his grandfather's reaction. The grandfather later too immigrated with his only daughter. Ashriel explained that his grandfather was a Hebrew teacher in Austria (and later in Eretz Israel) and, unlike most grandparents who spoke only Yiddish, spoke Hebrew to his son (Ashriel's father). It was the grandfather too, who Hebraized their last name from Gliksman (Glik meaning joy) to Ashriel. "We felt different from our parents. They [the parents' generation] wanted to escape the Diaspora Jew [image]. In their eyes Diaspora Jews were involved in trade and commerce. The New Jew will be a farmer, will work the land and not take foreign workers...they said that the children need to learn how to work." Yoav Ashriel received a classical socialist Zionist education. At school emphasis was placed on 'homeland studies,'107 the bible and Hebrew language and literature: "one member of the kibbutz said that Hebrew is the only mother tongue that a child teaches his mother." Physical activity was expressed in work on the farm as early as grade one and bi-weekly physical education classes as well as extracurricular sporting events. He studied until the eighth grade at which point he was put to work. Ashriel notes his involvement in the Gordonia youth movement which emphasized Zionist teachings in the spirit of Zionist leader A.D. Gordon. He was particularly involved in ongoing cultural activity on the Kibbutz, as his father was Kibbutz Ramat David's 'cultural coordinator,' 84 and recalls helping his father organize kibbutz-wide events, pageants, festivities and performances. When Ashriel was seventeen years old an invitation arrived at the kibbutz office to send a couple of teenagers to a three-day workshop for "dances in Hebrew" which would be held at nearby Kibbutz Gvat. In those days the kibbutz as a whole made all the decisions and one was made to send Yoav Ashriel alongside a female classmate on the mission. According to Ashriel he was chosen for his "excellence in sports" and because he demonstrated a gift for dance and music. This was the first time Ashriel had seen Hebrew dance other than the Hora danced by the Chalutzim of his parents' generation108 and, according to him: "I was lit ('hooked' in English slang) and the flame has been burning ever since." The three-day intensive, as described by Ashriel, was led by none other than Gurit Kadman. Eight dances were studied, among them Rivka Sturman's Dodi Li, with music composed by Mirali Sharon's sister, Nira Chen. The workshop was especially organized in 1947 in preparation for the second Dalia Festival to be held that summer. The songs and dances, in line with Zionist teaching, were about "the land, work, joy, love, the Tanach (the bible) and the beautiful vistas of Eretz Israel." Ashriel spoke of everyone's enthusiasm and his especially. When asked what it was about the new Hebrew dance that excited him his answer was indicative of the strong ideological climate: "...because it was ours!" he exclaimed. 85 From then on Ashriel became an integral part of the folk dance movement. He joined the inter-kibbutz folk dance company which was sent on delegation to Budapest to perform at the Second World Festival of Youth and Students organized by the World Federation of Democratic Youth in 1949. According to him, it was vital for Israel to represent itself in these international meetings in order to prove to the world that the young nation was alive and well following the atrocities of the Holocaust and the Second World War. Ashriel spoke with great seriousness about the trip: The Kibbutz Movement decided to send a delegation to this festival - to represent Israel...to show that we exist, and to be proud of our dances...and they welcomed us with great warmth and enthusiasm. It was new, all the Israeli dances... the most touching part of the trip was meeting the Jews of Budapest. It was a communist country and it was forbidden to discuss Israel and Zionism. Thousands of Jews stood outside of our hotel to see people that came from Israel...to see different Jews. This was the most emotional experience, to meet the Jews there. On the way back they brought us to Vienna and there was a refugee camp [two hours away in the forest in a secret location] for Jews who had returned from the war and we performed for them... [it was] extremely emotional. It was the first time they saw Sabras. It was the first time we saw [for ourselves] and understood what was the 'Jewish problem.' 86 Ashriel continued to describe the Jewish refugees' astonishment at seeing Sabras for the first time: "... [they were amazed] that there is Israel, that there are other Jews, that there are living Jews." Shortly before this time period there was an influx of young Holocaust survivors who were hosted at Ashriel's kibbutz: "They were my age and we were very good friends." Many came from the infamous ship, Exodus, as did one orphaned girl who his parents adopted. Ashriel had this notable comment regarding the incoming young Holocaust survivors: "they tried to act like us, to be like us, they wanted to be like the Israelis." When questioned as to what 'being Israeli' meant, he said: "to be free, friendly, happy, active." Ashriel's poignant description of the Israeli embodies the desired "healthy" (to use one of AshriePs adjectives) rejuvenation of spirit and regeneration of body. I asked Ashriel to speak further about the Diaspora Jew versus the Eretz Israeli one: "I am unfamiliar with the Diaspora Jew," he told me, "...except for the stories my father told me. A new Jew [is one] who works and is healthy, and rebels against religion. The idea was: we are against what was, we will build a new culture." This negation of religion as one more remnant of the Diaspora suddenly made a lot of sense. With a new land, the New Jews of Eretz Israel founded a secular religion, whose sacred customs and rituals were invented traditions of new Eretz Israeli folklore instead of the Jewish religion they so desperately denied. In fact, Ashriel spoke of his grandfather's disappointment with his father (Ashriel's) because of his devout secularism. Although Ashriel's 87 grandfather was a Zionist who spoke Hebrew, he maintained his orthodoxy throughout his lifetime, an element deemed unacceptable to Chalutzim of Ashriel's parents' generation. After travelling abroad for the first time in his life, Ashriel enlisted in the army and eventually became a sergeant. He served in the Nahal-at the time a new military company whose mission it was to fight while living and working on kibbutzim. Ze'ev Havatzelet, a well-known folk dancer who had remembered Ashriel from the Budapest delegation and now in charge of Ashriel's company, recruited him to lead the folk dance section of the new performing arts division. Ashriel refused, stating that he wanted to fulfill the Zionist dream and instruct soldiers in battle techniques. It was Havatzelet who convinced Ashriel that by organizing cultural initiatives he would be contributing far more to the sense of patriotism and pride within the unit. Yoav Ashriel organized many dance events for the Nahal and in 1951, at the tender age of 21, presented the Nahal Folk Dance Company at the third Dalia Festival. Ashriel choreographed two pieces for the event including a dance for 60 soldier/dancers called "Magal vaCherev " (sword and scythe), which exhibited the unique life of Nahal members who fought as well as worked the land; New Muscular Jews through and through. Yoav Ashriel spoke at length about the intimate relationship between land acquisition, folklore and Israeli folk dance: We were a nation that didn't have a folklore- every nation that sits on its land 100 years, 400 years, 1000 years creates folklore...like the Bulgarians, the Greeks, in 88 Argentina, in all kinds of places... and with us no...so we needed to create a new folklore and we didn't know what Israeli folklore was and we created it. We felt that we are creating a new culture, a new folklore...then we felt that we were creating something so that we will have our own face, and in every place that they danced Israeli dance they said 'this is Israeli'...and we created our own style. I asked Ashriel about style, specifically style as it was developed for male versus female dancers. He said: "we weren't taught this...everyone danced the way they understood [was right]...everyone danced." Although this answer was vague, I began to understand what he meant when he spoke about his late wife who was also a folk dancer: "...my wife danced very gracefully...it came naturally to her...we don't educate for aesthetics, except in performance situations." Although the conversation steered toward another direction at this point during the interview, I managed to re-direct our discussion to aesthetics later on. Ashriel agreed with Ayalah Goren-Kadman's analysis of the male aesthetic in performances of folk dance which aimed to showcase strong, athletic young men. Later, when I asked about his identity as a dancer versus his identity as a young Sabra, he gestured his arms majestically above his head and jokingly stated that he had a very good self image, too good. When he watched videos of himself dancing he's always shocked that his movements are not as "large and beautiful" as he imagined them to be in his mind's eye. It is noteworthy that Ashriel connected to his physicality as a dancer when I asked about his self image. In this way he anticipated my next question in which I would have asked him to relate his physicality as a dancer to his character as a Sabra. 89 Ashriel continued, this time speaking about his inner spirit: "I have an excellent self image...completely free." Yonatan Karmon "I had arrived at home " In my interview with Ayalah Goren-Kadman she identified Yonatan Karmon as the ideal Sabra male dancer of his generation as well as the choreographer who truly defined the aesthetic of the Eretz Israeli dancer overall. In addition to being a major player in Eretz Israeli/Israeli dance, having made a name for himself first as a dancer and later as the artistic director and choreographer of Israel's representative folk dance company, Yonatan Karmon was emblematic of those Sabras who arrived in Eretz Israel as adolescents but desired and were well equipped to embody this new identity. According to Sabra expert scholar Oz Almog, those who immigrated at a young enough age and were successful at integrating with local youth culture won this coveted title as well. The following are relevant segments of a two-hour long-distance phone interview (from Tel Aviv to Paris) with Yonatan Karmon on March 7th 2011. Yonatan Karmon was born in Bucharest, the capital of Romania in 1931. He attended a regular local school until the age of nine, when both his parents were sent off separately to work camps in Trasnistria. Karmon and his three brothers lived with family friends, during which time he missed almost four years of schooling. In 1944 Karmon 90 and his oldest brother were saved from the clutches of the Nazis as they managed to escape to Palestine by train as part of the Youth Aliyah (immigration).110 Upon arrival at the age of thirteen, Karmon was initially sent to the Atlit Illegal Immigration Camp and later to Mikve Israel, an agricultural boarding school in north Tel Aviv. His cohort, made up of members of the Youth Aliyah from all over the European Diaspora, studied for half the day and worked on the farm for the rest of the day (this area was then on the outskirts of the city). Karmon described their swift socialization into the local culture and language as well as his introduction to Zionist ideology. During the interview, Yonatan Karmon described his ability to redefine his identity almost immediately upon his arrival in the country. He explained that at that point in history the Yishuv was very small (numbering less than half a million according to the Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs) with the majority being immigrants of European descent. Thus there was no stigma attached to having an accent or being foreign. He did not feel any discrimination toward him as a youth coming from abroad. On the contrary, according to him, every effort was made at integrating incoming youth into the fabric of Eretz Israeli society. Notably, Karmon explains that attitudes of inferiority and hostility toward immigrants could be felt only a few years later, during the mass immigration characteristic of the beginning of Israel's statehood. Karmon's close affiliation with Zionist institutions certainly helped mediate this transition to the desired effect. At the age of seventeen, Karmon left Tel Aviv for life and work on Kibbutz Ramat HaNegev. He enlisted in the Palmach, the legendary Sabra army 91 unit, just in time for the War of Independence.111 After only four years in the country, Yonatan Karmon embodied at least three out of the four New Muscle Jew models. In accordance with the local culture, he was as Israeli as an Israeli could get. Karmon began dancing for the first time the year of his arrival in Eretz Israel. Mia Arbatova's ballet school was located beside the agricultural school and after noticing him watching a ballet class from a window, Arbatova invited him to take his first class. Even though she saw potential in this young dancer and had asked him to return, Karmon was discouraged from dancing by Chana Tchizik, his supervisor at the agricultural school. After some time Tchizik could see Karmon's insurmountable passion for dancing and thus encouraged him to take lessons with Gertrud Kraus because, according to Tchizik, "...it's alright, she works with the Zionist Labour enterprises of the Yishuv and she educates for an Israeli creation" (Karmon in Rina Sharett). Yonatan Karmon studied under the tutelage of Gertrud Kraus for several years. He performed in her early productions and later as a member of her company, The Israel Ballet Theatre. In our interview he described her classes as lacking technique but filled with imagination, expression and potential for movement. Interestingly, by dancing with Kraus, Karmon was introduced to Eretz Israeli folk dance. Kraus, although renowned for her expressionist style, was very much involved with the folk dance camp as well. Karmon recalled one of the many Eretz Israeli dance events at the time which was organized by Tova Tzimbel, a Kraus dancer, in honour of the Zionist youth groups 92 Hanoar Haoved (Working Youth) and Gordonia (a group inspired by the teachings of Zionist leader A.D. Gordon). Karmon continued to perform extensively in modern dance. In 1952, following Jerome Robbins' teaching tour to Israel, it became apparent to him (as well as many other Kraus dancers) that he lacked the necessary training in technique and so he decided to begin studying classical ballet under the tutelage of Mia Arbatova. Karmon was especially drawn to the burgeoning folk dance culture, however, which for him symbolized an authentic representation of Israeliness. In our interview he commented on dance's position as a unique non-verbal means of showcasing this identity. Yonatan Karmon returned to Bucharest in 1953 as part of the Israeli delegation to the fourth World Festival of Youth and Students organized by the World Federation of Democratic Youth. Ironically, it was from this same place (Romania) that he needed to escape nine years prior due to his Jewish identity, and now he was returning to showcase his new identity as an Israeli. By the fourth festival, Karmon explained, the audience was already able to identify their nationality: "... 'here come the Israelis' they would shout." Karmon described the unique character of the Israeli dancer: "we had our own style...our own body language, a specific image...we were barefoot unlike the European dancers, and this changed our movement." When asked the reason for dancing barefoot Karmon highlighted the practical and financial difficulties of purchasing shoes for all the dancers. In addition to practicalities, dancing barefoot, I suggest, encompassed an ideological dimension. The dancers, by being in physical contact with the land metaphorically 93 symbolized an organic extension of it. They wanted to represent something which was indigenously Israeli. Furthermore, this physical contact with Eretz Israeli soil must have had a transformative effect on the dancers themselves. The visceral experience of touch and sensation is very powerful. Dancing Israeli identity while simultaneously sensing the soil of their beloved homeland in between their toes would have only contributed to the Sabra's national sentiment. Yonatan Karmon's career has been one of tremendous successful and international fame. Karmon began choreographing folk dances as early as 1947 (at the age of 16) for the first Dalia Festival. Beginning in the 1950's he led several folk dance companies and shortly thereafter formed the Karmon Company which became Israel's representative folklore group, featuring professional dancers and singers (Haiman). Karmon's company toured Europe and won first place at an International Folk Dance Festival in Lille, France. They continued to tour in the United States and in 1958 appeared on the famous Ed Sullivan Show (CBS). I asked Karmon to describe the types of dancers he hired for the company. He explained that it was not his intention, yet, somehow all the dancers in the company came from the kibbutzim: "They were all beautiful people, the men handsome with their blorit (a specific hairstyle characteristic of the Sabra men)113 and the women, graceful. They were peasants, they worked in the fields, they acted differently....[let's just say] the Diaspora Jew was not like that." In addition to the physical features of the Sabras, 94 Karmon noted their spirit as well: "There was a generation in Israel with a different character." I asked Karmon to speak about gender, folk dance and the Zionist egalitarian ideal. Interestingly, Karmon separated gender equality in normal life and dance aesthetics. According to him, gender equality was certainly something to strive for in society; however, dance (and especially folk dance as presented on stage by his company) was not a part of this. According to Karmon, in dancing the "natural" gender differences between men and women should reveal themselves: "I drew a difference between femininity and masculinity...I wanted to characterize the men and the women." It is noteworthy that Karmon's attitude toward essentialized gender differences on stage is characteristic of second generation male choreographers and in direct contrast to first generation female choreographers of folk dance, who promoted an agenda or gender unity. The importance of the Karmon Company lies in its ambassadorial capacity in the early years of Israeli statehood. As previously mentioned, Karmon's company toured Europe and North America in the 1950s and 1960s, performing on elaborate stages, on Broadway (extensively) and on popular American television. For over two decades Karmon's company was the primary means by which the ideal Sabra image was disseminated to the world. This aesthetic as conceived by Karmon is well documented on the cover of an album compilation of Hebrew Eretz Israeli songs as performed by the Karmon Singers in 1960, titled "Songs of the Sabras" (note: many of the songs chosen 95 are those with a corresponding dance) (Rovi). The disc cover features male and female dancers from his company standing in a chain formation. The dancers, most certainly emblematic of the ideal Sabra aesthetic (half of them with blond hair)115 as interpreted by Karmon, are looking above them enthusiastically at a boisterous male dancer performing a spectacular acrobatic jump with great athleticism. It is important to note the acute difference in visual representation of the male and female dancers here. The young men, well built and muscular are paired with hyper-feminine pretty and petite young women. In fact there is little to distinguish between this Israeli company and another professional folk dance company, such as the famous Moiseyev Dance Company for example, besides the bare footedness of the Israeli dancers. The Sabra as represented by the Karmon dancers not only embodied the New Jew image as opposing that of the Diaspora Jew but maintained and reinforced gendered representations of Israeli men and women. These representations were consumed by global and local audiences alike. I suggest here that global tastes for marked gender differentiation influenced local tastes as well. Interview Analysis: Performing the Sabra The four Sabra interviewees thus presented have quite a bit in common. All four come from a heritage of chalutziut (Zionist pioneering), politically expressed as labour Zionism, which was tremendously influential on their socialization and education. All four interviewees were centrally involved in the creation and dissemination of folk dance and all four identify the shaping of their personhood in relation to folk dance activities. 96 Moreover, these interviews are important as they clearly identify the Diaspora Jew as 'the other' in the Yishuv period and early statehood (not only symbolically and ideologically but tangibly and as an image the Sabras were taught to recognize and negate in every way possible). In the following section I would like to discuss two overarching and interrelated themes which I have identified in the content and context of these interviews and which, as I will demonstrate, were expressed in folk dancing of the first Sabra generation. As will be seen, the themes of belonging and naturalness/authenticity were fundamental in inscribing the dancers of the Sabra generation into the ideal image of the New Jew. Throughout my interview with Yoav Ashriel were hints of his total and complete belonging to the hegemonic Israeli imagined community. When the music in the cafe we were sitting in played too loudly, he did not hesitate to get up from his seat in order to speak with the staff (not once, but indeed several times) until they finally agreed to turn down the volume significantly. He returned and said "This is not Canada, here I feel completely at home." In addition, Ashriel would often chat with whoever happened to be sitting at the table next to ours as well as the wait staff, serving to once again distinguish his confidence and familiarity with the local culture. Ashriel was "performing" his belonging to the Israeli collective in his everyday life. Significantly, Ashriel had the tendency of using the common Israeli phrase "Ein li beayiot" (I have no problems) throughout our conversation. Although I did make note of his excessive need to confirm that everything was alright at the time, it was only after 97 Mirali Sharon's interview that I was able to relate this idea to a much larger ideology and place its significance. At my second interview with Sharon, she candidly described the necessity among Sabras to hide personal suffering or problems for the overall good (spirit) of the group. I suggest here that this idea is in direct negation to an anti-Semitic stereotype - one in which the Diaspora Jew has many small and insignificant but none the less obnoxious and pathetic 'problems' which demonstrate this character's mental and emotional inferiority. By embodying a 'superlife' attitude (to use Mirali Sharon's term) in both life and dance performances, the Sabra was able to maintain 'face', thus confirming the New Jew myth and re-affirming their belonging to the local culture. The second aspect of naturalness is directly related to the first aspect of belonging - of naturally belonging. This idea first struck me when Ayalah Goren-Kadman suggested I speak with Mirali Sharon: "She [Mirali Sharon] symbolized, in the most natural way...with very erect posture..."116 Sharon's natural presence and prized Sabra posture were valued aspects as they symbolized the desired organic nature of the identity of the Sabra. According to Zionist ideology the Sabras, as opposed to their pioneering parents, were born to the land of Israel as indigenous members. Everything about them was thought to be innate, instinctive as opposed to learned or socialized; pure and straightforward as opposed to forced or contrived. For Sharon this distinctly local identity was expressed through the body in folk dance activities. I would also highlight the linguistic connection between 'natural' and nature. The Sabras were constructed as inherently part of nature, of the local landscape of Eretz Israel as their namesake implies: 98 a cactus fruit. These ideas symbolically mesh together as if to describe: oneness with nature; oneness with the land; oneness with Eretz Israel and Israeliness. As the choreographer for Israel's world famous representative folk dance company, Yonatan Karmon, also emphasized this aspect of naturalness. For him, naturalness came in the form of the uniquely Israeli habitus which his dancers expressed: To be Israeli is not in the what [we are doing] but in the how [we are doing it]. Israeli dance is just like in any other dance, one moves the leg forward, sideways and backwards; but one describes the vistas of Israel, the way of life, the Israeli holidays, the Torah and the roots of Jews from Yemen, eastern Europe and even Brooklyn. There are dances which people look at the style/character but when we dance them it has the Eretz Israeli 'look', and this is my style. They say that it's my style, but it's not mine. It's the style which existed [in the kibbutzim], which I utilized and brought it to different directions as necessary. Karmon provided one more example in order to further emphasize the 'natural Israeliness' inherent in the way Israeli dancers move. He explained that when dancers of the Bat Sheva (modern) Dance Company performed the works of Martha Graham abroad (this was the only company in the world besides her own allowed to perform them), dance critics had always commented on the unique style with which the dancers performed, serving to highlight the special Israeli style of moving even when compared with the same dances danced by an American company. The rawness/earthliness of 99 Israeli movement quality is often said to be the distinguishing factor which sets them apart in both folk and artistic forms. Both of these aspects are evident in the discussions I conducted with these individuals regarding folk dance and gender. As a woman, Goren-Kadman chose to emphasize gender neutrality as paralleling the egalitarian ideology of the Yishuv. Belonging was what set the tone for her; belonging to a society which strove toward progressive Utopian ideals. As a man, perhaps Ashriel was less sensitive to this nuance. He chose to emphasize the naturalness of Israeli dancing for members of his generation. When asked about his physicality as a gendered performance on stage Ashriel described that it felt 'completely natural'. According to Ashriel he was just being himself, and by extension so were all the other young men in folk dance just being themselves; they all were embodying a solid physique and a bold masculine aesthetic naturally. I question this 'naturalness' as a continuation of Mirali Sharon's critique regarding the performance of what it meant to be Sabra. If Sabras were performing happiness and confidence (at least some of the time) and ignoring personal problems, as Sharon candidly explained in her interview, then it is safe to assume that at least some Sabra male dancers were also performing masculinity on stage as a tangible, visual representation of the valued hegemonic Sabra identity. 100 Concluding Thoughts: Muscle Memory In her 1995 book Done into Dance, dance scholar Ann Daly writes: "Our collective fears and our collective dreams are produced within the body" (3). Nothing could be truer in this case. The New Muscular Jew as dancer was designed to embody the Yishuv's ideals regarding the Hebrew nation's corporeal and spiritual renaissance. Dance was certainly political and significant in the formation of a uniquely Sabra collective identity in line with Nordau's Muscular Jew image. In Eretz Israel, Sabra identity was constructed through the dance medium; first by self-made choreographers of the Chalutzim pioneering generation and, in future generations, by local Sabras themselves. Yonatan Karmon commented on the pre- existence of Sabra archetypes on the kibbutzim and his artistic choice of presenting/highlighting these qualities on stage. Here he suggests that choreographers play a passive role - repeating a pre-existing image onto the stage. His comments at a later stage in the interview, however, point to a more active role on the part of the choreographer in the construction of Israeli identity: When people talk about the [Karmon] Company they are only talking about Yonatan Karmon...but we were a large team of people that came from central Europe, from Vienna and Berlin; that left the Diaspora aside and wanted to create only Israeli things...and what exists today is thanks to them...they were all my 110 teachers. I'm already of a different generation. 101 Clearly, Karmon's statements are modest in nature. His aversion to taking credit for the 'branding' and dissemination of Sabra-ness through dance performance is admirable. However, a close reading of his statements still point to the construction of Sabra identity and its dissemination as 'product' to consuming audiences119 worldwide by, not just one choreographer but, an entire production crew. In the Hebrew language, grammatically speaking, one 'is danced' by others. The word for a dance event is a Harkada in which the participant is passively 'danced' by a markid, or a dance captain, one who 'dances' the other participants. This is well demonstrated in an advertisement for a folk dance teachers' conference from the 1940s. 120 The title of the ad is "Yarkidu Etchem" or literally, "they will dance you" (will make you dance). I suggest that the syntax is not arbitrary. It is telling of the very active role of the dance leader in making decisions about the presentation of the body especially in terms of gender practices and hegemonic social constructions. As was mentioned previously, these messages, which are implicit of particular sets of value systems, are then transmitted to the dancers through a process of embodiment. Having identified the New Muscular Jew as dancer phenomenon as significant in the creation of Israeli dance in both the folk and artistic realms during the Yishuv period as well as in early statehood, I thought it important to address intersubjectivity. According to dance scholar Michael Gard: "Rather than being 'socialised' or taking on clearly defined, predetermined social 'roles' people learn to 'position themselves' within 102 webs of meaning" (17). The interviews offer a window into how four Sabras located themselves in the societies in which they lived through dance activities. Throughout the interviewing process, and in addition to other themes, my main area of interest was the self image of those dancers interviewed. I believe that self image is telling as it is often formulated throughout an individual's childhood/adolescence and describes one's subjective perception of oneself in accordance to constructed hegemonic ways of being. In addition, it encompasses both elements of body and spirit, of particular importance in the formation of the New Muscular Jew image. I questioned the role dance played in the dissemination of hegemonic ideologies/myths about Sabra identity to members of that cohort. There were certainly some interesting finds. Mirali Sharon spoke of the similarities of the desired performance of Sabra-ness on stage, as well as off. Her off-stage self image was reflective of her on stage performance of Sabra identity. This held true, to a greater or lesser degree, for the other three dancers interviewed as well. The major difference being that Sharon was the only interviewee who voluntarily identified this connection self reflexively. Here we see dance's potential as a transformative agent in identity formation. Thus, Nordau's Muscular Judaism concept did indeed find expression in Eretz Israeli dance, as well as in individual self images of the first generation of Sabra dancers. As Gurit Kadman states in her retrospective interview with veteran Jewish/Israel dance studies scholar Judith Brin Ingber: "...the sources of all Israeli folk dance are earth, labour and the resurgence of the Jewish nation" (Dance Perspectives 10). The New 103 Muscular Jew as dancer was different from the three traditional New Muscular Jew manifestations, namely the New Jew as agricultural labourer, athlete and soldier as it was the only embodiment of the New Muscular Jew designed especially for the Sabra generation by their pioneering parents, the Chalutzim. Finally, dance was thought to be a powerful enough medium to accomplish all of the three meta-goals of Zionism, as described by Haim Kaufman in his 2005 article, namely: the negation of the Diaspora, the cultivation of a national culture and the creation of a New Jew image. 104 1 Scholar Oz Almog defines the Sabra generation as persons born in Palestine toward the end of WWI through the 1920s and 1930s, as well as those who immigrated as children either on their own or with their parents. Although it is safe to assume that a second generation of Jews was born in Eretz Israel since the first Aliyah (Shapira notes several dozen children by the 1920's), according to Shapira and Almog, the 'Sabra generation' as a cohort did not develop group consciousness until the 1940's. This identity construct can mostly be attributed to their pioneering parents who made certain the Sabras were distinguishable from the former generation and/or from their European counterparts. Much credit should also be given to current Israel studies scholars, who through their abundant research and writings, have made the Sabra generation infamous and legendary in Israeli society. 2 Nordau was not the first to suggest a new Jewish body. The French Roman Catholic Priest Henri Gregoire (Abbe Gregoire) published an essay titled: The Physical, Moral, and Political Regeneration of the Jews as early as 1788 (Reuveni 2). A little over a century later, following the first Zionist Congress of 1897, the German Zionist delegate Fabius Schach, called for the creation of a pro-Zionist gymnastics association " 'in order to turn the Jews from bookworms into men capable of fighting the war of survival' " (14). 3 This idea was highlighted in many of the interviews I conducted with Sabra dancers. Additionally, Zionist leaders at the beginning of the 20th century (including Max Nordau; Menachem Ussishikin; Theodor Herzl; the great Zionist poet H.N. Bialik; physician and 105 Zionist Theodor Zlocisti) have been quoted addressing the concept of a strong body as well as spirit as intertwined (Ben Israel Theory; Brenner I; Nordau 250). 4 Shapira lists French (Rousseau's Emile), German, Soviet (communism) and even Chinese (Mao Tse-Tung's communism) versions of this model. 5 Also known as Spiritual Zionism, Cultural Zionism, championed by Echad Ha'am, placed emphasis on a cultural and religious renaissance in contrast to the political prospects of Zionism's primary visionary, Theodor Herzl (Jewish Virtual Library). 6 Political Zionism was headed by Zionist leader Theodor Herzl. Its primary objective was to secure a national home for the Jewish people in Palestine through political means (Jewish Virtual Library). 7 In the Hebrew it is unclear if the writer is referring to a friend or a member of a Kibbutz, since in Hebrew is the same for both for ideological reasons. Q All translations are mine unless otherwise indicated. 9 Livnot U-lehibanot ba"- "To build and to be built"- the rejuvenation of the self performatively through the re-building of the ancient homeland was a common Zionist creed at the time (Zakim). 10 The term "imagined community" was used by scholar Benedict Anderson to describe the nation in his 1984 book. Individuals who make up the nation are not personally acquainted with all other individuals in that community. Therefore it is imagined and works on the basis of assumption that all members of the community hold to particular sets of rules, regulations, moral codes and hold dear particular emblems, signs and symbols. 106 Western theatrical dance in the Yishuv consisted mostly of classical ballet as well as expressionist modern dance, a German export. Archival documentation in Hebrew refers to this as "new dance" or "artistic dance." It is only retrospectively that we can identify one of the first forms of modern dance as German expressionism. For consistency the terms 'expressionist modern dance' will be used throughout. 12 This is not only true of Jews, but of any group which experiences discrimination. Cooper Albright lists women, gay men, people with physical disabilities as well as visual minorities. See Danielle Robinson's 2006 article for a parallel example: the conception of black bodies in popular Jazz dances from the early part of the twentieth century. 13 Gurit Kadman, originally Gert Kaufman, had her name officially changed in 1949 (Davar). For consistency she will be referred to as Gurit Kadman throughout the thesis. 14 This organization was just one of several formed in and around the same time period in Eretz Israel and constituted a part of the larger physical culture movement. For a detailed description of multiple associations and activities on the ground see Tali Ben Israel's 2010 book From Theory to Practice (Hebrew)-soon to be translated into English. 15 Davar (1925-1996) was the major daily newspaper for the Histadrut- General Federation of Labour established by Labour Zionist leader Berl Katzenelson. 16 Note, according to Brin Ingber there were at least two preliminary meeting in 1937 and May of 1939 respectively. 17 Note that folk dance and classical ballet were also listed under this heading in the Weimar Republic (Bing-Haideker 3). According to Kadman's conference proceedings from May 1939 artistic as well as folk dance were the third category listed under the official umbrella title of 'physical culture', following gymnastics and eurhythmies. Gurit Kadman Archives - 123.5.5.2-The Dance Library of Israel 18 Liora Bing Haideker- see her article for information on the history of Korperkultur in the Weimar Republic. 19 She also credits Wigman in her address. 20 In this manifesto, Kadman describes Wigman, Dalcroze and Laban's philosophies (citing their names) and calls to action a different and more liberal physical education for the Yishuv's children based on harmonious free movement. 21 Significantly, sports scholar Tali Ben Israel too categorizes dance as an integral part of the physical culture movement of Eretz Israel (9). 22 Heller's words hark back to Nordau's statements in the Jewish gymnastics journal Judische Turnzeitung published in 1900: "In no other nation does gymnastics play such an important role as with us Jews. It is supposed to make our bodies and our character straight" (qtd. in Brenner 5). 23 One of Kadman's recommendations for teachers instructing children in gymnastics was to have them perform movements which imitated physical labour. She also described the necessity to include para-military goals into the physical education of youth in her conference proceedings from May 1939 (Gurit Kadman archives- 123.5.5.2- The Dance Library of Israel). 24 Veteran Sabra dancer and eye witness Yoav Ashriel explained further: "She came to Hapoel (sports associations) and said- 'you are a sports movement, Israeli dance is also exercise, it's physical training-it's sport.' It was the first course in Israel, in addition to the kibbutzim. They had soccer, and volleyball and basketball and exercise and everything and folk dance" (interview with author). 25 A Gymnasium was a common name for a high school in Europe at the turn of the century. The word gymnasium indicates the school's mandate to focus on academic as well as physical education, and is significant in this case. This high school was constructed in 1905 as the first Hebrew high school in Palestine. Its original name was The Hebrew Gymnasium. The name Herzliya is derived from Herzel, Theodor Herzel being the father of Zionism, who began to theorize on the creation of a Jewish state less than a decade before the establishment of this school. Again, the connections between nationalism, language as an identity marker and the body are noteworthy. 26 The Hora, an originally Romanian peasant dance, was appropriated by the Jewish pioneers because it represented a physical embodiment of the ideologies inherent in socialist Zionism (see Dina Roginsky's 2004 PhD dissertation for a detailed study). Chronologically speaking, it would make sense that these youth danced the Hora as original Eretz Israeli folk dance, as will be seen later in this work, did not begin to formulate until well into the 1940's. 27 She also notes diasporic languages, names, addresses and dress as other undesirable characteristics. Yaacov M. Naiman was one of the physical education teachers in Eretz Israel. He was trained at the Ezra school for teachers in Jerusalem and began instructing at their newly constructed campus in the city of Rehovot in 1907 (Ben Israel From Theory, 206). 109 There were four folk dance conferences/festivals held at Kibbutz Dalia between 1944 and 1958 which played a significant role in the establishment of folk dance in Israel. 30 One can find advertisements and announcements for dance courses within the context of the physical culture movement from 1928-1952. 31 In addition to increased physical fitness and awareness of the body, German Body Culture (Korperkultur), included radical clothing, hygiene, dietary as well as lifestyle reforms (Kaes et al 673). See The Weimar Republic Resource Book for a detailed explanation. 32 He did not invent this concept but borrowed it from the national program for regeneration already at its height within German society. It was Turnvater Friedrich Ludwig Jahn, 'the father of German gymnastics', who as early as 1810 propagated gymnastics as a means of increased physical fitness for military readiness. 33 Nordau founded Bar Kochba, the Zionist gymnastic society (Mosse 572). 34 The physical body in the Jewish Diaspora, though seemingly not significant, was/is governed by countless religious rules and regulations which are found in the Halacha (strict Jewish code of conduct). Additionally, see Sander Gilman and Todd Samuel Presner's respective books on the history of the Jewish body and anti-Semitism. 35 Kraus immigrated in 1935, however, from 1930-31 performed in Palestine on a solo tour (Manor). 36 Translation found in Brin Ingber's 2000 article by Rob Rees. Square brackets indicate my additions/alterations to Rob Rees's translation after consulting the original text. 37 Do note that this speech was given at the beginning of the Holocaust. 1 Prior to the fin de siecle period, most Jewish diasporic communities were traditional and orthodox. Emphasis was placed on religious study for men and modesty and childrearing for women. 39 This is significant as The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel was founded only six months earlier in October of 1938. 40 The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel 41 At the time only the strict Scandinavian method of physical education was permitted in schools. Physical Culture, of German stock, was introduced only later upon the arrival German/Austrian immigrants, and thus the Scandinavian method held a monopoly for many years. Physical Culture was a progressive holistic/organic approach which often merged various techniques (artistic and rhythmic gymnastics, free movement, dance, sport etc.) together. Kadman described physical culture in her speech to the Third National Conference for the PTAPCEI in 1941: "education instead of only a study, developing all the characteristics of a person, also the spirit instead of the monopoly of the mind, the experience instead of mechanical training." These teachers had difficulty upon their arrival in Eretz Israel as no schools would hire them. To her credit, Gurit Kadman, herself a teacher of both methods, was able to organize these teachers as The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel thus ensuring professional/moral support as well as wage standards (Ben Israel; Brin Ingber; Goren- Kadman). 42 Gurit Kadman Archives -file 123.5.5.2- The Dance Library of Israel 43 Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.3.2-The Dance Library of Israel Ill In his 1929 novel, The New Jew: A Sketch, then to be future president of the World Zionist Organization, Nahum Sokolow, wrote of happiness and its connection to Judaism in the context of his generation (6). 45 Hebrew folk dance, an invented tradition, was part of the Hebrew revival movement which occurred in the Yishuv period prior to establishment of the state. Choreographers such as Gurit Kadman, Tirze Hordes, Rivka Sturman, Shalom Hermon (amongst others) began creating new Hebrew dances in the early 1940's which displayed in form and function the Zionist ideologies intrinsic to the time and place. Since then a large repertoire of classic as well as contemporary Israeli folk dances have been popular in Israel as well as around the world. In contrast to most folk dance forms, Israeli folk dance is still being created on a constant basis. See Gurit Kadman, Dina Roginsky, Brin Ingber's Dance Perspectives. 46 Pas de Basques are a common step in all forms of European folk dance (as well as classical ballet). They are performed in many different styles. Pas de Basque steps are characterized as a leap onto one leg and ball change transference of weight. In this example, dancers from the Alumim Company performed the steps with their legs in a parallel orientation and in a casual manner. 47 The company was originally under her direction and at the time of this report was under the direction of one of my interviewees, Yoav Ashriel (Brin Ingber, Dance Perspectives). 48 Scholar Tali Ben Israel describes the phrase "dancing storm," commonly heard (in Hebrew) in these circles at the time (From Theory 183). 112 The Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI) was established in 1929 by the World Zionist Organization (WZO) as its branch in the Eretz Israel. Both JAFI and the WZO still help manage fundamental national tasks such as education, absorption, rural settlement, immigrant housing, youth activities etc. Today JAFI is most active in Jewish diasporic communities worldwide (Israel Foreign Ministry). 50 Shor too states that expressionist dance is physically of acrobatic standards, demonstrating a far reaching consensus amongst members of the Yisuv regarding the status of dance. 51 This monopoly is well demonstrated by the fact that the Haopera Ha'amamit (National Opera) employed Gertrud Kraus's company instead of a classical ballet company as was/is standard practice (Manor Gertrud Kraus, 52). Professor Shor's explanation of the underlying philosophical differences between modern and classical artistic dance, in his exceptional Davar article on Gertrud Kraus in 1939, provides further insight. According to him ballet's answer to mankind's tragic reality is with arrogant escapist tendencies which glorify beauty and perfection in other imagined worlds. Expressionist dance, on the other hand, proudly and instinctually confronts reality in this world through heroic struggle. There were many other simpler reasons for classical ballet's initial unpopularity in the Yishv: revolutionary modern dance highlighted valued aspects of the new society, namely the emphasis placed on novelty and creation. Ballet, on the other hand, was associated with old European bourgeois culture. Mia Arbatova, as one of the leading figures of classical ballet in the pre-state was considered problematic as well: she opened her studio at a time when expressionist dance was very popular in the Yishuv; her manner 113 and ways of dress did not conform to the standard in the Yishuv (130, Sharett); she performed at night clubs along with her actor husband which was deemed inappropriate for the Yishuv's strict moral code; Arbatova was also rumored to be a supporter of the British, instead of supporting the Hebrew Yishuv -interview with dancer Yonatan Karmon by R. Sharett in her book . 52 The 1934 film Departure of Youth which documents the lives and education of children and youth from the youth village of Ben Shemen includes the telling caption "education for autonomy." This is indication that autonomy was a valued aspect in the education of Sabra youth and a function of Sabra identity. 53 In a 1949 Davar article titled "Folk Dance in Eretz Israel," Sturman noted that at first there were unsuccessful attempts to let children improvise. This is significant as it demonstrates that agency was valued in the folk dance realm as well. 54 See archival film This is our Valley, Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archives. 55 Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.1.7- The Dance Library of Israel 56 This aspect will be addressed in detail later 57 This same theme is highlighted in a Jewish National Fund sponsored film from 1947. In This is our Valley the narrator describes "new hope, new dignity..." while simultaneously showcasing footage of young and upright Jewish athletes at work. 58 Israel's War of Independence occurred in 1948, just fifteen years prior to the publication of this report. 59 The Eretz Israeli Jewish child was celebrated in ceremonies and festivities. A wonderful example of this can be seen in a photograph of chorographer Yardena Cohen's 114 Shavuot-Hag Habikkurim (harvest festival) pageant in Haifa in the 1920's in which "children were emphasized as the first fruits of the new society"-(quote by Judith Brin Ingber in the 2009 Conney Conference on Jewish Arts-talk and proceedings; photograph also found in Ruth Eshel's book Dancing with a Dream.) The same message can be found in the 1931 Jewish National Fund of America sponsored film titled Palestine in Song and Dance-scenes and songs of life and growth in the Jewish National Homeland (Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archive). Here we see children performing on stage during Shavuot in "A Dance of the First Fruits." The children, presenting the first of the harvest in biblical costuming are themselves the first fruits of the nation and a cause for celebration. In fact the performance was part of "A Children's Festival in the Land of the Bible" and much of the audience comprised of children singing along to new Hebrew- song. The film itself however, was targeted for American Jews. The emphasis on the depiction of plentiful and healthy Sabra children in this film is also of significance. 60 Early experiments in 'authentic Hebrew dance,' which preceded the Eretz Israeli Folk Dance movement, though not within the scope of this work, have been documented in various sources. See Ruth Eshel's book Dancing with a Dream and numerous important articles by the late Zvi Friedhaber available at The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. See also the archival film Palestine in Song and Dance, part of the Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archives. 61 See Elke Kaschel's 2003 book for a discussion on the appropriation of Arab dances into the Eretz Israeli folk dance repertoire. 115 Orientalist overtones such as these were characteristic of the Zionist Ashkenazi (Jews of European descent) elite who longed to shed their European identities by embracing a local one. Ashkenazi immigrants saw in their Sephardic/Mizrachi (Jews of the Iberian Peninsula, North Africa and the Middle East) brothers as close a representation as possible to the ancient biblical Jews. 63 See Danielle Robinson's 2006 article (pg. 34) for an intriguing analysis on the importance of authenticity in the marketing of early twentieth century jazz dance in America. 64 I am not the first to suggest this phenomenon. Dance scholar Judith Brin Ingber stated the following during her lecture for the Conney Conference in Jewish Arts in 2009: "...instead they wanted a New Jew and dance became a vehicle for the changes." Amy Esther Schmidt preceded her by stating in passing the following in her 2008 Masters thesis (although this was not the major focus of her thesis): "I believe Israeli folk dance is the artistic descendant of Max Nordau's "Muscular Jew." Schmidt related the Muscular Jew phenomenon to its manifestation in Jewish athletics. She argues that only folk dance could emulate the same kinds of themes found in Jewish sport such as physical control, group bonding (also noted by Tali Ben Israel in From Theory 183), nationalism and unity. Particularly interesting is her discussion regarding the ability for both sport and dance to enable the individual to a find meaningful sense of identity through ethnic as opposed to religious commonalities. 65 Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.2.1-The Dance Library of Israel 66 Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.2.1-The Dance Library of Israel 116 These titles are noteworthy on a linguistic level as well. Kraus' sentiment and fervent Zionist ideology are evidenced by her use of the possessive 'My' (Land) in contrast to the indifference inherent in 'the' (Ghetto). 68 Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.2.1-The Dance Library of Israel 69 Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.2.1-The Dance Library of Israel 70 Note that this is translated by the author directly from the Hebrew title. The English title is not representative. 71 In addition to The Songs of My Land, the following dance works are representative of this initiative: Dances to Hebrew Melodies of 1935 (significantly the year of her immigration); Eretz Israeli Dance Suite of 1937; Let's Dance'.-Israel Dance Suite in Three Parts; Palestine Landscape Impressions. Gertrud Kraus Archives-file 121.18.2.1-The Dance Library of Israel 72 Examples include Young Girl from Palestine and Hora, both from Dance Recital of Young Dancers. 73 Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.23-The Dance Library of Israel 74 Gertrud Kraus' company was called The Israel Ballet Theatre even though no classical repertoire was performed. There could be multiple reasons for this name. Ballet was likely a catch-all phrase for dance at a time when modern dance was only beginning to gain prestige with the general public, the target audience at the state opera house, (Ha'opera Ha'amamit) where the company collaborated with the national orchestra. 75 Significant to the political climate at the time, Kraus' group bravely performed Songs of the Ghetto at the important Munich Dance Congress of 1930 (Brin Ingber, 117 Conversation with Gertrud Kraus 46). Photographs of Kraus' group were showcased in a report of the congress in the weekly Munchner Illustrierte Press (Eshel 29) with outstanding reviews (Brin Ingber, Conversation with Gertrud Kraus 46). 76 Both these expert scholars agree that the function of these agricultural settlements were first and foremost for the creation of the New Jew. 77 This was preceded by the establishment of the first Jewish gymnastics association founded in Constantinople in 1895 (Presner 120; Kaufman 148). 78 Presner quotes the second paragraph of the Jewish Gymnastics Federation's constitution in 1903 which addresses this national sense of shared heritage (121). 79 Amos Elon's term 80 Translation by scholar Eric Zakim {To Build and Be Built) as found on Dan Walsh's website. Poster by Lippman 81 As previously mentioned, 'authentic' Hebrew folk dance did not appear until the early 1940's. It would make sense then for this group to be dancing the transient dances of the pioneering generation; the Hora being the most popular form. 82 In his 1929 novel, The New Jew: A Sketch, then future president of the World Zionist Organization, Nahum Sokolow, wrote in a similar fashion in regards to the Jew's return to his homeland: "the heart of the Jew was once more beating to its own natural tune" (17). 83 Nathan Gross's son, Yaakov Gross, is currently one of Israel's most important film researchers. 118 It is quite remarkable that these children were able to act on screen what they themselves had experienced only a couple of years earlier. 85 The Private Teachers Association of Physical Culture in Eretz Israel 86 Every scholar listed except Almog, Shapira and Ben Israel writes about this gendered aspect. Significantly, the last three scholars address the 'New Jew' grammatically as masculine singular. 87 This demonstrates the power of this ideology almost half a century following its initial introduction. 88 Noteworthy is the fact that this poster appeared on the same page in the newspaper as an article on dance, sport and physical culture. Gurit Kadman Archives- file 123.5.5.1A- The Dance Library of Israel 89 See Berkovitch (1997); Halperin-Kaddari (2004); Kahn (2000); Lavee & Katz (2003). 90 The role of women was strikingly similar in the Muscular Christianity movement characteristic of late 19* century Britain. See Francois Cleophas' 2009 PhD Dissertation. 91 Die Judische Turnzeitung 1911, (4: 75). Note that male scholarship about women's gymnastics existed as early as 1902 in the same popular journal of Jewish gymnastics. 92 See D. Bernstein, J. Buber Agassi, E. Fuchs, Halperin-Kaddari, H. Herzog, D. Izraeli, R. Kark, H. Near, M. Shilo. 93 In order to make a living Gurit Kadman taught traditional gymnastics in several schools all the while promoting physical culture that championed 'women's gymnastics' methods. 119 Those approaches were strict, quantitative, mechanical and dictated by external factors such as the counting voice of the teacher or training equipment (Goren-Kadman; Weaver, Geuter and Heller; Eshel 62). According to Israel scholar Tali Ben Israel, the Gymnastics Teachers Federation was founded in 1928. It was associated with the Swedish approach and applied sport (582). 95 Reform Gymnastics could be placed in the context of the 'life reform' movements in Germany (Weaver, Geuter and Heller). 96 See Kaschl for a historical account of Israeli appropriation of this Arab dance and an interesting ethnography of Jewish Israeli, Arab Israeli and Palestinian performance groups. Karmon, Yonatan. Telephone interview. 7 March 2011. Ahuva Anbary enjoyed a successful career as a modern dancer in Israel. She started studying with Kraus and performed in many of her productions. She was amongst the first cohort of Bat Sheva (modern dance company) dancers and she later taught on faculty in the Department of Dance at York University in Toronto. 99 This line was quoted from a popular Hebrew song by singer/songwriter Shlomo Artzi. Noteworthy is Artzi's last name, which means 'my country' in Hebrew. 100 Ayalah Goren-Kadman explains that because her husband has a bad back and a tendency to stand slumped over, her children would often say to him "don't be a galut Jew." Additionally, her eldest son would often perform a comedic improvised skit, to entertain the family in the living room, in which he pretended to be a holocaust survivor and depicted in his body language, voice and mannerisms all the taboos of the stereotypical and anti-Semitic image of the diasponc Jew. This would have been as late asthel960's. 101 The politically correct term for Diaspora in Israel is tfutzot (though the galut is still widely utilized in non academic circles), with reference made to the Hebrew word for distribution. 102 Ayalah Goren-Kadman also studied expressionist modern dance with Gertrud Kraus (a close family friend) for many years as a child and adolescent. Tu Bishvat - "The new year for the trees" was traditionally a minor holiday which became glorified in the Yishuv due to its agricultural themes. 104 See Judith Brin-Ingber's 2000 article Vilified or GlorifiedTor further information. 105 See Almog (2001) Weiss (2002) Katriel (2004). 106 There is a discrepancy here with regards to dates. According to The Jewish Agency website, the Second Aliyah officially took place betweenl 904-1914 and the Third Aliyah from 1919-1923.1 included historical information in the text as it was described to me by my interviewees. I later verified these facts and noted any discrepancies. Moledet or 'homeland studies' classes seamlessly pooled many subjects together in order to impart Zionist values in an explicit way. These included a combination of Palestinian geography from a Zionist perspective, nature hikes, natural history, Hebrew literature, ancient Jewish history, Bible studies and agriculture (Almog 162). It is important to note that, although part of the curriculum after the establishment of the state for many years, these lessons no longer exist today (Zittrain Eisenberg et al. 79). He also lists the Krakoviak, Polka, Korobochka as foreign dances performed due to the lack of Hebrew dance. Ashriel mentions that ballroom dances such as the tango or waltz, although popular in the city, were forbidden in the kibbutz due to ideological reasoning. In line with their extreme Zionist socialist worldview early kibbutzim wanted to emphasize unity and collectivity of all of its members as opposed to intimate relationships, or even the family unit for that matter. 91 was surprised at Ashriel's use of the term "Jewish problem" as this concept was utilized by anti-Semites as well as Zionists alike to refer to all that ails the Jewish people of the Diaspora. Perhaps this term was passed on by his parents' generation to the Sabras. This term is quite inappropriate today. 110 The Youth Aliyah was established by the Jewish Agency in cooperation with a German-Jewish youth organization in 1933 as a response to the growing concern over the horrific potential of the Nazi party in Germany. With Henrietta Szold and Moshe Kol as its directors, the Youth Aliyah managed to transfer 5,000 teenagers to Palestine prior to the Holocaust and afterwards some 15,000 immigrated within this framework. Today, youth villages continue to operate in Israel and serve as a centres for youth immigration as well as a place of refuge for local 'at risk' teens (Jewish Virtual Library). 111 Significantly, the first generation of Sabras were also called "The Palmach Generation" and "The 1948 Generation" (Almog). Note that all four interviewees participated as part of the Israeli delegation to this international festival at various times. 113 See Oz Almog (2003). This disc was rereleased on CD by Vanguard Classics record label in 1993. This disc received four stars in Billboard Magazine's "Very Strong Sales Potential Chart" on May 9th 1960. 115 Arian features such as blond hair and blue eyes were prized physical features of 'the ideal Sabra image' as they completely negated the stereotypical dark features of the Jewish people worldwide. Israeli writer Benjamin Tamuz wrote the following in 1966: "The blue eyed and bright haired Israeli...the wonder of biology which grew for us, brown eyed and dark haired people for generations and generations" (qtd. in Shapira Jews Zionists and In Between 99). 116 Rivka Sturman is quoted as making similar comments about Sharon in her retrospective interview with dance scholar Judith Brin Ingber in the 1970's: "she [Mirali] made a marvellous impression, symbolizing that unforgettable spirit with her upright, open posture and grace" (Dance Perspectives). 117 This now essential term in sociology was made famous by French scholar Pierre Bourdieu in his 1977 book, Outline of Theory of Practice. It refers to "a set of acquired dispositions of thought, behaviour and taste" and is of particular relevance in the discussion of embodiment (Oxford Dictionary of Sociology). 118 Karmon, Yonatan. Telephone interview. 7 March 2011. 119 See Danielle Robinson's 2006 article where she describes the commodification of black jazz dance to white American audiences at the beginning of the twentieth century. 120 Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.1- The Dance Library of Israel Bibliography A Thousand Flowers will suddenly Blossom: Dalia Festival. Dir. Yehuda Iarmu. Prods. Saul Rubin and Avraham Shalev. 1968. Film. Aldor, Gaby. "Margalit Ornstein." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia 12 Jan. 2011. Web. "Aliya and Absorption." Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Government of Israel, 2 Oct. 2002. Web. 3 March 2011. Almog, Oz. "From Blorit to Ponytail: Israeli culture reflected in Popular Hairstyles." Israel Studies 8.2 (2003): 82-117. Print. —. The Sabra: The Creation of the New Jew. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001. Print. Almog, Shmuel. "People and Land in Modern Jewish Nationalism." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed. Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 46-62. Print. Anbary, Ahuva. Personal interview. 11 Dec. 2010. —. Telephone interview. 17 Feb. 2011. Anderson, Benedict. "Cultural Roots." Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso Books, 1991. 9-36. Print. Arbel, Rachel ed. Blue and White in Color: Visual Images of Zionism, 1897-1947. Tel Aviv-Yafo: Kal Ltd., 1997. Print. Ashriel, Yoav. Dalia: Origins of the Israeli Folk Dance Movement. Sabres. N.p. Oct. 2009. Web. 12 April 2011. —. Personal interview. 23 Dec. 2010. —. Telephone interview. 15 March 2011. "Atlit Ilegal Immigration Camp." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, 2011. Web. 3 March 2011. 124 Avidar, Tamar. "25 Years to Mia Arbatova's Classical Ballet School." Maariv 28 Aug. 1968, 15. Print. [Hebrew] Aviv, Caryn and David Shner. New Jews: The End of the Jewish Diaspora. New York: New York University Press, 2005. Print. Ballet and Music: Gertrud Kraus and her Dancers. Perf. Gertrud Kraus and her dancers. Mugrabi Hall, Tel Aviv. 15 Oct. 1941. Gertrud Kraus Archive. File 121.18.2.1- The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Banim Bonim (Land of Promise-192 4). Dir. J. Ben-Dov. Palestine Foundation Fund, 1924. Film. Bar-Adon, Dorothy Kahn. "Debka and Hora at Dahlia Festival." The Palestine Post 22 June 1947. Print. Historical Jewish Press, Tel Aviv. —. "Folk Dances." The Palestine Post 29 May 1945. Print. Historical Jewish Press, Tel Aviv. Bar-Gal, Y. Moledet and Geography in one hundred Years of Zionist Education. Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1992. [Hebrew] Bartal, Israel. "Farming the Land on Three Continents: Bilu, Am Oylom and Yefe- Nahar." Jewish History 213-4 (2007): 249-261. Print. —. "Who is the Hebrew Person?" Katedra (1994): 112-4. [Hebrew] "Bat Sheva and Bat Dor Dance Companies." Encyclopaedia Judaica. Jewishencyclopaedia.com, 2008. Web. 10 Feb. 2011. Baudrillard, Jean. "Consumer Society." Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings. Ed. Mark Poster. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992. 29-56. Print. Ben Israel, Tali. From Theory to Practice: Physical Culture in the Culture ofPre-State Israel. Tel Aviv: Machon Mofet, 2010. Print. [Hebrew] —. "Jewish Sports in the Diaspora, Yishuv, and Israel: Between Nationalism and Politics." Israel Studies 10.2 (2005): 147-167. Ben Zion, Yedidya. "Following her Music like Sheep." 4 May 1931. [Hebrew]. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 4.5.31. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Ben-Zvi, Yael. "Blind Spots in Portraiture: On Oz Almog's Sabra: The Creation of the New Jew." Jewish Social Studies 7.1 (2000): 167-174. Print. Bernstein, D. "Daughters of the Nation: Between the Public and the Private Spheres in Pre-State Israel." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Esther Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2005. 78-89. Print. Berkowitz, Michael. The Jewish Self-Image in the West. London: Reaction Books Ltd, 2000. Print. Berkovitch, Nina. "Motherhood as a National Mission: The Construction of Womanhood in the Legal Discourse in Israel." Women's Studies International Forum 20.5/6 (1997): 605-619. Print. Bing-Haideker, Liora. "The Mothers of Hebrew Dance." Panim 2010: 4-15. [Hebrew] "Biographies." Rikuday Dor Rishon. N.p., 2010. Web. 14 Feb. 2011. Blue and White in Colour: Visual Images ofZionsim, 1897-1947.Te\ Aviv: The Diaspora Museum [now called The Museum of Jewish Peoplehood]. N.d. Print. Borut, Jacob. "Jews in German Sports During the Weimar Republic." Emancipation through Musculars: Jews and Sports in Europe. Ed(s). Brenner, Michael and Gideon Reuveni. Lincoln: Univeristy of Nebraska Press, 2006. 77-92. Print. Bourdieu, Pierre. (1984) "The Aristocracy of Culture." Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984. Print. —. Outline of A Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1977. Brenner, Michael. "Introduction: Why Jews and Sports." Emancipation Through Musculars: Jews and Sports in Europe. Ed(s). Brenner, Michael and Gideon Reuveni. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006. 1-12. Print. 126 Brin Ingber, Judith. "Conversation with Gertrud Kraus." Dance Magazine. TS 1972. Later published in March 1976: 50-75. Print. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 121.18.1.3. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. "Dance in Israel: Performing Israeli as opposed to Jewish Identity." Conney Conference for Jewish Arts. 2009. Address. —. "Gertrud Kraus." Dance Magazine. March 1978: 1-29. Print. —. "Shorashim: The Roots of Israel Folk Dance." Dance Perspectives. Autumn 1974. Print. [Hebrew] —. "The Identity Peddlers." Conney Project on Jewish Arts. Wisconsin: Brin Ingber, 2007. Print. —. "Vilified Or Glorified: Views of the Jewish Body in 1947." Society of Dance History Scholars Conference Proceedings 23 (2000): 260-5. Print. Buber Agassi, Judith. "The Status of Women in Kibbutz Society." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Esther Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2005. 171-180. Print. Buckland, Theresa Jill. "Dance, History, and Ethnography." Dancing From Past to Present: Nation, Culture, Identities. Ed. Buckland. University of Wisconsin Press, 2006. 3-23. Print. Burgstein, R. Letter to Gertrud Kraus. Jewish Soldiers Welfare Committee. 4 July 1941. Tel Aviv. [Hebrew] Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 121.18.1.7. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Butler, Judith. "Foucault and the Paradox of Bodily Inscription." Journal of Philosophy Inc. 86.11 (1989): 601-607. Print. Cesar George. Perf. Gertrud Kraus. 1937. Film. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Cleophas, Francois Johannes. Physical Education and Physical Culture in the Coloured Community of the Western Cape, 1837-1966. PhD Dissertation. Stellenbosch: Stellenbosch University, 2009. Print. Clifford, James. "On Ethnographic Authority. Representations Spring 1983: 118-146. —. "On Orientalism." The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth century Ethnography, Literature and Art. Boston: Harvard University Press, 1988. 255-276. Print. Connell, R.W. Gender: A Short Introduction. Maiden, MA: Blackwell Press, 2002. Print. Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Print. "Conseil International de la Danse." Les Nations Unis de la Danse. UNESCO, 2007. Web. 10 Feb. 2011. Cooper Albright, Ann. Choreographing Difference: The Body and Identity in Contemporary Dance. Middleton: Wesleyan University Press, 1997. Print. Cowan, Jane K. Dance and the Body Politic in Northern Greece. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990. Print. "Cultural Capital and Social Inclusion." The Open University. N.p., 2011. Web. 20 April 2011. Daly, Ann. Done in Dance: Isadora Duncan in America. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1995. Print. "Dance and Ballet." Cinema Weekly. 31 May 1945. [Hebrew] Mia Arbatova Archive- file 121.9.34- The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Dance Course. Advertisement. Bamachene circa 1944. Print. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 123.5.5.1. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Dance Recital. Choreo. Gertrud Kraus. Perf. Gertrud Kraus Dance Company. Tel Aviv. 26 November 1937. [Hebrew]Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.21- The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Dance Recital of Young Dancers from the Gertrud Kraus School. Gertrud Kraus. Students. Tel Aviv. n.d. [Hebrew] Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.2.1. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. "Dance Rivka." 1987. [Hebrew] Rivka Sturman Archive- file 123.1.1.4. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Dekel-Chen, Jonathan. "JCA-ORT-JAS-JDC: one big agrarian family." Jewish History 21.3-4 (2007): 263-278. Print. Dekel-Chen, Jonathan and Israel Bartal. "Jewish Agrarianization." Jewish History 21 (2007): 239-247. Print. Departure of Youth. Dir. Lou Landaur. 1934. Film. Desmond, Jane. "Embodying Difference: Issues in Dance and Cultural Studies." Meaning in Motion: New Cultural Studies in Dance. Desmond Ed. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. Print. Douglas, Mary. Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology. New York: Routledge, 1996. Print. Ederson, D. "Popular Culture, Everyday Life and the Matrix of National Identity." National Identity, Popular Culture and Everyday Life. Oxford: Berg, 2002. 1-36. Efrat, Gideon. Interview by Anat Dolev. "The Return to the Shtetl: Judaism as an image in Israeli Art." Natl. Public Radio. Reshet Bet, Tel Aviv. 5 May 2011. Eilberg-Schwartz, Howard. People of the Body: Jews and Judaism from and Embodied Perspective. Albeny: State University of New York Press, 1992. "Yad Gertrud Kraus." Ein Hod Artists' Village. Ein-Hod: The Artists' Site, 2007. Web. 23 April 2011. Elon, Amos. The Israelis: Founders and Sons. London: Redwood Press Limited, 1971. Ephraim, Y. "Continuity and Change in Israeli Society: The Test of the Melting Pot." Israel Studies. 10.2 (2005): 91-128. Print. Eshel, Ruth. Dancing with the Dream: The Development of Artistic Dance in Israel, 1920-1964. Tel Aviv: The Dance Library of Israel, 1991. [Hebrew]. Print. 129 —. "Dance in the Yishuv and Israel." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 1 March 2009. Web. 17 Nov. 2011. —. "Mirali Sharon." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 1 March 2009. Web. 18 July 2010. Even-Zohar, Itamar. "The Emergence of a Native Hebrew Culture in Palestine." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 727-744. Print. Fantaisies, Visions et Paysages. Choreo/ perf. Gertrud Kraus. Theatre du Jardin de l'Ezbekieh, Paris. 15 March 1934. [French] Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.2.1. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Featherstone, Mike. "Theories of Consumer Culture." Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London: Sage Press, 1991. 13-28. Print. Finegold, Leo. Die Judischen Gefallenen. 12 April 2005. Web. 10 June 2011. Fisher, Jennifer and Anthony Shay. When Men Dance: Choreographing Masculinity Across Borders. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Print. Five Dance Collections. Choreo. Gertrud Kraus. Perf. Israel Ballet Theatre. Tel Aviv, n.d. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 121.18.2.1. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Fogiel-Bijaoui, S. "Motherhood and Revolution: The Case of Kibbutz Women, 1910 — 1948." Pioneers and Homemakers: Jewish Women in Pre-State Israeli Society. Ed. Deborah Bernstein. Albany: State University of New-York Press, 1992. 211- 233. Print. —. "On the Way to Equality? The Struggle for Women's Suffrage in the Jewish Yishuv, 1917-1926." Pioneers and Homemakers: Jewish Women in Pre- State Israeli Society. Ed. Deborah Bernstein. Albany: State University of New- York Press, 1992. 261-281. Print. 130 Foster, Susan Leigh. "Dancing Bodies." Meaning in Motion: New Cultural Studies in Dance. Ed. Desmond, Jane. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. 235-258. —. "Dance Theory?" Teaching Dance Studies. Ed. Judith Chazin-Bennahum. New York: Routledge, 2005. 19-34. Print Foucault, Pierre. The Archeology of Knowledge. Trans. Tavistock Publications Limited. Abington: Routledge, 1989. Print. Freidhaber, Zvi. "Folk Dance in Israel: 100 years of Zionism in Israel." Dance in Israel 4 (1997): 1-16. Print. [Hebrew]. —. "Israeli Folk Dance and the Local Ideology which Contributed to its Development." Rokdim 13 Jan. 1993: 12, 13, 31. Print. [Hebrew]. —. "The Beginnings of Holiday Dances in Israel." Folk Dance in Israel 2 (1996): 5-8. Print. [Hebrew]. Fuchs, Esther. "Introduction: Israeli Women's Studies." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. 2005. Print. Gard, Michael. When Men Dance. Peter Land Publishing, Inc., 2006. Print. Geertz, Clifford. "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture." The Interpretation of Cultures. London: Fontana Press. 1993. 3-30. Print. Gershoni, G. "The Entire Nation Dances: A Visit with Gertrud Kraus." Cinema: An art Weekly for Cinema, Theatre and Dance. Circa early 1940's. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 123.5.5.1- The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Geuter, Ulfried, Michael C. Heller and Judyth O. Weaver. "Elsa Gindlerand her influence on Wilhelm Reich and body psychotherapy." Body, Movement and Dance in Psychotherapy 2010: 59-73. Print. Gilad, Shaul. Personal interview. 1 March 2011. Gilman, Sander. The Jew's Body. New York: Routledge, 1991. 131 "Gordonia." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, 2008. Web. 16 Feb. 2011. Goren-Kadman, Ayalah. "Gurit Kadman." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. 1 March 2009. Web. 18 July 2010. —. Personal interview. 12 Nov. 2010. —. Phone interview. 16 Feb. 2011. Grammes, Phillip. "Sports in the DP Camps, 1945-1948." Emancipation through Musculars: Jews and Sports in Europe. Ed(s). Brenner, Michael and Gideon Reuveni. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006. 187-212. Print. [The] Great Promise. Dir. Yosef Leytes, Perf. Dan Lustig, Alexander Sarner and Shafria Zakai. 1947. Film. "Gurit Kadman." Israelidances.com. Jewishworldlife.com, n.d. Web. 3 March 2011. Haiman, Nachum. To Sing and Dance with Yonatan Karmon. Aug. 2002. Web. 6 March 2011. Halprin, Ann. "Israel Dances." Jewish Dances. Ed. Fred Berk. New York: Exposition Press, n.d. 27-35. Print. Halperin-Kaddari, R. "Gender Equality in the Israeli legal System." Women in Israel: a state of their own. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004. 24-42. Heller, Benjamin. "Artistry in the New Dance." Davar 1933, Tel Aviv. Print. [Hebrew] Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.2.6. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Herzog, Hanna. "Feminism in Contemporary Israel." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopaedia. 1 March 2009. Web. 3 April 2011. "Histadrut Day at Levant Fair." Palestine Post 24 May 1931. Print. Historical Jewish Press. "Histadrut- General Federation of Labour in Israel." History. Maccabi, 2011. Web. 12 Jan. 2011. 132 Hobsbawm, Eric. Introduction: Inventing Traditions. The Invention of Tradition. Ed(s). Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. 1-14. Print. —. "The Nation as Invented Tradition." Nationalism. Ed(s). Hutchinson, John and Anthony Smith. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. 76-82. Print. Horowitz, Sara. "Changes and Directions in Women's and Gender Studies-Contrasts and Comparisons." Nashim 5 (2002): 192-197. Print. "Instructors and Courses for Dance and Music." The Jerusalem Academy of Music and Dance. N.p. n.d. Web. 14 Feb. 2011. "Is there an Israeli Folk Dance?" The United Kibbutz Weekly. Feb. 1962. Print Rivka Sturman Archive - file 123.1.1.4 . The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. "Israel Dance Tradition Described by Pioneer." Anchorage Daily Times. 25 Nov. 1968. Print. Rivka Sturman Archive-file 123.1.1.4. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Israel Foreign Ministry. "Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI)." Jewish Virtual Library. 2011. Israel Pride 1962. Reel Family History, 1962. Film Izraeli, Dafna N. "The Zionist Women's Movement in Palestine, 1911-1927." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Esther Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2005. 33-59. Print. Jackson, Shannon. Professing Performance. Cambridge: University Press, 2003. Print. "[The] Jewish Agency for Israel (JAFI)." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, 2011. Web. 6 May 2011. "Johann Christoph Friedrich Guts Muths." Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2011. Web. 22 Apr. 2011. "Jonathan Karmon." Broadway World. Broadwayworld.com, 2011. Web. 5 March 2011. 133 Kadman, Gurit. "Clarification of Basic Concepts: talk for the second conference of the Private Teachers Association for Physical Culture in Eretz Israel." Dec. 1940. TS. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —,dir. Home Video. 1936. Film. —. "Gymnastics for Strength and as a Basis for Sport, Dance and Musical Education: a talk for the third annual conference of the Private Teachers Association for Physical Culture in Eretz Israel." Dec. 1941. TS. Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. [Hebrew] —. "Gymnastics- Working Towards Youthful Joy." n.d. 1939? TS. Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. [Hebrew] —. "Hapoel Tel Aviv's Folk Dance Company." Davar 6 Aug. 1954: 6. Print. [Hebrew] —. "Movement Culture in the Service of the Nation: a talk for the first conference of the Private Teachers Association for Physical Culture in Eretz Israel." 9 Dec. 1939. TS. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. Supplement to the Physical Education Program Grades 1-2. N.d- circa 1940's. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. "Tradition and Creation in Israeli Folk Dance." 24 April 1962. TS. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. "With the Program for Physical Education in our Schools." N.d. TS. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Kaes, Anton, Martin Jay and Edward Dimendberd. "The Cult of the Body: Lebensreform, Sports and Dance." The Weimar Republic Sourcebook. Ed(s). Kaes, Jay and Dimendberd. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. 673-686. Print. 134 Kant, Marion. "German Dance, Dancers and Nazi Politics." Dance, Human Rights, and Social Justice. Ed(s). Naomi and Toni Shapiro Phim. Lanham: Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2008. 5-19. Print. Kaplan, Eran. "Amos Oz's A Tale of Love and Darkness and the Sabra Myth." Jewish Social Studies: History, Culture, Society 14.1 (2007): 119-143. Print. Karmon, Yonatan. Telephone interview. 7 March 2011. "[The] Karmon Israel Dance Company." The Internet Movie Database. IMDb, 2011. Web. 4 March 2011. Kaschl, Elke. Dance and Authenticity in Israel and Palestine: Performing the Nation. Boston: Brill Press, 2003. Print. Katriel, T. "Confrontational Dialogues: The Rise and Fall of Dugri Speech." Dialogic Moments: From Soul Talks to Talk Radio in Israeli Culture. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2004. 139-175. Print. Katz, Jacob. "The Forerunners of Zionism." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira . New York: New York University Press, 1996. 33-45. Print. Katz-Gerro, T, and Y Shavit. "The Stratification of Leisure and Taste: Classes and Lifestyles in Israel." European Sociological Review 14.4 (1998): 369-386. Print. Kaufman, Haim. "Jewish Sports in the Diaspora, Yishuv, and Israel: Between Nationalism and Politics." Israel Studies 10.2 (2005): 147-167. Print. Kealiinohomoku, Joann. "An Anthropologist Looks at Ballet as a From of Ethnic Dance." Moving History/Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed(s). Albright, Ann Cooper and Ann Dils. Durham: B. Williams and Associates, 2001. 33-43. Kimmerling, Baruch. The Invention and Decline oflsraeliness. California: University of California Press, 2001. Print. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, Barbara. "Chapter 20: Objects of Ethnography." Exhibiting Cultures: The Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Ed(s). Lavine, Steven D. and Ivan Karp. Smithsonian Institutoin Press, 1991. 386-443. Print. 135 Kraus, Gertrud. Interview by Judith Brin Ingber. TS. Tel Aviv. 1972 and 1976. Print. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 121.18.1.3- The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. 27 Nov. 1937. School Letter. Print. [Hebrew] Gertrud Kraus Archives- file 121.18.3.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Kraut, Anthea. Choreographing the Folk: The Dance Stagings of Zora Neale Hurston. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008. Lee, Vered. "Five Questions for Tali Ben Israel." Haaretz Online. 25 May 2011. Web. 29 May 2011. [Hebrew] Legend in the Sand Dunes [Agada Ba 'Cholot]. Dir. Ya'acob Gross. 2009. Film. Lemish, Dafna "Normalizing Inequality: Portrayals of Women in the Israeli Media." Journal of Israeli History 1-2 (2002): 110-125. Print. Lemish, D. and Lahav, I. "Much Ado About Nothing? Masculinities in Israeli Advertising." Feminist Media Studies 4.2 (2004): 147-162. Print. Levinsky College. 2011. N.p. N.d.Web. 15 March 2011. Maccabi World Union. N.p. N.d. Web. 17 July 2010. Malkin, Jeanette R. "The Jewish Body in Parts: German Expressionist Theatre." The Human Body- A Universal Sign. Ed. Wiesra Mond-Koslowska. Krakow: Jagiellonian University Press, 2005. 192-196. Print. Manning, Susan. Modern Dance, Negro Dance: Race in Motion. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004. Manor, Giora. "Gertrud Kraus." International Dance Encyclopedia 25 March 1983. Print. —. "Gertrud Kraus." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 2005. Web. 10 April 2010. —. Gertrud Kraus. Tel Aviv: Sifriat Poalim and The Dance Library of Israel, 1988. Print. —. The Life and Dance of Gertrud Kraus. Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad Publishing House Ltd, 1978. Print. 136 Margalit, Elkana. "Social and Intellectual Origins of the Hashomer Hatzair Youth Movement, 1913-1920." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 454-472. Print. Mayer, Tamar. "From Zero to Hero: Masculinities in Jewish Nationalism." Gender Ironies of Nationalism. Ed. Mayer. London: Rutledge, 2000. 283-308. Print. McMains, Juliet. Glamour Addiction: Inside the American Ballroom Industry. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2006. Print. Metzer, Jacob. "Economic Structure and National Goals-The Jewish National Home in Interwar Palestine." Essential Papres on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Yehuda and Anita Shapira„ New York: New York University Press, 1996. 567-586. Print. Miriam. "To Dance is to Be: The Choreographer Gertrud Kraus, Winner of Israel Prize." Davar 18 April 1968. Print. Mosse, George L. Introduction. Degeneration. By Max Nordau. Trans. 2nd ed. New York First Bison Printing, 1993. Xiii-xxxvi. Print. —. "Max Nordau, Liberalism and the New Jew." Journal of Contemporary History 27 (1992): 565-581. Print. Naiman, Y.M. "A Midsummer's Night Dream." Davar 10 July 1949. —. "Folk Dance in Eretz Israel: A Conversation with Rivka Sturman." Davar 12 August 1949:18. —. "The Folk Dance Festival at Dalia." Davar 27 June 1947:4. Nachmias, Nitza. "Dance-Joy of Man." 22 April 1968. Print.[Hebrew]. Gertrud Kraus Archive- file 121.18.1.4. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Near, Henry. "What Troubled Them? Women in Kibbutz and Moshav in the Mandatory Period." Jewish Women in Pre-State Israel: Life History, Politics and Culture. Ed(s). Ruth Kark, Margalit Shilo, Galit Hasan-Rokem. New England: Brandeis University Press, 2008. Ness, Sally Ann. Body, Movement and Culture: Kinesthetic and Visual Symbolism in a Philippine Community. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992. 137 — "Dancing in the Field: Notes from Memory." Moving History/ Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed(s). Albright, Ann Cooper and Ann Dils. Durham: Wesleyn University Press, 2001. 67-86. Nocke, A. "Israel and the Emergence of Mediterranean Identity." Israel Studies 11.1 (2006): 143-173. Nordau, Max. Max Nordau to his People: National Letters. Tel Aviv: Governmental Publication. 1937. Print. [Hebrew] "Habitus." The Oxford Dictionary of Sociology. Web. 15 July 2011. Ohana, David. "Zarathustra in Jerusalem: Nietzsche and the 'New Hebrews'." The Shaping of Israeli Identity. Ed(s). Wistrich, Robert and David Ohana. New York: Frank Cass, 1995. 38-60. Print. Omer [Sheaf] Dancing at Ramat Yochanan. Dir. Leah Bergstein. Perf. Members of Kibbutz Ramat Yochanan. Prods. Norman Lourie and Joseph Krumgold. Film. The Spielberg Jewish Film Archive: The Hebrew University, n.d. Oppenheim, Israel. "Hehalutz in Poland between the Two World Wars." Essentail Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 238-267. Print. O'Shea, Janet. At Home in the World: Bharata Natyam on the Global Stage. Middleton, CT: Wesleyn University Press, 2007. Print. Our Children. Dir. Nathan Gross. Perf. Shimon Dzinger and Israel Schumacher, 1947. Film. [Yiddish] Palgi, Michal. "Gender Equality in the Kibbutz- From Ideology to Reality." Jewish Feminism in Israel: Some Contemporary Perspectives. Ed(s). Misra, Kalpana and Melanie S. Rich. Hanover: Brandeis University Press, 2003. 76-95. Print. Palestine in Song and Dance: Scenes and Songs of Life and Growth in the Jewish National Homeland. Jewish National Fund of America. 1931. Film. Steven Spielberg Jewish Film Archive-Hebrew University of Jerusalem. 138 "Physical Culture." Encyclopaedia Britannica. Encyclopaedia Britannica Online. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2011. Web. 22 Apr. 2011. Physical Culture Seminar. Advertisement. Davar 11 August 1940. Historical Jewish Press. Physical Culture Seminar. Advertisement. Davar June 1952. Historical Jewish Press. Physical Culture Seminar. Advertisement. Davar May 1940. Historical Jewish Press. Polhemus, Ted. "Dance, Gender and Culture." Ed. Helen Thomas. Dance, Gender and Culture. Chippenhami: Macmillan Press LTD, 1993. 3-15. Print. "Political Zionism." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise. 2008. Web. 13 March 2011. "Powerful Display of Sports and Dancing at Hapoel Exhibition." Davar 15 April 1952. Historical Jewish Press. Presner, Todd Samuel. Muscular Judaism : The Jewish Body and the Politics of Regeneration. New York: Routledge, 2007. Print. [The] Private Teachers Association for Physical Culture in Eretz Israel. Advertisement. 1940. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. —. "Memorandum-The Conference for the Physical Education of Youth: " May 1939. TS. [Hebrew] Gurit Kadman Archive- file 123.5.5.2. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Rabin, Chaim. "The National Idea and the Revival of Hebrew." Ed(s). Essential Papers on Zionism. Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 745-762. Print. Raz-Krakotzkin, Amnon. "History Textbooks and the Limits of Israeli Consciousness." Journal of Israeli History 20.2(2001): 155-172. Print. Regev, M. "To Have a Culture of Our Own: On Israehness and its Variants." Ethnic and Racial Studies 23.2 (2000): 223-247. Print. Regev, M. and Seroussi E. "Shirei Eretz Yisrael [Songs of the Land of Israel]." Popular Music and National Culture in Israel. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. 49-70. Print. Reinharz, Jehuda. "Ideology and Structure in German Zionism, 1882-1933." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz and Anita Shapira. New York : New York University Press, 1996. 268-297. Print. Renan, Ernest. "Qu'est-ce que c'est qu'une nation?" Nationalism. Hutchinson, John and Anthony Smith. Oxford University Press, 1994. 17-18. Print. "[The] Return to the Shtetl: Judaism as an Image in Israeli Art." Narr. Anat Dolev. Kan- Naim. Reshet Bet-Kol Israel, 5 May 2011. Radio. Interview with Prof. Gideon Efrat. [Hebrew] Reuveni, Gideon. "Sports and the Militarization of Jewish Society." Emancipation through Musculars: Jews and Sports in Europe. Ed(s). Brenner, Michael and Gideon Reuveni. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006. 44-61. Print. "Reviews and Ratings of New Albums." Rev. of Songs of the Sabra. The Billboard (Magazine) 9 May 1960. Google Books. Web. 5 July 2011. "Biographies." Rikuday Dor Rishon. Rikuday Dor Rishon. N.d.Web. 20 Feb. 2011 "Rivka Sturman." Israelidances.com. Jewishworldlife.com, 2010. Web. 2 March 2011. Robinson, Danielle. '"Oh, You Black Bottom!' Appropriation, Authenticity, and Opportunity in the Jazz Dance Teaching of 1920's New York." Dance Research Journal 38.1-2 (2006). 19-42. Print. —. "The Ugly Duckling: The Refinement of Ragtime Dancing and the Mass Production and Marketing of Modern Social Dance." Dance Research Journal 28.2 (2010): 179-199. Print. Robinson, Divine. "Zionism and the Transformation of Jewish Society." Modern Judaism 20 (2000): 257-276. Print. 140 Roee, Eliezer. "Two that are One." Davar 9 April 1950: 3. [Hebrew] Historical Jewish Press. —. "Two that are One." Davar 14 April 1950: 7. [Hebrew] Historical Jewish Press. Roginsky, Dina. "Folklore, Folklorism and Synchronisation: Preserved/Created Folklore in Israel." Journal of Folklore Research 44.1 (2007): 41-66. Print. —. "Performing Israeliness: Nationalism, Ethnicity and Israeli Folk and Ethnic Dance." Diss. Tel Aviv University, 2004. Print. (Hebrew) "Rechishat Rikudim." Rokdim. Rokdim: Hamercaz Lerikudei Am, 14 Jan. 2011. Web. May 2 2011. Ronen, Dan. "Israeli Folkdance: Traditional Dances Find New Values." MyJewishLearning.com. n.d. Web. 13 Jan 2011 —. "Leah Bergstein." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 1 March 2009. Web. 18 July 2010. —. "Rivka Sturman." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 1 March 2009. Web. 18 July 2010. —. "What Really is Israeli Folk Dance?" Rokdim Jan. 2000. Rosenthal, Dona. The Israelis. New York: Free Press, 2003. Safran, W. "Language and Nation-building in Israel: Hebrew and its Rivals." Nations and Nationalism 11.1 (2005): 43-63. Print. Sagol. "Gertrud Kraus and The Israel Ballet Theatre." Davar 29 June 1951. Historical Jewish Press. Sasson-Levy, Orna. "Individual Bodies, Collective State Interests: The Case of Israeli Combat Soldiers." Men and Masculinities 10.3 (2008): 296-321.Print. 141 —. "Gender Performance in a Changing Military: Women Soldiers in 'Masculine' Roles." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Esther Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2005. 265-278. Print. Schechner, Richard. Teaching Performance Studies. Ed(s). Stucky, Nathan and Cynthia Wimmer. Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 2002. Print. Schudson, Michael. "Culture and the Integration of National Societies." The Sociology of Culture: Emerging Theoretical Perspectives. Ed. D. Crane. Oxford, Blackwell (1994): 21-43. Print. —. "How Culture Works: Perspectives from Media Studies on the Efficacy of Symbols." Theory and Society 18 (1989): 153-180. Print. Schweid, Eliezer. "The Rejection of the Diaspora in Zionist Thought: Two Approaches." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 133-160. Print. Sela-Sheffy, R. "What Makes One an Israeli? Negotiating Identities in Everyday Representations of Tsraeliness'." Nations and Nationalism 10.4 (2004): 479-497. Sered, Susan. "The Ritualized Body: Brides, Purity, and the Mikveh." Israeli Women's Studies. Ed. Esther Fuchs. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 2005. 150-170. Shapira, Anita. Jews, Zionists and in Between. Tel Aviv: Am Oved Publishers Ltd., 2007. Print. [Hebrew] —. "Native Sons." Essentail Papers on Zionism. Ed(s).Reinharz, Jehuda and Shapira ed(s). New York: New York University Press, 1996. 790-821. Print. —. New Jews, Old Jews. Tel Aviv: Am Oved Publishers, 1997. Print. [Hebrew] Shapira, Avraham. "Spiritual Rootlessness and circumscription to the 'Here and Now' in the Sabra world view." Israel Affairs 4.3 (1998): 103-131. Print. Sharon, Mirali. Personal Interview(s). 16 Nov. 2010 & 20 Feb. 2011. Sharret, Rina. A Queen without a Palace-Mia Arbatova: Pioneer of Classical Ballet in Israel. Tel Aviv: The Mia Arbatova Ballet Association, 2005. Print. [Hebrew] Shea Murphy, Jacqueline. The People have Never Stopped Dancing: Native American Modern Dance Histories. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 2007. Shilo, Margalit. "Second Aliyah: Women's Experience and Their Role in the Yishuv." Jewish Women: A Comprehensive Historical Encyclopedia. Jewish Women's Archive, 1 March 2009. Web. 23 July 2010. Shimoni, Gideon. The Zionist Ideology. Hanover: Brandeis University Press, 1995. Print. Shor, Y. "Gertrud Kraus." Davar 16 Oct. 1939. [Hebrew] Historical Jewish Press. Sivan, Emmanuel. The 1948 Generation: Myth, Portrait and Memory. Tel Aviv: Maarachot, 1991. Print. [Hebrew] Sklar, Deidre. "Five Premises to a Culturally Sensitive Appraoch to Dance." Moving History/ Dancing Cultures: A Dance History Reader. Ed(s). Albright, Ann Cooper and Ann Dils. Durham: Wesleyn University Press, 2001. 30-32. Print. —. "On Dance Ethnography. " Dance Research Journal Spring (1991): 6-10. Smith and Anthony. Chosen People. New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Print. Sokolow, Nahum. The New Jew: A Sketch. London: Central Office of the Zionist Organization, 1929. Print. [Central Zionist Archives, Jerusalem, file 92469] [The] Song of the Grape Harvesters. By Matityahu Shalem. Dirs. Gurit Kadman, Yonatan Karmon and Moshe Lustig. Perf. The Youth Dance Company. Prod. Natan Gross. The Explanation Office [of the Israeli Gov.], 1953. Film. [Hebrew with Eng. Transliteration] Songs of the Sabras. All Music. Rovi Corporation, 2011. Web. 3 July 2011. Sorell, Walter. "Dancing in Israel." Dance Magazine Feb. 1949: 12-17. Print. Spiegel, Nina. "The Renaissance of the Body: The Intersection of Sports and Dance in Mandatory Palestine." Society of Dance History Scholars Conference Proceedings 23 (2000): 390-393. Print. "Spiritual Zionism." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperation Enterprise, 2011. Web. March 2011. Sturman, Rivka. Letter. "Eretz Israeli Folk Dance and the Dalia Festival." Davar 8 Aug. 1947. Sweet, Jill D. "The Anthropology of Dance: Textual, Theoretical and Experiential Ways of Knowing." Teaching Dance Studies. Ed. Bennahum, Judith Chazin. New York: Routledge, 2005. 133-147. Print. Timeout Tel Aviv. "In Honour of International Women's Day." Timeout Tel Aviv 13 March 2008. Print. [Hebrew] Gertrud Kraus Archive- File 121.18.1.8. The Dance Library of Israel, Tel Aviv. Thomas, Helen. Dance, Gender, Culture. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993. Print. —. The Body, Dance and Cultural Theory. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. Print. Toepfer, Karl E. Empire and Ecstasy: Nudity and Movement in German Body Culture, 1910-1935. Berkley: University of California Press, 1997. Print. Tomko, Linda. "Fete Accompli: gender, 'folk-dance,' and Progressive-era political ideals in New York City." Corporealities: Dancing Knowledge, Culture and Power. Ed. Susan Leigh Foster. London: Routledge, 1996. 155-176. Print. To the Galilee. Dir. Nathan Axelrod. Carmel Films, 1937. Film. Turner, Bryan. "Recent Developments in the Theory of the Body." The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory. Ed(s). Featherstone, Mike, Mike Hepworth and Turner. London: SAGE Publications Ltd., 1991. 1-45. Print. Tzahor, Ze'ev. "The Histadrut: From Marginal Organization to 'State-in the Making'." Essential Papers on Zionism. Ed(s). Reinharz, Jehuda and Anita Shapira. New York: New York University Press, 1996. 473-508. Print. Une Colonie est Nee (A Colony is Born). Dir. Lazare Bianco. Prod. Central Bureau of France, 1946. Film. Steven Spielberg Film Archive. The Hebrew University. Vienne Adult Education Association. Perf. Gertrud Kraus and dancers. 14 Oct. 1941. Walsh, Dan. The Palestine Poster Project. April 2009. Web. Jan. 10 2011. 144 Weaver, Judith, Ulfried Geuter and Michael Heller. Elsa Gindler and her influence on Wilhelm Reich and Body Psychotherapy. 2010. Web. 4 May 2011. Weiss, Meira. The Chosen Body: The Politics of the Body in Israeli Society. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2002. Print. Williams, Drid. "Why Do People Dance?" Anthropology and the Dance: Ten Lectures (2nded). Ed. Williams, Drid. University of Illinois Press, 2004. 19-39. Print. Williams, Simon J. and Gillian Bendelow. The Lived Body: Sociological Themes, Embodied Issues. London: Routledge, 1998. Print. Wolff, Janet. "Reinstating Corporeality: Feminism and Body Politics." Meaning in Motion: New Cultural Studies of Dance. Ed. Jane Desmond. Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. Print. World Federation of Democratic Youth. World Federation of Democratic Youth. 2011. Web. 14 Feb. 2011. "Yoav Ashriel." Israelidances.com. Jewishworldlife.com, N.d. Web. 3 March 2011. "Yonatan Karmon." Israelidances.com. Jewishworldlife.com, N.d. Web. 3 March 2011. "Youth Aliya." Jewish Virtual Library. The American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise, 2011. Web. 3 March 2011. Zakim, Eric. To Build and Be Built. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Press, 2006. Zerubavel, Yael. "The 'Mythological Sabra' and Jewish Past: Trauma, Memory, and Contested Identities." Israel Studies 7.2 (2002): 115-144. Print. Zimmerman, Moshe. "Muscular Jews Versus Nervous Jews." Emancipation through Musculars. Ed(s). Brenner, Michael and Gideon Reuveni. Lincoln: Library of Congress, 2006. 1-13. Print. A Glossary of Hebrew Terms Chalutzim (plural for chalutz)- Jewish Zionist pioneer. The name given to the Sabra's parents' generation who left Europe and 'made Aliya' (immigrated) to Eretz Israel. Alternative names in the literature include 'Fathers' Generation,' 'Founding Generation,' and 'Hebrew Revolution Generation.' See Elon for a nuanced explanation of the term Chalutz. Dalia Folk Dance Conferences/Festivals- These festivals, founded by Gurit Kadman, were the driving force behind the then-new Eretz Israeli folk dance movement of the 1940's. The four Dalia festivals were held at Kibbutz Dalia and took place between 1944 torn 195 8. Today's Karmiel Dance Festival is often considered to be the extension of the original Dalia festivals/conferences. Davar- (1925-1996) was the major daily Newspaper for the Histadrut- General Federation of Labour established by Labour Zionist leader Berl Katzenelson. Eretz Israel- The Hebrew translation for 'land of Israel.' This term is useful as it is a general name for this geographic region both before and after statehood. Politically speaking, during the Sabra's childhood this region, then known as Palestine, was under The British Mandate System (1922-1948). The term Eretz Israel, in this thesis, will be utilized as it often is within recent scholarship, to denote Jewish Israeli existence and identity in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel. Eretz Israeli Folk Dance- This was an invented tradition which began to formulate in the 1940's. Early Israel folk dance pioneers include Gurit Kadman, Rivka Sturman, Leah Bergstein amongst others. Galut/ Diaspora- It is important to note that the word for Diaspora in Hebrew (galut) has a double meaning. Not only does it mean Diaspora but also exile which has a far more negative connotation as it refers to the Jewish people living in imposed exile from their homeland for over 2,000 years. The politically correct term for Diaspora in Israel is tfutzot (though the latter is still widely used in non academic circles), with reference made to the Hebrew word for distribution. Gymnastics- Gymnastics gained rapid popularity beginning in the early 19th Century, the fin de siecle period and through to the beginning of the twentieth century in Western European, and particularly German, culture. It was associated with militaristic and nationalist movements. Max Nordau recommended "Jewish gymnastics" as the remedy for what he saw as Jewish degeneration and founded the Zionist gymnastics society, Bar Kochba. Gymnastics, (likely a catch-all phrase for physical exercise), became the base 146 technique for all physical culture which originated in the Weimar Republic at the time, namely Korperkultur, Jewish Gymnastics and modern expressionist dance. Hapoel (The Labourer)- A major sports association still active in Israel today. It has a strong historic affiliation to Labour Zionism. Sabra (Tzabar/Tzabarit in Hebrew)- a term used to describe a Jew born in the Land of Israel. This term finds its origins within the Zionist framework at the beginning of the 1930's in Eretz Israel, and refers to the fruit of the indigenous (or so they thought) cactus tree, the sabres. Sabras too were significantly indigenous to Eretz Israel. This term is still used today for any Jew born in the State of Israel, however, in Israel Studies scholarship this term is specifically utilized for the first generation of Jews born in the Land of Israel prior to the establishment of the State. See endnote 1 for a detailed definition according to various Israel studies scholars who research this generation. Yishuv- The name given to the Jewish community in pre-state Israel. Zion- The biblical name of Jerusalem and by extension all of Israel. Zionism- An ideology which began taking hold in turn of the century Europe regarding the right to a Jewish homeland. There were many branches of this ideology including Political Zionism, Cultural Zionism and Spiritual Zionism. Zion was the biblical name for Eretz Israel in general and Jerusalem in particular. Zionist Congresses- These international meetings began in 1897 and continue today under the auspices of the World Zionist Organization. Meetings held until the establishment of the State of Israel were vital to the progression of this national project. Zionist leader Max Nordau introduced his concept of muscular Judaism at the second meeting of 1898 held in Basel. 147 Appendix B: Supplementary Bibliographic Information about the Interviewees Ayalah Goren-Kadman Ayalah Goren-Kadman continues to enjoy an active and fulfilling lifelong career in the folk dance realm, which has encompassed everything from dancing, teaching, choreographing, to management, research and academia. She followed in her mother's footsteps and the two often collaborated on research into dance traditions of various ethnic groups found in Israel. The Israel Ethnic Dance Project, founded by Kadman in 1971, had as its aim to document, preserve and revive dances of various underrepresented groups in Israeli society such as Jews from Yemen, Kurdistan, North Africa, India, Ethiopia, and Eastern Europe as well as the Arab sector. Among many concurrent activities in the folk dance field Ayalah Goren-Kadman directed the Institute for Folk Dance Leaders in Jerusalem from 1966-1975 and from 1979-1994 she led the folklore department of the International Cultural Center for Youth in Jerusalem. Goren-Kadman served as a consultant for Israeli radio and television, the Ministry of Education and Culture and was chairperson of the Dance Committee of the Tel Aviv Foundation for the Arts. She founded the ethnic dance program at the Rubin Academy of Music and Dance in Jerusalem (part of Hebrew University) in 1987 where she continues to instruct. Goren-Kadman holds a Masters degree from Hebrew University in Anthropology, Folklore and Theatre and has lectured on the subject of Israeli folklore and dance at prestigious universities throughout the United States (Rikoday Dor Rishon; The Jerusalem Academy of Music and Dance). 148 Mirali Sharon Mirali Sharon moved to Tel Aviv in the early 1950's, opened up her own studio and began performing with Gertrud Kraus' Israel Ballet Theatre. She danced for choreographer Talley Beatty in 1952, whom Kraus was hosting at the time, as well as with the Movement Quartet. Additionally, Sharon choreographed for festivities on agricultural settlements, for popular singing groups such as Lehakat Hanachal as well as for the prestigious Kameri and Ohel theatres Sharon spent most of the 1960s travelling back and forth from Israel to the United States where her career as a modern dancer further flourished. There she studied with legendary choreographers Merce Cunnigham, Murray Louis and Alwin Nickolais. Upon her return to the United States in 1963 she performed in the companies of the latter two choreographers mentioned. It was also during this period that Sharon was commissioned by the Israeli consulate in New York to tour the United States and Canada with her self- choreographed solo works. She founded her own company in 1967 to great success. Mirali Sharon returned to Israel in the early 1970s and in under a decade choreographed nine works for Israel's two leading companies at the time; namely the Bat Sheva and Bat Dor Dance Companies. In the 1980s she focused her energies to working primarily with her own company as well as representing Israel in the Conseil International de la Danse (UNESCO). In honour of her outstanding contribution to dance in Israel, Mirali Sharon received an award for lifetime achievement from the Israel Ministry of Science, Culture and Sport in 2002 (Eshel). 149 Yoav Ashriel Following army service Ashriel left the kibbutz. He began leading various folk dance companies in the centre of the country, including his successful run with several Hapoel performance groups (dancer-athletes). During this time Ashriel organized for himself various opportunities for professional development such as studying with Gertrud Kraus and enrolling in composition and production workshops. After a short while, he took over the first urban folk dance company from Gurit Kadman, Hapoel Tel Aviv, and led them to great success in performances all over the country, and memorably at the prestigious Habima Theatre in 1954. Ashriel is perhaps best known to the public for the Friday night folk dance events he organized throughout the 1970s in the city square in the heart of Tel Aviv, bringing folk dance to the masses in the open air. Today, at the age of 80, Ashriel is still very active in the field. He runs a popular folk dance event once a month in which he presents the 'classic dances.' Yoav Ashriel is often invited to lead dance events at various kibbutzim as well as abroad. He visited Toronto in the 1980s and was warmly welcomed by the very enthusiastic folk dance community there. 150 Yonatan Karmon Karmon choreographed five Broadway productions featuring dancers and singers from his company from 1963-1976 (Broadway World). From the late 1960s until the late 1980s Karmon was artistic director of the world famous Olympia Hall in Paris, returning to Israel often in order to continue to work with his company. Karmon established the Karmiel Dance Festival in 1988 with a mandate to bring together folk and Western theatrical dance from Israel as well as inviting guest performers from around the world. He was the annual festival's artistic director until 2000 (Haiman) at which point he revived the Karmon Company for a farewell tour of Israel title "Shalom" (Mooma.com).