2014

PRIO PAPER PRIO Timor Sharan Timor Wimpelmann Torunn

Future Challenges

Independent • International • Interdisciplinary • International • Independent Women’s Rightsand Political Achieve- Past Representation: ments and Background Brief for the Symposium Women’sEmpowerment Rightsand in Oslo 23 November 2014

Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) www.prio.org Design: Medicineheads.com PO Box 9229 Grønland, NO-0134 Oslo, ISBN: 978-82-7288-583-9 (print) Editors: Georgina Berry & Martin Tegnander Visiting Address: Hausmanns gate 7 978-82-7288-584-6 (online) Photo: Todd Huffman / Wikimedia

Torunn Wimpelmann Torunn

Timor Sharan Timor

Text Title

accusations that the numbers have been in- • How can female political participation and representation best flated as a result of fraud. Whatever the case be enhanced, in the next parliamentary elections and be- female participation in elections seems to have differed greatly alongside rural-urban yond? and provincial lines. For instance, a study by the Afghan Independent Human Rights Com- • What are the most important strategic issues related to gender mission and the UN assistance mission to Af- ghanistan reported that in 2009, in Daikundi equity, assuming that popular resonance and effective polit- province, 54.3 percent of the voters were women, whereas in Zabul province, the share ical alliances (including with male constituencies) are re- of voters who were female was only 11.8 per- quirements for success? cent. Executive power continues to be a male domain. In the 2014 presidential elections, • Are cases of prosecution of best un- only one female presidential candidate put her name forward as a candidate and she was dis- dertaken through specialized entitites or through reform qualified by the Independent Election Com- plaints Commission for failing to provide the of the entire justice system? necessary 100,000 ID cards in support of her • candidacy upon registration. However, three What is the political space for reform in family legislation, women ran as vice-presidential candidates and which reforms (marriage, divorce, custody or inher- and many other female politicians and activ- ists took an active role in the campaigns, more itance) would be most important for the status of Afghan so than in earlier presidential elections. Many of those interviewed for the present paper women? noted that women are increasingly defying conservative norms by making up part of the public face of the campaigns. In Ashraf These are key questions regarding women’s rights and politi- Ghani’s team prominent women, mostly members of parliament – including cal representation to be discussed at the Oslo Symposium. Farkhunda Zahra Nader, Heela Irshad and This paper summarizes the main achievements and chal- Shahgul Rezai – played an active role in the campaign leadership council, the highest deci- lenges for Afghan women’s participation in politics and their sion-making body. Similarly, well-known fe- male politicians – such as Habiba Sorabi, Na- access to justice. It also presents the most important reflec- hid Fareed, Mina Khashi, and Nasrin Gros – campaigned for Abdullah Abdullah. These tions amongst key stakeholders about possible ways forward, women regularly appeared in campaign gath- erings and engaged with the media. However, with the aim of facilitating further discussions in these areas. in both camps men dominated key working committees including the planning and pol- Following a set of concluding reflections, we will round off by icy, public outreach and finance committees. 1 detailing questions for further debate. It also seems that there is a new appreciation realize their political aspirations, having seen of the importance of the female constituency. Women in Afghan politics: For instance, the 2014 presidential candidates the first cadre of female leaders gaining prom- Participation and Substance engaged more systematically with women’s is- inence after the collapse of the regime The space for women to participate in politics in 2001. sues in their campaign and focused on women’s access to health and education, safe- in Afghanistan has opened up considerably guarding economic security for women and over the last 14 years. The nation-wide percep- The 2014 Presidential Elections tion surveys conducted by the Asia Founda- enhancing women’s political rights. This was According to the Independent Election Com- partly because women politicians and activists tion (2008 to 2013) found that almost 60 per- mission (IEC) more women voted in the 2014 were more organized and vocal in articulating cent of Afghans are happy with women elections than in the elections of 2009, alt- representing them in elected institutions, in- their demands, asking for specific verbal and hough the number of female voters has given written commitments from candidates. The cluding provincial councils. Younger women rise to some controversy, related to claims and Women Charter and the civil society Pledge in particular appear increasingly willing to take social and even security risks in order to Letter are examples of such initiatives. Whilst PRIO PAPER 2014 www.prio.org

Year All candidates Female candidates Total seats Female council members many women who won seats did so with (none -quota in brackets) much higher margins than earlier, even if the total share of female-won seats decreased. 2005 3025 285 420 105 (24) More generally, there has been a tendency in 2009 3196 328 425 117 (20) both local and donor discourse to equate women’s presence in politics with the cham- 2014 2591 308 458 97 (18) pioning of women’s interest as a gender Table 1: Provincial elections and female candidates.3 group. As is now widely pointed out, this equation is problematic and can lead to mis- the latter was initiated and supported by candidates running for parliament has in- guided policies. For one, women are not insu- Counterpart Afghanistan, a USAID subcon- creased. In 2005, 12 percent of the Wolesi lated from the overall political dynamics in Af- tractor, the former was an initiative by Afghan Jirga candidates were female, whereas in 2010 ghanistan, which are often shaped by relations women civil society actors. The Women Char- the number had increased to 16 percent.2 The of patronage and personalized competition. ter specifically demanded guarantees for proportion of women amongst the candidates That women are not immune to such dynam- women in five key areas: law protection and running for seats in the provincial councils ics was made clear by personal divisions enforcement including the passing and imple- has also increased, from 5 percent in 2005 to amongst female MPs in the Wolesi Jirga over mentation of the Elimination of Violence 12 percent in 2014. attempts to introduce the Elimination of Vio- Against Women Law; improvements in As the table above shows, between 2010 and lence Against Women (EVAW) law to plenary women’s access to health; women’s access to 2014 there were 117 women councilors out of debate in parliament in 2013. Many women’s education; women’s economic security; and a total of 425. This has now dropped signifi- rights advocates believe that these divisions women’s political participation. The two run- cantly to 97 following the 2014 provincial caused the EVAW law, a piece of legislation off candidates pledged their commitment to council elections. A major reason for this was important to women, to lose some of its legiti- these demands. the 2013 election law that reduced the propor- macy. Some suggest that these dynamics are exacerbated by international donors who The Parliament and the Provincial tion of seats reserved for women from 25 to 20 percent. might pick their own champions, particularly Councils amongst English-speaking women MPs, and The 2004 Afghan Constitution introduced a “The quota system is a employ informal tactics to promote gender is- quota system to ensure a minimum level of sues instead of supporting formal channels female representation in the two houses of form of positive discrimina- such as the Women’s Commission. At the parliament. A minimum of two of the elected same time, even if women – like men – are members to the Lower House from each of tion which is good in the part of patronage politics, they are often more Afghanistan’s 34 provinces must be female. marginalized by such politics than their male This was clarified in later legislation to mean short run but it would lead counterparts. Women, for example, might be that 68 of 249, or 27 percent, of the seats in in office as protégées of male leaders (a prac- parliament are reserved for women, given that to laziness and lack of as- tice aided by the quota system) or they find it the number of total seats in each province var- piration in the long-run.” difficult to exercise influence due to the lack ies significantly according to population lev- of access to informal networks and finances. els. In addition 50 percent of the presidential A Male MP from Herat In the 2005 Parliamentary election, the share appointees to the Upper House (1/3 of the of women who were elected to the Wolesi Jirga without requiring the quota was approxi- Upper House seats) must be female. Subse- Overall, there seems to be a consensus, at mately 30 percent of the total.5 However, in quent electoral legislation has also put in least in pro-women circles, that the quota sys- 2010, in an election generally perceived to place quotas for women in the provincial tem has proven an effective entry point for have been dominated by strongmen and busi- councils. This quota was initially at 25 per- women in politics and that it is essential to nessmen-turned-politicians, the number of cent, but it was reduced to 20 percent in 2013 promote women’s political participation. women gaining seats without the aid of quo- although an attempt by some parliamentari- Nonetheless, the system has not been without tas in Wolesi Jirga decreased to 11, from 19 in ans to remove the provincial council quota al- its drawbacks. Numerous reports on the quota 2005. An in-depth study on women’s electoral together was unsuccessful. system find that the general public perceives participation in three provinces from 2012 by the quota as a ceiling rather than a floor for There are presently 69 female MPs (28 per- the Afghan Research and Evaluation Unit con- women’s elected seats.4 Even if female candi- cent) in the Wolesi Jirga (Lower House) and firmed that voters, both men and women, dates gain enough votes to claim an open seat, 28 female senators (27 percent in the Me- tended to see elected representatives as service they are regarded as having gained one of the shrano Jirga (Upper House) from a total of providers to localized groups. Voters therefore seats reserved for women. This is particularly 102 members). Studies suggest that over the prioritized candidates who were regarded as paradoxical in light of the (preliminary) re- years, women’s share of the total number of having the influence and networks to be able sults of the 2014 provincial elections where www.prio.org PRIO PAPER 2014

Women in Bagh-e-Babur, , Afghanistan. Photo: Ninara / Wikimedia to deliver tangible benefits to their commu- separate objectives and must be approached nity. Accordingly, it would appear that female as such. A promising example of female MPs The peace process representation would gain, in relative terms, taking initiatives and driving national policy, The view that women’s participation and pri- by a transition to issue-based or party oriented working beyond women issues, is the Anti- orities must be part of any peace process politics. The country’s current voting system, Corruption Caucus in the Wolesi Jirga, a cau- seems to be well established amongst donors the Single Non-Transferable Vote system, re- cus consisting of the female MPs who suc- and the Afghan government. There also mains an obstacle to the development of more cessfully championed the Access to Infor- seems to be a broad acceptance within Af- party-based politics. mation Act. ghanistan that peace negotiations with the in- At the same time, female MPs, like their male If we distinguish between women’s participa- surgents, provided that they do not involve colleagues, hold different views and represent tion in politics and the political promotion of concessions that erode women’s existing a variety of political interests, and cannot be this also means that men rights, are desirable or at least not objectiona- expected to serve solely as defenders of must be enlisted as crucial partners to coali- ble. In the absence of an actual peace process women rights. In fact female MPs in parlia- tions around women’s rights issues. What is however, and with a seeming inability of the ment complain of being marginalized and rel- promising in this regard is the fact that many insurgents to articulate a coherent set of de- egated to “women’s’ issues” such as gender vi- of the contributors to intellectual debates mands, the exact modalities through which olence whereas men are left to debate issues about gender roles and in Afghani- women’s rights and participation can be en- considered more serious and important such stan are men, and that many male politicians sured remains undetermined. Much effort as the economy, security and defense, framed express support for women’s rights. Underlin- has gone into supporting the nine female as male domains. This is compounded with ing how rigid gender roles impact men’s op- members of the High Peace Council, a gov- the barrier posed by men who refuse to listen tions as well, for instance by placing heavy re- ernment body whose 70 members were ap- to women because they are seen as ‘quota’ sponsibilities for family provision and the pointed by President Karzai in 2010. The candidates. In other words, it is suggested that reputation of female relatives on men, could Council is mandated to facilitate peace talks increasing female participation in politics and serve to build an inclusive discourse that is and lead national reconciliation. The High building coalitions for women’s rights are two relevant to both sexes. Peace Council has set up Provincial Peace

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Committees to negotiate with armed opposi- tion groups at the local level and persuade them to renounce violence through the Af- ghan Peace and Reintegration Program. Women make up less than 10 percent of the members of the Provincial Peace Committees. A report from spring 2014 suggests that the kind and level of influence these female mem- bers have been able to exercise varies accord- ing to the degree of conservatism in the local area. In some parts of the country, women peace councils ‘met regularly with both formal government representatives and informal community governance structures and were able, if not to influence the reintegration pro- cess, then at least to advocate around issues of concern to women in the community’.6 In other parts of the country, and particularly in rural conservative places, women’s roles have been more circumscribed. Parliamentarian Shukria Barakzai survived a car bomb in Kabul 16 November 2014. At the time of writing, in early November Photo: Embassy of the United States Kabul, Afghanistan 2014, the future of the High Peace Council was uncertain, with suggestions that the new rape a crime distinct from adultery, and by challenges, with some case files simply disap- government might establish a new institution criminalizing under age marriage as well as a pearing. altogether. If and when peace negotiations series of violations of women’s civil rights The large number of mediated VAW cases come underway, preliminary measures could such as deprivation of inheritance and polyga- suggests that government officials either re- be to formulate mechanisms through which mous marriage under certain conditions, and gard incidents of violence against women as a women and civil society can systematically various forms of harassment. The EVAW law less serious or ‘private’ matter, or that justice participate, modelled perhaps on experiences also stipulates the government’s responsibili- officials find it to be against women’s interest from other countries such as Guatemala ties for protecting victims. The law remains to imprison their male relatives, upon whom where the structured and substantial inclu- unratified by parliament and implementation they are often financially dependent. The Min- sion of different civil society actors in the has been slow, despite significant interna- istry of Women’s Affairs is in the process of peace process was successfully achieved. It tional and local pressure. At the time of writ- developing guidelines for mediation, which might also be important to ensure that inter- ing, it seemed possible that the EVAW law’s are intended to ensure universal criteria for national and local actors are aware of and have criminal provisions would be incorporated when cases can be referred to mediation, and access to expertise regarding the multiplicity into a revised general Penal Code, which then a measure of follow up, since anecdotal evi- of possibilities when it comes to formulation would be presented to parliament, perhaps in dence suggests considerable repeat violence.8 of and incorporation of Islamic jurisprudence one or two years’ time. Some actors within the justice sector also call into government legal systems. This is likely A long awaited government report about vio- for a more nuanced approach to criminal to be a central reference when the Taliban for- lence against women (VAW) cases in the jus- prosecution; the use of probation, using previ- mulate their demands. tice system found that cases filed under the ous violations as evidence in court if reoffend- Rights and access to justice EVAW law (as opposed to under the 1976 Pe- ing, should be introduced as alternatives to nal Code) had increased by 28 percent,7 but imprisonment for first time offenders. This Much of the work on women’s access to jus- that of the 4 505 cases registered over a one would however require a measure of record- tice in Afghanistan has focused on the prose- year period, only 361 cases led to a criminal keeping and follow up that is currently not cution of violence against women, with com- conviction. (However, almost two-thirds of standard. paratively less effort and attention directed these convictions came from a single prov- Another focus since 2001 when it comes to towards family law reform or economic rights ince, Herat.) Around 40 percent of the cases women and the justice system has been the such as claims over property and inheritance. had been ‘solved’ either through mediation or women detained for ‘moral crimes’, hereun- The Law on Elimination of Violence against simply by victims withdrawing their cases. der adultery, ‘attempted adultery’ and ‘run- Women (EVAW) was enacted by presidential The remaining total caseload of around 2 000 ning away from home’. Estimates over the last decree in 2009 and has been a cornerstone of was reported to be under processing. Many of decade suggest that between 400 and 600 both donor and local gender work. The EVAW the specialized prosecution units for VAW women are incarcerated for such offenses at law differs from earlier legislation by making crimes seem to suffer from administrative any given time in the country (currently the www.prio.org PRIO PAPER 2014

which point custody is transferred to the fa- ther. Some five years back, there was an at- tempt to introduce a standardized mandatory marriage contract, which would give women more rights in relation to dowry and divorce. However, women’s rights advocates report that the efforts surrounding this initiative faded into the background after the EVAW law began to take up much of their focus. Le- gal aid to women in cases of inheritance (of which they are afforded rights to according to the 1977 family law) is generally not available and national level data on caseloads, or on whether and how courts address such claims, do not exist. Marriage, divorce and inheritance issues are also part of broader challenges related to iden- tity papers, land, birth and death registrations, which affect the legal rights of all citizens fe- male and male. Likewise, many of the prob- lems with women’s access to justice emanate A female employee sews blankets at a textile factory. from general challenges facing the justice sys- tem; capacity constraints, corruption and po- figure is around 460).9 While these women are for other reasons in a vulnerable situation. litical interference. The latter two problems, constitute a small number of the total prison The shelters and their staff have frequently as well as challenges of aid coordination, have population of near 28,000 (97 percent male) been accused of facilitating immorality or hampered attempts of reform and strengthen- inmates, their detainment is considered to ‘breaking up the family’. Matters culminated ing the justice system. With the National discourage many other women from escaping in 2011, when, after a sustained conservative Unity Government declaring justice sector re- abusive family situations. No serious attempts campaign against the shelters, the Ministry of form to be a key priority, support to the justice have been made to remove adultery (pre and Women’s Affairs announced that they would sector might produce better results than what extra marital sexual relations, punishable for be turned into government-managed institu- has been the case over the last decade. both sexes)10 from the penal code, but aid tions under stricter oversight, including ad- agencies and activists have challenged judicial mission screenings. However, lobbying from In 2003, the Afghan government ratified the authorities on the practice of charging women the shelters and national and international al- Convention on the Elimination of All Forms and girls for the more diffuse crimes of run- lies diffused the situation, and the Ministry of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), ning away or attempted adultery, with some and the shelters gradually developed a more without the reservations that have been com- success.11 In the larger cities, legal aid is re- cordial relationship. Today, shelters are availa- mon for Muslim countries with Sharia-de- ported to be available to female detainees, ble to women in at least 20 out of 34 prov- rived legislation. The government submitted comparing favorably to the services available inces, and in recent years they appear to be its first report only in 2012. During the hear- to the much larger number of male detainees, gaining acceptance in many areas. However, ing the following year, Committee members although differences over the models through southern and eastern provinces are poorly pointed out that many Afghan laws explicitly which legal aid is organized might lead to cuts covered and for many women the inability to discriminated against women’s rights.13 They in funding. To some extent, legal aid is also move out of the shelters has been a longstand- also drew attention to the high number of available to women in family cases, although ing issue.12 girls who do not get proper education, the lack unequal divorce and custody rights, and a lack of protection of women from violence and the The family and civil code from 1977 is primar- of access to resources means that women are failure to prosecute such acts. Whilst the Af- ily based on a fairly orthodox interpretation of counselled to seek divorce only in cases of ex- ghan government pointed to efforts to imple- the dominant Islamic school in Afghanistan, treme abuse or abandonment. ment the EVAW law, responses to questions the Hanafi school. The code is scheduled for about reform in family law were evaded. It is Another important service to female victims revision, but it is difficult to predict what the difficult, however, to see how Afghanistan can of violence mainly established after 2001 are outcomes of such revisions will be. Some have meet its obligations under CEDAW without the women’s shelters, of which there are cur- suggested that greater custody rights over chil- revising some of its existing legislation. rently around 25. The shelters have generally dren, especially in cases of spousal abuse, been run by women-led non-governmental or- should be one priority. Currently, women Since 2010, the Afghan government, Finland ganizations and offer refuge to women who have custody over sons and daughters until and UNWOMEN have worked to develop a are at risk of abuse from family members, or the ages of seven and nine respectively, at National Action Plan on Women Peace and

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Security. A draft has been completed and is olence against women remain low. There ap- 6. Peace Training and Research Organization, scheduled to be launched shortly. Govern- pears to be several reasons for this; chief 2014. ‘The Home Front: The Role of ment priorities set out by the plan include in- amongst them are the limited options for 's Peace and Reinte- creasing female participation in the security women to survive outside of family settings, gration Programme’, Research Paper, sector, in the High Peace Council and in the unequal access to custody and economic as- PTRO. civil service, establishment of compulsory sets and challenges related to the general 7. Ministry of Women’s Affairs. ‘First Report marriage registration and of specialized VAW functioning of the justice system. Other im- on the Implementation of the Elimination of courts, and financial support to vulnerable portant focus areas in the field of justice have Violence against Women ( EVAW) Law in women and to female economic participation. been legal assistance and advocacy for women A more detailed and budgeted implementa- detained for ‘moral crimes’ and the establish- Afghanistan’. Kabul: Islamic Republic of Af- tion plan, intended to ensure that the action ment of shelters. Family law reform and ghanistan, MoWA. plan will form an integral part of government women’s access to justice in civil cases have 8. United Nations Development Program, policy, is reportedly yet to be finalized. received comparatively little attention. The Af- 2013. ‘Report on EVAW units in Kabul, ghan civil code of 1977 contains some articles Mazar-e Sharif and Herat’, United Nations Conclusions that contradict CEDAW, such as sole custody Development Program, March 2013. rights to fathers for children over a certain Aided by the quota system, women have made 9. Numbers are based on: Human Rights age, unequal divorce rights and limited eco- significant headway in Afghan politics. None- Watch, 2012. ‘I had to run away. The Im- nomic rights in case of divorce.  theless, their political participation remains prisonment of Women and Girls for “Moral tenuous, with parts of the general public as Crimes” in Afghanistan’, and data obtained Notes well as many male parliamentarians viewing from the Corrections System Support Pro- women politicians to be mere ‘quota holders’ 1. This background paper draws upon around gram in October 2014. at best and completely unwelcome at worst. 30 interviews in Kabul in September and 10. Some ideas about removing adultery are From civil society and international groups, October 2014, as well as the authors’ previ- floating around in connection with the revi- the main criticism against female politicians ous work in the field of gender, political sions of the penal code. Those in favour of has been that their increased participation in participation and access to justice in Af- removal argue that adultery is included in politics has not translated into sufficient gains ghanistan. Islamic penal law solely as a preventive for women as a gender group. At the same 2. See United States Institute of Peace, 2012. time, female politicians suffer from notions measure, because it is punishable only when that because they are women, they should “Learning from Women’s Success in 2010 four witnesses exist. concern themselves with ‘women’s issues’ Afghan Elections”, Special Report. In 2005, 11. A more detailed breakdown of how many only. All of this suggests that increasing fe- there were 2379 male (88%) and 328 fe- of the women incarcerated for moral male participation in politics and building co- male (12 %) candidates running for the Up- crimes were imprisoned for adultery as op- alitions for women’s rights might usefully be per House. In 2010, this increased to 406 posed to ‘attempted adultery’ or running approached as two separate objectives. In female candidates (16 %) compared to 2171 away could not be obtained and, it seems, is other words, even if more women in politics (84%). not generally available. do not automatically translate into the promo- 3. This table is based on Lough, Oliver et al., 12. A few transitional houses have been set up tion of a pro-women agenda, the former 2012. ‘Equal Rights, Unequal Opportunities. for women who are ready to move out of should nonetheless be a goal in itself. Yet the Women’s Participation in Afghanistan’s Par- the shelters, but women often face eco- two objectives are not entirely disconnected. liamentary and Provincial Council Elections’, Women continue to be structurally disadvan- nomic challenges in ‘transitioning’ out of taged as long as the electorate and political Synthesis Report, Afghan Research and these. landscape favors localized ‘patrons’ over politi- Evaluation Unit. The numbers from 2014 13. See Musawah, 2013. ‘Musawah Thematic cians campaigning across communities on are based on the preliminary results. Report on Article 16: Afghanistan’. Geneva, specific issues. Female politicians often lack 4. See for instance Independent Election Com- July 2013. the resources and connections to compete in mission & UNIFEM, 2009. ‘One Step For- such a field. ward, Two Steps Back? Lessons learnt Les- Women’s access to justice has been another sons Learnt on Women’s Participation in cornerstone of both national and international the 2009 Afghan Elections Workshop Re- work with women and gender equality in Af- port’, UNIFEM and IEC. ghanistan since 2001. In practice, much focus 5. National Democratic Institute for Interna- has been directed towards the prosecution of tional Affairs, 2006. ‘The September 2005 gender-based violence, and the implementa- Parliamentary and Provincial Council Elec- tion of the EVAW law. Despite considerable tions in Afghanistan’, NDI. efforts, the conviction numbers in cases of vi- www.prio.org PRIO PAPER 2014

  Issues for discussion Family legislation: What is the political Manjoo, Rashida, 2014. ‘Statement by The space for changes to the family and civil law, United Nations Special Rapporteur on  Increasing female representation: What for instance regarding marriage, divorce, cus- violence against women on Afghanistan’, 12 are the best ways to enhance female political tody or inheritance? Are revisions of such November 2014. participation and representation in the up- provisions the right priority at the moment? unama.unmissions.org/Portals/UNAMA/Press coming parliamentary elections and beyond? Would any such revisions to family legisla- %20Releases/Press_release_Afghanistan_mis Should the focus be on the promotion of and tion make an actual difference to women’s sion_SRVAW_12Nov2014-Eng.pdf assistance to individual women candidates, lives?  Peace Research and Training Organization, or on improving the overall landscape in or- 2014. ‘The Home Front: The Role of der to reduce the influence of informal net- Recommended Readings Women in Afghanistan's Peace and works of patronage and fraud that seems to  Adlparvar, Naysan, Hosai Wardak and Reintegration Programme’, Research Paper, affect women disproportionally (and if so Vanessa Thevatasan, 2014. ‘Getting it Right: PTRO. through what measures)? Should the quota Examining Gender Programming in www.ptro.org.af/site_files/13990989651.pdf system be rethought or is it better to con- Afghanistan’, British Agencies Afghanistan centrate efforts on increasing the legitimacy  Agency Coordinating Body for Afghan Relief, Group. of the quota seats? 2014. ‘Transforming Development Beyond www.baag.org.uk/sites/www.baag.org.uk/files/ Transition in Afghanistan: Women’s Rights  Promoting gender equality through resources/attachments/Getting%20it%20Righ Position Paper’, ACBAR. politics: If women and gender equality are t%202014_FINAL.pdf www.baag.org.uk/sites/www.baag.org.uk/files/ becoming more significant as electoral issues,  Lough, Oliver et al., 2012. ‘Equal Rights, resources/attachments/Transforming%20Dev how can women and their allies capitalize on Unequal Opportunities. Women’s elopment%20Beyond%20Transition%20in%2 this? What can be the core issues for women Participation in Afghanistan’s Parliamentary 0Afghanistan%20Womens%20Rights.pdf to mobilize around and put forward as politi- and Provincial Council Elections’, Synthesis cal demands in future elections? Are there is- Report, Afghan Research and Evaluation sues that might resonate with women across Unit. rural/urban and class divides? How can Af- www.areu.org.af/EditionDetails.aspx?EditionI ghan men be mobilized around gender equal- d=579&ContentId=7&ParentId=7&Lang=en- ity? US  Prosecution of violence against  Luccaro, Tim and Erica Gaston, 2014. women: Can low conviction rates be ad- ‘Women’s Access to Justice in Afghanistan: dressed by targeted initiatives such as special Individual versus Community Barriers to prosecution units and courts or is it more Justice’, Peaceworks Report, United States helpful to focus on reforms of the justice sys- Institute of Peace. tem as a whole? Is it meaningful to press for www.usip.org/sites/default/files/PW98_Wom the imprisonment of male relatives if women en's-Access-to-Justice-in-Afghanistan.pdf risk losing the family support and subsistence that they depend on?

THE AUTHORS THE PROJECT PRIO

Timor Sharan has a PhD in Politics from Uni- This paper provides background for the Sym- The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) is a versity of Exeter (UK). His PhD thesis exam- posium “Women’s Rights and Empowerment in non-profit peace research institute (estab- ined the political economy of a “network Afghanistan”, Oslo 23 November 2014. The lished in 1959) whose overarching purpose is state” in post-2001 Afghanistan, exploring is- Symposium is hosted by the Norwegian Minis- to conduct research on the conditions for sues of corruption, identity and patronage. try of Foreign Affairs, in partnership with the peaceful relations between states, groups and Afghan Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the US State people. The institute is independent, interna- Torunn Wimpelmann is a postdoctoral re- Department, the Afghan Women’s Network tional and interdisciplinary, and explores is- searcher at Chr. Michelsen Institute, Bergen. (AWN), Georgetown Institute of Women, sues related to all facets of peace and conflict. She completed her PhD on gender, violence Peace and Security (GIWPS) and PRIO. and politics in post-2001 Afghanistan at SOAS in 2013.

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