Phonological Features Chart Coronal Palatal Non-Coronal (Sonorant Consonants)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Phonological Features Chart Coronal Palatal Non-Coronal (Sonorant Consonants) (v11.02) Phonological Features Chart Coronal Palatal Non-coronal (Sonorant Consonants) diacritic Obstruents Obstruents Obstruents Laryngeals Affricates Nasals & Liquids Glides Vowels examples [+cons, -son, +cor] [+cor + dors] [+cons, -son, -cor] [-cons,-son] [+cons,-son -/+cont] [+cons,+son] [-cons, +son] [-cons, +son] t' th t t d s z c p b f v k x q h t d ts dz kx pf m n l r j w i u e o a æ y ø œ cons + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ++++++++++++++ - --cons +++++ + + + + ++++++++ - --- ---------------- cons son - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ----------------- son ----- - + + + ++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++ son Class features syll - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - syll - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ---++++++++++++++++ syll labial - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - + + ++++------------ - lab ----- + + - - - - - - - - - - + +++ ++++++++++++++++ lab round 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 - - ---- 0000000000000 rnd 00000 - - 0 0 0000000 - ++- --++--++- -+++-++ rnd coronal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + - - ----------------- cor ++++- - - + - +--+-++- ---- ---------------- cor ant + + + + + + + + + + + - - - - - - 0 0 00000000000000000 ant --++ 0 0 0 + 0 - 00+ 0 + + 00000 0000000000000000 ant dist - - + - - - - - - - - + + + + + + 0 0 00000000000000000 dist ++ - - 0 0 0 - 0 - 00- 0 - - 00000 0000000000000000 dist dorsal - - - - - - - - - - - - - + + + + - - ----++++++++----- dor ++ - -+ - - - + +++-+--+++++ ++++++++++++++++ dor high 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + + 0 0 0000 ++++- ---00000high ++0 0 + 0 0 0 + -+-0 + 0 0 -++++ ++++------++---+ high low 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0000 00000 low 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 --------++------ low Place features - - - - -------- -- - - --- - ----- back 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 - - - - 0 0 0000 ++++++++00000back --0 0 + 0 0 0 + --+0 - 0 0 +-+-+ --++--++- -----++ back tense 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 - - - - 0 0 0000 - - - - - - - - 00000tense --0 0 - 0 0 0 - - - - 0 - 0 0 - - - - - +-+-+-+--++-+--+ tense pharyngeal - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ------------++ - - - phar - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ++++++++++++++++ phar ATR 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 000000000000- - 0 00 ATR 00000 0 0 0 0 000000000000+-+-+-+---+-+--- ATR voice - - - - + - + - + - + - + - + - + - + -+-+-+-+-+-+---+- voi -+-+- - + + + ++++++++++++ ++++++++++++++++ voi SG - + - - - - - + - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - + +- SG ----- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- ---------------- SG Laryngeal Laryngeal features CG + - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -+ CG ----- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- ---------------- CG cont - - - - - + + + + + + + + - - + + - - ++++--++- -++++++- cont ± ± ± ± ± ± - - - ---+++++++++ ++++++++++++++++ cont strident - - - - - + + - - - - - - - - - - - - ++- --------------strid ++++- + - - - ------------ ---------------- strid lateral - - - - - - - + + - - - - - - - - - - ------- - - - - - - - - -- lat ----- - - - - ---++- ------ ---------------- lat Manner features del rel - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ------- - - - - - - - - --d rel +++++ + - - - ------------ ---------------- d rel nasal - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -----------------nasal ----- - + + + +++--------- ---------------- nasal Variants More Sounds Feature Geometry Front Central Back [+front –back] [–front –back] [–front +back] Place and s = bilabial click (prosodic) Manner of Skeleton: C,V High [+tense] i y Velar = | dental click ˆ ¨ μ u Labial Dental c t Articulation Palatal Uvular Glottal Alveolar Retroflex [+ high –low] Pharyngeal Labiodental Root Tier: [consonantal] Postalveolar y = j ! (post) alveolar click I Y U [–tense] [sonorant] Plosive r = palato-alveolar click Root-linked e [+tense] p b t d c k q O P F o Tiers: [cont] j = alveolar lateral click Mid Nasal [lat] [–high –low] ´ m n N c = ts alveolar lateral flap [nas] [–tense] E ø Œ ç Trill B r = simultaneous and x Laryngeal LAR l [+tense] Tier: = voiced labio-palatal approximate Low Q å Tap/Flap z [voi] [SG] [CG] [–high +low] [–tense] = voiceless epiglottal fricative a Ø A Å j d Place Tier: [-rnd] [+rnd] [-rnd] [+rnd] [-rnd] [+rnd] Fricative f v s z . x h J PLACE voiced epiglottal fricative = u y Lateral [labial] [coronal] [dorsal] [phar] = [-voi] alveolo-palatal fricative Fricative Z o œ DIACRITICS SUPRASEGMENTALS voiced alveolo-palatal fricative [round] [ant] [dist] [hi] [low] [bk] [ATR] a = primary stress Approximant j voiceless n d breathy voice b a Lateral voiced s t creaky voiced b a secondary stress Approximant l L Vocal Tract aspirated t d linguolabial t d long half long labial + + - - - - - - - - - coronal - - + + + + + - - - - palate more rounded labialized t d extra short velum dorsal - - - - - + + + + - - less rounded palatalized t d minor (foot) group pharyngeal - - - - - - - - - + - alveolar uvula nasal cavity ridge advanced u velarized t d major (intonation) group oral cavity soft palate nasal (varies somewhat across languages) teeth pharynx SONORITY SCALE tongue pharynx lips trachea retracted e pharyngealized t d . syllable break oral 6 stops & larynx pharyngeal pharynx TONES AND WORD ACCENTS 1 vowels 2 glides 3 liquids 4 nasals 5 fricatives wall dental t d nasalized e affricates trachea epiglottis laryngeal apical t d nasal release d e extra high rising +syllabic − syllabic pharynx − consonantal + consonantal bronchi laminal t d lateral release d e high falling Adam’s apple +approximant − approximant esophagus centralized e no audible release e mid hi rising lung lung larynx + sonorant − sonorant vocal folds md-centralized e velar or pharyngeal l e low low rising + continuant [ -cont] [± cont] − continuant syllabic n ATR e RTR e e extra low rise fall Jason Riggle – University of Chicago NOTES • though nasals are specified [-cont] due to obstruction of the oral cavity, nasal airflow makes them more sonorous than stops version 11.02, February 2011 non-syllabic e lowered e ↓ downstep global rise • the vowel [a] is central (not front, as in some charts) because it can participate in a 3-way color contrast: [æ] vs. [a] vs. [] comments/corrections: [email protected] • this feature system is 3-valued with 0 = unspecified (assumed to be obligatory for place features whose mother’s value is ‘-’) rhoticity raised e ↑ upstep global fall .
Recommended publications
  • A Brief Description of Consonants in Modern Standard Arabic
    Linguistics and Literature Studies 2(7): 185-189, 2014 http://www.hrpub.org DOI: 10.13189/lls.2014.020702 A Brief Description of Consonants in Modern Standard Arabic Iram Sabir*, Nora Alsaeed Al-Jouf University, Sakaka, KSA *Corresponding Author: [email protected] Copyright © 2014 Horizon Research Publishing All rights reserved. Abstract The present study deals with “A brief Modern Standard Arabic. This study starts from an description of consonants in Modern Standard Arabic”. This elucidation of the phonetic bases of sounds classification. At study tries to give some information about the production of this point shows the first limit of the study that is basically Arabic sounds, the classification and description of phonetic rather than phonological description of sounds. consonants in Standard Arabic, then the definition of the This attempt of classification is followed by lists of the word consonant. In the present study we also investigate the consonant sounds in Standard Arabic with a key word for place of articulation in Arabic consonants we describe each consonant. The criteria of description are place and sounds according to: bilabial, labio-dental, alveolar, palatal, manner of articulation and voicing. The attempt of velar, uvular, and glottal. Then the manner of articulation, description has been made to lead to the drawing of some the characteristics such as phonation, nasal, curved, and trill. fundamental conclusion at the end of the paper. The aim of this study is to investigate consonant in MSA taking into consideration that all 28 consonants of Arabic alphabets. As a language Arabic is one of the most 2.
    [Show full text]
  • Laryngeal Features in German* Michael Jessen Bundeskriminalamt, Wiesbaden Catherine Ringen University of Iowa
    Phonology 19 (2002) 189–218. f 2002 Cambridge University Press DOI: 10.1017/S0952675702004311 Printed in the United Kingdom Laryngeal features in German* Michael Jessen Bundeskriminalamt, Wiesbaden Catherine Ringen University of Iowa It is well known that initially and when preceded by a word that ends with a voiceless sound, German so-called ‘voiced’ stops are usually voiceless, that intervocalically both voiced and voiceless stops occur and that syllable-final (obstruent) stops are voiceless. Such a distribution is consistent with an analysis in which the contrast is one of [voice] and syllable-final stops are devoiced. It is also consistent with the view that in German the contrast is between stops that are [spread glottis] and those that are not. On such a view, the intervocalic voiced stops arise because of passive voicing of the non-[spread glottis] stops. The purpose of this paper is to present experimental results that support the view that German has underlying [spread glottis] stops, not [voice] stops. 1 Introduction In spite of the fact that voiced (obstruent) stops in German (and many other Germanic languages) are markedly different from voiced stops in languages like Spanish, Russian and Hungarian, all of these languages are usually claimed to have stops that contrast in voicing. For example, Wurzel (1970), Rubach (1990), Hall (1993) and Wiese (1996) assume that German has underlying voiced stops in their different accounts of Ger- man syllable-final devoicing in various rule-based frameworks. Similarly, Lombardi (1999) assumes that German has underlying voiced obstruents in her optimality-theoretic (OT) account of syllable-final laryngeal neutralisation and assimilation in obstruent clusters.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unicode Cookbook for Linguists: Managing Writing Systems Using Orthography Profiles
    Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2017 The Unicode Cookbook for Linguists: Managing writing systems using orthography profiles Moran, Steven ; Cysouw, Michael DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.290662 Posted at the Zurich Open Repository and Archive, University of Zurich ZORA URL: https://doi.org/10.5167/uzh-135400 Monograph The following work is licensed under a Creative Commons: Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) License. Originally published at: Moran, Steven; Cysouw, Michael (2017). The Unicode Cookbook for Linguists: Managing writing systems using orthography profiles. CERN Data Centre: Zenodo. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.290662 The Unicode Cookbook for Linguists Managing writing systems using orthography profiles Steven Moran & Michael Cysouw Change dedication in localmetadata.tex Preface This text is meant as a practical guide for linguists, and programmers, whowork with data in multilingual computational environments. We introduce the basic concepts needed to understand how writing systems and character encodings function, and how they work together. The intersection of the Unicode Standard and the International Phonetic Al- phabet is often not met without frustration by users. Nevertheless, thetwo standards have provided language researchers with a consistent computational architecture needed to process, publish and analyze data from many different languages. We bring to light common, but not always transparent, pitfalls that researchers face when working with Unicode and IPA. Our research uses quantitative methods to compare languages and uncover and clarify their phylogenetic relations. However, the majority of lexical data available from the world’s languages is in author- or document-specific orthogra- phies.
    [Show full text]
  • LINGUISTICS 221 Lecture #3 DISTINCTIVE FEATURES Part 1. an Utterance Is Composed of a Sequence of Discrete Segments. Is the Segm
    LINGUISTICS 221 Lecture #3 DISTINCTIVE FEATURES Part 1. An utterance is composed of a sequence of discrete segments. Is the segment indivisible? Is the segment the smallest unit of phonological analysis? If it is, segments ought to differ randomly from one another. Yet this is not true: pt k prs What is the relationship between members of the two groups? p t k - the members of this set have an internal relationship: they are all voiceles stops. p r s - no such relationship exists p b d s bilabial bilabial alveolar alveolar stop stop stop fricative voiceless voiced voiced voiceless SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES! Segments may be viewed as composed of sets of properties rather than indivisible entities. We can show the relationship by listing the properties of each segment. DISTINCTIVE FEATURES • enable us to describe the segments in the world’s languages: all segments in any language can be characterized in some unique combination of features • identifies groups of segments → natural segment classes: they play a role in phonological processes and constraints • distinctive features must be referred to in terms of phonetic -- articulatory or acoustic -- characteristics. 1 Requirements on distinctive feature systems (p. 66): • they must be capable of characterizing natural segment classes • they must be capable of describing all segmental contrasts in all languages • they should be definable in phonetic terms The features fulfill three functions: a. They are capable of describing the segment: a phonetic function b. They serve to differentiate lexical items: a phonological function c. They define natural segment classes: i.e. those segments which as a group undergo similar phonological processes.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonological Processes
    Phonological Processes Phonological processes are patterns of articulation that are developmentally appropriate in children learning to speak up until the ages listed below. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESS DESCRIPTION AGE ACQUIRED Initial Consonant Deletion Omitting first consonant (hat → at) Consonant Cluster Deletion Omitting both consonants of a consonant cluster (stop → op) 2 yrs. Reduplication Repeating syllables (water → wawa) Final Consonant Deletion Omitting a singleton consonant at the end of a word (nose → no) Unstressed Syllable Deletion Omitting a weak syllable (banana → nana) 3 yrs. Affrication Substituting an affricate for a nonaffricate (sheep → cheep) Stopping /f/ Substituting a stop for /f/ (fish → tish) Assimilation Changing a phoneme so it takes on a characteristic of another sound (bed → beb, yellow → lellow) 3 - 4 yrs. Velar Fronting Substituting a front sound for a back sound (cat → tat, gum → dum) Backing Substituting a back sound for a front sound (tap → cap) 4 - 5 yrs. Deaffrication Substituting an affricate with a continuant or stop (chip → sip) 4 yrs. Consonant Cluster Reduction (without /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (grape → gape) Depalatalization of Final Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the end of a word (dish → dit) 4 - 6 yrs. Stopping of /s/ Substituting a stop sound for /s/ (sap → tap) 3 ½ - 5 yrs. Depalatalization of Initial Singles Substituting a nonpalatal for a palatal sound at the beginning of a word (shy → ty) Consonant Cluster Reduction (with /s/) Omitting one or more consonants in a sequence of consonants (step → tep) Alveolarization Substituting an alveolar for a nonalveolar sound (chew → too) 5 yrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Nasal Release, Nasal Finals and Tonal Contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: an Aerodynamic Experiment Alexis Michaud, Tuân Vu-Ngoc, Angelique Amelot, Bernard Roubeau
    Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: an aerodynamic experiment Alexis Michaud, Tuân Vu-Ngoc, Angelique Amelot, Bernard Roubeau To cite this version: Alexis Michaud, Tuân Vu-Ngoc, Angelique Amelot, Bernard Roubeau. Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi Vietnamese: an aerodynamic experiment. Mon-Khmer Studies, 2006, 36, pp. 121-137. hal-00138758v2 HAL Id: hal-00138758 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00138758v2 Submitted on 26 Jan 2008 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Nasal release, nasal finals and tonal contrasts in Hanoi * Vietnamese: An aerodynamic experiment Alexis MICHAUD Tuaán VUÕ NGOïC Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie Laboratoire d’Informatique pour CNRS-Sorbonne Nouvelle, France la Me¤canique et les Sciences de l’Inge¤nieur CNRS-Universite¤s Paris-Sud et Pierre et Marie Curie, France Ange¤lique AMELOT Bernard ROUBEAU Laboratoire de Phonétique et Phonologie Service ORL, Ho^pital Tenon, France CNRS-Sorbonne Nouvelle, France Abstract The present research addresses three
    [Show full text]
  • Sonorants, Fricatives and a Tonogenetic Typology
    Sonorants, fricatives and a tonogenetic typology Gwendolyn Hyslop University of Oregon 1. Introduction and background While some phonological mechanisms underlying tonogenesis have been understood for some time (e.g. Maspero (1912), Haudricourt (1954), inter alia ) ongoing research in tonogenesis suggests that the full picture is more complex than previous studies have indicated. For example, though it is generally established that voiceless initials yield high pitch register, voiced initials yield low pitch register and coda consonants condition pitch contour, the order in which segments undergo tonogenesis has barely been addressed. Additionally, tone may be conditioned by other factors such as pre-aspiration or vowel quality, amongst others. The classical account of tonogenesis has been the model proposed by Haudricourt (1954) for Vietnamese. Diffloth (1989) reanalyzed the model to take register differences into account and Thurgood (2002) suggested updating our model of (Vietnamese) tonogenesis based on laryngeal features, arguing that intermediate stages existed. For example, voiced obstruents would condition breathy voice on their following vowel, which would in turn condition low tone. It remains to be seen, however, how much predictive power this model has, especially given recent research on tonogenesis in Kurtöp and the other East Bodish languages (Hyslop 2009, 2010), showing that tonogenesis targets sonorants and then fricatives before developing following obstruent consonants, a finding similar to that for Athabaskan (Kingston 2005, 2007). ‘Tone’ refers to the primary use of fundamental frequency to make lexical/grammatical contrasts in a given language (other acoustic cues may be involved, such as voice quality, duration, etc.). This definition includes most languages which have been classified as ‘pitch- accent’, as well as (possibly) languages which are considered to have a ‘register’ distinction (cf.
    [Show full text]
  • Phonetics in Phonology” in This SICOL).1
    Emergent Stops John J. Ohala University of California, Berkeley Two of the most fundamental distinctions between classes of speech sounds is that between sonorants and obstruents and between continuants and non-continuants. Sonorants are characterized as sounds which have no constriction small enough to impede the flow of air to the point of creating any audible turbulence; obstruents, as sounds which have a constriction which does impede the flow of air to the point of creating turbulence a stop burst. Continuants are sounds which could be extended indefinitely whereas non-continuants involve a momentary and abrupt attenuation of the speech signal amplitude. This being the case, it is a rather remarkable phonological event when a stop, which is an non-continuant obstruent, appears as it were, “out of nowhere” surrounded by speech sounds which are either sonorants and/or continuants. Typically these are referred to in the phonological literature as ‘epenthetic’ or ‘intrusive’ stops, terms which reflect the belief that they were introduced by some external cause. Some examples are given in (1) (for references, see Ohala 1995, in press). (1) Engl. youngster [»j√Nkst‘] < j√N + st‘ Engl. warmth [wç”mpT] < warm + T Engl. Thompson < Thom + son (proper name) Engl. dempster ‘judge’ < deem + ster Sotho vontSa ‘to show’ < *voniSa (causative of ‘to see’) Cl. Greek andros < ane# ros ‘man’ French chambre < Latin kame(ra 'room' Spanish alhambra < Arabic al hamra ‘the red’ Latin templum < *tem - lo ‘a section’ A common explanation for these stops is to characterize them as ways to make the transition easier between the flanking sounds or to “repair” ill-formed phonotactics (Piggot and Singh 1985).
    [Show full text]
  • Arxiv:2106.08037V1 [Cs.CL] 15 Jun 2021 Alternative Ways the World Could Be
    The Possible, the Plausible, and the Desirable: Event-Based Modality Detection for Language Processing Valentina Pyatkin∗ Shoval Sadde∗ Aynat Rubinstein Bar Ilan University Bar Ilan University Hebrew University of Jerusalem [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Paul Portner Reut Tsarfaty Georgetown University Bar Ilan University [email protected] [email protected] Abstract (1) a. We presented a paper at ACL’19. Modality is the linguistic ability to describe b. We did not present a paper at ACL’20. events with added information such as how de- sirable, plausible, or feasible they are. Modal- The propositional content p =“present a paper at ity is important for many NLP downstream ACL’X” can be easily verified for sentences (1a)- tasks such as the detection of hedging, uncer- (1b) by looking up the proceedings of the confer- tainty, speculation, and more. Previous studies ence to (dis)prove the existence of the relevant pub- that address modality detection in NLP often p restrict modal expressions to a closed syntac- lication. The same proposition is still referred to tic class, and the modal sense labels are vastly in sentences (2a)–(2d), but now in each one, p is different across different studies, lacking an ac- described from a different perspective: cepted standard. Furthermore, these senses are often analyzed independently of the events that (2) a. We aim to present a paper at ACL’21. they modify. This work builds on the theoreti- b. We want to present a paper at ACL’21. cal foundations of the Georgetown Gradable Modal Expressions (GME) work by Rubin- c.
    [Show full text]
  • Lecture 5 Sound Change
    An articulatory theory of sound change An articulatory theory of sound change Hypothesis: Most common initial motivation for sound change is the automation of production. Tokens reduced online, are perceived as reduced and represented in the exemplar cluster as reduced. Therefore we expect sound changes to reflect a decrease in gestural magnitude and an increase in gestural overlap. What are some ways to test the articulatory model? The theory makes predictions about what is a possible sound change. These predictions could be tested on a cross-linguistic database. Sound changes that take place in the languages of the world are very similar (Blevins 2004, Bateman 2000, Hajek 1997, Greenberg et al. 1978). We should consider both common and rare changes and try to explain both. Common and rare changes might have different characteristics. Among the properties we could look for are types of phonetic motivation, types of lexical diffusion, gradualness, conditioning environment and resulting segments. Common vs. rare sound change? We need a database that allows us to test hypotheses concerning what types of changes are common and what types are not. A database of sound changes? Most sound changes have occurred in undocumented periods so that we have no record of them. Even in cases with written records, the phonetic interpretation may be unclear. Only a small number of languages have historic records. So any sample of known sound changes would be biased towards those languages. A database of sound changes? Sound changes are known only for some languages of the world: Languages with written histories. Sound changes can be reconstructed by comparing related languages.
    [Show full text]
  • Philological Sciences. Linguistics” / Journal of Language Relationship Issue 3 (2010)
    Российский государственный гуманитарный университет Russian State University for the Humanities RGGU BULLETIN № 5/10 Scientific Journal Series “Philological Sciences. Linguistics” / Journal of Language Relationship Issue 3 (2010) Moscow 2010 ВЕСТНИК РГГУ № 5/10 Научный журнал Серия «Филологические науки. Языкознание» / «Вопросы языкового родства» Выпуск 3 (2010) Москва 2010 УДК 81(05) ББК 81я5 Главный редактор Е.И. Пивовар Заместитель главного редактора Д.П. Бак Ответственный секретарь Б.Г. Власов Главный художник В.В. Сурков Редакционный совет серии «Филологические науки. Языкознание» / «Вопросы языкового родства» Председатель Вяч. Вс. Иванов (Москва – Лос-Анджелес) М. Е. Алексеев (Москва) В. Блажек (Брно) У. Бэкстер (Анн Арбор) В. Ф. Выдрин (Санкт-Петербург) М. Гелл-Манн (Санта Фе) А. Б. Долгопольский (Хайфа) Ф. Кортландт (Лейден) А. Лубоцкий (Лейден) Редакционная коллегия серии: В. А. Дыбо (главный редактор) Г. С. Старостин (заместитель главного редактора) Т. А. Михайлова (ответственный секретарь) К. В. Бабаев С. Г. Болотов А. В. Дыбо О. А. Мудрак В. Е. Чернов ISSN 1998-6769 © Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, 2010 УДК 81(05) ББК 81я5 Вопросы языкового родства: Международный научный журнал / Рос. гос. гуманитар. ун-т; Рос. Акад. наук. Ин-т языкознания; под ред. В. А. Дыбо. ― М., 2010. ― № 3. ― X + 176 с. ― (Вестник РГГУ: Научный журнал; Серия «Филологические науки. Языко- знание»; № 05/10). Journal of Language Relationship: International Scientific Periodical / Russian State Uni- versity for the Humanities; Russian Academy of Sciences. Institute of Linguistics; Ed. by V. A. Dybo. ― Moscow, 2010. ― Nº 3. ― X + 176 p. ― (RSUH Bulletin: Scientific Periodical; Linguistics Series; Nº 05/10). ISSN 1998-6769 http ://journal.nostratic.ru [email protected] Дополнительные знаки: С.
    [Show full text]
  • Part 1: Introduction to The
    PREVIEW OF THE IPA HANDBOOK Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet PARTI Introduction to the IPA 1. What is the International Phonetic Alphabet? The aim of the International Phonetic Association is to promote the scientific study of phonetics and the various practical applications of that science. For both these it is necessary to have a consistent way of representing the sounds of language in written form. From its foundation in 1886 the Association has been concerned to develop a system of notation which would be convenient to use, but comprehensive enough to cope with the wide variety of sounds found in the languages of the world; and to encourage the use of thjs notation as widely as possible among those concerned with language. The system is generally known as the International Phonetic Alphabet. Both the Association and its Alphabet are widely referred to by the abbreviation IPA, but here 'IPA' will be used only for the Alphabet. The IPA is based on the Roman alphabet, which has the advantage of being widely familiar, but also includes letters and additional symbols from a variety of other sources. These additions are necessary because the variety of sounds in languages is much greater than the number of letters in the Roman alphabet. The use of sequences of phonetic symbols to represent speech is known as transcription. The IPA can be used for many different purposes. For instance, it can be used as a way to show pronunciation in a dictionary, to record a language in linguistic fieldwork, to form the basis of a writing system for a language, or to annotate acoustic and other displays in the analysis of speech.
    [Show full text]