How to Review the Revisionism and the Reformism of the Second International?
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The Clash of Thoughts Within the Arab Discourse
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2009 The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse Chadia Louai University of Central Florida Part of the Political Science Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Louai, Chadia, "The Clash Of Thoughts Within The Arab Discourse" (2009). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 4114. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/4114 CLASH OF THOUGHTS WITHIN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB DISCOURSE By CHADIA LOUAI L.D. University Hassan II, 1992 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts In the department of Political Science In the College of Sciences At the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term 2009 Major Professor: Houman A. Sadri ©2009 Chadia Louai ii ABSTRACT The Clash of Civilization thesis by Samuel Huntington and the claims of other scholars such as Bernard Lewis reinforced the impression in the West that the Arab world is a homogeneous and rigid entity ready to clash with other civilizations. In fact, some in the West argue that world civilizations have religious characteristics, for that reason the fundamental source of conflict in this new world will be primarily cultural and religious. However, other scholars argue that there is no single Islamic culture but rather multiple types of political Islam and different perception of it. -
German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
Throughout His Writing Career, Nelson Algren Was Fascinated by Criminality
RAGGED FIGURES: THE LUMPENPROLETARIAT IN NELSON ALGREN AND RALPH ELLISON by Nathaniel F. Mills A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (English Language and Literature) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor Alan M. Wald, Chair Professor Marjorie Levinson Professor Patricia Smith Yaeger Associate Professor Megan L. Sweeney For graduate students on the left ii Acknowledgements Indebtedness is the overriding condition of scholarly production and my case is no exception. I‘d like to thank first John Callahan, Donn Zaretsky, and The Ralph and Fanny Ellison Charitable Trust for permission to quote from Ralph Ellison‘s archival material, and Donadio and Olson, Inc. for permission to quote from Nelson Algren‘s archive. Alan Wald‘s enthusiasm for the study of the American left made this project possible, and I have been guided at all turns by his knowledge of this area and his unlimited support for scholars trying, in their writing and in their professional lives, to negotiate scholarship with political commitment. Since my first semester in the Ph.D. program at Michigan, Marjorie Levinson has shaped my thinking about critical theory, Marxism, literature, and the basic protocols of literary criticism while providing me with the conceptual resources to develop my own academic identity. To Patricia Yaeger I owe above all the lesson that one can (and should) be conceptually rigorous without being opaque, and that the construction of one‘s sentences can complement the content of those sentences in productive ways. I see her own characteristic synthesis of stylistic and conceptual fluidity as a benchmark of criticism and theory and as inspiring example of conceptual creativity. -
1 Samir Amin Preface English Future of Maoism Mao Is
1 SAMIR AMIN PREFACE ENGLISH FUTURE OF MAOISM MAO IS BACK The Marxism of the Second International, workerist and Eurocentric, shared with the dominant ideology of the era a linear view of historical progress in which every society must pass first through a stage of capitalist development before being able to aspire to socialism. The idea that the “development” of some societies (the dominant centers) and the “underdevelopment” of others (the dominated peripheries) is an imminent product of the worldwide expansion of capitalism was completely alien. Understanding the polarization inherent in capitalist globalization is essential for formulating any view about transcending capitalism. This polarization lies behind the possible rallying of large fractions of the popular classes and above all the middle classes (whose development is itself favored by the position of the center in the world system) of the dominant countries to social-colonialism. At the same time, it transforms the peripheries into a zone des tempêtes, in a continual natural rebellion against the capitalist world order. Certainly rebellion is not synonymous with revolution, but only with the possibility of revolution. On the other hand, grounds for rejecting the capitalist model are not lacking in the center of the system, as 1968, among other things, illustrated. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the challenge by the Communist Party of China (CPC), at a given moment, in terms of the country-side encircling the cities, is too extreme to be useful. A global strategy of transition beyond capitalism in the direction of world socialism must articulate the struggles in both the centers and peripheries of the system. -
IOJT Is an International Organization for Judicial Training Institutes Which Aims at Providing Its Members with the Opportunity
IOJT is an International Organization for Judicial training institutes which aims at providing its members with the opportunity to learn from one another, to share innovative approaches to the education of the judiciary and to build a strong network of people involved in judicial education. The idea of professional training for Judges is a relatively new one - the first such institutes were established after the Second World War. It was a common conception that Judges already knew everything, and didn’t need any training. This changed as the Judge's profession began to be seen as a skill that needs to be learned, up kept and updated. As such, the profession is similar to the practice of medicine or education, where the practitioners must be both idealistic and constantly updated in order to serve in the best possible fashion. It became clear that despite the many and various judicial systems prevalent in different countries there is a common denominator for the judicial profession as a whole. The need arose, therefore, to promote the exchange of information and ideas between these schools and institutes, as well as to assist countries in their initial steps to establish their own training schools. The initiative for the establishment of an international organization of judicial training institutes was first raised at a conference held in Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1997. A declaration stating the importance of international cooperation between institutes for judicial training, and calling for the establishment of an international organization designated to this issue, was signed. This has become known as the "Sao Paolo Declaration". -
The Political Economy of Inequality – Reformism Or Socialism? Paul Stevenson
Document generated on 09/28/2021 11:02 a.m. Labour / Le Travail The Political Economy of Inequality – Reformism or Socialism? Paul Stevenson Volume 63, Spring 2009 URI: https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/llt63re03 See table of contents Publisher(s) Canadian Committee on Labour History ISSN 0700-3862 (print) 1911-4842 (digital) Explore this journal Cite this document Stevenson, P. (2009). The Political Economy of Inequality – Reformism or Socialism? Labour / Le Travail, 63, 231–242. All rights reserved © Canadian Committee on Labour History, 2009 This document is protected by copyright law. Use of the services of Érudit (including reproduction) is subject to its terms and conditions, which can be viewed online. https://apropos.erudit.org/en/users/policy-on-use/ This article is disseminated and preserved by Érudit. Érudit is a non-profit inter-university consortium of the Université de Montréal, Université Laval, and the Université du Québec à Montréal. Its mission is to promote and disseminate research. https://www.erudit.org/en/ REVIEW ESSAY / NOTE CRITIQUE The Political Economy of Inequality – Reformism or Socialism? Paul Stevenson Jonas Pontusson, Inequality and Prosperity: Social Europe vs. Liberal America (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press 2005) Jonas Pontusson is a political science professor at Princeton University who in the recent past has been known to critique social democracy, particu- larly in Sweden, from a socialist perspective.1 However, the thrust of the book under review here is to provide an empirical and analytical rationale that social democratic regimes (especially those of the Nordic nations) have performed well in economic and social terms in the post-World War II era in comparison with other capitalist nations but especially in comparison with the neo-liberal United States. -
Towards a Revisionist Account of Moral Responsibility
Syracuse University SURFACE Philosophy - Dissertations College of Arts and Sciences 2013 Towards a Revisionist Account of Moral Responsibility Kelly Anne McCormick Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/phi_etd Part of the Philosophy Commons Recommended Citation McCormick, Kelly Anne, "Towards a Revisionist Account of Moral Responsibility" (2013). Philosophy - Dissertations. 75. https://surface.syr.edu/phi_etd/75 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts and Sciences at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy - Dissertations by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Abstract: Revisionism is the view that we would do well to distinguish between what we think about moral responsibility and what we ought to think about it, that the former is in some important sense implausible and conflicts with the latter, and so we should revise our concept of moral responsibility accordingly. There are three main challenges for a successful revisionist account of moral responsibility: (i) it must meet the diagnostic challenge of identifying our folk concept and provide good reason to think that significant features of this concept are implausible, (ii) it must meet the motivational challenge and explain why, in light of this implausibility, our folk concept ought to be revised rather than eliminated, and (iii) it must meet the prescriptive challenge and provide an account of how, all things considered, we ought to revise our thinking about moral responsibility. In order to meet (iii) revisionism must provide a prescriptive account of responsibility that is free of the problematic features of our folk concept identified in meeting the diagnostic challenge, is naturalistically plausible, normatively adequate, and justifies our continued participation in the practice of moral praising and blaming. -
Socialism and War.Pdf
SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International . -
Radicalism Or Reformism? Socialist Parties Before World War I
Radicalism or Reformism? Socialist Parties before World War I Gary Marks Heather A. D. Mbaye University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill University of West Georgia VU Amsterdam Hyung Min Kim Inha University This article builds on social movement theory to explain ideological variation among socialist, social democratic, and labor parties across 18 countries in the early twentieth century. We propose a causal argument connecting (1) the political emergence of the bourgeoisie and its middle-class allies to (2) the political space for labor unions and working-class parties, which (3) provided a setting for internal pressures and external opportunities that shaped socialist party ideology. Combining quantitative analysis and case studies, we find that the timing of civil liberties and the strength of socialist links with labor unions were decisive for reformism or radicalism. Refining Lipset’s prior analysis, we qualify his claim that male suffrage provides a key to socialist orientation. hanges in class and political relations in all industrial societies. Unlike the “Cwithin industrially developedDelivered societies, by Ingentacenter/periphery to : and religious cleavages arising much like the shifts in left-wing politicsUniversity in the of North Carolina Tue, 18 Aug 2009from 20:55:06 nation-state formation and the United States and Europe, may be analyzed Reformation, the class cleavage characterizes all within the framework of an ‘apolitical’ industrial societies. In this article, we ask why Marxism—that is, by accepting the proposition that conflict varied so decisively prior to World that technological advances and the distribu- War I: Why were some socialist parties radical tion of economic classes determine the politi- and others reformist? cal and cultural superstructures, but without Socialist, social democratic, and labor parties assuming that socialism will succeed capital- formed across Europe, North America, and ism” (Lipset 2001:77). -
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MAOISM-ITS ORIGINS, BACKGROUND, AND OUTLOOK Isaac Deutscher WHAT does Maoism stand for? What does it represent as a political idea and as a current in contemporary communism? The need to clarify these questions has become all the more urgent because Maoism is now openly competing with other communist schools of thought for inter- national recognition. Yet before entering this competition Maoism had existed as a current, and then as the dominant trend, of Chinese communism for thirty to thirty-five years. It is under its banner that the main forces of the Chinese revolution waged the most protracted civil war in modern history; and that they won their victory in 1949, making the greatest single breach in world capitalism since the October Revolu- tion, and freeing the Soviet Union from isolation. It is hardly surprising that Maoism should at last advance politically beyond its national . boundaries and claim world-wide attention to its ideas. What is surprising is that it has not done so earlier and that it has for so long remained closed within the confines of its national experience. Maoism presents in this respect a striking contrast with Leninism. The latter also existed at first as a purely Russian school of thought; but not for long. In 1915, after the collapse of the Second International, Lenin was already the central figure in the movement for the Third International, its initiator and inspirer-Bolshevism, as a faction in the Russian Social Democratic Party, was not much older then than a decade. Before that the Bolsheviks, like other Russian socialists, had lived intensely with all the problems of international Marxism, absorbed all its experience, participated in all its controversies, and felt bound to it with unbreakable ties of intellectual, moral, and political solidarity. -
Production Modes, Marx's Method and the Feasible Revolution
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal November 2016 edition vol.12, No.31 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 Production Modes, Marx’s Method and the Feasible Revolution Bruno Jossa retired full professor of political economy, University ”Federico II”, Naples doi: 10.19044/esj.2016.v12n31p20 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n31p20 Abstract In Marx, the production mode is defined as a social organisation mode which is typified by one dominant production model which confers significance on the system at large. The prominence of production modes in his overall approach provides clues to the identification of the correct scientific method of Marxism and, probably, of Marx himself. The main aim of this paper is to define this method and to discuss a type of socialist revolution which appears feasible in this day and age. Keywords: Marx’s method, producer cooperatives, production modes, socialism Introduction It is not from scientific advancements – Gramsci argued – that we are to expect solutions to the issues on the traditional agenda of philosophical research. Fresh inputs for philosophical speculation have rather come from notions such as ‘social production relations’ and ‘modes of production’, which are therefore Marx's paramount contributions to science.1 In a well-known 1935 essay weighing the merits and 1 For quite a long time, Marxists used to look upon the value theory as Marx’s most important contribution to science. Only when the newly-published second and third books of Capital revealed that Marx had tried to reconcile his value theory with the doctrine of prices as determined by the interplay of demand and supply did they gain a correct appreciation of the importance of the materialist conception of history. -
Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism
Jose Ma. Sison (Amado Guerrero) Defeating Revisionism, Reformism and Opportunism Selected Writings, 1969 to 1974 International Network for Philippine Studies The Netherlands and Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. Philippines Copyright © 2013 by International Network for Philippine Studies (INPS) Published by International Network for Philippine Studies (INPS) and Aklat ng Bayan, Inc. ISBN 978-1-62847-921-8 Cover design by Janos J.L.L. Sison Book design by Alvin Firmeza Contents Editor's Note ix Author's Preface 1 Carry the Struggle against Modern Revisionism through to the End 5 The Lava Revisionist Renegades Are Counterrevolutionaries 7 On the Reformists 11 A Seminar of Landlords on "Land Reform" 11 Masaka Factions Quarrel over Ople 11 Soviet Social-Imperialists Cooperate with US in Defence-Aerospace Program 12 The Treachery of Taruc as a Negative Example 15 Taruc-Sumulong Gangster Clique Is Desperately Isolated 25 Fake Controversy Concocted to Obscure Fundamental Issues in Church 27 Reformist Organizations Beg for Land Reform from Reactionary Government 29 Reactionary "Labor" Confederations "Unite" behind Management and Marcos 33 Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, Inc. Admits It Enjoys State Protection 35 Expose and Oppose the Vicious Crimes of the Monkees-Armeng Bayan-Masaka (Lava) Gang 39 On the Counterrevolutionary Line of the Lava Revisionist Renegades 43 On the Movement for the Advancement of Nationalism 51 Against the Wishful Thinking of a Revisionist Puppet of US Imperialism 59 I. Capitulation to US Imperialism and the Domestic Ruling System 59 II. Abandonment of Revolutionary Struggle 67 On the Pretended Capture of Sumulong 77 On the Philippine Business for Social Progress 79 Cast Away the Labor Aristocrats! 83 Kidnapping and Murder of Carlos B.