UNIVERSITY OF CINCINNATI

Date:______

I, ______, hereby submit this work as part of the requirements for the degree of: in:

It is entitled:

This work and its defense approved by:

Chair: ______

REFLECTIONS OF IDENTITY: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NATIONALISTIC ATTITUDE IN SIXTEENTH-CENTURY NETHERLANDISH ART

A thesis submitted to the

Division of Research and Advanced Studies of the University of Cincinnati

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

in the Department of Art History of the School of Art of the College of Design, Architecture, Art, and Planning

2004

by

Anastasia Christine Nurre

B.A., University of Cincinnati, 2001

Committee Chair: Kristi A. Nelson, Ph.D. ABSTRACT

“Reflections of Identity: The Development of a Nationalistic Attitude in Sixteenth Century Netherlandish Art” by Anastasia C. Nurre

The sixteenth century was a time of great change for Western Europe politically, religiously and artistically. Traditional Catholic affiliations, as inherited from the Middle Ages, had been on a decline, and the political sovereignty of individual nations began to take precedence. In the Netherlands, the impact of political and religious advancement was particularly apparent. Catholic Spanish rule attempted to impose an absolute monarchy, despite the demand of local Netherlandish authorities for political and religious freedom. As a result, the

seventeen provinces of the Netherlands presented a united front in opposition to Spanish control.

The artists of the community, at this time working largely for the market or middle classes, were

great reflectors of the cultural shift toward an independent state.

The trend towards a nationalistic attitude in the Netherlands began with the split from the

religious iconography established and propagated during the Middle Ages. As the influence of

the Catholic Church declined, a more secular artwork began to emerge. While this trend is

reflective of new ideologies towards the inclusion of religious imagery in artwork, it is also

indicative of the growth of an ethnic nationality. Over the course of the sixteenth century, the

artistic genres of landscape, secular portraiture and still life gradually evolved to full form,

reflecting the tastes of Netherlandish buyers and patrons. This thesis seeks to place artistic

developments of the sixteenth century within the context of the growing ethnic identity of the

Netherlandish people.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Number

List of Illustrations ii

Chapter 1: 1 Early Modern Europe and the Netherlands

Chapter 2: 20 Portraiture

Chapter 3: 28 Landscape

Chapter 4: 36 Still Life

Conclusion 47

Bibliography 53

Illustrations 60

i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Hugo van der Goes, Portinari Altarpiece, 1476-79.

2. Robert Campin, Merode Altarpiece, 1427.

3. Jan van Eyck, Rolin Madonna, 1435.

4. Anonymous, Alva’s Throne, 1569.

5. Jan van Eyck, Arnolfini Portrait, 1434.

6. Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Francesco d’Este, 1460.

7. Quinten Metsys (Massys), Portrait of Erasmus of Rotterdam, 1517.

8. Maerten van Heemskerck, Family Portrait, 1530.

9. Antonis van Dashorst Mor, Self- Portrait, 1558.

10. Jan van Eyck, Man in a Red Turban, 1433.

11. Joachim Patinir, Landscape with the Flight into Egypt, 1515.

12. Pieter Bruegel [the elder], Gloomy Day from The Seasons, 1565.

13. Maerten van Heemskerck, God’s Command to the Three Estates, from Three Estate Series,

unknown date.

14. Maerten van Heemskerck, The Duties of the Peasant, from Three Estates Series, unknown

date.

15. Hans Bol, Winter Landscape with Skaters, 1584/86.

16. Jan Provost, Flowers in a Niche, recto Virgin at the Fountain, 1510.

17. Pieter Aertsen, Butcher’s Stall, 1551.

18. Joachim Beuckelaer, The Vegetable Market, 1567.

19. Roelandt Savery, Flowers in a Niche, 1600.

ii CHAPTER 1: EARLY MODERN EUROPE AND THE NETHERLANDS

For Western Europe, the sixteenth century was a time of change in religious, civic and

artistic institutions. The Catholic Church, the historically dominant cultural and political authority, was suffering a decline in prominence. The concept of political sovereignty over a centralized Europe was being developed by contemporary writers and propagated by monarchs demanding absolute rule. Throughout the European communities, the foundations of modern national identities were developing, especially in the historically strong centers such as France,

Germany, Spain, Italy and England. In these communities, middle class bankers and merchants

had achieved an elevated economic status and, by extension, were able to exert more influence

on local politics. Artists of the era, for the first time since the fall of Rome, were in the process of gaining an elevated social status, and with an open market they were able to produce artworks

that appealed to and were affordable by middle class citizens. The combination of these changes

was especially evident in the Low Countries, affording Netherlandish artists the unique role of

social commentators on the shift towards a developing national identity.

As in other contemporary European centers, bankers and merchants in the Netherlands had attained a relatively higher social status in conjunction with the beginnings of an open market for trade. With their newly elevated role, the bourgeoisie were able to exert more political influence, especially in their respective localities. Netherlandish artists of the era were in an optimal position to act as witnesses to historical changes and to record the social shift from

an identity based upon the religious unity of Europe, toward one that responded to the average

citizen of the Netherlands. The open market aided this development, allowing artists the

opportunity to create works of art that appealed to the bourgeois citizen, rather than nobility or clergy who had dominated previous centuries politically and economically. The combination of

1 these events, along with Protestant theology, which avoided the use of religious imagery, created

a trend in subject matter toward more secular themes, as opposed to religiously based works. As

the revolutionary theology was assimilated and diffused throughout the Netherlands, a unique

Netherlandish identity began to form and be illustrated in secularly thematic artwork. The

course of these changes can be seen in the development of subjects more reflective of the

Netherlandish culture and social identity; specifically, the first conceptions of the artistic genres of landscape, secular portraiture and still life. In order to better understand sixteenth-century artistic achievements, a brief history of the rise of a Netherlandish culture must be considered.

Role of the Church as the Dominant Cultural Identity in the Middle Ages

With the Edict of Milan (313 AD), issued by the Roman Emperor Constantine (306-337

AD), Christianity became an officially recognized religion in the Roman Empire. As the Empire

declined, Christianity held an increasingly important role as a defining element of the European

community. Starting in the fifth and sixth centuries, Catholic monasteries acted as conduits for

the spread of Christianity throughout the majority of Western Europe. As the last bastions of

civilization in the Dark Ages of Europe, many of the monasteries became centers of learning and

political control in the local community. Unified under the rule of the Pope in Rome, the

monasteries promoted and defended a singular Catholic identity. By the eleventh century the

influence of the Church had spread to the edges of the Carolingian Empire, creating cultural

unity in the majority of Western Europe.1

The first centuries of church dominance were intricately tied to the rule of the Holy

Roman Emperor, as derived from the Roman model. While this system did not survive in its

1 Christopher Dawson, The Making of Europe: An Introduction to the History of European Unity (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1954).

2 original form beyond the rule of Charlemagne (742-814), the relationship between the monarchy

and the ruling class continued. Despite these close ties, the Catholic Church was able to remain

the primary influence on Western Europe for the bulk of the Middle Ages. The pinnacle of

church domination can be seen in the power struggle between Emperor Henry IV of Germany

and Pope Gregory VII in 1077. Henry had gone against the wishes of the Pope and was excommunicated, along with all of his subjects, from the Catholic Church. Henry’s empire responded with revolt and a power struggle among leading nobles for the emperor’s title. To

maintain his standing as emperor, Henry was required to wait for three days, from January 25 to

28, 1077, outside a castle at Canossa where the Pope was staying. There the Emperor begged for

forgiveness, while kneeling in the snow as a sign of repentance.2 Ultimately, the Pope accepted

Henry back into the fold of the Catholic Church, but not before teaching a valuable lesson about

the power and influence of the Church in legitimizing the power of the ruler.

The ruling class was not the only medieval group that was defined by its relationship with

the Catholic Church. The whole of Europe was overtaken in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries

by pilgrimages and crusades, in an effort to enhance individual piety and the prominence of the

Church as a whole. Most Western Europeans would have identified themselves as a Catholic, or

as a derivative thereof, or at least acted as a Catholic in public in order to conform to the

expectations of society.3 Like many other social trends, the extreme influence the church had

over society can be seen in the artwork produced during the Medieval period. Throughout the

Middle Ages, the church was a primary source of commissions. Indeed, the most abundant art

2 H.E.J. Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII: 1073-1085 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998), 156. 3 I use the term “derivative” as an acknowledgement of those sub-sects that were seeking reform in the Catholic Church. While these groups are prominent, the majority was only seeking to reform problematic elements of Church policy. They did not seek to, nor succeed in, separating themselves from Catholic theology.

3 forms in Medieval Europe were pilgrimage church architecture and the subsequent sculptural

decoration.

Decline in Church Authority and the Rise of Individuals

As members of all social classes began to question church authority and abuses of power in the late Middle Ages, the pervading Catholic identity began to shift. The movement is closely related to the rumblings of humanism in the early Renaissance and the rise of the status of the individual. This is not to say that the church lost all sway within the society, rather the focus

began to shift towards the role of each citizen in society. Arnold Hauser summarizes the change

by stating:

At any rate, the individual character of races and nations has a different significance in the different epochs of history. In the Middle Ages it has hardly any importance at all; in that age the great collective of Christendom has an incomparably higher degree of reality than separate national individualities. But at the end of the Middle Ages the place of universal Western feudal system and of international chivalry, of the universal church and its uniform culture, is taken by the nationally and civically patriotic middle class with its economic and social forms subject to local conditions, by the narrowly confined sphere of interest of the towns and courtsides, by the particulars of the territorial principalities and the variety of national languages. The national and racial elements now come more strongly into the foreground of the picture as differentiating factors ...4

Artistically, two artistic innovations occur in the fifteenth century, emphasizing the

growing awareness of everyday life and individual identity. The first movement is represented

by the increasing inclusion of accurate city views as a vignette in a larger piece, promoting pride

in the community and local identities.5 The inclusion of the city or contemporary interiors may

be one of the first indications of sensitivity to the intrusion of the secular world into the spiritual.

The Merode Altarpiece by Robert Campin (1427) (figure 2) is one of the earliest domestic

4 Arnold Hauser, The Social History of Art, Volume 2 (New York: Vintage Books, 1957), 9. 5 Craig Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist: Northern Renaissance Art in its Historical Context (New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1995), 13.

4 interiors focusing on the Annunciation.6 Jan van Eyck’s Rolin Madonna (1435) (figure 3) also

illustrates the trend towards including contemporary scenes in artworks. In the background,

behind the obviously spiritually oriented theme, is a view of the vineyards of Chancellor Rolin’s

family. In both scenes, the primary focus is on the religious aspects of the subject, but the secular world is beginning to encroach in the background.

A second aspect is reflected in the rise of the individual and occurs in conjunction with the development of a middle class. Throughout Europe there was an increase in trade and banking, resulting in a newly prominent bourgeois culture. This class was able to achieve an increasingly high position in their respective communities, sometimes even rivaling the nobility.

Their influence was primarily felt in their newly accumulated wealth. With a disposable income, the middle class was able to advance their status by mimicking the noble classes in displays of wealth by commissioning artwork. Often the resulting art would have a religious element, allowing them to be set in a church for public viewing. Or, as in the case of the hospital of Hôtel

Dieu in Beaune (1443), Nicolas Rolin (1376-1462), the bourgeois citizen and chancellor to the

Dukes of Burgundy, actually funded the entire construction and decoration of a charity based structure.

The artistic commissions of the middle class betray their increasing status and desire to emulate the nobility. During the fifteenth century, one favored art form among the elite was portraiture. The bourgeoisie adopted this artistic subject, but modified it slightly by placing themselves in a religious setting, to increase public viewing and promote their own piety. Many times this would translate into an altarpiece, which could be set in a church. An example of this movement can be seen in the Hugo van der Goes’s Portinari Altarpiece (1476-79) -(figure 1). In

6 James Snyder, Northern Renaissance Art: Painting, Sculpture, the Graphic Arts 1350-1575 (New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1985), 120.

5 this work, the prominent Italian bankers, the Portinari, are shown in a relatively small scale,

kneeling piously in the company of saints and witnessing a nativity. The primary emphasis of

the work is on the nativity scene in the center and the saints in the wings; however, the family is

beginning to attain a presence in the piece.7

Development of the Early Modern State in the Netherlands

Over the course of the fifteenth century, the Netherlandish territories went through a

succession of rulers, beginning with the Burgundian Empire. This empire fell with the death of

Charles the Bold (1433-1477), and subsequently was attacked by King Louis XI of France

(1423-1483), who was trying to reclaim land that had once been part of the French kingdom.8 In

order to prevent the Netherlandish communities from falling under French rule, Charles’s

daughter, Mary of Burgundy (1457-1482), worked with reestablished local Netherlandish

governments in exchange for their support against France.9 Although some land ultimately fell

to France, the Netherlandish communities were retained by banding together local governments

with the help of the Burgundian Empire.

During the course of the struggle, Mary of Burgundy married Maximillian of Austria

(1459-1519), heir to the Hapsburg Empire. Upon Mary’s death, Maximillian proclaimed his

authority to rule the Netherlandish communities, squelching civil unrest and resuming war with

France to win back the stolen territories. In 1493, Maximillian succeeded his father as emperor

7 The development of portraiture, including religious and national identity will be explored more fully in chapter two. 8 Keith Moxey, Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation. (Ph D diss., University of Chicago, 1974), 110-111. J.A Kossmann-Putto and E.H. Kossmann, The Low Countries: History of the Northern and Southern Netherlands (Rekkem, Flanders, Belgium: Flemish- Netherlands Foundation, 1987), 16. 9 Kossmann-Putto, The Low Countries: History of the Northern and Southern Netherlands, 16.

6 of the Holy Roman Empire, bringing the Netherlands into the empire. The following year,

Maximillian’s son, Phillip the Fair (1478-1506) took over rule of the Netherlands. He later

married Joan of Aragon (1479-1554), the daughter of the Spanish king, and heiress to the lands

of Spain. In 1504, Joan succeeded her mother as the queen of Castille and shortly thereafter

Phillip died. Upon the death of the Spanish king, the Spanish lands fell to Joan and Philip’s

oldest son, Charles V (1500-1558), including the Netherlandish territories. In 1519, Charles V

also inherited the Holy Roman Empire, uniting Spain, Germany and the Netherlands under a

single ruler, and centralizing command in Spain.

Charles V was an important figure in the formation of the modern Netherlands. Like the

Burgundian rulers before him, Charles sought to expand and centralize the Netherlandish

territories.10 The process began under the ancestors to the Hapsburg line, who unified the core

territories of Flanders, Artois, Brabant, Limburg, Holland, Zeeland, and Hainaut between 1384-

1387. 11 Charles continued this trend, adding Friesland, Utrecht and Overijssel in the 1520s.12

Later, in 1536 Groningen and Drenthe were added and Gelderland was added in 1543. Under the

reorganized and centralized government established by Charles V in 1531, the provinces were

able to increase interdependence in economic and political spheres.13 The Treaty of Augsburg, ratified on June 26, 1548, is the culmination of these events, resulting in a single, unified domain

of the seventeen provinces. Beyond presenting a united front, the Treaty also supported local

governments and maintained the imperial court had no jurisdiction there.14 Although there was

10 Martin van Geldern, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 17. 11 Ibid., 16. 12 Graham Darby, “Narrative of Events,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York: Routledge, 2001), 11. 13 Geldern, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590, 16. 14 Darby, “Narrative of Events,” 12.

7 no previous history of cooperation among many of the provinces involved, the seventeen

provinces of the Netherlands had become recognized as a single entity by 1550.15

The rule of Charles V ended in 1555, when he abdicated his throne to his son Philip II of

Spain (1527-1598). Before Philip had taken the throne, he had already been introduced to the

Netherlands during a royal tour in 1549. “At that time he recognized and confirmed the ‘Joyous

Entry’ a list of constitutional liberties and privileges dating back, in the case of Brabant, to

1356.”16 At the end of Charles’s rule, the sense of unity in Europe was already beginning to

dissipate. In the words of European historian Norman Davies, Charles “was the last Emperor to

cherish a dream of universal unity, and has been invoked by some in contemporary times as

patron of a united Europe.”17 After Philip took the throne his status as ruler began to

dramatically change in the Netherlandish societies. The centralization promoted by previous

rulers became more recognized as the people began to associate themselves more with their

homeland than Europe. The first three years of Philip’s monarchy were ruled from a seat in

Brussels, but in 1559, soon after his inauguration, he left for Spain, never to return to the

Netherlands. The rift that had started with the influx of Protestant ideas would continue to grow

as the differences between the local government of the Netherlands and their Spanish monarchs

grew more evident.

Piety in Sixteenth-Century Europe

Over the course of the late Medieval and Renaissance eras, the church became

increasingly corrupt, abusing their power in society. With the rise in the status of the individual

and the declining influence of Catholicism on society, the door was open for religious change.

15 Ibid., 27. 16 Ibid., 15.

8 Dissatisfied with the abuses of the church, many people of Northern Europe were inspired by

Martin Luther’s (1483-1546) ninety-five theses posted on the door of Wittenberg Cathedral on

October 31, 1517. While Luther’s original goal was simply to propose changes to the existing

Catholic ideologies, Protestantism eventually grew out of Luther’s teachings. In the

Netherlands, Protestant theology was more compatible with the mercantile economy than the

Catholic culture that admired and preached poverty to achieve salvation. Although the Catholic

Church remained a prominent political force in Europe and the Netherlands, this questioning of

Church policy and the rise of Protestantism significantly diminished the Catholic influence on

culture.

A second influence was developing in Italy that further undermined the influence of the

Church. Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527), an Italian philosopher, wrote The Prince in 1513.

The Prince was a guide for rulers who wished to obtain absolute sovereignty in their domains.

The text treats the state as the highest entity and focuses on methods to maintain political power,

thereby limiting church doctrine to only those values that favor local political leaders.18 These theories were adopted and spread throughout the European monarchs. Before the end of the sixteenth century, other writers were following in Machiavelli’s trend, focusing on individual rule over a united Europe.

Traditionally, the secular trends that occur in sixteenth-century art have been attributed to the new Protestant theology. According to Protestant teachings, the use of religious imagery is frowned upon, in relation to the biblical commandment: “Thou shalt not worship false idols.”19

Indeed, the changes begin with the development of landscape as an independent genre at the end

17 Davies, Europe: A History, 526. 18 Karan Mingst, Essentials of International Relations (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1999), 26. 19 The actual quote derives from the Ten Commandments listed in Exodus 20: 2-7. The quote is, “You shall make no graven image or any likeness of anything in heaven or earth, nor bow down to any such thing.”

9 of the first quarter of the century, shortly after the Protestant religion began to gain momentum.20

However, if the trend towards using the secular world for artistic influence was solely in response to theological changes, then several questions must be asked. Why were religious subjects able to retain prominence in many artworks, despite a theological preference for no religious imagery? Why were landscape, portraiture and still life painted so often, instead of the

“higher” forms of secular art such as history and mythological painting? And finally, why were these lower art forms so popular to patrons and buyers in the market? While I do not wish to totally segregate the shift to secular artistic production from obvious religiously-based themes, or instances of perceived piety by modern scholars, I do wish to draw attention to the new emphasis of the work. In Netherlandish art of the sixteenth century, piety becomes secondary to worldly affairs, specifically the worldly affairs of the mass culture of the Netherlands.

The Dutch Revolt

The given term for the revolt against Spain, the Dutch Revolt, is deceptive in that it only

acknowledges the Northern territories that were able to gain their independence. In fact, all

seventeen provinces of the Netherlands presented a united front in their entreaties for greater

independence and toleration from Spanish rule. In the course of the struggle, the cities of the

North were better defended geographically, and were therefore able to gain their independence.

The South, however, was retaken by the Spanish monarch, Philip II, and remained under the rule

of Spain until the beginning of the eighteenth century. The origins of the revolt are complex and

have been studied in a much longer format.21 However, there are a few key points that

20 These changes will be explored in more detail in chapter 3. 21 For a more in-depth study, consult: Graham Darby, ed., The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt (New York: Routledge, 2001); Martin van Geldern, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992); J.A. Kossmann-Putto and E.H. Kossmann, The Low Countries:

10 emphasize the relationship and sense of community between the North and South in the years

prior to and during the revolt.

While the bulk of warfare and strife between the Netherlands and their Spanish monarchs

occurred during the second half of the sixteenth century, the inception can be traced back to the

Protestant Reformation. The theories presented by Protestantism were well received in Northern

Europe and quickly resulted in their adoption into contemporary culture. While the

Netherlandish communities were open to the new ideas, Spain was less enthusiastic. Beginning

in 1542, the Inquisition infiltrated the Netherlands, which was still under the rule of Charles V.

In 1543, printed materials were censored, barring the influx of Protestant texts.

Under the rule of Philip II, the revolt took a more serious turn. In 1563, the current military and political leader of the provinces, the stadtholder William of Orange, requested that

Cardinal Granville, the President of the Netherlandish Council of State and a proponent of

Protestant persecution, be removed from power in an attempt to halt the Inquisition. A year later, Philip agreed to the removal, seemingly putting a halt to the persecution. 22 However, in

1565, Philip refused to change heresy laws, ultimately leading to a proliferation in Protestant preaching and, by extension, the Iconoclastic Riots in 1566. To resolve the situation, the Duke

of Alva was sent by Spain to fight the war against Protestantism in the Netherlands. The horrified reaction of contemporaries to Alva’s rule can be seen in Alva’s Throne (figure 4), a

propagandistic print from the era by an anonymous artist. In this work, the throne Alva sits upon

is representative of Spain’s princely power, and the seventeen provinces of the Netherlands kneel

at his feet among torn charters and instruments of torture. Behind the throne, Cardinal Granville

History of the Northern and Southern Netherlands (Flanders, Belgium: Flemish-Netherlands Foundation, 1987); Geoffrey Parker, The Dutch Revolt (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1977). 22 Darby, “Narrative of Events,” 16.

11 blows into the duke’s ear and Satan stands behind both, holding the papal tiara, illustrating the persecution the Netherlandish people felt from the Spanish sponsored leaders.23

Thus the revolt started with the desire for change in Spanish rule, but soon some provinces wished to obtain complete independence from Spanish domination. In conjunction with the decline of a Catholic identity, the pressure from Spain helped the Netherlandish provinces define an identity that contrasted their oppressors and supported their local mythology.

“From their point of view it was the inflexibility of Philip II that forced them to invent a new identity while at the same time claiming they were defending traditional liberties and ancient customs.”24 While the Southern territories ultimately remained under Spanish rule, the result of the struggle was the “first and only early modern revolt that resulted in the formation of a political identity,” the identity that was inherited by the Dutch Republic.25

Artist as a Cultural Commentator

The artwork of the sixteenth-century can be studied using the third level of interpretation as presented in Erwin Panofsky’s Studies of Iconology.26 This level, the iconological level,

23 Hank van Nierop, “Alva’s Throne: Making sense of the Revolt of the Netherlands,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York: Routledge, 2001), 29. Prints were very important in the dispersion and availability of images of war, as well as depictions of local leaders and landscapes. Due to the advent of the printing press, more copies of printed works could be made at relatively lower prices. However, due to the limited scope of this paper, I will not be able to cover the role of prints the development of a nationalistic identity in detail. For other examples of propagandistic prints see for example: Alastair Duke, “Dissident Propaganda and Political Organization at the Outbreak of the Revolt of the Netherlands,” in Reformation, Revolt and Civil War in France and the Netherlands 1555-1585, eds. Philip Benedict, Guido Marnef, Henk van Nierop and Marc Venard (Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Colloquium October 29-31, 1997), or H. Perry Chapman, “Propagandist Prints, Reaffirming Paintings: Art and Community during the Twelve Years Truce,” in The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, eds. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr and Adele Seeff (Newark, University of Delaware Press, 2000). 24 Graham Darby, “Introduction,” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby (New York: Routledge, 2001), 7. 25 Ibid. 26 Erwin Panofsky, Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance (New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1972), 5-8. The first level of analysis is iconographical, based upon the formal and expressive elements of an artwork. This level is superficial, and considers only the forms that can be understood cross-culturally. In Panofsky’s example, he uses a man on the street tipping his hat to a stranger. The first level of

12 considers the “underlying principles, which reveal the basic attitude of a nation, a period, a class,

a religious or philosophical persuasion-unconsciously qualified by one personality and

condensed into one work.”27 In research conducted on the artistic output of the Netherlandish

culture of the sixteenth-century, the iconological aspects of art have not been thoroughly

considered. It has already been established that this was a turbulent era, filled with cultural,

political and religious change; yet, the profusion of new subjects of art has only been considered

in conjunction with the Protestant Reformation. The play of nationalism in early modern

Netherlands has been largely overlooked due to the lack of political borders during this period in

history. Despite the lack of defined boundaries, there was a large degree of cultural exchange

among the seventeen provinces. Sixteenth-century artists were part of this exchange, and were in

an opportune situation to comment upon it.

It is the Netherlandish school in particular that starts to emerge as separate from the other

Northern states of Germany and France in this era, due to their acknowledged skill as oil

painters. In Giorgio Vasari’s (1511-1574), The Lives of the Artists (1551), the skill of Jan van

Eyck of Bruges (c. 1395-1441) is particularly noted. The rising status of the Netherlandish

painters as a distinct school, rivaling Italy is further illustrated by the commentary of sixteenth-

century artists such as Michelangelo Buonarotti (1475-1564) and Karel van Mander (1548-

1606).28 As recorded by the Portuguese painter Francisco de Hollanda, Michelangelo stated:

“Flemish painting…will, generally speaking, please the devout better than any painter of Italy,”

analysis includes the acknowledgement of the man, the hat, the action of holding the hat in front of the man, and the impression of mood the man portrays. The second level is pre-iconological, identifying the cultural framework in which the exemplified action occurs. In this instance, a Western culture will identify the movement as polite. 27 Ibid., 8. 28 The work of Karel van Mander will be considered in more detail in chapter 5.

13 and that the artists “paint stuffs and masonry, the green grass of the fields, the shadow of trees,

and rivers and bridges, which they call landscapes…”29

While artists were recognizing individual characteristics of national styles, other aspects

of culture were also being considered. Throughout sixteenth-century Europe there was an

increase in the identification and documentation of individual cultures, many of which later

formed nations. The humanist works of the era were the first to gain nationalistic attributes, and

many of the works were written using vernacular language. “Indeed, the possession of a popular

literary tradition in the vernacular was to become one of the key attributes of modern national

identity.”30 One manifestation of the cultural awareness is shown in the writing of cultural

histories of other peoples.

An example of a cultural history for the Netherlands can be seen in the writing of

Lodovico Guicciardini (1521-1589), an Italian merchant who spent most of his life in the

Netherlands, especially the Antwerp area. In 1567, Guicciardini published a history of the

sixteenth-century Netherlands called Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi. 31 The text shows

sensitivity to the unique qualities of the Netherlandish land and people as they are compared to

other peoples in Europe. For example, Guicciardini shows preference to his home country,

claiming that the entirety of the Netherlands is only a fifth the size of Italy. The text goes on to

identify the Netherlandish lands as comprised of all seventeen provinces, showing that contemporaries accepted the provinces as a single identifiable unit.32 The description also

includes an example of the typical traits of the people. The Netherlandish citizens are typified

29 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist: Northern Renaissance Art in its Historical Context, 155. Recent research has found that the quote in question may not actually be from Michelangelo. Despite the questionable identity of the speaker, the fact that a designation was made between Netherlandish and Italian art reflects the growing awareness of differences between the two cultures. 30 Davies, Europe: A History, 481. 31 Herbert H. Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times (New York: Walker and Company, 1972), 3. Title translates to Description of All the Low Countries.

14 as “rather ‘cold’ and sober-minded people, who wisely took the world and Fortune as it came.

They were neither ambitious nor haughty, but polite and open, enjoying good company which

sometimes led to licentiousness, especially since their main vice was drinking.”33 By exploring

the contemporary attributes of the Netherlandish people, in a text that was originally published in

Italian, the growing awareness of individual ethnic identities is illustrated by a sixteenth-century

author.

Definition of Nationalism

The primary issue that most modern scholars have struggled with over nationalism before

the eighteenth century is that there was not a conscious effort on the part of the population to

promote a unified national identity. The first documented artistic attempts do not occur until the

artist Jacques Louis David was assigned the role of a promoter of the French Revolution.

However, the absence of a conscious attempt does not mean that the culture could not be

unconsciously moving toward a more nationalistic attitude by defining specific attributes of their

culture, especially as opposed to other cultures. Often people threatened by oppressors will

define themselves as separate from the other, in support of rebellion. At the time in question in the Netherlands, the decline of the primary Western European identity with the Catholic Church, the rise of middle class mentality, and the threat to local sovereignty by Spain could easily have

spurred a change in the cultures collective consciousness resulting in a more refined definition of

Netherlandish culture.

Anthony Smith, a prominent theoretician on nationalism, has conducted extensive

research on the subject of ethnic and political variants of national identity. His definition of what

32 Ibid., 4.

15 implies ethnic nationalism is important at this juncture, as the burgeoning Netherlandish nation

had not yet attained political boundaries or a completely centralized system of governance. By

Smith’s definition, the first element necessary to define a national identity is a sense of political

community, although this aspect need not be well defined.34 Next, Smith defines five

“fundamental features of national identity.” 35 These features, all of which serve to define a

historic and contemporary identity with which common citizens can relate to, include: a definition of historic territories or a homeland, common myths and historical memories, a

common mass public culture, common legal rights and duties for all members, and a common

economy with territorial mobility for members. Among these elements, the most important are

the implication of a cultural and political bond in a single political community and a historic

culture and homeland.

Furthermore, it is not necessary for the burgeoning nation to have physical boundaries to

have a national identity, simply an idea of what territories are defined as the homeland. The

ability of families to move within these territories reinforces the sense of community, and

provides a conduit by which the mass culture can be diffused more effectively. In the

Netherlandish communities of the sixteenth century, ideas were being developed and spread by

artisans and traders easily moving between the territories. Furthermore, by the international

trade routes and the growing rift with Spain, the country would likely be increasingly aware of

its unique qualities, and implied political unity. This awareness could be used by artisans to

make social commentary.

33 Martin van Geldern, The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 13. 34 Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Las Vegas, Nevada: University of Nevada Press, 1991), 9. 35 Ibid., 14.

16 The Shift towards a National Consciousness

In the beginning of the fifteenth century, the courts were the most prominent sources of artistic production throughout Europe. However, as the middle class gained power and centralized authority, they increasingly became patrons to the arts.36 In a market economy,

artisans were able to produce art that appealed to the new patrons’ tastes before obtaining

commissions. With new trends in religion and politics, the traditional religious themes were not

as desirable to the bourgeois buyers. They were more drawn to secular themes that they could

relate to their own experiences and that reflected the emerging cultural identity of the

Netherlands. In this environment, new themes developed that related to the homeland and local

mythology of the Netherlands.

The bulk of the changes started with the shifting religious ideology, as adopted by the

Protestant Reformation. The major impetus in shifting religious theory was introduced by

Martin Luther in 1517, and grew during the first quarter of the century. By the mid-sixteenth

century, Calvinism, a derivative Protestant religion, had become entrenched in Netherlandish

culture. Spanish monarchs, still part of the Catholic Church, were against the shift in religious

identification, and sought to squelch any deviants. The combination of these events created an

environment in which bourgeois citizens felt they needed to exert their individual opinions. In

the open market, the artists were in a key position to interpret and sell works reflecting changing

ideology.

The new subjects of landscape, secular portraiture and still life attained a fully realized

form gradually over the course of the sixteenth century. It is important to note that the majority

of these changes occurred between 1525 and 1575, crucial years in the development of a cultural

identity in the seventeen provinces. During this timeframe, Protestantism was adopted in many

17 places, there was a demand for local control, warfare with the current monarch, and entreaties for toleration in religious worship. There was an active interchange of ideas as many citizens in the

South moved North in an effort to avoid Spanish oppression. The Netherlands was an ideal breeding ground for new secular artwork reflecting homeland, national mythology and mass culture, all elements in the establishment of a national identity

An anonymous text from the revolt, written in 1576, illustrates the plea of contemporaries to retain the purity of the homeland in the face of Spanish opposition.

If a beautiful and convenient opportunity to help the fatherland in its greatest distress and to return it from its impending spoliation and destruction to its flourishing prosperity has never before presented itself, then it is offered to you now by the exceptional mercy and favor of the Lord.37

While forming an eloquent petition to continue in revolt, the text also summarizes the shifting consciousness of the Netherlandish people to a national identity over a religious identity. The name of God is still evoked, showing the continued prominence of religion, but the secular world is given the initial, more prominent position.

The sixteenth-century social, religious and political developments in the Netherlands were key in the unification of the provinces as a single entity. As a result of the centralization of the territorial governments, the rise of the middle class, the advent of Protestantism, and the increased opposition with Spain, the Netherlandish people began to adopt a single Netherlandish identity that was distinctive, especially when compared to other burgeoning nations. The unique situation of the sixteenth-century Netherlands, then in conflict with their Spanish leaders, allowed the development of a nationalistic identity to occur fairly rapidly. The artists of the territories were in an optimal position to create social commentary in a painted format. As a result they

36 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 11. 37 Martin van Geldern ed., “Address and Opening, ” in The Dutch Revolt (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 81.

18 endeavored to fully explore the fields of secular portraiture, landscape and still life. These genres were reflective of the new nationalistic identity, as they captured local celebrities and individual character, the homeland, and the goods that the homeland could produce.

19 CHAPTER 2: PORTRAITURE

Of the three genres considered in this thesis, portraiture quite possibly has the longest

history, setting precedent for the works of the sixteenth century. Humans, perhaps as a way of

preserving identity, have desired for millennia to depict themselves or important people by

capturing their image in a lasting medium. Although methods and degrees of realism have

shifted with cultural conventions, the impetus has remained the same; prominent members of the

group are depicted in a manner that reflects cultural ideals. Great civilizations from around the

world have immortalized leaders as acts of remembrance, recognition and veneration, including

Egypt, Rome, Greece and Mesopotamia to name just a few.

In fifteenth-century Netherlandish art, the conventions for portraiture are similar to those

seen throughout Europe. To be worthy of an independent portrait or even to be able to afford

one, the sitter would have to have a relatively high social status in the culture. This meant that

the majority of those being immortalized were of the nobility, or perhaps held a high station in the religious framework. The middle class was not totally excluded from portraiture, but due to their lower class ranking, they generally created portraits in conjunction with a religious event or saint. In this manner, it was not the individual characteristic of the middle-class sitter that was emphasized, but rather their piety and placement in the larger collective Catholic culture. An example of this can be seen in the Portinari Altarpiece (figure 1).

Although there was an overriding association with religion in fifteenth-century portraiture, there are a few instances where the secular identity of the sitter begins to rival the religious identity. The most notable example is Jan van Eyck’s Arnolfini Portrait (1434) (figure

5). Scholars generally agree that this work depicts the prominent Italian banker Giovanni

Arnolfini and his wife, Jeanne Cenami. Beginning with Erwin Panofsky, scholars have

20 identified varying levels of symbolism in this work, largely related to marriage. However, it

must also be noted that the couple is portrayed in a secular setting, among every day objects,

while retaining a sense of timelessness. Although there are secular associations, the central focus

is still on the power Arnolfini gained in his possessions, and the potential spirituality of the

marriage.38 The individual character and function in society of Arnolfini and his wife are not important. In essence, the focus of this work is not altogether distinct from the purposes of other fifteenth-century noble and middle class portraits.

However, it should be noted that the Arnolfini Portrait is a rare example. Far more portraits of the fifteenth century emphasize piety over secular identity. The occasional inclusion of secular themes may be considered in terms of the first strains of humanism and a rise in the status of the individual. Portraiture is the first subject that begins to take on elements of individual identity and reflections of national culture. As will be shown in subsequent chapters, the Catholic influence was not quickly removed from artwork. In order to create a new subject that was acceptable in the Netherlandish culture, it was necessary for the first endeavors to contain a religious scene. By using easily identifiable religious subject matter, the new genres of art could be justified. In a slow procession, these religious images became less prominent in the artwork, until they disappeared altogether, leaving only secular portraits, landscape or still life by the end of the sixteenth century.

Nationalistic Implications

Historically, portraiture has been a popular method to promote the status of the sitter. In

Roman times, political leaders were immortalized in statues which were then placed throughout

38 For more information on interpretation of symbols in the Arnolfini Portrait, see for example: Jan Baptist Bedaux, “The Reality of Symbols: the Question of Disguised Symbolism in Jan van Eyck’s Arnolfini Portrait,” in

21 the empire to remind subjects of their liege. The nobility would often use this method as well,

portraying themselves in an idealized fashion, set with the trappings of their class. Prominent

examples of this trend are seen in military, papal and aristocratic portraits of the fifteenth century

where the personality of the sitter is defined by the use of symbols representing his or her power

in the community, not by personal character. One fifteenth-century example is Rogier van der

Weyden’s (1400-1464) Portrait of Francesco d’Este (1460) (figure 6). In this work, Francesco’s

facial expression is stylized and nondescript. Neither his personal character nor his usefulness in

society is evident in the work. Instead, his status is betrayed by courtly dress and two symbols of

power, the ring and hammer.39

In sixteenth-century portraiture, the role of symbolism changes. Instead of promoting the

power or piety of the sitter, the place of the individual in everyday life is more often portrayed.

This represents the shift in mass culture, focusing on the individual attributes or character that

would be valued in the emerging culture. To better capture the character and social role of the sitter, sixteenth-century artists began to be more conscious of illustrating movement and gesture.40 Furthermore, Protestant leaders encouraged their followers to emulate current leaders, not long dead saints. This prompted a demand for artworks of contemporary Protestant leaders, such as Martin Luther, John Calvin (1509-1564) and Desiderius Erasmus (1469-1536), and

promoted their virtues.41 In the following artworks, the new methods for illustrating the

emerging nationalistic identity will be considered.

The earliest work in this survey, Quinten Metsys’s (1466-1530) Portrait of Erasmus of

Rotterdam (1517) (figure 7) depicts the Dutchman Desiderius Erasmus at work in his study.

Simiolus 16, no. 1(1986): 16-26. 39 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 125. 40 Richard Brilliant, Portraiture (London: Reaktion Books, 1991), 10. 41 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 128.

22 Born Gerhard Gerhards of Rotterdam, the prominent religious leader was better known

historically by his Latin pen name Desiderius and Greek pen name Erasmus. Erasmus was a

well-known theologian, not unlike the Protestant leaders, Martin Luther and John Calvin.

Although Erasmus was a Dutchman by birth, he did not stay in the Netherlands his entire life; instead he preferred traveling abroad.42

Unlike Luther and Calvin, Erasmus remained a Catholic his entire life. Despite his

religious affiliation, he was well known in Protestant communities as an important reformer to

the Church. Erasmus was a humanist who wrote The Praise of Folly (1511), Handbook of a

Christian Soldier (1503) and published the Greek New Testament (1516). His writings frequently criticized the abuses of the Catholic Church and therefore advanced Erasmus’s status

as an icon of the Protestant Revolution.

In this painting, Erasmus is portrayed in a conventional manner, in the midst of writing

what is presumably a scholarly masterpiece. He is shown quietly looking down at his writing,

with a somber look upon his face. The background is composed of a wooden panel and shelving

holding several books. The manner in which he is depicted not only captures a reserved and

patient individual, but also one with intelligence and a meticulous attention to detail. These

characteristics would have been held in high regard in a mercantilist, Protestant culture like that

of the Netherlands. While this is not unlike the previous emulation of saints encouraged by the

Catholic Church, it is distinguished in the use of a contemporary leader as a model for

emulation.43 Furthermore, there must have been a sense of pride among Protestants in that one

42 Rowen, The Low Countries in Early Modern Times, 2. 43 It must be noted that the use of contemporary figures is not unique in this period in Europe. During the fifteenth century in Italy series of famous men (military heroes, philosophers, poets and politicians) were common subject matter. While the subject matter of a contemporary philosopher (Erasmus) was not unique, the composition seems to be a product of the sixteenth century. In the rendering of the works famous men works that I consulted, fifteenth-century conventions were retained. As a result, the famous men were in static poses, somewhat idealized and set in an ambiguous space. In contrast, Erasmus is shown in the act of writing and is set in his study. For more

23 of their own fellow countrymen was such a prominent figure. The portrayal of Erasmus in the

act of writing creates the feeling that a moment is captured, instead of a timeless picture,

allowing the viewer to imagine that this very act could be occurring simultaneously.

The newly emerging secular portraiture did not simply focus on contemporary leaders

and their virtues. There was also a new focus on the family, and children in general, reflecting

the shifting national identity of the Netherlandish people away from a largely religious one.

Before the sixteenth century, children’s portraits, like those of adults, were generally reserved for

the elite and tended to focus on lineage. The Portinari Altarpiece (figure 1) illustrates the

detachment of early family portraits, showing the Portinari children as miniature adults, dressed and posed in the same manner as their parents. During the sixteenth century this conception

began to change. Children gained status as a commodity to invest in, especially in places where

middle-class merchants had gained prominence.44 The new status that children had gained was

explored in treatises on child rearing and the increased child portraits.45 About the middle of the century, the bourgeoisie had begun to consistently represent their children in family and individual portraits.46

An example of the new interest in representing families and their virtues can be seen in

Maerten van Heemskerck’s (1498-1574) Family Portrait (1530) (figure 8). According to Karel

van Mander, Heemskerck was born into a family of field laborers, but was not compatible with

information, consult Lorne Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Sixteenth Centuries (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 44. 44 Jeroch Dekker, et al., “Proudly Raising Vulnerable Youngsters: The Scope of Education in the Netherlands,” in Pride and Joy: Children’s Portraits in the Netherlands 1500-1700, eds. Jan Baptist Bedaux, and Rudi Ekkart (Amsterdam: Ludion Press Ghent, 2000), 48. 45 Ibid., 3. 46 Katlijne van der Stighelen, “‘Bounty from Heaven,’ The Counter-Reformation and Childlikeness in the Southern Netherlands,” in Pride and Joy: Children’s Portraits in the Netherlands 1500-1700, eds. Jan Baptist Bedaux, and Rudi Ekkart (Amsterdam: Ludion Press Ghent, 2000), 36-37.

24 living from the land. Instead he traveled to Haarlem to study art.47 Like many other artists of his

day, Heemskerck also visited Italy to study the Western heritage of Roman art. In the words of van Mander, he “returned to his fatherland” after his studies in Rome were complete.48

During his first three years in Haarlem, Heemskerck lived with the family of an important

burgher, Pieter Jan Foppesz.49 It is this family that is portrayed in the Family Portrait of 1530.

The Foppesz family is arranged around the dinner table, seemingly in the midst of a meal. This

simple setting creates a sense of unity among the family members, reflecting the new attention

the family was gaining as a unit with children. All the members of the family seem content, the

children are at play, and their parents show slight smiles. Like the Erasmus portrait mentioned

before, the parents are shown as reflections of social constructs, being very reserved in their

manner, dress and facial expressions. The personality of the children is also given individual

attention, illustrating their newly found worth in the developing Netherlandish identity.

A painting by Antonis Mor van Dashorst (1520-1577), Self-Portrait (1558) (figure 9),

shows a different aspect of national identity. Instead of focusing on the internal traits of the

sitter, Mor depicts himself in the process of painting. Like portraits set in contemporary

interiors, self-portraits can find some precedent in fifteenth-century works such as Jan van

Eyck’s Man with a Red Turban (1433) (figure 10). Van Eyck’s work is thought to be a self-

depiction, set against a dark background in a red turban. Despite this precedent, it was not until

the sixteenth century that artist self-portraits became a widespread practice. The practice of self-

portraiture coincided with an increase in the production of personal testimonies. “Both forms of

47 Karel van Mander, “Dutch and Flemish Painters,” in Het Schilder-boeck, trans. Constant Van de Wall (New York: McFarlane, Warde, McFarlane, 1936), 208. 48 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, 212 49 Wouter Kloek and Willy Halsema-Kubes, Art Before the Iconoclasm: Northern Netherlandish Art 1525- 1580 (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1986), 29.

25 expression helped shape the notion that the individual is worthy of interest and record for his or her own sake, rather than as one of countless human souls under God.”50

The inclusion of the vocation of the artist is a trend that did not become prominent until after the middle of the sixteenth century. 51 The artists of Antwerp were especially prominent in this occurrence, producing “a phenomenal number of pictures that refer directly to their own profession.”52 There may be a connection to the rise of secular portraiture, showing vocation, with a shift in the dominant association of painters. During the fifteenth century, painters would look to Saint Luke, the patron saint of artists, to find inspiration. Over the course of the sixteenth century, this association shifted, focusing instead on the ancient Greek artist Apelles.53

Mor’s Self-Portrait directly references many of the trends in contemporary culture. It presents the artist’s character as intelligent, gentle and somber, once again demonstrating prominent Netherlandish virtues. Mor is directly engaging the viewer while sitting at his easel with his pallet and brushes, as if preparing to paint. The panel is shown as black, with only a sheet of white paper in the upper right side. This paper contains several lines of writing, one of which claims that Mor is “superior to Apelles.”54

The verse on the paper may reflect the intended audience for this piece. Mor was a well- known court painter in his own time, working for both Charles V and Phillip II of Spain.

However, he also had associations with the Netherlandish humanist circle of the poet Dominique

Lampson (1532-1599). There were two versions of this self-portrait painted, but only the placement of one in the royal galleries in Spain is certain. The second version, which ultimately

50 Mariet Westermann, Rembrandt, Art and Ideas Series (London: Phaidon, 2000), 10-11. 51 Zirka Zaremba Filipczak, Picturing Art in Antwerp 1550-1700 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), 21. 52 Ibid., 3. 53 Ibid., 25. 54 Ibid., 25-26.

26 ended up in the collection of the painter Sir Peter Lely, may have originally been created for

Dominique Lampson, who wrote the poem on the panel.55

The secular attributes of this work can first be seen in the poem’s reference to Apelles instead of Saint Luke. Mor already was associating himself with a historical individual that had

attained a high status in the secular world instead of the religious one. Furthermore, Mor is illustrated in an action that reflects his vocation. This has often been attributed to the rise in the

status of artists in the culture, but could also reflect a cultural appreciation of individual

contributions to society. Mor’s role as an artist is the primary focus of the work, suggesting that

his secular work is more productive and important in society than a pious nature.

Summary

The shift from a prominent religious identity to a more secular identity can first be seen

in portraiture in the Netherlands. Beginning in the fifteenth century, portraits of middle-class patrons could be commissioned; however, the presence of religious subject or saint would generally be included to create a pious identity. This changed in the sixteenth century as portraits began to reflect new priorities of family, occupation, and shared pride in secular role models. Local leaders were increasingly painted in portraits and sold on the market, illustrating a model that Netherlandish citizens could follow to achieve the highest ideals propagated by their nation. The middle-class sitter could be portrayed along with his children, showing an increased focus on the character of the family for the sake of the family. Finally, the role of the individual and the contribution made to society by his choice of vocation are shown as elements worthy of praise and virtue.

55 Joanna Woodall, “Question Regarding Antonis Mor,” personal e-mail (22 July 2004).

27 CHAPTER 3: LANDSCAPE

The subject of landscape was fairly unrealized by Western European artists as an artistic

genre until the early modern era. Encompassing a broad range of visual images including vast

vistas, dense forests, majestic mountains, turbulent oceans and urban or rural buildings, the genre

is loose and can be defined by a variety of imagery. Furthermore, the setting being depicted need not be a realistic illustration of a physical space. Often, in early landscape, the artist would contrive an idealized landscape, based loosely on real places. The sole unifying factor is the

incorporation of a visual representation of topography, be it real, imagined or a combination of

the two. Many times, the first European landscapes would contain elements of both real and

imagined topography.

In the Netherlands, the initial attempts at landscape depiction appear as descriptive

detailing to portraiture and religious scenes. In the background of works such as Jan van Eyck’s

Rolin Madonna (figure 3), a generalized landscape is depicted in minute detail. This small

inclusion serves several functions for the viewer, including placing the Chancellor and his divine

vision of the Madonna and Child in a contemporary Northern European city. Furthermore, tiny

elements such as grape vines further define the occupation of the Chancellor Rolin’s family as

owners of a vineyard. In another early Netherlandish work, the Portinari Altarpiece by Hugo

van der Goes (1475-76) (figure 1), the background landscape provides a scenic Northern setting

to the Nativity scene occurring in the foreground. In both works, and many others of a similar nature, the landscape is subjugated to the more important religious portrait or scene.

Like portraiture, the element of landscape is not entirely uncommon in the fifteenth century when it is incorporated as a background element in a larger composition. In the sixteenth century, however, the scenes are able to gradually disconnect themselves from their

28 religious subjects, ultimately emerging as a new genre of art. Thus, it is not surprising that the

first landscapes to appear as a primary element used small figures acting out a religious scene to

justify their existence.

Nationalistic Implications

Landscape embodies a key element in the development of national identity. As cited

from Anthony Smith in chapter one, a sense of homeland is a required element in national

identity. By depicting the essence of that homeland in works of art, the familiar topography can

be recognized and appreciated by the people of the culture. “Landscapes, whether focusing on

single monuments or framing stretches of scenery, provide visible shape: they picture the

nation.”56 Furthermore, beyond creating a visual map that citizens can identify, they create a

sense of unity by identifying a “common residence.”57

The development of landscape as an independent subject is not unique to the sixteenth-

century Netherlands. Within a few years the subject arose in Venice and Antwerp, and along the

Danube.58 Considering the decline in the overriding Catholic identity, and the first movements towards the formation of modern nations, it is logical that notions of a homeland would appear in more than one European center. However, in both Venice and the Danube region, local artists did not produce landscape scenes with any consistency. It was Antwerp where landscape

56 Stephan Daniels, Fields of Vision: Landscape Imagery and National Identity in England and the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 5. 57 Brian Osborne, “Interpreting a Nation’s Identity: Artists as Creators of National Consciousness,” in Ideology and Landscape in Historical Perspective: Essays on the Meanings of Some Places in the Past, eds. Alan R. Baker and Gideon Biger (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 230. 58 Walter Gibson, Mirror of the Earth: The World of Landscape in Sixteenth-Century Flemish Painting (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), xi.

29 developed into a subject in which artists could specialize.59 So much, that their skill in depicting

topography was admired throughout Europe.

Once the theme of landscape had developed, it quickly evolved from only vaguely

realistic imagery to more and more distinctly local topography. These scenes were largely

oriented toward small villages and peasant life. One factor in the new emergence of sensitivity

to the peasant and primitive ideals, set in a homeland environment, was the desire to move away from the ostentatiousness of the Catholic Church and embrace a simpler lifestyle. 60 However, the trend can also be seen as a response to the development of an ancient mythology. The peasants were primitive by the standards of the bourgeoisie and could illustrate the origins of the

Netherlandish culture. An example can be found in sixteenth-century Germany, where ancient writings were being used to trace their own primitive roots,61 which would be reflected in the

contemporary peasant culture.

According to the prominent ethnologist and founder of ethnic nationalism, Johann

Gottfried von Herder (1744-1803), primitive communities are able to provide both “a natural

source of morality,” as well as functioning as “the carrier and repository of the authentic

character of a people.”62 In this way the profusion of landscape scenes in the Netherlands, many

of which are intricately related to peasants or the simple life, provide both images of homeland

and elements of ancient mythology. They also carry the morals of the society, be they positive

or negative examples.

Joachim Patinir (c. 1485-1524) is the leading figure in freeing landscape from

background imagery. He is the first to be called “the good landscape painter” by the German

59 Ibid., x. 60 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 147. 61 Ibid., 142.

30 artist Albrecht Dürer, and is labeled as the first official landscape painter by Karel van Mander.63

Although born in the Dinant or Bouvignes region around 1480, Patinir worked in Antwerp,

entering the guild in 1515. His style was extremely influential on all subsequent landscape

production in the Netherlands, including well-known artists like Pieter Bruegel who will be

discussed later in this chapter.

The most distinct quality of Patinir’s style is his small religious figures set in a wide

expanse of landscape, as seen from a high vantage point. In many of his works, rocky

outcroppings or natural arches appear. These natural rock formations are often thought by

scholars to be reminiscent of the “high bluffs and picturesque rock formation along the Meuse

between Bouvignes and Dinant, particularly the tall, steeple like form of the Bayard rock near

Dinant.” 64 Though the sharp depiction of these rocks attained a distinctive stylization in the

Middle Ages, the rocks in Patinir’s work begin to show a more realistic character.

Completed in 1515, Landscape with the Flight into Egypt (figure 11) is one of Patinir’s earliest known works. It contains characteristic elements of Patinir’s style, including a miniature religious scene, the Flight into Egypt, in the foreground. The background on the right is dominated by a depiction of a Netherlandish village surrounded by woods. On the left, a rocky outcropping creates a sense of balance as it towers over the aforementioned village. Considering the topography of Patinir’s native village, this could be a scene reminiscent of his adolescence.

Also typical of Patinir’s style is the depiction of the scene from a high vantage point. While

other artists would duplicate aspects of the native scenery and high perspective, the figures in the

foreground soon changed to illustrate native culture.

62 Athena Leoussi, “The Ethno-Cultural Roots of National Art,” in Nations and Nationalism 10, no. 1-2 (January 2004), 151. 63 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 138. 64 Gibson, Mirror of the Earth: The World of Landscape in Sixteenth-Century Flemish Painting, 7.

31 One of the artists who followed Patinir, and perhaps the best-known artist of the sixteenth-century Netherlands is Pieter Bruegel the Elder (1527-1569). Bruegel was an apprentice to Pieter Coecke van Aelst, the leading Flemish artist until his death in 1550.65 One

year after Coecke van Aelst’s death in 1551, Bruegel entered the Antwerp artists’ guild.66 In

1555, only three years after his entry into the guild, Bruegel left to study in Italy. While the

Italian art he witnessed would not overtly affect his artwork, the scenery of the Alps would.

During his trip, Bruegel completed a series of landscape drawings of the Alps. Other more

Netherlandish landscapes and peasant scenes would soon follow, creating the bulk of his oeuvre.

Unlike some of his compatriots, Bruegel was well known in his own era. He worked closely with leading humanists and government officials, many whom commissioned work from him. Among the most prominent were Nicolaas Jonghelinck, the wealthy Antwerp merchant and tax collector for Philip II; Cardinal Granville, the President of the Netherlandish Council of

State; Abraham Ortelius, a mapmaker and humanist; and Hans Franckaert, a merchant and friend.67 Aside from Ortelius, Bruegel was also associated with the northern humanists

Christopher Plantin and Hieronymous Cock.68 The humanist group (beyond those mentioned)

was comprised of an “educated middle class” and also included the artist Maerten van

Heemskerck.69

Panoramic landscapes, robust peasants and moralistic messages characterize Bruegel’s work. It has already been established that individual portraits of contemporaries focus on “sober and restrained” qualities of men; the landscapes including peasant scenes instead tended to focus

65 Ibid., 61. There is some debate over the year of Coecke van Aelst’s death. In Gibson, the date is cited as 1550, but other sources have cited the year 1556. 66 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, 153. 67 Gibson, Mirror of the Earth: The World of Landscape in Sixteenth-Century Flemish Painting, 60-61. 68 Margaret Sullivan, Bruegel’s Peasants: Art and Audience in the Northern Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 7. See chapter two for more information on Marten van Heemskerck. 69 Ibid., 9. See chapter two for Heemskerck’s Family Portrait.

32 on “the lazy, crude, uneducated peasants who indulge their passions.”70 While the peasant is often used as a moralizing element, especially when shown negatively, it was not the only method of representation. Maertin van Heemskerck gave a commentary on the positive attributes of the noble peasant in the Three Estates series (figure 13 & 14).71

The peasants are an important augmentation to the Netherlandish landscape shown in

Bruegel’s work Gloomy Day, part of The Seasons series commissioned by Nicolaas Jonghelinck for his suburban home of Ter Bekin. Created in the tradition derived from the Medieval Labors of the Months found in Books of Hours, the series illustrates common labors found during each season of the year. By its very nature, it places emphasis on local scenery and peasant activity, as well as those of the court. Indeed, this series emphasizes the “rich rolling hills, fertile farmland and peasant life of Flanders, between the cities of Antwerp and Brussels” is emphasized, promoting the home country and the local mythology of both artist and patron.72

While traditionally the series would include all twelve months, the original number of works in The Seasons is questionable. The only surviving works are Hunters in the Snow,

Gloomy Day, Return of the Herd, Haymakers and Harvesters. Gloomy Day most likely represents a February scene, showing both industrious peasants at work in the foreground and revelers in a Netherlandish city in the background.73 Not only can the industrious peasants present a moral on the proper way to act in the Netherlandish society, but they also “exemplify the agricultural routine and wealth of the land.”74 In contrast, the revelers portray the negative aspects of society, and create an illustration of how not to act in public.

70 Ibid., 10. 71 Ibid., 17. 72 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 140-141. 73 Ibid., 43. 74 Walter Gibson, Bruegel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), 159.

33 Many of Bruegel’s works carry the message of homeland, mythology and the proper way to act in society. Like many other elements introduced in this thesis, the use of secular imagery and the moralizing tone of Bruegel’s work has been limited by connections to Protestant attitudes towards icons. However, especially in this work, many of the elements needed to create a national identity are included, along with historical reference. The inclusion of the labors of the month as a theme, illustrated using historical conventions dating back to the thirteenth-century, suggests a historical continuum that parallels the idea of the construction of a Netherlandish mythology.

The final artwork to consider as a reflection of a burgeoning Netherlandish national identity is Han Bol’s (1534-1593) Winter Landscape with Skaters (1584/86) (figure 15). The artist was born in Mechelen, December 16, 1534, and trained there in the local watercolor painting traditions. Although Mechelen was his city of birth, he was forced to flee to Antwerp in

1572, due to the Spanish occupation.75 Ultimately, Bol left the Southern Netherlands completely, settling in Amsterdam in 1584. In Amsterdam he managed a workshop that produced illuminated manuscripts and animal illustrations, but specialized in the production of landscape cabinet miniatures. It was during his last years in Amsterdam that he created Winter

Landscape with Skaters.

This work is very similar to Bruegel’s and Patinir’s in that it shows a panoramic view depicted from a relatively high level. However, the viewpoint has moved down just a bit, and the scope of the panorama is more limited. It is likely the limited panorama is used due to the nature of this type of urban landscape, as in a city the actual view would be limited by buildings.

The lowered view, however, may also reflect the flatter topography and lack of vistas in the

Northern Netherlands. The village is shown in the winter months, with local people skating on a

34 frozen river. Unlike Bruegel’s work, there does not seem to be a moralizing tone, simply an

everyday winter scene that could be easily related to by members of the culture.

In addition to Bol’s choice of depicting a leisure activity, the use of an urban setting is

noteworthy in the development of landscape. In the first landscape attempts by Patinir the

village played only a small role, set in the background of the scene and subjugated to nature.

Brugel’s Gloomy Day made the city larger in scale and brought it closer to the foreground, but

panoramic vista and the work of the laborers was much more visually dominant. In Winter

Landscape with Skaters, the city forms the setting, not nature, for the activity of the people.

Moreover, this urban setting is more detailed than the previous works, illustrating the trend

towards depicting a specific location. While this trend did not fully manifest in the sixteenth century, it will become common in Dutch landscapes of the seventeenth century.

Summary

Landscape is an essential element in the formation of a national identity. By

picturing local topography, artists can appeal to the sense of home. The first efforts at the

depiction of local landscapes in the Netherlands manifested in 1515, although they were still bound to a religious element. By the middle of the century, the genre had become refined, and included local landscapes and moralizing elements emphasizing proper behavior. Towards the end of the century, landscapes developed further, simplifying the

scene to place the primary emphasis on everyday life. This trend would continue into the

seventeenth century, increasingly referencing specific places or events.

75 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, 271.

35 CHAPTER 4: STILL LIFE

Like the other two genres considered, still life has precedents in Roman times, but

remained unexplored throughout the majority of the Middle Ages. However, as Svetlana Alpers

notes, it had been the desire of the Netherlandish communities throughout the course of the

fifteenth century to capture the details of life.76 The observance of fine details in artwork is

fairly unique to Northern Europe, as Italian contemporaries chose instead to depict monumental

figures in a more closed space.

As with the genres of portraiture and landscape, the first attempts at still life emerged in

the detailing of religious artwork. The small floral arrangement in the foreground of the

Portinari Altarpiece (figure 1) has been cited as a precedent to independent flower pieces that

arose in the second half of the sixteenth century. The Arnolfini Portrait (figure 5) also betrays a

detail-oriented artistic trend. The elaborate decoration of the room with objects such as oranges,

shoes, and mirrors, to name just a few, are representative of luxury goods that could be found on

the international market.

Nationalistic Implications

The definition of what constitutes a still life is fairly broad and can encompass almost any combination of inanimate objects. By capturing specific objects that recall elements of traditional or every day culture, the artist can remind the viewer of his or her respective national or cultural identity. Thus, the still lifes produced in the Netherlands in the sixteenth century could remind buyers of their membership in the culture of the Netherlands by celebrating objects

76 Svetlana Alpers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth-Century (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1983).

36 of central importance to everyday life. Furthermore, as will be shown, the objects being depicted

were often those that were used or easily recognizable by the common class, reminding the viewer of the common culture of the people, and creating a cultural unity.

An obstacle in the identification of nationalistic themes in still lifes is the interpretation of

vanitas. This word was extracted from certain contemporary texts and is often used by modern historians to describe the transient nature of perishable objects in still life compositions, implying the impermanence of life and a sense of the afterlife. Alan Chong challenges this simplistic

interpretation, arguing that it is unlikely that most or all still lifes would have a vanitas

message.77 His argument revolves around the scarcity of the vanitas term in Antwerp, and the

majority of usage occurring in Holland after 1650. This implies that the concept of vanitas was

not fully developed or applied to painting until after the turn of the seventeenth century. Instead,

he postulates that painted still lifes “suggest the vagueness and multiplicity of their meaning,”

allowing for multiple interpretations, not a strictly religious message.78 Among other plausible

interpretations, a simple depiction of everyday life for the pleasure of patrons can be cited,

supporting the ever-emerging national identity of the Netherlands.

In the middle of the sixteenth century the first still lifes begin to evolve in the form of

depictions of market stalls. The reason for the emergence of these types of compositions in

particular can be seen in descriptions from contemporary texts on depictions of foodstuffs and marketable goods. In 1578 Blaise de Vigenere said food paintings “were little pleasantries and amusements ‘that do not teach us anything, and they serve nothing else than for a greater

77 Alan Chong, “Contained Under the Name of Still Life: The Association of Still Life Paintings,” in Still Life Paintings form the Netherlands, 1550-1720, eds. Alan Chong, W. Kloek and Celeste Brusati (Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 1999), 13. 78 Ibid., 17.

37 enjoyment and satisfaction to the eye.’”79 Furthermore, popular Dutch poems focused on the

abundance found in the countryside, noting fruits, vegetables and game found in the rural

gardens and estates particularly. Much like the landscape works, these scenes pictured the

productivity of the homeland. The abundance of foodstuffs and marketable goods would further

support the sixteenth-century status of the Netherlands as one of the most densely populated,

richest and materially prosperous nations in Western Europe.80

A second historical form of still life can be seen in flower painting. As noted in the

introduction to this chapter, the first developments in flower paintings arose in the fine details of

religious works. Other examples can be found as accents to the recto side of works such as Hans

Memling’s (c. 1430/40- 1494) Portrait of a Man (1490) and Jan Provost’s (1462-1529) Virgin at

a Fountain (1510) (figure 16).81 The second work in particular illustrates the precedent set early

in the century, and the simple depiction of flowers in glass receptacles anticipates the format

future Netherlandish artists would copy. By 1550, the genre of flower still life was well enough

received that Antwerp artists were able to specialize in flower painting.82

The desire and appreciation for independent flower paintings came from a sixteenth- century predilection for flowers, resulting in a proliferation of botanical gardens. Tulips were

imported from Turkey in 1560, spreading the craze for tulips first through Vienna then Leiden

and Amsterdam. Along with tulips, crown imperials were the most favored flowers to picture.83

Artists would travel to Brussels to view rare flowers in person to better depict them in paint.84

Although, the earliest extant flower painting known today does not date until the turn of the

79 Ibid. 80 Gibson, Bruegel, 18. 81 Marie-Louise Hairs, The Flemish Flower Painters in the Seventeenth Century, trans. Eva Grzelak (Brussels: Lefebvre et Gillet, 1985), 7. 82 Ibid., 10. 83 Ibid., 5. 84 Chong, Alan, “Contained Under the Name of Still Life: The Association of Still Life Paintings,” 26.

38 seventeenth century, several sixteenth-century flower specialists are identified by contemporary

texts. Among these are Joris Hoefnagel (1542-1600) of Antwerp and an unknown Antwerp

master who produced three works at the end of the sixteenth century.85

The earliest recognized still life artist is Pieter Aertsen (1508-1575). Aertsen was born in

Amsterdam around 1508/1509, but settled in Antwerp, becoming a member of the local guild in

1535.86 According to Van Mander, Aertsen began his career in Antwerp painting kitchen scenes.87 In 1551, he returned to Amsterdam, where he remained until his death in 1575. It was

during his first year in Amsterdam that he created the work commonly accepted by scholars as the first work dedicated to the display of inanimate objects, Butcher’s Stall (1551) (figure 17). In

his own time, Aertsen earned esteem among his contemporaries for his skill in the depiction of

marketable objects. Contemporary humanists compared Aertsen to the ancient painter Piraikos

who by Pliny’s account painted “barbers’ shops, cobblers’ stalls, asses, eatables and similar

subjects.”88

Butcher’s Stall reflects the typical format for Aertsen’s early market scenes. In the

foreground, commanding the most attention by virtue of color and size, is a selection of meats

and pretzels set in a format that references the actual marketplace. In the background, there is a

miniature Flight into Egypt, although the religious figures are set in the Netherlandish

countryside clothed in sixteenth-century dress. While scholars have considered the Flight as a

moralizing element set against the materiality of society, the focus on the stall betrays the

elevated status that everyday life was beginning to hold in Netherlandish culture. Furthermore,

the goods being depicted would be those easily recognizable by everyday people, thereby

85 Hairs, The Flemish Flower Painters in the Seventeenth Century, 18. 86 Keith Moxey, Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation (Ph. D. diss, University of Chicago, 1974), 1-2; Mander, , 203. 87 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, 204.

39 referencing a common culture where the secular world is beginning to take precedence over the

spiritual world.

The details in Butcher’s Stall delve deeper into contemporary culture than simply

illustrating the productivity of the land. Charlotte Houghton has published a study that considers

this work in terms of nineteenth-century modern art. She notes that Aertsen’s painting

“challenges its viewers not only to acknowledge the change that surrounded them, but also to

consider their complicity in it.”89 To support her study, she cites the clear references to the mythological founding of the city of Antwerp, the cultural diet of meat, the power and status of

the butcher’s guild and the buying of hospital land for commercial usage. These elements further

support sensitivity to the shift from a religious identity to a secular one. Aertsen not only

provided a sense of ancient history by citing the town foundation, but also noted contemporary

events that referenced elements of mass culture, the productivity of the land, the market based

economy, the power of secular authorities, and the increasing scope of trade outside of the city.90

While this work focuses on the meat consumption and contemporary events in Antwerp, there are many other Aertsen works that depict fruits and vegetables. Reindert Falkenburg has conducted a study of the foods found in Aertsen’s work in order to better understand what class of people would be purchasing the foodstuffs. He finds that while there is an assortment of foods not necessarily found during the same season, there is a realistic basis for the types of foods

88 Moxey, Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation, 27. 89 Charlotte Houghton “This Was Tomorrow: Pieter Aertsen’s Meat Stall as Contemporary Art,” The Art Bulletin, 83 (2004), 295. 90 Ibid., This thesis was well supported using many details and local documents. The city of Antwerp is noted in this work by the inclusion of a pair of hands over the pretzels. These hands appear on official documents and reference the mythological founding of the city by a Roman soldier who managed to kill a giant that was living on the Sheldt River bank and terrorizing travelers. The power of the butcher’s guild, the Vleeshouwers Ambacht, is considered in conjunction with their monopoly on the local meat market and fight to keep out competitors. The inclusion of land for sale on the posted sign in the upper left hand corner is an acknowledgement of the battle between the archers guild and the St. Elizabeth Gasthuis (hospital). The hospital was forced to sell their land to the archer’s for their new guild hall. Ultimately too much land was taken, and the extra was sold.

40 illustrated in the sixteenth-century marketplace. While some of the foods being illustrated would

be available only to wealthy members of society, “… the bulk of the vegetables belong to the

most commonplace species.”91 In Aertsen’s illustrations of the fruit market, a similar conclusion can be reached. “The overall impression of the vegetables and fruits in Artsen’s market scenes is that they belong to the basic and plain comestibles of his day. The assortment relates more to the diet of the common man than to the menu of the rich.”92

Aside from market scenes, Aertsen, like Bruegel before him, also specialized in images of peasant life. This trend developed along with Aertsen’s interest in still life painting. When considered in conjunction with one another, the mass culture as presented by the peasant life is supported by the productivity of the land. Unlike Bruegel, Aertsen’s peasants did not provide a moral commentary, but more often were simply created for the pleasure of the viewer.93 Both peasant and market scenes would be large scale and high quality, implying that the works were bought or commissioned by corporations or wealthy individuals.94 In consideration of the

subject matter being such mundane events or objects, the identification of a possible patron is very interesting. It is possible that those in power were buying these works, as a means of acknowledging and promoting a mass culture.

Joachim Beuckelaer (1534-1574) was closely related to Pieter Aertsen both by family and training, and as a result their styles are very similar. Beuckelaer was born in Antwerp and began his career in 1542 as a pupil to his uncle, Pieter Aertsen. Beuckelaer entered the Antwerp

91 Reindert Falkenburg “Matters of Taste: Pieter Aertsen's Market Scenes, Eating Habits, and Pictorial Rhetoric in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Object as a Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life, ed. Anne W. Lowenthal (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 18. 92 Ibid. 93 Moxey, Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation, 25. 94 Houghton, “This Was Tomorrow: Pieter Aertsen’s Meat Stall as Contemporary Art,” 282.

41 artist’s guild in 1560, and remained in the city until his death in 1574.95 Like Aertsen,

Beuckelaer favored close up depictions of market goods, complete with a religious scene in the

background. According to van Mander, Aertsen “advised Joachim to paint from life- fruit,

vegetables, meats, birds, fishes, and all other subjects.” Unfortunately, Beuckelaer did not

achieve the favor in contemporary society that Aertsen received.96 He did, however, create

powerful connections, working with both Maerten van Heemskerck and Antonis Mor.97

In Beuckelaer’s work, The Vegetable Market (1567) (figure 18), there are several elements that demonstrate a stylistic continuity between Aertsen and Beuckelaer. Both artists enjoyed the depiction of fruits and vegetables in a market format, presenting the bounty of the land to the viewer for potential purchase. In this work, the peasant attendant is also shown, manning the stand as buyers mingle in the foreground. In the far left, there is a miniature

Nativity scene, seemingly moving off the edge of the canvas. The placement as a secondary and small-scale element makes the Nativity seem less important than the large-scale foods commanding the focus of the work.

Types of foods chosen for this work are important in consideration with the

Netherlandish diet of the time. As previously mentioned, the bulk of the diet as shown by contemporary cookbooks such as Een Notabel Boecxken van Cokeryen (Brussels, 1510) show

the well to do “ate mainly meat, poultry, fish, eggs and corn.”98 In works such as these there is

little mention of fruits and vegetables, possibly relating to the idea that large quantities or uncooked fruits and vegetables were considered unhealthy.99 However, the lack of notation in

95 Moxey, Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation, 2. 96 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, 173. 97 Ibid., 174-5. 98 Falkenburg, “Matters of Taste: Pieter Aertsen's Market Scenes, Eating Habits, and Pictorial Rhetoric in the Sixteenth Century,” 14. 99 Ibid.

42 the cookbooks, like other forms of historical text, only represents the ideal situation. In study of

market regulation and food transport archives, as well as archeology, the diet proves to include more options.

Archives on market regulations and food transport show the vegetable market was dominated by turnips, cabbage, carrots, parsnips, onions, garlic, leeks, and parsley. These items were used in a common porridge called potage, and had been consistent with only lettuce being

added in the sixteenth century. The fruits available in the sixteenth century included apples and

pears, supplemented by nuts.

The archival finds are supported and accentuated by archeological finds. The

Netherlandish archeologist, Henk van Haaster, has dug sites in Northern Amsterdam, building a

list of the diet of the fourteenth and fifteenth century from horticulture and kitchen leavings.

While the South has not been studied in as much detail, sixteenth century Amsterdam and

Kampen have produced similar findings, implying a relatively similar diet.100 Findings from the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in the Netherlands include: beets, peas, cucumber, lentils,

parsnips, carrots, purslane, turnips, celery, lettuce, broad beans, garden cress, orache, chicory and

white mustard.101 The only foods missing from the list are cabbage, which produces no real

remains, and pumpkin, melons, and gourds. The archeologist Norbert Paap suggests that the lack of pumpkins and melons reflects their late arrival in the Netherlands during the sixteenth century, or a limited seasonal availability. Archeology also suggests that more fruit types were available than literary food sources would imply, including grapes, medlars, walnuts, sweet cherries, and wild fruit.102

100 Ibid., 16. 101 Ibid., 15-16. 102 Ibid., 16.

43 In this painting by Beuckelaer, many of the fruits and vegetables illustrated were

commonly found in contemporary writing and archeological remains of the sixteenth-century

Netherlandish territories.103 On the left, a large bunch of grapes forms the support for baskets of

apples and pears. Proceeding to the right, there are a few melons and gourds, with cauliflowers, leeks, peas and/or broad beans and pheasant flanking the bottom left edge. In the middle of the work along the bottom edge, mushrooms, a green vegetable, garlic, and cherries are shown. On the right side, cabbage, lettuce, berries, cucumber, carrots, parsnips and another melon are illustrated. All of these vegetables were known to the local economy, and many were used for the common potage porridge. Furthermore, the inclusion of melons makes a potential reference to the peasant class. In The Shepherds Demand (1513), pumpkins and melons are listed among

the foods eaten by shepherds and peasants in the summer.

Roelandt Savery’s Flowers in a Niche (c. 1600) (figure 18) illustrates another, very

different, type of still life that developed in the late sixteenth century. While the work is listed

here as the earliest extant flower painting, contemporary texts record earlier examples, including

works by Roelandt’s teacher and brother, Jacques Savery. Roelandt was born in Courtrai in

1578, but likely fled with his Mennonite parents in 1580 after the Spanish sacked the city. It

seems the family moved to Amsterdam, and Savery lived there with his brother until 1602. He

was well traveled, spending 1603-1615 in Prague in the service of Rudolf II. Following his

service, Savery returned to Amsterdam, spending time in Haarlem before he settled in Utrecht in

1619.104

103 Unless otherwise noted, all identifications of fruit and vegetables in this work are my own. Unfortunately, I am not able to identify all details in the work from a reproduced image. 104 Marten Jan Bok “Roelandt Saverij,” in Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620 (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994), 315-316.

44 Savery’s oeuvre includes many of the same elements seen in other painters discussed in

this survey including flower still lifes, village life and fairs, landscapes and animals.105 There is much debate over the date of the earliest flower still life by Savery, although every year offered seems to fall between 1600-1605. It is generally accepted that, while this is the first known flower piece, other pieces were being created well before the turn of the century. According to

Savery’s contemporary, Jan Brueghel the elder, a fellow flower painter and the son of Pieter

Bruegel, three factors were most important in flower painting: “the naturalism of the painting, the beauty of the flowers, and finally their rarity.”106

Savery’s work captures the beauty and simplicity of the flowers, in the tradition that was passed down from the beginning of the century. The flowers are shown in a glass vase, set in a niche and surrounded by insects of all sorts. It is likely that these flowers would not have been in season together, thus making the composition not entirely realistic. Instead, the beauty of the flowers for their own sake is the underlying factor in the creation of the work. This related to the desire and appreciation in contemporary culture for beautiful gardens and estates in the countryside, creating one more connection to the bounty of the Netherlandish homeland.

Summary

The appreciation for painted depictions of inanimate objects had its roots in the early

sixteenth century, and made a gradual evolution to a fully detached subject matter. Like the

other artistic subjects in this survey, it was necessary for the first manifestations to contain a

religious scene before they were able to fully stand on their own. The still life subjects often

referenced contemporary events, as well as the bounty and productivity that the Netherlands

105 Dorien Tamis “Jacques Saverij,” in Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620 (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994), 315.

45 could achieve. Included in the still life works were references to mass public culture, and objects that were important in the everyday life of the average citizens. By creating visual images of

mass culture and standards for beauty, the average diet, the work of the labors, and the bounty of

the homeland, reference to a national identity could be cultivated.

106 Chong, “Contained Under the Name of Still Life: The Association of Still Life Paintings,” 25.

46 CHAPTER 5: INFLUENCES ON THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY

My research into the emergence of a national identity sprung from comments made by

Craig Harbison in his text on Netherlandish Renaissance art, The Mirror of the Artist. At one point he casually mentions that in the sixteenth century the artistic themes of landscape, still life

and secular portraiture arose in their first manifestations.107 Further research proved that not

only did these subjects begin to gain momentum in this century, but also, more specifically, each

achieved a fully secular form free from overtly religious subjects, in the middle of the century

between the years 1525-1575. It was during these years that some of the most crucial changes

were occurring in the Netherlandish culture. The seventeen provinces were officially unified and

named as one by contemporary authors, the war with Spain began with the demand for more

local power and was escalating, and the newly formed Protestant religion became widespread.

The emergence of these new genres of art directly correlated with the increasing secular

interests, and the declining influence of the previously dominant Catholic identity. The

culmination of the events of the sixteenth century can be seen in the cultural and artistic identity

of seventeenth-century Holland.

The Writings of Karel van Mander

Any study of Netherlandish art after the Renaissance is not complete without mention of

the artist and writer Karel van Mander. In 1604, he wrote a book including a treatise on painting

and the lives of artists. The book is seemingly a response to the Italian Lives of Artists written

107 Harbison, The Mirror of the Artist, 60-61. Harbison notes that the three most significant developments are, “a new love of the casual or incidental in terms of the accuracy of the image, a new sense of playfulness in the relation between the two-dimensional format and the three-dimensional illusion of the image, and a new variety of realistic genres, or types of imagery- portraiture, landscape and still life.” He uses exactly three paragraphs to explain these developments.

47 by Giorgio Vasari in 1551. Although Van Mander’s work includes both German and

Netherlandish artists, the overall emphasis is on the greatness of the seventeen provinces. This

promotes the idea of a recognized cultural unity in comparison to Italy and Germany, and builds

on elements presented as those forming an ethnic identity by Anthony Smith in chapter one.

Van Mander begins his Lives with a justification for the study of artists. “They may think

only those worthy of being described with the pen are those who have gained fame by deeds of

war… [they] are more worthy of being kept in memory than our noble geniuses that have made the world beautiful in ancient times and at the present.”108 The statement begins van Mander’s

book with a sense of continuity and cultural mythology, which is strengthened by the first artists

cited, Jan and Hubert van Eyck. Pride in country is shown in this opening chapter and

throughout the book with references to the Netherlands as the “good and sweet country” or the

fatherland. The promotion of Netherlandish culture is not limited to the land; it also references important cultural figures. Van Mander gives recognition to the great Dutch theologian

Erasmus, who arose “from our [the Netherlands’s] fragrant, botanical gardens a paragon of science…”109

By creating a continuity of tradition between the artists and leaders who had inhabited the

Netherlandish homeland in the past, with those who were inhabiting the country in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the cultural mythology strengthened. Even the great Italians had to reference the genius of van Eyck’s oil painting: “So art-loving Italy had to look to the Meuse, to a bright and brilliant light shining form the banks of that river; had to send her painters to

Flanders to receive nourishment from foreign breasts.”110 Patinir is recognized as a great

108 Van Mander, Het Schilder-boeck, XVII. 109 Ibid., 3. 110 Ibid.

48 landscape painter who was admired by the German artist Albrecht Dürer.111 The living artists are praised for their productivity and number despite cultural upheaval. “Reckless and destructive Mars is terrifying our country with thundering batteries that raise even the gray hairs of Time. It is surprising, in spite of all this, that many artists can continue their work at the art of painting. Art requires peace and prosperity. There are so many artists in the Netherlands, that, if

I should try to fully describe their lives, my book would be too long.”112

On Netherlandish National Identity

The sixteenth century is often an overlooked period in Netherlandish artistic history, despite the important social and political changes occurring. Survey texts glancingly mention the works of Pieter Bruegel the Elder and Joachim Patinir, then move on to more definable trends seen in other parts of Europe. When a scholar does consider this era specifically, it is primarily to associate the affect of iconoclasm and Protestantism on the production of art. However, backlash against religious images was not fully manifested until the Iconoclastic Riots of 1566, after the majority of changes had already occurred. Regardless, imagery depicting scenes from the bible were still used in many paintings that contained a newly emerging subject matter such as landscape, portraiture or still life.

While I do not wish to completely undermine the influence of Protestant theology on

Netherlandish artistic production in the sixteenth century, I do wish to shift the emphasis away from a study based chiefly on religion. It is important to consider that not only did the

Netherlandish artists turn away from primarily religious works, but they turned toward primarily secular works. There were other options available. Mythological and historical subjects were

111 Ibid., 76. 112 Ibid., 424.

49 still higher art forms than landscape, portraiture or still life. Yet, Netherlandish artists continued

to produce large amounts of the secondary subjects reflecting the Netherlandish people,

homeland and culture. Many of these works were created for the open market, reflecting the

demand for scenes reflecting the national identity of the Netherlandish buyers.

In the first quarter of the sixteenth century, the Netherlands were given more sovereignty

and were being prepared for centralized political control by their monarch Charles V, the last

European Emperor and King of Spain. It is during this time that Joachim Patinir first focused on

landscape as the primary element of a picture. In the middle of the century, Charles abdicated

the throne, and his son Philip II took over rule of the Netherlands. He quickly made it known

that Spanish rule took precedence over the local powers. The feud was heightened by the

introduction of Calvinism into the Netherlands, and Spain’s desire to keep the provinces

Catholic. During this decade, in 1551, Pieter Aertsen created the first object-oriented painting in

Butcher’s Stall. Secular portraiture is harder to date, but occurs increasingly throughout the

century, particularly after 1525. The degree to which these three subjects were represented

expanded significantly throughout the sixteenth century mimicking the growing conflict with

Spain.

With increasing tension and desire to retain local rule, the seventeen provinces became

increasingly unified in their stance again Spain. While, ultimately, differences proved too great for unification as one nation, the artwork of the sixteenth century shows the attempts to create a national identity, based on the existing ethnic identity, by providing depictions of homeland, material culture, national mythology or continuity of the culture, individual roles and models for cultural behavior. The theory of ethnic nationalism “was part of the first modern awakening of

50 the European mind to self-consciousness, that impulse to re-define the individual and collective

sources of human existence.”113

It is important to conclude that the emphasis placed on religion in the emergence of secular artwork is not completely invalid. It is unlikely that the Protestant aversion to religious

imagery would push its followers and artisans to artwork that would eliminate them completely.

However, the artwork produced, while at first containing some elements of theology, quickly

emancipated itself. The subjects of secular portraiture, landscape and still life soon became

admired by contemporary Netherlandish people for what they represented: everyday life. In this manner, the artists supported the building of a national identity, based upon ethnic conditions, portraying the ancient homeland, state ideals and mass culture in a two-dimensional format.

Secular art in the Seventeenth Century

While both the North and South began the Dutch Revolt as a cultural unit, the war for

independence with Spain was not equally successful for both territories of the Netherlands. For

varying reasons, including religious and political affiliations and lack of defensive geographical

features, the South was unable to break from the rule of Catholic Spain, and remained under its

rule until the nineteenth century. However, the northern provinces suffered through many years

of struggle, eventually winning their independence in 1648 and inheriting the culture the

Netherlands was developing in the sixteenth century.

The role of nationalism in the new Dutch culture has been a subject highly debated by

scholars. As previously stated, the debate stems from a strict usage of the term nationalism,

which would apply only when an established political entity has been formed and there is a

conscious effort on the part of the elite to establish a national face. Despite the disparity in

113 Leoussi, “The Ethno-Cultural Roots of National Art,” 143.

51 terminology, the majority of scholars recognize seventeenth-century Dutch art as having a civic and secular focus. This is in contrast to the South, where there was a resurgence of Catholic artwork after Spanish rule was reestablished.114

In the newly liberated Dutch communities, the cultural inheritance of the sixteenth century continued to evolve. The most prolific and affordable subjects were landscapes, allowing the majority of society to have a piece of the homeland on their wall. 115 Furthermore, the genre evolved beyond local mythologies, including civic roles such as military victories.116

Portraiture continued to reflect the role of individuals in society, expanding to include local militia and civic groups, and focusing on ideal cultural qualities like intelligence, moderation and the ability to sustain a love-based marriage.117 Still lifes and scenes of everyday life also

continued to evolve, reminding the viewers of the mass culture to which they belonged.

Throughout the sixteenth century the cultural, political and social changes occurring in

the Netherlands were promoting the adoption of a ethnic identity that would soon evolve into a

distinct political entity. While the first manifestations were not defined by physical boundaries,

they were defined by cultural exchange by means of trade and travel. The identity was promoted

by comparison to other cultural areas, such as Italian artists and Spanish Catholics. No longer

was Western Europe simply defined by religious identity under the pope and emperor. As seen

by the artwork of the century, the primary identification was with the land on which one lived,

the people of the culture, and the everyday life of the citizens.

114 Hans Vlieghe, Flemish Art and Architecture (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 4. 115 Mariet Westermann, A Worldly Art: The Dutch Republic 1585-1718 (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996), 103. 116 H. Perry Chapman, “Propagandist Prints, Reaffirming Paintings: Art and Community during the Twelve Years Truce,” in The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, eds. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr and Adele Seeff (Newark, University of Delaware Press, 2000.), 46. 117 Westermann, A Worldly Art: The Dutch Republic 1585-1718, 132.

52 Selected Bibliography

Books

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Andrews, Malcolm. Landscape and Western Art. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

Barnouw, Adrian J. The Dutch: A Portrait Study of the People of Holland. New York: Columbia University Press, 1940.

Baxandall, Michael. Patterns of Intention: On the Historical Explanation of Pictures. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1985.

Bedaux, Jan Baptist. “Introduction.” In Pride and Joy: Children’s Portraits in the Netherlands 1500-1700, eds. Jan Baptist Bedaux, and Rudi Ekkart, 11-32. Amsterdam: Ludion Press Ghent, 2000.

Berg, Jorgen van der, Hans Brandhorst, and Peter van Huisstede. “Image and Word: Systematic Research into the Relations between Image and Word in Dutch Culture (1500-1800).” In History and Images: Towards a New Iconology, eds. Axel Bolvig and Phillip Lindley, 107-129. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2003.

Beus, Jos de. “The Value of National Identity.” In The Value of Culture: On the Relationship Between Economics and Arts, ed. Arjo Klamer, 166-186. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996.

Bok, Marten Jan. “Roelandt Saverij.” In Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620, eds. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen, et al., trans Michael Hoyle, et al., 315-316. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994.

Brilliant, Richard. Portraiture. London: Reaktion Books, 1991.

Brown, Christopher. Dutch Landscape Painting: The Early Years: Haarlem and Amsterdam, 1590-1650: An Exhibition at the National Gallery London, September 3rd- November 23rd, 1986. London: The National Gallery, 1986.

Cameron, Keith. National Identity. Exeter, England: Intellect, 1999.

Campbell, Lorne. Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the Fourteenth, Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990.

53 Chapman, H. Perry, “Propagandist Prints, Reaffirming Paintings: Art and Community during the Twelve Years Truce.” In The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, eds. Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr and Adele Seeff, 43-53. Newark, University of Delaware Press, 2000.

Chong, Alan. “Contained Under the Name of Still Life: The Association of Still Life Paintings.” In Still Life Paintings form the Netherlands, 1550-1720, eds. Alan Chong, W. Kloek and Celeste Brusati, 11-49. Zwolle: Waanders Publishers, 1999.

Cowdrey, H.E.J. Pope Gregory VII: 1073-1085. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998.

Daniels, Stephan. Fields of Vision: Landscape Imagery and National Identity in England and the United States. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993.

Darby, Graham. “Introduction.” In The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby, 1-7. New York: Routledge, 2001.

------. “Narrative of Events” in The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby, 8-28. New York: Routledge, 2001.

Davies, Norman. Europe: A History. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996.

Dawson, Christopher. The Making of Europe: An Introduction to the History of European Unity. Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 1954.

Dekker, Jeroch, Leendert Groenendijk and Johans Verberckmoes. “Proudly Raising Vulnerable Youngsters: The Scope of Education in the Netherlands.” In Pride and Joy: Children’s Portraits in the Netherlands 1500-1700, eds. Jan Baptist Bedaux, and Rudi Ekkart, 43- 60. Amsterdam: Ludion Press Ghent, 2000.

Duke, Alastair. “Dissident Propaganda and Political Organization at the Outbreak of the Revolt of the Netherlands.” In Reformation, Revolt and Civil War in France and the Netherlands 1555-1585, eds. Philip Benedict, Guido Marnef, Henk van Nierop and Marc Venard, 115-132. Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Colloquium October 29-31, 1997. Accessed online 07/08/04: http://www.knaw.nl/publicaties/pdf/981100_08.pdf

Eikema-Hommes, Jolanda de Bruijn, Erma Hermens, and Arie Wallert. “Still Life Sources.” In Still Lifes: Techniques and Style, ed. Arie Wallert, 25-38. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1999.

Etlin, Richard A. Nationalism in the Visual Arts. Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1991.

Falkenburg, Reindert L. Joachim Patinir: Landscape as an Image of the Pilgrimage of Life. Philadelphia: J. Benjamins Publishing Co., 1988.

54

------. “Matters of Taste: Pieter Aertsen's Market Scenes, Eating Habits, and Pictorial Rhetoric in the Sixteenth Century.” In The Object as a Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life, ed. Anne W. Lowenthal, 13-26. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.

Filipczak, Zirka Zaremba. Picturing Art in Antwerp 1550-1700. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987.

Friedlander, Max J. From van Eyck to Bruegel. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1981.

Freedberg, David. Iconoclasm and Painting in the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1566-1609. New York: Garland, 1988.

Geldern, Martin van. The Political Thought of the Dutch Revolt 1555-1590. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Gibson, Walter S. Bruegel. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977.

------. Mirror of the Earth: The World of Landscape in Sixteenth-Century Flemish Painting. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989.

Groot, Frans. “Papists and Beggars: National Festivals and Nation Building in the Netherlands during the Nineteenth Century.” In Nation and Religion: Perspectives on Europe and Asia, eds. Peter van der Veer and Hartmut Lehmann, 161-177. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Grossman, F. Pieter Bruegel: Complete Edition of the Paintings. 2nd ed. London: Phaidon, 1966.

Harbison, Craig. The Mirror of the Artist: Northern Renaissance Art in its Historical Context. New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1995.

Hauser, Arnold. The Social History of Art. Volume 2. New York: Vintage Books, 1957.

Hairs, Marie-Louise. The Flemish Flower Painters in the Seventeenth Century. Translated by Eva Grzelak. Brussels: Lefebvre et Gillet, 1985.

Haskell, Francis. “Art and History: the Legacy of Johan Huizinga” in History and Images: Towards a New Iconology, eds. Axel Bolvig and Phillip Lindley, 3-55. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2003.

Honig, Elizabeth Alice. Painting and the Market in Early Modern Antwerp. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1998.

55 Hutchinson, John and Anthony D. Smith, ed. Nationalism. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

Kloek, Wouter. “Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620: A Survey.” In Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620, eds. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen, et al., trans Michael Hoyle, et al., 15-111. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994.

Kloek, Wouter and Willy Halsema-Kubes. Art Before the Iconoclasm: Northern Netherlandish Art 1525-1580. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 1986.

Kossmann-Putto, J.A. and E.H. Kossmann. The Low Countries: History of the Northern and Southern Netherlands. Rekkem, Flanders, Belgium: Flemish-Netherlands Foundation, 1987.

Lowenthal, Anne W. “Introduction.” In The Object as a Subject: Studies in the Interpretation of Still Life, ed. Anne W. Lowenthal, 3-12. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.

Melder, Keith E. and Roger N. Parks, eds. The Village and the Nation. Sturbridge, Massachutes: Old Sturbridge Village, 1976.

Mingst, Karan. Essentials of International Relations. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1999.

Moxey, Keith. “Art History’s Hegelian Unconscious: Naturalism as Nationalism in the Study of Early Netherlandish Painting.” In The Subjects of Art History: Historical Objects in Contemporary Perspectives, eds. Mark A. Cheetham, Michael Ann Holly, and Keith Moxey, 25-51. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

------. Peasants, Warriors, and Wives: Popular Imagery in the Reformation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.

Nierop, Hank van. “Alva’s Throne: Making sense of the Revolt of the Netherlands.” In The Origins and Development of the Dutch Revolt, ed. Graham Darby, 29-47. New York: Routledge, 2001.

Oresko, Robert, G.C. Gibbs and H.M. Scott, eds. “Introduction.” In Royal and Republican Sovereignty in Early Modern Europe: Essays in memory of Ragnhild Hatton, 1-42. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

Osborne, Brian. “Interpreting a Nation’s Identity: Artists as Creators of National Consciousness.” In Ideology and Landscape in Historical Perspective: Essays on the Meanings of Some Places in the Past, eds. Alan R. Baker and Gideon Biger, 230-254. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

56 Panofsky, Erwin. Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origins and Character. 2 vols. New York: Harper & Row, 1971.

------. Studies in Iconology: Humanistic Themes in the Art of the Renaissance. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1972.

Parker, Geoffrey. The Dutch Revolt. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1977.

Pettegree, Andrew. “Humanism and the Reformation in Britain and the Netherlands.” In The Education of a Christian Society: Humanism and the Reformation in Britain and the Netherlands, eds. N. Scott Amos, Andrew Pettegree and Henk van Nierop, 1-18. Brookfield, Vermont: Ashgate Publishing Company, 1999.

Rooden, Peter van. “History, the Nation, and Religion: The Transformation of the Dutch Religious Past.” In Nation and Religion: Perspectives on Europe and Asia, eds. Peter van der Veer and Hartmut Lehmann, 96-107. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Rowen, Herbert H. The Low Countries in Early Modern Times. New York: Walker and Company, 1972.

Saunders, Barbara. “Contested Ethnie in Two Kwakwaka’wakw Museums.” In Contesting Art: Art, Politics, and Identity in the Modern World, ed. Jeremy MacClancy, 85-89. New York: Berg, 1997.

Smith, Anthony D. National Identity. Las Vegas, Nevada: University of Nevada Press, 1991.

------. Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History. Malden, Massachutes: Blackwell Publishers, Inc., 2001

Snyder, James. Northern Renaissance Art: Painting, Sculpture, the Graphic Arts 1350-1575. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1985.

Stechow, Wolfgang. Northern Renaissance Art 1400-1600: Sources and Documents. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1966.

Stighelen, Katlijne van der. “‘Bounty from Heaven,’ The Counter-Reformation and Childlikeness in the Southern Netherlands.” In Pride and Joy: Children’s Portraits in the Netherlands 1500-1700, eds. Jan Baptist Bedaux, and Rudi Ekkart, 33-42. Amsterdam: Ludion Press Ghent, 2000.

Suchtelen, Ariane van. “Hans Bol.” In Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620, eds. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen, et al., trans Michael Hoyle, et al., 301. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994.

57 Sullivan, Margaret. Bruegel’s Peasants: Art and Audience in the Northern Renaissance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.

Tamis, Dorien. “Jacques Saverij.” In Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620, eds. Ger Luijten and Ariane van Suchtelen, et al., trans Michael Hoyle, et al., 315. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994.

Warnke, Martin. Political Landscape. London: Reaktion Books, 1994.

Westermann, Mariet. A Worldly Art: The Dutch Republic 1585-1718. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996.

------. Rembrandt. Art and Ideas Series. London: Phaidon, 2000.

Woodall, Joanna. “Honour and Profit: Antonis Mor and the Status of Portraiture.” In Nederlandse Portraetten: Birjdragen over de Portretkunst in de Nederlanden uit de Zestiende, Zeventiende en Achttiende Eeuw, 69-89. ’S-Gravenhage: Sdu Uitgeverij, 1990.

Veer, Peter van der and Hartmut Lehmann, eds. “Introduction.” In Nation and Religion: Perspectives on Europe and Asia, 3-13. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1999.

Veldman, Ilga. Maarten van Heemskerck and Dutch Humanism in the Sixteenth Century. Amsterdam: Meulenhoff, 1977.

Vlieghe, Hans. Flemish Art and Architecture. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998.

Primary Sources

Geldern, Martin van, ed. The Dutch Revolt. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993.

Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. 2nd ed. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1998.

Van Mander, Karel. “Dutch and Flemish Painters” from Het Schilder-boeck. Translated by Constant Van de Wall. New York: McFarlane, Warde, McFarlane, 1936.

Exhibition Catalogs

Bruegel and Netherlandish Landscape Painting form the National Gallery Prague. Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun, 1990.

58 Dawn of the Golden Age: Northern Netherlandish Art 1580-1620. Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, December 11, 1993- March 6, 1994.

From Van Eyck to Bruegel: Early Netherlandish Painting in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Edited by Maryan W. Ainsworth and Keith Christiansen. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, September 22, 1998- January 3, 1999.

The Age of Van Eyck: The Mediterranean World and Early Netherlandish Painting 1430-1530. Bruges: Groeningemuseum, March 15- June 30, 2002.

Thesis/ Dissertations

Davis, Allen and Lisa Claire. “The Color of Nationalism: The Use of Formal Elements as a Vehicle for Projecting Paintings.” Ph. D. diss, University of Texas at Arlington, 2001.

Moxey, Keith. “Pieter Aertsen, Joachim Beucklaer, and the Rise of Secular Painting in the Context of the Reformation.” Ph. D. diss, University of Chicago, 1974.

Articles

Bedaux, Jan Baptist. “The Reality of Symbols: the Question of Disguised Symbolism in Jan van Eyck’s Arnolfini Portrait,” Simiolus 16, no. 1(1986): 16-26.

Houghton, Charlotte. “This Was Tomorrow: Pieter Aertsen’s Meat Stall as Contemporary Art,” The Art Bulletin 86, no. 2 (June 2004): 277-300.

Leoussi, Athena. “The Ethno-Cultural Roots of National Art,” Nations and Nationalism 10, no. 1-2 (January 2004): 143-159.

Marrow, James H. “Symbol and Meaning in Northern European Art of the late Middle Ages and the Early Renaissance,” Simiolus 16, (1986): 150-169.

Silver, Larry. “The State of Research in Northern European Art of the Renaissance Era,” The Art Bulletin 68, no. 4 (December 1986): 518-535.

Personal Correspondence

Woodall, Joanna. “Question Regarding Antonis Mor.” Personal e-mail. (22 July 2004).

59 Illustrations

Note: For copyright purposes the actual images were removed from the thesis. However, the images are available in the following sources.

Figure 1. Hugo van der Goes, Portinari Altarpiece, 1476-79. Oil on panel, 253 x 586 cm. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/g/goes/portinar/1portina.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 2. Robert Campin, Merode Altarpiece, 1427. Oil on panel, 64.1 x 117.8 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/m/master/flemalle/merode/0merode.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 3. Jan van Eyck, Rolin Madonna, 1435. Oil on panel, 66 x 62 cm. Musee du Louvre, Paris. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/e/eyck_van/jan/02page/16rolin.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 4. Anonymous, Alva’s Throne, 1569. Engraving, 22.9 x 28.5 cm. Image credit: Alastair Duke, “Dissident Propaganda and Political Organization at the Outbreak of the Revolt of the Netherlands,” in Reformation, Revolt and Civil War in France and the Netherlands 1555-1585, eds. Philip Benedict, Guido Marnef, Henk van Nierop and Marc Venard (Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Colloquium October 29-31, 1997), 131. Accessed online http://www.knaw.nl/publicaties/pdf/981100_08.pdf. [07/08/04].

Figure 5. Jan van Eyck, Arnolofini Portrait, 1434. Oil on panel, 82 x 60 cm. National Gallery, London. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/e/eyck_van/jan/15arnolf/15arnol.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 6. Rogier van der Weyden, Portrait of Francesco d’Este, 1460. Oil on panel, 31.8 x 22.2 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/w/weyden/rogier/16portra/07este.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 7. Quinten Metsys (Massys), Portrait of Erasmus of Rotterdam, 1517. Oil on panel, 59 x 46.5 cm. National Gallery of Antique Art, Rome. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/m/massys/quentin/3/erasmus.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 8. Maerten van Heemskerck, Family Portrait, 1530. Oil on panel, 118 x 140 cm. Staatliche Museen, Kassel. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/h/heemsker/fam_port.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 9. Antonis van Dashorst Mor, Self- Portrait, 1558. Oil on panel, size unknown. Uffizi Gallery, Florence. Image credit: Available from arteHistoria, http://www.artehistoria.com/genios/pintores/2801.htm. [07/26/04].

60 Figure 10. Jan van Eyck, Man in a Red Turban, 1433. Oil on panel, 25.5 x 19 cm. National Gallery, London. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/e/eyck_van/jan/01page/13turban.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 11. Joachim Patinir Landscape with the Flight into Egypt, 1515. Oil on panel, 17 x 21 cm. Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/p/patenier/land_res.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 12. Pieter Bruegel [the elder], Gloomy Day from The Seasons, 1565. Oil on panel, 118 x 163 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/b/bruegel/pieter_e/painting/gloomy_d.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 13. Mearten van Heemskerck, God’s Command to the Three Estates from Three Estates Series, sixteenth century. Print, size unknown. Graphische Sammulurg, Vienna. Image credit: Margaret Sullivan, Bruegel’s Peasants: Art and Audience in the Northern Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 21.

Figure 14. Mearten van Heemskerck, The Duties of the Peasant from Three Estates Series, date unknown. Print, size unknown. Graphische Sammulurg, Vienna. Image credit: Margaret Sullivan, Bruegel’s Peasants: Art and Audience in the Northern Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 21.

Figure 15. Han Bol, Winter Landscape with Skaters, 1584/86. Pen and brown ink and wash on paper, 19.3 x 26.9 cm. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Image credit: Available from National Gallery of Art, http://www.nga.gov/cgi-bin/pinfo?Object=70865+0+none. [07/26/04].

Figure 16. Jan Provost, Flowers in a Niche, recto Virgin at the Fountain, 1510. Oil on panel, 27 x 18 cm. Piacenza, Collegio Alberion. Image credit: Marie-Louise Hairs. The Flemish Flower Painters in the Seventeenth Century, trans. by Eva Grzelak. (Brussels: Lefebvre et Gillet, 1985), 6.

Figure 17. Pieter Aertsen, Butcher’s Stall, 1551. Oil on panel, 124 x 169 cm. University Art Collection, Uppsala. Image credit: Available from Web Gallery of Art, http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/a/aertsen/butchers.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 18. Joachim Beuckelaer The Vegetable Market, 1567. Oil on panel, 149 x 215 cm. Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp. Image credit: http://www.kfki.hu/~arthp/html/b/beuckela/v_market.html. [07/26/04].

Figure 19. Roelandt Savery, Flowers in a Niche, c. 1600. Oil on copper. Centraal Museum, Utrecht. Image credit: Marie-Louise Hairs. The Flemish Flower Painters in the Seventeenth Century, trans. by Eva Grzelak. (Brussels: Lefebvre et Gillet, 1985), 212.

61