Topline Questionnaire

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Topline Questionnaire 116 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Topline questionnaire Pew Research Center Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey October 15, 2019 Release Methodological notes: • Survey results are based on national samples. For further details on sample designs, see Methodology section and our international survey methods database. • Due to rounding, percentages may not total 100%. The topline “total” columns show 100%, because they are based on unrounded numbers. • Since 2007, Pew Research Center has used an automated process to generate toplines for its Global Attitudes surveys. As a result, numbers may differ slightly from those published prior to 2007. • Not all questions included in the Spring 2019 Global Attitudes Survey are presented in this topline. Omitted questions have either been previously released or will be released in future reports. www.pewresearch.org 117 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q1. Here is a ladder representing the ladder of life. Let's suppose the top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you; and the bottom, the worst possible life for you. On which step of the ladder do you feel you personally stand at the present time? 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 DK/Refused Total United States Spring, 2019 0113513122225891100 Spring, 2014 10124141220251191100 Spring, 2010 11123141218269111100 Fall, 2009 1113815122223780100 Spring, 2007 00124161019279111100 Spring, 2005 11145181118221092100 Summer, 2002 1112316102226882100 January, 1989 1024620142119750100 France Spring, 2019 1015620142618530100 Spring, 2014 1112722142122440100 Spring, 2010 0013820152520520100 Spring, 2007 0012420162723430100 Summer, 2002 0021521142823420100 Spring, 1991 0125831171514340100 Germany Spring, 2019 1113516112128860100 Spring, 2014 1113614142725440100 Spring, 2010 0124521152521420100 Fall, 2009 1122820182317430100 Spring, 2007 2125820142416430100 Summer, 2002 1124623152219541100 Spring, 1991 1125722141617653100 Greece Spring, 2019 3246822152113330100 Spring, 2014 13891020131713430100 Italy Spring, 2019 1112613222719340100 Spring, 2014 1124715222515441100 Spring, 2007 0113616252418421100 Summer, 2002 0113415222816360100 Spring, 1991 1124622222113340100 Netherlands Spring, 2019 10022882640920100 Spain Spring, 2019 2124817142617640100 Spring, 2014 2213418152519460100 Spring, 2010 1113418152521450100 Spring, 2007 0111312162627850100 Spring, 1991 0114735181410242100 Sweden Spring, 2019 011248926331150100 Spring, 2007 0012310112830861100 United Kingdom Spring, 2019 1115615132522641100 Spring, 2014 1123416162523641100 Spring, 2010 0024720132220651100 Spring, 2007 1013615132227551100 Summer, 2002 1124721112220750100 Spring, 1991 0126820172015550100 Bulgaria Spring, 2019 3 2 5 11 11 26 14 16 9 2 1 1 100 Fall, 2009 1 5 9 14 17 27 10 7 5 2 2 1 100 Spring, 2007 3 6 9 11 13 27 13 9 4 1 2 0 100 Summer, 2002 6812191721743102100 Spring, 1991 5913211922621002100 Czech Republic Spring, 2019 1113519122619851100 Fall, 2009 1014718192316650100 Spring, 2007 1015828151817420100 Summer, 2002 1014927162313320100 Spring, 1991 0 1 6 11 17 26 15 11 8 2 2 1 100 Hungary Spring, 2019 0037622152017730100 Fall, 2009 2 3 10 17 19 23 10 8 5 0 2 0 100 Spring, 1991 0 6 10 17 19 30 10 3 2 1 2 0 100 Lithuania Spring, 2019 0015716172016549100 Fall, 2009 0 2 6 11 11 17 15 17 13 3 2 3 100 Spring, 1991 1 3 6 14 18 32 11 8 3 2 1 1 100 Poland Spring, 2019 0013418172519841100 Spring, 2014 1135821201912342100 Spring, 2010 1237823172212231100 Fall, 2009 1114723181916640100 Spring, 2007 0226824181815331100 Summer, 2002 0527112716159225100 Spring, 1991 3610181525973112100 Slovakia Spring, 2019 0038916141918650100 Fall, 2009 0135823161915631100 Spring, 2007 11131033141911330100 Summer, 2002 2 1 2 10 9 34 13 16 8 2 3 0 100 Spring, 1991 1 2 4 14 22 31 11 7 5 0 1 2 100 Russia Spring, 2019 3329123012127362100 Spring, 2014 0126722182015531100 Spring, 2010 1 3 4 10 11 25 15 14 11 5 2 1 100 Fall, 2009 11291026141611531100 Spring, 2007 2 3 4 13 13 27 14 11 7 2 3 2 100 Spring, 2005 457151428984221100 Summer, 2002 2 5 7 14 14 29 11 10 5 2 2 1 100 Spring, 1991 5713211822551002100 Ukraine Spring, 2019 3 4 7 12 12 24 11 14 7 3 2 1 100 Spring, 2014 2 3 5 12 14 24 15 14 7 1 1 1 100 Fall, 2009 1 3 6 12 12 27 13 11 9 3 3 1 100 Spring, 2007 2 2 4 10 16 21 13 14 10 4 4 2 100 Summer, 2002 4 5 8 12 11 31 11 11 4 2 2 0 100 Spring, 1991 3812242017652012100 www.pewresearch.org 118 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q1. Here is a ladder representing the ladder of life. Let's suppose the top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you; and the bottom, the worst possible life for you. On which step of the ladder do you feel you personally stand at the present time? High (7-10) Medium (4-6) Low (0-3) DK/Refused Total United States Spring, 2019 63 30 6 1 100 Spring, 2014 66 29 4 1 100 Spring, 2010 64 30 5 1 100 Fall, 2009 59 34 7 0 100 Spring, 2007 65 30 4 1 100 Spring, 2005 59 33 7 2 100 Summer, 2002 65 29 5 2 100 January, 1989 53 40 7 0 100 France Spring, 2019 52 40 8 0 100 Spring, 2014 52 43 6 0 100 Spring, 2010 53 43 4 0 100 Spring, 2007 57 40 4 0 100 Summer, 2002 57 40 3 0 100 Spring, 1991 36 56 8 0 100 Germany Spring, 2019 63 32 5 0 100 Spring, 2014 60 34 5 0 100 Spring, 2010 52 41 7 0 100 Fall, 2009 47 47 6 0 100 Spring, 2007 48 42 10 0 100 Summer, 2002 49 44 7 1 100 Spring, 1991 44 43 9 3 100 Greece Spring, 2019 40 45 14 0 100 Spring, 2014 37 43 20 0 100 Italy Spring, 2019 54 42 4 0 100 Spring, 2014 48 44 7 1 100 Spring, 2007 48 47 5 1 100 Summer, 2002 53 41 6 0 100 Spring, 1991 41 50 8 0 100 Netherlands Spring, 2019 78 19 3 0 100 Spain Spring, 2019 53 38 9 0 100 Spring, 2014 54 38 8 0 100 Spring, 2010 55 38 6 0 100 Spring, 2007 66 31 3 0 100 Spring, 1991 31 60 7 2 100 Sweden Spring, 2019 75 21 4 0 100 Spring, 2007 72 24 3 1 100 United Kingdom Spring, 2019 57 34 8 1 100 Spring, 2014 57 36 6 1 100 Spring, 2010 52 40 7 1 100 Spring, 2007 59 34 5 1 100 Summer, 2002 53 39 8 0 100 Spring, 1991 45 45 10 0 100 www.pewresearch.org 119 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q1. Here is a ladder representing the ladder of life. Let's suppose the top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you; and the bottom, the worst possible life for you. On which step of the ladder do you feel you personally stand at the present time? High (7-10) Medium (4-6) Low (0-3) DK/Refused Total Bulgaria Spring, 2019 29 51 20 1 100 Fall, 2009 15 54 30 1 100 Spring, 2007 17 53 30 0 100 Summer, 2002 8 45 45 2 100 Spring, 1991 4 47 47 2 100 Czech Republic Spring, 2019 57 37 6 1 100 Fall, 2009 49 44 6 0 100 Spring, 2007 42 51 7 0 100 Summer, 2002 41 53 6 0 100 Spring, 1991 23 58 18 1 100 Hungary Spring, 2019 47 43 10 0 100 Fall, 2009 15 52 32 0 100 Spring, 1991 8 59 33 0 100 Lithuania Spring, 2019 44 40 7 9 100 Fall, 2009 35 43 19 3 100 Spring, 1991 13 62 24 1 100 Poland Spring, 2019 56 39 4 1 100 Spring, 2014 38 49 11 2 100 Spring, 2010 38 48 13 1 100 Fall, 2009 44 49 7 0 100 Spring, 2007 39 50 10 1 100 Summer, 2002 28 54 14 5 100 Spring, 1991 12 49 37 2 100 Slovakia Spring, 2019 49 38 12 0 100 Fall, 2009 43 46 9 1 100 Spring, 2007 36 57 6 0 100 Summer, 2002 29 56 15 0 100 Spring, 1991 13 65 21 2 100 Russia Spring, 2019 28 53 17 2 100 Spring, 2014 43 47 9 1 100 Spring, 2010 31 51 17 1 100 Fall, 2009 35 50 13 1 100 Spring, 2007 23 54 21 2 100 Spring, 2005 16 52 31 1 100 Summer, 2002 18 53 28 1 100 Spring, 1991 7 45 46 2 100 Ukraine Spring, 2019 25 47 27 1 100 Spring, 2014 24 52 23 1 100 Fall, 2009 26 51 22 1 100 Spring, 2007 32 49 17 2 100 Summer, 2002 18 53 29 0 100 Spring, 1991 8 43 48 2 100 www.pewresearch.org 120 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q2. Overall, are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the way things are going in our country today? Satisfied Dissatisfied DK/Refused Total United States Spring, 2019 32 64 3 100 Spring, 2014 33 62 4 100 Spring, 2013 31 65 4 100 Spring, 2012 29 64 7 100 Spring, 2011 21 73 6 100 Spring, 2010 30 62 8 100 Fall, 2009 30 64 7 100 Spring, 2009 36 61 3 100 Spring, 2008 23 70 6 100 Spring, 2007 25 71 4 100 Spring, 2006 29 65 6 100 Spring, 2005 39 57 5 100 Spring, 2004 39 55 6 100 Summer, 2002 41 55 4 100 France Spring, 2019 34 65 1 100 Spring, 2014 22 77 0 100 Spring, 2013 19 80 0 100 Spring, 2012 29 71 0 100 Spring, 2011 25 75 0 100 Spring, 2010 26 74 0 100 Fall, 2009 32 67 0 100 Spring, 2009 27 73 0 100 Spring, 2008 29 71 0 100 Spring, 2007 22 78 0 100 Spring, 2006 20 80 0 100 Spring, 2005 28 71 0 100 Spring, 2004 32 68 0 100 May, 2003 44 56 0 100 March, 2003 31 67 2 100 Summer, 2002 32 67 1 100 Germany Spring, 2019 59 39 2 100 Spring, 2014 59 38 3 100 Spring, 2013 57 41 2 100 Spring, 2012 53 45 2 100 Spring, 2011 43 54 3 100 Spring, 2010 39 59 2 100 Fall, 2009 48 50 2 100 Spring, 2009 43 54 3 100 Spring, 2008 34 63 3 100 Spring, 2007 33 66 2 100 Spring, 2006 29 67 5 100 Spring, 2005 25 73 2 100 Spring, 2004 20 78 2 100 May, 2003 25 73 2 100 March, 2003 18 79 3 100 Summer, 2002 31 66 3 100 www.pewresearch.org 121 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q2.
Recommended publications
  • Opposition Behaviour Against the Third Wave of Autocratisation: Hungary and Poland Compared
    European Political Science https://doi.org/10.1057/s41304-021-00325-x SYMPOSIUM Opposition behaviour against the third wave of autocratisation: Hungary and Poland compared Gabriella Ilonszki1 · Agnieszka Dudzińska2 Accepted: 4 February 2021 © The Author(s) 2021 Abstract Hungary and Poland are often placed in the same analytical framework from the period of their ‘negotiated revolutions’ to their autocratic turn. This article aims to look behind this apparent similarity focusing on opposition behaviour. The analysis demonstrates that the executive–parliament power structure, the vigour of the extra- parliamentary actors, and the opposition party frame have the strongest infuence on opposition behaviour, and they provide the sources of diference between the two country cases: in Hungary an enforced power game and in Poland a political game constrain opposition opportunities and opposition strategic behaviour. Keywords Autocratisation · Extra-parliamentary arena · Hungary · Opposition · Parliament · Party system · Poland Introduction What can this study add? Hungary and Poland are often packed together in political analyses on the grounds that they constitute cases of democratic decline. The parties in governments appear infamous on the international, particularly on the EU, scene. Fidesz1 in Hungary has been on the verge of leaving or being forced to leave the People’s Party group due to repeated abuses of democratic norms, and PiS in Poland2 is a member of 1 The party’s full name now reads Fidesz—Hungarian Civic Alliance. 2 Abbreviation of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice). * Gabriella Ilonszki [email protected] Agnieszka Dudzińska [email protected] 1 Department of Political Science, Corvinus University of Budapest, 8 Fővám tér, Budapest 1093, Hungary 2 Institute of Sociology, University of Warsaw, Krakowskie Przedmieście 26/28, 00-927 Warsaw, Poland Vol.:(0123456789) G.
    [Show full text]
  • Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
    Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Topline Questionnaire
    1 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Topline Questionnaire Pew Research Center Spring 2016 Global Attitudes Survey Methodological notes: Survey results are based on national samples. For further details on sample designs, see our international survey methods database. Due to rounding, percentages may not total 100%. The topline “total” columns show 100%, because they are based on unrounded numbers. www.pewresearch.org 2 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q1. To begin, how would you describe your day today — has it been a typical day, a particularly good day or a particularly bad day? A particularly A particularly A typical day good day bad day DK/Refused Total United States Spring, 2016 47 45 6 1 100 Canada Spring, 2016 48 45 6 1 100 France Spring, 2016 70 24 5 1 100 Germany Spring, 2016 73 21 6 1 100 Greece Spring, 2016 82 13 5 0 100 Hungary Spring, 2016 77 16 7 0 100 Italy Spring, 2016 78 17 5 0 100 Netherlands Spring, 2016 69 25 5 1 100 Poland Spring, 2016 86 10 3 1 100 Spain Spring, 2016 79 13 8 1 100 Sweden Spring, 2016 61 33 5 0 100 United Kingdom Spring, 2016 62 30 7 1 100 Australia Spring, 2016 56 38 6 1 100 China Spring, 2016 70 24 4 2 100 India Spring, 2016 70 27 3 0 100 Japan Spring, 2016 89 9 2 0 100 Kenya Spring, 2016 43 47 9 0 100 Nigeria Spring, 2016 15 72 12 0 100 South Africa Spring, 2016 40 44 16 0 100 Q2. Overall, are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the way things are going in our country today? Satisfied Dissatisfied DK/Refused Total Greece Spring, 2016 5 95 0 100 Hungary Spring, 2016 40 59 1 100 Poland Spring, 2016 43 50 7 100 China Spring, 2016 86 10 4 100 India Spring, 2016 65 33 2 100 Japan Spring, 2016 47 45 9 100 Kenya Spring, 2016 40 56 4 100 Nigeria Spring, 2016 20 79 1 100 South Africa Spring, 2016 24 74 1 100 www.pewresearch.org 3 PEW RESEARCH CENTER Q3.
    [Show full text]
  • Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe
    Program on Central & Eastern Europe Working Paper Series #52, j\Tovember 1999 Coalition Formation and the Regime Divide in Central Europe Anna Grzymala-Busse· Weatherhead Center for International Affairs Harvard University Cambridge, lvlA 02138 Abstract The study examines the formation of coalitions in East Central Europe after the democratic transi­ tions of 1989. Existing explanations of coalition formations, which focus on either office-seeking and minimum wmning considerations, or on policy-seeking and spatial ideological convergence. However, they fail to account for the coalition patterns in the new democracies of East Central Europe. Instead, these parties' flrst goal is to develop clear and consistent reputations. To that end, they will form coalitions exclusively within the two camps of the regime divide: that is, amongst par­ ties stemming from the former communist parties, and those with roots in the former opposition to the communist regimes. The two corollaries are that defectors are punished at unusually high rates, and the communist party successors seek, rather than are sought for, coalitions. This model explains 85% of the coalitions that formed in the region after 1989. The study then examines the communist successor parties, and how their efforts illustrate these dynamics . • I would like to thank Grzegorz Ekiert, Gary King, Kenneth Shepsle, Michael Tomz, and the participants ofthe Faculty Workshop at Yale University for their helpful comments. 2 I. Introduction The patterns of coalition fonnation in East Central Europe are as diverse as they are puzzling. Since the ability to fonn stable governing coalitions is a basic precondition of effective democratic governance in multi-party parliamentary systems, several explanations have emerged of how political parties fonn such coalitions.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.POLAND's FOREIGN and SECURITY POLICY
    Revista UNISCI ISSN: 2386-9453 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Bieczyk-Missala, Agnieszka POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAIN DIRECTIONS Revista UNISCI, núm. 40, enero, 2016, pp. 101-117 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76743646007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista UNISCI / UNISCI Journal , Nº 3 9 ( Enero / January 2016 ) POLAND’S FOREIGN AND SECURITY POLICY: MAI N DIRECTIONS Agnieszka Bieńczyk - Missala 1 University of Warsaw Abstract : This article tries to present the main areas of Polish foreign and security policy.Poland’s membership in the EU and in NATO was the strongest determinant of its position in international relations, and the guiding light of its foreign policy. Poland’s wor k in the EU was focused in particular on EU policy towards its eastern neighbours, common energy policy and security issues, while in NATO, Poland has always been a proponent of the open doors policy and has maintained close relationship with the US, suppo rting many of its policies and initiatives . Keywords : Poland, European Union Security and Defence, NATO, Poland´s bilateral relations . Resumen : El artículo presenta las principales áreas de la política exterior y de seguridad de Polonia, siendo su pertenencia a la Unión Europea y la OTAN los principales determinantes de su posición en las relaciones internacionales y el foco que ilumina su política exterior.
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • European Elections Are Neutral for Zloty and Government
    Economic and Financial Analysis 27 May 2019 Poland: European elections are neutral for zloty Article and government bonds The support for PiS remains far from the point that would trigger new spending pledges Source: Shutterstock Content - Tight battle in coming months before general elections in October - The key events in coming weeks - Neutral market impact of European elections The ruling PiS won the European elections in Poland with 43.1% of the votes, European Coalition (incl. Civic Platform and Polish Peasant Party) scored 38.4%, new leftist party Spring (6.7%), rightist Konferederation 6.2%, antisystemic Kukiz’15 (4.1%). The results are close to the majority of pre-election polls. It was an extremely tight battle. The ruling party pledged 1.6% of GDP in new spending (probably one of the highest stimulus’ in Europe recently) and brought many local topics (irrelevant for European politics) to the European election campaign. Finally, they succeeded with reaching support close to 40% in the elections, which traditionally brought lower support for this party. On the other hand, the European Coalition (incl. Civic Platform and Peasant Party) caught up to the ruling PiS in the last weeks and the PiS lost some of their advances over the European Coalition it had in polls in previous months. We find the battle was marginally won by the ruling PiS. What is worth mentioning, the European Coalition did not receive any special premium for unifying many parties as some expected. Tight battle in coming months before general elections in October The early simulation presenting how parties would score in the October general elections, based on the votes they received in Sunday’s European elections, shows the battle should remain tight in the coming quarters.
    [Show full text]
  • The Polish Case
    COMMUNITY of DEMOCRACIES THE POLISH CASE Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies THE POLISH CASE Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies Warsaw 2010 Published by the Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies (PSCD) Al. Ujazdowskie 41, 00-540 Warsaw, POLAND www.community-democracies.org © PSCD, Warsaw 2010 All rights reserved. The contents of this publication may be freely used and copied for educational and other non-commercial purposes, provided that any such reproduction be accompanied by an acknowledgment of the PSCD as the source. FOREWARD by Prof. Bronislaw Misztal Executive Director Permanent Secretariat of the Community of Democracies Retrospectively, the Polish case of democratic transformation, or the experience of a complex, co- temporal and multi-axial reconstruction of a social system is still a mystery and a miracle of history. It ran against political and military interests that cumulated on both sides of the Iron Curtain. Poland as the Western flank of the Communist territory was an important prong of this system. The transformative processes in Poland involved a number of changes in the areas of social and political life that were so solidly welded with the global political order of its era, and with the historical heritage of the region, that each of those changes alone seemed to be impossible, not to speak about any of them occurring concurrently. For those who lived through these changes (and there are still large segments of the Polish society that were coming of age in the late 1970s), who worked in Poland, posted there by news and media institutions, who observed the events working as diplomats, journalists, scholars or experts, the exhilaration of the 1980s sometimes overshadowed the complexity of this historical experience.
    [Show full text]
  • New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland
    ARTICLES 137 New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland Beata KosowsKa-Gąstoł and Katarzyna soBolewsKa-MyśliK* Abstract Parties launched by political entrepreneurs are usually newcomers into more or less established party systems. Their ‘founding fathers’ act without specific external group support and the literature on new parties predicts that there is a low survival rate for entrepreneurial parties. In the case of Po- land, the party system had been relatively stable from the 2001 until the 2011 parliamentary elec- tions and subsequently some new parties entered into politics, tried to gain electoral support as well as political relevance. The most recent groupings in the Polish political system which are closest to the theoretical concept of entrepreneurial parties are the Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota), Kukiz’15 and the Modern Party (Nowoczesna). The aim of the paper is to examine to what extent the leaders of these parties can be seen as political entrepreneurs and the parties as ‘entrepreneurial parties’. Another point we discuss is in which aspects the leaders of the parties examined are similar in their role of political entrepreneurs and in which they differ. In order to answer these questions, the previous careers of the leaders, the ways they entered politics and the strategies they used to achieve their goals will also be analyzed. Keywords: political entrepreneurs; entrepreneurial issue parties; Polish parties; new parties DOI: 10.5817/PC2017-2-137 1. Introduction While in the 1990s the main division line in Poland was between post-communist and post-Solidarity parties, that changed from the 2005 elections on as two post-Solidarity par- ties, Law and Justice (PiS – Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) and Civic Platform (PO – Platforma Obywatelska), became electoral rivals.
    [Show full text]
  • THE ROAD from GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN in the MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS
    THE ROAD FROM GDANSK: HOW SOLIDARITY FOUND HAVEN IN THE MARKETPLACE by GARY FIELDS If the purpose of history is to link past and present, then the recently-concluded presidential theatrics in Poland offer a provocative challenge to historical imagination. Buried beneath the reporting on Poland's first contested election in forty-five years lies a story yet to be told by those who would uncover the lineages of the present. The broad outlines are familiar. Two moments in recent history-1980 and 1990- are joined in the person of one individual: the electrician who scaled the walls of the Lenin Shipyard to lead one of history's most dramatic labor uprisings and the politician who has now assumed the right of coronation. But the~historical space between these moments remains a mystery. How did the labor militant of 1980 become the president of 1990, with aspira- tions to govern Poland "like a sheriff'] and enforce what almost overnight became the supreme law of the land, the law of the market? In September 1981, at Solidarity's First National Con- gress in Gdansk, Edward Lipinski of the Workers' Defense Committee (KOR) electrified the delegates and spectators when he declared that the forces opposed to socialism in Poland came not from Solidarity but from the Polish govern- Gary Fields, an urban planner and visiting lecturer in the Department of City Planning at the University of California at Berkeley, attended Solidarity's First Nation- al Congress in Gdansk in 19~1Iand was also in Poland in September 1989 when the Solidarity government came to power.
    [Show full text]
  • Law and Justice (Pis) Might Be Re-Elected to Office in Poland
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN POLAND 13th October 2019 European Law and Justice (PiS) might be Elections Monitor re-elected to office in Poland Corinne Deloy Analysis In Poland, the elections succeed one another, and on 13th October, ahead of the Civic Coalition (KO), their outcomes are similar. On 13th October next 30 which brings together Civic Platform (PO) and Modern million Poles will renew the members of both houses of (Nowoczesna) 22.7%; Lewica (The Left), a coalition of Parliament (460 MPs and 100 Senators), as announced several parties on the left including the Democratic Left by the President of the Republic Andrzej Duda Alliance (SLD), Wiosna and Razem is due to win, 13.1%; (independent, former PiS member) on 6th August last. the Polish Coalition, which brings together the People’s Party (PSL) and Kukiz’15, 5.6%. Many suggest that the upcoming election will be a clash of civilisation. However, Poles do not seem to want to However, the electoral campaign might still change the change their governing team. The opposition forces situation. One thing is certain however: the PiS must vainly promise not to give up or not to amend the be careful not to believe that its victory is already various social measures taken by the PiS over the last guaranteed, and it must not ignore its rivals. “I am not four years, voters do not seem really motivated to turn going to hide from you that I would like this campaign towards another party, or they are not really convinced to be as short as possible,” indicated the head of State of the need in this context to change those governing Andrzej Duda, adding, “Poles want the political disputes them, since the PiS remains the most credible in the to end as quickly as possible.
    [Show full text]
  • MAPPING the EUROPEAN LEFT Socialist Parties in the EU ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE by Dominic Heilig Table of Contents
    MAPPING THE EUROPEAN LEFT Socialist Parties in the EU ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE By Dominic Heilig Table of Contents The Rise of the European Left. By the Editors 1 Mapping the European Left Socialist Parties in the EU 2 By Dominic Heilig 1. The Left in Europe: History and Diversity 2 2. Syriza and Europe’s Left Spring 10 3. The Black Autumn of the Left in Europe: The Left in Spain 17 4. DIE LINKE: A Factor for Stability in the Party of the European Left 26 5. Strategic Tasks for the Left in Europe 33 Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, April 2016 Editors: Stefanie Ehmsen and Albert Scharenberg Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114, New York, NY 10016 Email: [email protected]; Phone: +1 (917) 409-1040 With support from the German Foreign Office The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation is an internationally operating, progressive non-profit institution for civic education. In cooperation with many organizations around the globe, it works on democratic and social participation, empowerment of disadvantaged groups, alternatives for economic and social development, and peaceful conflict resolution. The New York Office serves two major tasks: to work around issues concerning the United Nations and to engage in dialogue with North American progressives in universities, unions, social movements, and politics. www.rosalux-nyc.org The Rise of the European Left The European party system is changing rapidly. As a result of the ongoing neoliberal attack, the middle class is shrinking quickly, and the decades-old party allegiance of large groups of voters has followed suit.
    [Show full text]