The State Security Service and Human Rights in Nigeria
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The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: the Case of Nigeria
3 The Future of the Nation-State Project in Africa: The Case of Nigeria Nduba Echezona As the Cold War cycle played itself out, some of the multinational nation-states which had been taken for granted such as the former Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia suddenly dissolved. Their splitting pointed towards a direction which had hitherto been a trend in world politics, namely that the nation’s territory had to be synonymous with the territory of the state, the nation being made up of people with shared cultures and myths of blood ties. This direction in Europe might have set a worldwide pace. Africa has shown very little sign of complying with it. Africa entered the post-Cold War era with seemingly high prospects of terri- torial disintegration. This was exemplified by many civil wars in recent years, some with genocidal features. But, except for Eritrea and, to a lesser extent Somaliland, the political map of Africa’s states and borders has remained remarkably unchanged. Wars in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo have not caused these states to split. Nonetheless, wars have led to spatial recompositions, to emerging spaces of sovereignty within state territories and to renewed challenges to the official geography from above — the latter being defined by: the various corporations that have or have had the political or technocratic vocation of establishing, defending or modifying foreign or internal (administrative) borders of established states and organizing their geographical space (regular armies, diplomatic corps, colonial or contemporary administrators) (Ben Arrous 1996:17). 3.Chap.3_2.pmd 79 10/06/2009, 11:10 80 African Studies in Geography from Below In Nigeria, the colonial and postcolonial efforts to construct a nation-state from above rather than from below produced an ‘uncertain’ Nigerian; somebody with equivocal national feelings and many other allegiances. -
Nigeria's Constitution of 1999
PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 constituteproject.org Nigeria's Constitution of 1999 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:42 Table of contents Preamble . 5 Chapter I: General Provisions . 5 Part I: Federal Republic of Nigeria . 5 Part II: Powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria . 6 Chapter II: Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy . 13 Chapter III: Citizenship . 17 Chapter IV: Fundamental Rights . 20 Chapter V: The Legislature . 28 Part I: National Assembly . 28 A. Composition and Staff of National Assembly . 28 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of National Assembly . 29 C. Qualifications for Membership of National Assembly and Right of Attendance . 32 D. Elections to National Assembly . 35 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 36 Part II: House of Assembly of a State . 40 A. Composition and Staff of House of Assembly . 40 B. Procedure for Summoning and Dissolution of House of Assembly . 41 C. Qualification for Membership of House of Assembly and Right of Attendance . 43 D. Elections to a House of Assembly . 45 E. Powers and Control over Public Funds . 47 Chapter VI: The Executive . 50 Part I: Federal Executive . 50 A. The President of the Federation . 50 B. Establishment of Certain Federal Executive Bodies . 58 C. Public Revenue . 61 D. The Public Service of the Federation . 63 Part II: State Executive . 65 A. Governor of a State . 65 B. Establishment of Certain State Executive Bodies . -
Analysis of Management Practices in Lagos State Tertiary Institutions Through Total Quality Management Structural Framework
Journal of Education and Practice www.iiste.org ISSN 2222-1735 (Paper) ISSN 2222-288X (Online) Vol.7, No.8, 2016 Analysis of Management Practices in Lagos State Tertiary Institutions through Total Quality Management Structural Framework Abbas Tunde AbdulAzeez Faculty of Education, Lagos State University Ojo Campus, Ojo, Lagos State, Nigeria Abstract This research investigated total quality management practices and quality teacher education in public tertiary institutions in Lagos State. The study was therefore designed to analyse management practices in Lagos state tertiary institutions through total quality management structural framework. The selected public tertiary institutions in Lagos State were Lagos State University (LASU) Ojo, University of Lagos (UNILAG) Akoka, Michael Otedola College of Primary Education (MOCOPED) Inaforija, Epe, Federal College of Education Technical (FCET)Akoka, and Adeniran Ogunsanya College of Education (AOCOED) Oto-Ijanikin. A descriptive survey research design was adopted. A Total Quality Management practices and Quality Teacher Education Questionnaire (TQMP-QTEQ) was used to obtain data for the study. The structured questionnaire was administered on 905 academic and non-academic staff members and final year students of sampled institutions using purposive sampling technique. The questionnaire was content-validated using expert opinion method and Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) statistics of sampling adequacy. In terms of the measure of reliability, the Cronbach’s Alpha values for the two major constructs of the study are satisfactory – quality teacher education (0.838) and TQM (0.879). Their Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin (KMO) statistics of sampling adequacy were equally above the acceptable standard of 0.7. The hypotheses were tested at the 5 percent level of significance. -
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM and NATION
Obi Patience Igwara ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM AND NATION-BUILDING IN NIGERIA, 1970-1992 Submitted for examination for the degree of Ph.D. London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1993 UMI Number: U615538 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615538 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 V - x \ - 1^0 r La 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects. -
Inequality in Nigeria 12
Photo: Moshood Raimi/Oxfam Acknowledgement This report was written and coordinated by Emmanuel Mayah, an investigative journalist and the Director Reporters 360, Chiara Mariotti (PhD), Inequality Policy Manager, Evelyn Mere, who is Associate Country Director Oxfam in Nigeria and Celestine Okwudili Odo, Programme Coordinator Governance, Oxfam in Nigeria Several Oxfam colleagues gave valuable input and support to the finalisation of this report, and therefore deserve special mention. They include: Deborah Hardoon, Nick Galasso, Paul Groenewegen, Ilse Balstra, Henry Ushie, Chioma Ukwuagu, Safiya Akau, Max Lawson, Head of Inequality Policy Oxfam International, and Jonathan Mazliah. a former Oxfam staffer. Our partners also made invaluable contributions in the campaign strategy development and report review process. We wish to thank BudgIT Information Technology Network; National Association of Nigeria Traders (NANTS),Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Niger Delta Budget Monitoring Group (NDEBUMOG, KEBETKACHE Women Development and Resource Centre and the African Centre for Corporate Responsibility (ACCR). Ruona J. Meyer and Thomas Fuller did an excellent job editing the report, while the production process was given a special touch by BudgIT Information Technology Network, our Inequality Campaign partner. © Oxfam International May 2017 This publication is copyright but the text may be used free of charge for the purposes of advocacy, campaigning, education, and research, provided that the source is acknowledged in full. The copyright holder requests that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for re-use in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, permission must be secured and a fee may be charged. -
Rising Tensions in Delta State
THE FUND FOR PEACE PARTNERSHIPS INITATIVE IN THE NIGER DELTA NIGER DELTA PARTNERSHIP INITIATIVE A Historical Flashpoint: Rising Tensions in Delta State Briefing: September 2016 The current tensions in Delta state between unresolved conflicts in the North and the Niger Delta States, Nigeria the Ijaw, Urhobo and Itsekiri communities Niger Delta regions. can be traced back to the late 1990s and early 2000s, during the period marked by Compounding and fueled by these conflict the Warri Crisis. During that time, disputes drivers, a new wave of militancy has taken over land, natural resource revenues, and hold in Delta state, with groups like the political representation led to widespread Niger Delta Avengers (NDA) attacking and violence and the alleged deaths of blowing up pipelines and oil facilities in hundreds. A tenuous peace has held since Warri North, Warri South, and Warri South 2004, and although there were sporadic West LGAs in May and June of this year. In outbreaks of tension and violence between August, a new militant group associated the ethnic groups for the next decade, with the Urhobo ethnic group, calling particularly in 2013, it was deescalated themselves the Niger Delta Greenland Delta before it reached a crisis point. As of early Justice Mandate (NDGJM), began attacking 2014, however, with the drop in global oil delivery pipelines and other commodity prices and mounting pressures infrastructure in Delta state. Various related to the economy, land ownership, attempts to mediate the issues between the The purpose of this briefing is to provide elections, and the future of the Presidential government and the militant groups has situational awareness to Peace Actors and Amnesty Programme, the risk is becoming seen limited success, with dialogue breaking other concerned parties about the rising more acute. -
A Mountain Still to Climb
A Mountain Still to Climb Censorship and democratic transition in Nigeria ARTICLE 19 ARTICLE 19, London ISBN 1 902598 09 1 June 1999 Censorship and democratic transition in Nigeria CONTENTS INTRODUCTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................. 1 1 ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF THE TRANSITION TO CIVILIAN RULE: A BENCHMARKS APPROACH .................................... 5 2 TOWARDS A POST-TRANSITION AGENDA FOR REFORM .................. 8 3 THE OTA PLATFORM OF ACTION ON MEDIA LAW REFORM IN NIGERIA .............................................................................................. 10 4 HARASSMENT OF JOURNALISTS AND TRADE UNIONISTS ................ 18 5 THE CRISIS IN THE NIGER DELTA......................................................... 19 6 OBSERVATIONS ON THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN BUILDING A DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN NIGERIA ............................................................................................. 30 CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................................. 32 APPENDIX ......................................................................................................... 33 1 A Mountain Still to Climb INTRODUCTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS The handover of power by the Nigerian military to a new civilian government, headed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, on 29 May 1999 marks a potentially pivotal moment in Nigeria’s history. Hopes are being expressed in many quarters that the new civilian government will be able to -
AFR 44/15/93 Distr: UA/SC 3 September
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: AFR 44/15/93 Distr: UA/SC 3 September 1993 Further information on UA 258/93 (AFR 44/10/93, 6 August 1993) - Legal Concern NIGERIA:Wale Shittu, 24 protocol officer, Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) Femi Adenuga, 25, documentation officer, CLO Emmanuel Nweke, 26, staff member, CLO Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke were released on bail in early August 1993. Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke all work for the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO), a non-governmental human rights organization. They were arrested by police on 2 July apparently for being in possession of leaflets issued by the CLO and the Campaign for Democracy calling for an end to military rule in Nigeria. They were held without charge or trial at the State Investigation and Intelligence Bureau (SIIB), Alagbon Close, in Lagos but were reportedly later charged with sedition. Amnesty International believes that Wale Shittu, Femi Adenuga and Emmanuel Nweke were arrested because of their peaceful political activities and is now calling for all charges against them to be dropped. BACKGROUND INFORMATION 0n 26 August 1993 General Ibrahim Babangida resigned as President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and installed a non-elected interim government. The new interim government is headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, a civilian who was also the Chairman of the Transitional Council set up in January 1993 to run the day-to-day affairs of the country until a return to civilian rule scheduled for August 1993. Several former officials retain their position in the new 32-member Interim Federal Executive Council, including General Sani Abacha who remains in charge of the Defence Ministry. -
The Military and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria: Positive Skepticism and Negative Optimism
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 15, ISSUE 4, 2014 Studies The Military And The Challenge Of Democratic Consolidation In Nigeria: Positive Skepticism And Negative Optimism Emmanuel O. Ojo Introduction This paper is an attempt to consider the role of the military in Nigeria’s democratic transitions. The paper has one major thrust – an in-depth analysis of military role in democratic transitions in Nigeria - the fundamental question, however, is: can the military ever be expected or assumed to play any major role in building democracy? The reality on the ground in Africa is that the military as an institution has never been completely immune from politics and the role of nation-building. However, whether they have been doing that perfectly or not is another question entirely which this paper shall address. The extant literature on civil-military relations generally is far from being optimistic that the military can discharge that kind of function creditably. Nonetheless, perhaps by sheer providence, they have been prominent both in political transitions and nation-building in Africa. It is against this backdrop of both pessimism and optimism that necessitated this caption an ‘oxymoron’- a figure of speech which depicts the contradictory compatibility in terms of civil-military relations in Nigeria. It is important to note that Nigeria’s democratization march has been a chequered one. Ben Nwabueze identified five different phases of Nigeria’s ©Centre of Military and Strategic Studies, 2014 ISSN : 1488-559X JOURNAL OF MILITARY AND -
22 Adjustment, Political Transition, and Tiie
22 UFAHAMU ADJUSTMENT, POLITICAL TRANSITION, AND TIIE ORGANIZATION OF MILITARY POWER IN NIGERIA by Julius 0. Ihonvbere Now, soldiers are part of national problems, rather than problem solvers. And suddenly soldiers are beginning to realize how their thirst for power could plunge their nations into crisis.... In Nigeria, the army authorities are beginning to come to terms with the dangers that the army ironically poses to the nation. t If there is any institution to be least respected in Nigeria, it is the Nigerian army. How could one explain a situation where semi-illiterates whose only qualification is their unguarded accessibility to weapons, want to hold the entire country to ransom?2 With the decline in oil revenues, the closure of credit lines, mounting foreign debts and debt service ratios, and inability to manage an internal economic crisis, the Nigerian government, under General Ibrahim Babangida, had no alternative to adopting a structural adjustment program in 1986. The components of the adjustment program have not been different from those prescribed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank for other "debt distressed" and crisis-ridden African states. It has included policies of desubsidization, deregulation, privatization, retrenchment of workers, and political control of opposition. Nigeria's adjustment program has achieved very lirtle.3 True, a new realism has taken over the society with increasing economic contraction and the gradual rolling back of the state. Yet, at the level of concrete economic achievement, there has been very little to show for the harsh policies imposed on the people.4 The failure, or rather the limited achievement of the adjustment program, can be attributed to a range of internal and external factors. -
Press Freedom and Political Development in Africa
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Press Freedom and Political Development in Africa By Chris W. Ogbondah Abstract The primary purpose of this paper is to critically analyze the importance of a free press (print and electronic media) in the political economy of the sub-Saharan African region. The paper argues that a free press is vital in the development of the political economy of the sub-Saharan region. It attempts to demonstrate how a controlled press, such as the African press, is incapable of unearthing graft, fraud, theft, corrup- tion, bribery, embezzlement, smuggling and export-import swindles inherent in the ruling bourgeois class. For, corrup- tion and these other illicit economic ventures by the domi- nant African bourgeois class have been identified as part of the reasons for the failure of development projects in Africa. Chris W. Ogbondah teaches in the Department of Communication Studies at the University of Northern Iowa, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, USA La Liberte de la Presse et le Developpement Politique en Afrique Par Chris W. Ogbondah Resume Le but fondamental de cet expose est de faire une analyse critique de l'importance d'une presse libre (imprimee ainsi que les mass media electroniques) dans l'economie politique de l'Afrique sub-Saharienne. On y postule qu'une presse libre s'avere un element crucial, dans le development de la politique economique de la region sub-Saharienne. -
Preliminary Investigation by the Public Prosecutor In
Preliminary Investigation by the Public Prosecutor in Nigeria: Obstacles and Challenges in Bringing a Charge Against Individuals due to their Social Class or Ethnic Origin. By Lohya Ibrahim Lakai LLB, BL* Abstract Criminal cases in Nigeria, unlike civil cases are preceded by investigation. A good and thorough investigation unravels facts that would support the conviction of an accused per- son. In Nigeria, the process of investigation is usually undermined by a lot of obstacles and challenges which include: political interference, Ethnic bias etc. This article analyzed the process of investigation, indentified these obstacles and challenges as well as proffered so- lutions to them. A INTRODUCTION Crimes or rather offences are said to be wrongs against the society and the victim. This in- forms the reason for the investigation into allegations of these wrongs by a government agency which is empowered, equipped and funded to do so. Investigations, where properly, objectively and sincerely done will enhance the criminal justice delivery. While in other parts of the world, the prosecution does the investigation, in Nigeria, the Police or other specialized agencies investigates. For quite some time now, there have been complaints on the manner and quality of investigations and prosecution by the investigating agencies. These complaints include: complaints on possible compromise on grounds of ethnic affilia- tions with the accused persons as well as complaints on interference at high and political level. This paper will discuss all these issues and make recommendations * Mrs. Lohya.I. Lakai is a Senior State Counsel in the Plateau State Ministry of Justice, Plateau State Nigeria. She holds a Bachelor of Laws Degree (LLB) from Ahmadu Bello University Zaria in Nige- ria and a Barrister at Law (BL) from the Nigerian Law School.