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Dougal Austin
Te Hei Tiki A Cultural Continuum DOUGAL AUSTIN TeHeiTiki_TXT_KB6.indd 2-3 29/04/19 8:20 PM He kupu whakataki Introduction 9 01/ Ngā whakamāramatanga Use and meaning 15 02/ Ngā momo me ngā āhua Types and shapes 27 03/ Te pūtakenga mai Physical origins 49 04/ Ngā kōrero kairangi Exalted histories 93 Contents 05/ Ngā tohu ā-iwi Tribal styles 117 06/ Ngā tai whakaawe External versus local influence 139 07/ Ka whiti ka pūmau, 1750–1900 Change and continuity, 1750–1900 153 08/ Te whānako toi taketake, ngā tau 1890–ināianei Cultural appropriation, 1890s–present 185 09/ Te hei tiki me te Māori, 1900–ināianei Māori and hei tiki, 1900–present 199 He kupu whakakapi Epilogue 258 Appendices, Notes, Glossary, Select bibliography, Image credits, Acknowledgements, Index 263 TeHeiTiki_TXT_KB6.indd 6-7 29/04/19 8:20 PM He kupu whakataki Introduction 9 TeHeiTiki_TXT_KB6.indd 8-9 29/04/19 8:20 PM āori personal adornments take a wide variety of forms, all treasured greatly, but without a doubt Mthe human-figure pendants called hei tiki are the most highly esteemed and culturally iconic. This book celebrates the long history of hei tiki and their enduring cultural potency for the Māori people of Aotearoa. Today, these prized pendants are enjoying a resurgence in popularity, part of the late twentieth- to early twenty-first- century revitalisation of Māori culture, which continues to progress from strength to strength. In many ways the story of hei tiki mirrors the changing fortunes of a people, throughout times of prosperity, struggle, adaptation and resilience. -
Māori Spaces in Foreign Places: the Case of Hinemihi O Te Āo Tawhito
MAI Review, 2007, 3, Doctoral Conference Abstracts Māori spaces in foreign places: The case of Hinemihi o te āo tawhito Keri Wikitera Tuhourangi/Ngāti Wahiao Auckland University of Technology Auckland, New Zealand [email protected] This study is in the preliminary stages of a PhD candidature. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate Māori economic development opportunities in tourism. Many of which are intrinsically linked to cultural identity (Te Awekotuku, 1981; Ryan, 2002). This study aims to demonstrate that Māori notions of cultural identity are not confined to connections to geographical place alone. Cultural identity are socially created spaces dependent on relationships of people to each other and to iconic cultural references existent in both physical and metaphysical representation. The study will examine the history of Hinemihi, a whare tipuna that was situated at Te Wairoa, Tarawera until the eruption of 1886. She was built in response to the burgeoning tourism trade and she is now situated at Clandon Park, London. Clandon Park is a quintessential English estate, now also a tourist destination. Embedded in her history are significant periods of change for Māori. The study will investigate her relationships with Tuhourangi and Ngāti Hinemihi in her early years through to her relationship with Ngāti Ranana now. Also how she has linked people through whakapapa and now contemporary notions of identity. Māori spaces created in foreign places will be considered drawing on perspectives of people who, through Hinemihi, -
Whakatangata Kia Kaha
Copyright is owned by the Author of the thesis. Permission is given for a copy to be downloaded by an individual for the purpose of research and private study only. The thesis may not be reproduced elsewhere without the permission of the Author. WHAKATANGATA KIA KAHA: TOITŪ TE WHAKAPAPA, TOITŪ TE TUAKIRI, TOITŪ TE MANA – AN EXAMINATION OF THE CONTRIBUTION OF TE AUTE COLLEGE TO MĀORI ADVANCEMENT. A THESIS PRESENTED IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN EDUCATION AT MASSEY UNIVERSITY, PALMERSTON NORTH, NEW ZEALAND. JAMES PHILIP HECTOR GRAHAM 2009 i ABSTRACT The thesis examines the contribution of Te Aute College to Māori advancement by exploring the whakapapa of Te Aute College and the brand that has developed out of the school’s whakapapa from its beginnings in 1854 prior to major European settlement in the Hawkes Bay through to the 21st century. In doing so, the notion of whakapapa is used to reveal the layers of tradition, history, connections, narratives, achievements and setbacks that have enabled the realisation of Māori potential and the ability of Te Aute College to sustain a contribution to the advancement of Māori. This thesis contends that the contribution of Te Aute College to Māori advancement stems from its whakapapa and its brand that is unequivocally Te Aute in focus and character. An Indigenous Māori research paradigm, a whakapapa research methodology, provides the context for researching Te Aute College, the basis of this thesis. The thesis also explores whakapapa as a tool that can be used as a legitimate research framework when engaging in Māori research. -
Tangihanga: the Ultimate Form of Māori Cultural Expression— Overview of a Research Programme
Tangihanga: The Ultimate Form of Māori Cultural Expression— Overview of a Research Programme Linda Waimarie Nīkora, Ngāhuia Te Awekōtuku, Mohi Rua, Pou Temara, Te Kahautu Maxwell, Enoka Murphy, Karyn McRae and Tess Moeke-Maxwell Tangi Research Programme, The University of Waikato Abstract Death, observed through the process of tangihanga (time set aside to grieve and mourn, rites for the dead) or tangi (to grieve and mourn), is the ultimate form of Māori cultural expression. It is also the topic least studied by Māori or understood by outsiders, even after televised funeral rites of Māori leaders and intrusive media engagements with more humble family crises. It has prevailed as a cultural priority since earliest European contact, despite missionary and colonial impact and interference, and macabre Victorian fascination. Change is speculative rather than confirmed. Tangi and death rituals have yet to be rigorously examined in the Māori oral canon, or in the archival and historic record that may be discarded or reinforced by current practice. As researchers we are committed to studying tangi, conscious of the belief that such work carries the inherent risk of karanga aituā (inviting misfortune or even death itself) by drawing attention to it. Contemporary Aotearoa New Zealand is constantly touched by aspects of tangi practice through popular media and personal exposure. This volatile subject nevertheless demands careful and comprehensive scrutiny in order to extend and enrich the knowledge base, reveal the logic that guides ritual, inform the wider New Zealand community and, more importantly, support the cultural, social, ritual, economic and decision- making processes of bereaved whānau (family, including extended family), people affiliated with marae (communal meeting complex) and iwi (tribe, tribal). -
Māori Symbolism - the Enacted Marae Curriculum
Māori symbolism - the enacted marae curriculum Jamie Lambert Te Awem āpara, Ng āti Hinekura, Te M āhurehure familial connections Te W ānanga o Aotearoa, Te Awamutu, New Zealand [email protected] Symbolism and other metaphoric representations of aspects of M āori (Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa/New Zealand) culture such as whaik ōrero (formal speaking), moemoe ā (dreams), and whakatauk ī (proverbial sayings) has existed with M āori for generations. This paper examines M āori symbolism and its importance in M āori culture more specifically the maintenance, sustenance and transmission of our indigenous knowledge systems for generations to come. Traditional use of symbols is also explored through the contextual application of the marae (traditional M āori living complex) and how symbols exist in various parts of the marae. The enacted curriculum is also investigated looking at specific examples of how these symbols can enact both non-Māori and M āori formal curriculum areas. Symbolism Symbolism as a part of an expressive culture operates on a number of levels and across a range of frequencies according to your perceptions and having deeper understandings of what is truly represented. These symbols appear as images, words, behaviours and actions function in different spaces and places with differing meanings. This depends heavily on context, that is they are culturally and contextually relevant. Much of the value is encoded in metaphor. Symbols stand for concepts that are often too complex to be stated directly in words (Womack, 2005). Furthermore, Womack cites social anthropologist Raymond Firth (Ibid) who writes “it is assumed that symbols communicate meanings at levels of reality not accessible through immediate experience or conceptual thought. -
Rotorua 1 Princes Arch Gateway Architecture Seems to Be a Big City Activity
ITINERARY n.33 NOT ON MAP 9 10 11 13 15 2 4 1 5 6 7 8 3 14 12 The Blue Baths, 1933 1901 City Guide: Rotorua 1 Princes Arch Gateway Architecture seems to be a big city activity. It is, of course, possible to think of exceptions - Mario Arawa Street Botta in the mountain resort town of Lugano, Peter Zumthor beavering away in the tiny Swiss village of Haldenstein, or more close at hand, John Scott seeming to pluck inspired designs from the coastal air of Haumoana – but almost every significant architect is associated with a particular metropolis, and much of what we assume is important about architectural culture seems to rely on metropolitan densities of wealth and sophistication. Even here in decidedly un-metropolitan New Zealand, the big cities seem to predominate. A scan of the list of NZIA National Awards reveals the dominance of Christchurch, Wellington, and (particularly) Auckland; places like Gisborne, Russell, or Levin rarely make the list. It is hard to know whether this is because of a lack of architectural ambition among small town architects, or because their important opportunities are usually snaffled by big city design firms; Aucklanders often complain about Aussies jetting in to snatch plum commissions, but seem not to hesitate at getting on a plane to Queenstown or Paraparaumu to pick up projects. Rotorua is one of the many provincial cities in New Zealand where civic architecture has largely been created by those that don’t live there. In Rotorua, this was exaggerated by the peculiar role outside authorities, particularly the central government, have played in its development – it was unique in the Commonwealth in being a government-controlled town. -
Huharua, Pukewhanake and Nga Kuri a Wharei
HUHARUA, PUKEWHANAKE, AND NGA KUru A WHAREI by Heather Bassett Richard Kay A research report commissioned by the Waitangi Tribunal forWai 47 December 1996 238 J ~ TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Figures 3 "11 Introduction 4 The Claim 4 :l 1. Buharua 6 '''-.- 1.1 Introduction 6 ~ 1.2 Raupatu and the Creation of Reserves 6 1.3 Alienation of Maori Reserves 12 1.4 Control, Management and Access to Huharua 17 J 1.5 Summary 20 2. Pukewhanake 22 J 2.1 Location and People ofPukewhanake 22 2.2 Raupatu West of the Wairoa River 23 2.3 Lot 178 Parish ofTe Puna 26 :1 2.4 Control, Use and Management ofPukewhanake 27 2.5 Summary 31 :J 3. Nga Kuri a Wharei 33 3.1 Traditional Boundary: 'Mai Tikirau ki Nga Kuri a Wharei' 33 :1 3.2 Raupatu Boundary 35 3.3 Summary 37 ] Bibliography 39 Appendix One: Statement of Claim, Wai 47 41 :J :J .J J "1 L ~ 1 ! u , ' ,- .. 2 239 TABLE OF FIGURES Figure 1: Cultural Sites Around Tauranga Harbour (from Stokes, 1992, p 45) Figure 2: Fords from Plummers Point (from WI 35/161 Omokoroa - Te Puna, National Archives Wellington) Figure 3: Reserves in the Katikati Te Puna Purchase (from Stokes, 1990, p 192) Figure 4: Lot 210 Parish ofTe Puna (ML423A) Figure 5: Plummers Point 1886 (SO 5222) Figure 6: Lot 178 Parish ofTe Puna Today (SDIMap) Figure 7: Pa Sites on the Wairoa River 1864 (from Kahotea, 1996) Figure 8: Boundaries of the Katikati Te Puna Purchases (from Stokes, 1996) Figure 9: Plan of Native Reserves (ML 9760) Figure 10: Pukewhanake 1 October 1996 (Photos by author) Figure 11: Plan of the "Ngaiterangi" Purchase Deed (from Stokes, 1996) Figure 12: Plan of the Tawera Purchase Deed (from Stokes, 1996) Figure 13: Plan of the "Pirirakau" Purchase Deed (from Stokes, 1996) Figure 14: Boundaries of the Katikati Te Puna Purchases (from Stokes, 1996) Figure 15: Nga Kuri a Wharei and the Confiscation Line (from Stokes, Whanau a Tauwhao, p 19) 3 240 1. -
James Butterworth and the Old Curiosity Shop, New Plymouth, Taranaki
Tuhinga 16: 93–126 Copyright © Te Papa Museum of New Zealand (2005) James Butterworth and the Old Curiosity Shop, New Plymouth, Taranaki Kelvin Day PO Box 315, New Plymouth, Taranaki ([email protected]) ABSTRACT: James Butterworth established a successful Mäori curio dealing business in New Plymouth during the latter part of the nineteenth century. The coastal Taranaki settlement of Parihaka was a favoured place to obtain artefacts for his shop. Butterworth produced three sales catalogues and many of the artefacts he sold carried important information regarding provenances and associations. Some of Butterworth’s artefacts found their way into the Canterbury Museum in 1896. Other items helped form the foundation of the taonga Mäori collection of the Colonial Museum, Wellington. Locating where other items, which passed through Butterworth’s shop, are now held has proved very difficult. This study highlights the need for further analysis of curio dealers who operated within New Zealand and the artefacts in which they dealt. KEYWORDS: history, James Butterworth, curio dealer, Parihaka, Canterbury Museum, Colonial Museum, New Plymouth Industrial Exhibition, New Zealand International Exhibition. Introduction nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was seen as a legitimate practice. A number of dealers operated during This paper examines the life and times of James this period, such as Eric Craig (Auckland), Edward Butterworth (Fig.1), a New Plymouth dealer of Mäori Spencer (Auckland), Sygvard Dannefaerd (Auckland and ‘curios’. Research indicates that Butterworth was the only Rotorua), and David Bowman (Christchurch), satisfying commercial dealer in Mäori artefacts to operate in the the demand of collectors like Willi Fels (Dunedin), Taranaki region and, so far as is known, he was one of Augustus Hamilton (Hawke’s Bay, Dunedin), Alexander two New Zealand dealers – the other was Eric Craig Turnbull (Wellington), Thomas Hocken (Dunedin), and (1889) – to issue sales catalogues (as opposed to auction Walter Buller (Wellington), to name but a few. -
1 the Impacts of COVID-19 on Tangihanga B. Rangiwai (Ngāi
The Impacts of COVID-19 on Tangihanga B. Rangiwai (Ngāi Tūhoe, Ngāti Porou, Ngāti Manawa, Ngāti Whare) A. Sciascia (Ngāruahine Rangi, Ngāti Ruanui, Te Ati Awa) Abstract The influenza pandemic of 1918, which killed 50 million people, has been acknowledged as the most significant disease event in human history. In response to the pandemic, the ways in which tangihanga (Māori funeral practices) were carried out changed. Bodies were immediately taken to the urupā (burial ground) without the customary extended ceremonies. Similarly, the impacts of the burgeoning COVID-19 situation has meant uncomfortable, albeit temporary, changes to Māori funeral practices. At the very worst part of the COVID-19 experience, tangihanga were essentially prohibited, and immediate burial or cremation became the norm. In some cases, tūpāpaku (bodies) were cremated with the intention that the remains would be returned to tribal burial grounds at a later date. This article will explore the impacts of COVID-19 on tangihanga and how technology has been used in this context with particular reference to Taranaki examples. 1 The Impacts of COVID-19 on Tangihanga Introduction Tangihanga is a customary practice that holds great significance within Māori communities and whānau (families) bringing multitudes of people together to farewell the dead. Travelling the breadth of the Aotearoa New Zealand to attend tangihanga is commonplace and represents the great lengths that whānau and Māori communities go to, to pay their respects. It is not unheard of for whānau to travel all hours of the night and morning to arrive on time and be first to the gateway of the marae (traditional gathering place) to be then welcomed in and invited to farewell the deceased through oratory, song and gifts. -
Annual Report
Annual Report 2017/2018 Bay of Plenty Regional Council, Rotorua #love our lakes Lakes Council and Te Arawa Lakes Trust. rotorualakes.co.nz Working as one to protect our lakes with funding assistance from the Ministry for the Environment. Contents Purpose 1 Overview 2 Lake Rotorua 2 Lake Rotoehu 3 Lake Okareka 4 Lake Rotoiti 4 Summary of TLI results 4 Key achievements 6 Lake operations 6 Land management 9 Policy, planning, communications and information technology 11 Sewerage 13 Rotorua Te Arawa Lakes annual water quality results 14 Introduction 14 Lake Rotorua 16 Lake Rotoehu 16 Lake Rotoiti 17 Lake Ōkāreka 17 Lake Tarawera 18 Lake Okaro 19 Lake Rotomahana 19 Lake Rerewhakaaitu 20 Lake Tikitapu 21 Lake Okataina 21 Lake Rotomā 22 Lake Rotokakahi 22 ROTORUA TE ARAWA LAKES PROGRAMME i Annual Plan of Interventions – Deed Funded Lakes 24 Lake Rotorua 24 Lake Rotoehu 29 Lake Rotoiti 31 Lake Ōkāreka 33 Te Tuapapa o ngā Wai o Te Arawa/Te Arawa Cultural Values Framework 34 Annual Plan of Interventions - Non-Deed Funded 36 Lake Tarawera 36 Lake Ōkaro 37 Lake Rotomā 37 Lake Rotokakahi 37 Lake Tikitapu 38 Financials 39 ii Annual Report 2017/2018 Purpose The purpose of this document is to report against the 2017/2018 Annual Work Plan of the Rotorua Te Arawa Lakes Programme. This report is in accordance with Clause 5.1 and 5.2 of the Deed of Funding. This report provides an update on deed funded projects, including their financial status. It also provides an update on non-deed funded projects that fall under the Programme. -
The Marae As an Information Ground Spencer Lilley Massey University New Zealand
The Marae as an information ground Spencer Lilley Massey University New Zealand Marae are a gathering place for Māori (indigenous New Zealand people). Māori gather at marae for a variety reasons, including meetings, celebrations, tangi (funeral rites) and to socialise. Most marae are attached to a particular hapu (sub-tribe) and an iwi (tribe) will have many hapu as part of its structure. Many marae are in traditional areas associated with that particular hapu or iwi, but since the 1950s there has been mass urbanisation with 80% of the Māori population living in the cities. Urbanisation has led to the development of urban marae, with many of these still associated with an iwi. However, most major cities have urban marae that have no association with any particular iwi but are attached to urban Māori who no longer have links or easy access to their own marae. Although many of the activities that take place at the marae can be quite casual, there are also very formal ceremonial functions associated with a marae, particularly when welcoming and hosting visitors and the rituals associated with tangi. The marae cannot simply be described as a single information ground as described by Pettigrew1 (2000) Fisher (2004, 2005) who developed the concept As they are large complexes with many different zones and encounters taking place it qualifies as the ultimate Māori information conduit with a smorgasbord of information available for exchange. The main areas of a marae where information can be exchanged while carrying other activities are: the waharoa (gateway) the marae-atea, wharenui (meeting house), 1 Karen Pettigrew later became Karen Fisher wharemoe (sleeping quarters), wharekai (dining room), mahau (porch/veranda), wharehoroi (bathrooms), kauta (cookhouse), hangi pit (earth oven pit). -
Oranga Marae Summative Evaluation Cohort
ORANGA MARAE: SUMMATIVE EVALUATION Final Report Prepared for: Te Puni Kōkiri and the Department of Internal Affairs June 2020 1 CONTENTS Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. 4 Background ............................................................................................................................................. 8 What is Oranga Marae? ...................................................................................................................... 8 Vision and intended outcomes....................................................................................................... 8 Eligibility criteria ............................................................................................................................. 9 Funding ......................................................................................................................................... 10 Evaluation ............................................................................................................................................. 10 Evaluation questions ........................................................................................................................ 10 Oranga Marae Intervention logic and outcomes framework ............................................................... 11 Our approach .......................................................................................................................................