Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} ¡Ya Basta! Ten Years of the Zapatista Uprising by Subcomandante Marcos Download Now! We have made it easy for you to find a PDF Ebooks without any digging. And by having access to our ebooks online or by storing it on your computer, you have convenient answers with Ya Basta Ten Years Of The Zapatista Uprising Subcomandante Marcos Pdf. To get started finding Ya Basta Ten Years Of The Zapatista Uprising Subcomandante Marcos Pdf, you are right to find our website which has a comprehensive collection of manuals listed. Our library is the biggest of these that have literally hundreds of thousands of different products represented. Finally I get this ebook, thanks for all these Ya Basta Ten Years Of The Zapatista Uprising Subcomandante Marcos Pdf I can get now! cooool I am so happy xD. I did not think that this would work, my best friend showed me this website, and it does! I get my most wanted eBook. wtf this great ebook for free?! My friends are so mad that they do not know how I have all the high quality ebook which they do not! It's very easy to get quality ebooks ;) so many fake sites. this is the first one which worked! Many thanks. wtffff i do not understand this! Just select your click then download button, and complete an offer to start downloading the ebook. If there is a survey it only takes 5 minutes, try any survey which works for you. Subcomandante Marcos: biography and photo. Subcomandante Marcos is a politician and Mexican revolutionary who was the leader of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), an armed group that rebelled against the government of Mexico in the state of Chiapas in January 1994. Biography. The image, which hides the head of EZLN, has been the subject of numerous speculations, since during frequent speeches in front of national and international media he always hid his face under a balaclava. Despite this, in February 1995, Subcomandante Marcos unmasks: the Mexican government identified him as Raphael Sebastian Guillen Vicente. According to the sources of the president of Mexico, Ernesto Zedillo, Guillen was born on July 10, 1957 in Tampico (Tamaulipas), into a large family engaged in the furniture trade. Starting his studies in his hometown, Guillen continued it in Guadalajara and Monterrey, and then entered the National Autonomous University of Mexico, where he received a higher education in philosophy and literature. The same sources suggest that at the age of 24 he decided to leave his job as an aesthetics teacher, went to Chiapas and became an advocate for the rights of the indigenous peoples of the state. This aspect is probably central to the Zapatist uprising, as the movement is trying to uncover the root causes of the backwardness of the indigenous peoples accumulated over many centuries in order to demand their social development. The fact that Subcomandante Marcos (pictured in the article) was identified as a person who does not belong to any of the local cultures, and even is not a resident of the state of Chiapas, became an argument of the Zedillo government in an attempt to discredit the movement. According to the Mexican leadership, the pseudonym hid the intention of the left-wing ideologues of the middle class to use the Mexican Indians to discredit the national executive. The role of the media. Be that as it may, one of the sources of popularity of the Zapatist movement was the success that Subcomandante Marcos enjoyed from international public opinion. He recited poems, joked and proclaimed critical political messages signed by underground revolutionary committees of indigenous peoples, whose leader he was. In press releases published online (without a doubt another key to the popularity of this revolution outside the country), there were demands for the transformation of Mexico into a multinational republic with recognition of the right of indigenous committees to participate in municipal government, guaranteeing justice and justice, and also providing support and confirmation of the right to conduct their rituals and customs. In addition, the Mexican states were to be the guarantors of the fact that the Indians themselves would be governed by the indigenous municipalities and that the indigenous peoples should have the right to resolve certain civil, criminal, labor and commercial disputes themselves in such a way that the national legislation took into account their traditions and customs. Zapatista uprising. Subcomandante Marcos at the head of the Zapatista National Liberation Army on the first day of January 1994 occupied six cities in the state of Chiapas, including San Cristobal de las Casas. After twelve days of clashes and numerous human casualties and injuries, he began negotiations with the government. Since then, Marcos (Rafael Sebastian Guillen Vicente) participated in the discussion and remained the most significant figure of the zapatista movement. In February 1996, government delegates and partisans signed an agreement on the rights of indigenous communities at San Andres, but a few months later, EZLN accused President Zedillo of breaking the treaty and breaking the dialogue between the parties. The Pact established the broad limits of self-determination of tens of millions of Mexican Indians, confirmed the state’s recognition of the existence of indigenous peoples, their forms of government, traditions and customs, but President Zedillo proposed another text version rejected by the rebels, and in January 1997 EZLN withdrew from the negotiation process. Resumption of dialogue. After the change of power in the country as a result of the elections in July 2000, the new President Vicente Fox appointed the former Senator Luis Alvarez Commissioner for Peace in Chiapas. Alvarez formed the Conciliation and Appeasement Commission (Cocopa), which was responsible for drafting a bill that summarized the agreements reached, the observance of which was required by the Zapatista. Newly elected Mexican President Fox proposed to resume negotiations with the partisans, and Marcos accepted the offer, even agreeing to go to the federal capital. The day after the inauguration, the EZLN leader, at a press conference crowded with journalists, announced the rebel demands to restore dialogue by withdrawing the army from the region, implementing the San Andres agreements, and releasing the imprisoned activists of the movement. The convergence of the positions of the government and the rebels was promoted by the defeat of the PRI party in Chiapas and the formation of a new ruling coalition. Governor Pablo Salazar took office on December 8, 2000, and promised to promote reconciliation of complex social, political, agricultural, and religious differences. The governor promised to begin legal procedures for the release of prisoners of Zapatista, which was one of the main conditions for Marcos to resume the dialogue. Zapatista march. In the early days of his presidency, Fox ordered the release of 40 zapatista prisoners and partially withdrawing troops from the rebellious state. He also sent to Congress a bill on the rights of indigenous peoples, agreed in 1996. Marcos responded to these measures by announcing a march to the capital to announce his demands in Congress. There was a slight defusion of the conflict, which disappeared within a few months. EZLN requested that representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross accompany the march to Mexico City, but the government, under pressure from the business community and the military, blocked this opportunity. Fox accused the partisans of not giving a positive response to the concessions made and canceled the withdrawal of troops and the release of prisoners, and Marcos imputed to the president that he was only interested in resolving the conflict without making real decisions to achieve peace. February 24, 2001 at the new round of confrontation the Zapatista march started. 15 days after it began, and having traveled more than 3, 000 km through the poorest parts of the country, the column led by Subcomandante arrived at El Zocalo Square in Mexico City. The rebel leader announced his intention to remain in the capital until the bill on autonomy for tens of millions of Indians was approved by parliament. On March 12, EZLN representatives held their first meeting with the Cocopa Commission, which preceded the meeting of the partisans and representatives of the Mexican Congress and the Senate. The government offered to Marcos to organize a meeting between 10 rebel representatives and 10 senators, but the Sub-Comandante did not agree and demanded that the delegation be brought before the assembly of the chambers of parliament. In the absence of an agreement, and despite the guaranteed approval of the bill, Marcos suddenly announced his decision to leave the capital and return to the mountains of Chiapas. The pressure had an effect, and President Vicente Fox decided to accept the conditions of the partisans and thus prevent the return of the Zapatista, which would cause a new stagnation in the peace process. The head of state announced the release of all partisan prisoners, the withdrawal of troops from the three military installations in the rebel zone and promised to make efforts for the rebel delegation to be adopted in Congress. At the historic meeting on March 22, 2001, the parliament approved (218 votes in favor, 210 against, 7 abstained) the participation of the EZLN delegation. On March 28, the 23 delegates of the rebels occupied the first rows in the Mexican parliament and the “commander” Esther, a member of the political leadership of EZLN, spoke from the podium. After his speech in defense of the rights of indigenous peoples, it was announced that the mission of the march was completed. The peace process was resumed and the first contacts between the partisans and the government took place. Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista, apparently satisfied, returned to Chiapas on March 30. The fight continues. Despite the conquest of the media, the demands of indigenous leaders did not receive the expected support. In April, the Senate and Congress adopted a document that provided for amendments to the Constitution to ensure the rights of the indigenous population, but the amendments to the original draft significantly limited the San Andres agreements and caused a negative reaction. Indigenous groups ultimately rejected the law on the rights and culture of indigenous peoples, which did not include mechanisms for exercising these rights. Also, the Zapatistas expressed their direct opposition to the text approved by the Chambers, since it did not allow "neither self-determination, nor genuine autonomy." Subcomandante Marcos announced that EZLN would not resume negotiations with the government, suspended in 1996, and continue the struggle. Indigenous peoples, intellectual groups of the left and the Party of the Democratic Revolution filed more than 300 lawsuits against the law passed by Congress, but in September 2002, all of them were rejected by the Supreme Court. Other campaign. In August 2005, in his first public appearance in the spring of 2001, Marcos in Chiapas announced his intention not to support any of the presidential candidates in the 2006 elections and sharply criticized them, especially the former mayor of Mexico City, Manuel López Obrador. Subcomandante also said that the upcoming integration of the Zapatist movement into the Mexican political system will take place through the creation of a broad left front. On the first day of 2006, Marcos embarked on a motorcycle tour of the country in support of the so-called “Other Campaign” to create a movement that unites indigenous peoples and resistance groups of the country to carry out changes that go beyond the election race. After the election, he occasionally appeared with regular statements. Comandante has never officially confirmed or denied that he is Guillen. Subcomandante Marcos: Creativity. The leader of the Zapatista wrote over 200 essays and short stories and published 21 books in which he outlined his political and philosophical views. The works published under the name Subcomandante Marcos - “The Other Revolution” (2008), “¡Ya Basta! Ten Years of Zapatista Uprising ”(2004), “ Questions and Swords: Tales of the Zapatista Revolution ”(2001), etc. In them, the author prefers to speak not directly, but in the form of fairy tales. Another work, which was published by Subcomandante Marcos - “The Fourth World War began” (2001). In it, the author deals with issues of neoliberalism and globalization. He considers the cold war between capitalism and socialism to be the third world war, and the next one - between major financial centers. Subcomandante Marcos, whose books were written in an allegorical, ironic, and romantic manner, may thus have tried to distance himself from the painful situations he describes. In any case, each of his works has a specific goal, which confirms the title of the book “Our word is our weapon” (2002), a collection of articles, poems, speeches and letters. Subcomandante Marcos: quotes. One of the 1992 essay headlines is: “This chapter tells the story of how the supreme government worried about the poverty of the indigenous peoples of Chiapas, and it built hotels, prisons, barracks and a military airport. It also talks about how the beast feeds on people's blood, as well as other unfortunate and sad incidents … A handful of companies, one of which is the Mexican state, appropriates all the wealth of Chiapas, leaving its deadly and poisonous mark in exchange. ” An excerpt from the book "The Fourth World War began": “Towards the end of the Cold War, capitalism created a war horror - a neutron bomb, a weapon that destroys life, leaving buildings untouched. During the fourth world war, however, a new wonder-weapon was opened - a financial bomb. Unlike those dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, it not only destroys cities, sending death, horror and suffering to those who live in them, but also turns its goal into another piece of the puzzle of economic globalization. ” 1st January 1994 The Zapatista Uprising. On the first day of 1994, 3,000 indigenous Mayan Indian guerrillas came down from the mountains of the southern province of Chiapas and declared war against the Mexican government. The insurgents – representing some of the poorest and most exploited people of the world, armed with everything from AK-47s to sticks and stones – had deliberately chosen New Year’s Day to commence their uprising, for it was the date when the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect. This cynical Neoliberal agreement was the opportunity the Mexican ruling class had long sought to intermingle with Corporate America, with the hope it would finally propel them into the First World. But for the Indian peasants and farmers, it was their death warrant. NAFTA aggressively promoted corporate privatisation, removed Mexico’s right to review foreign investment proposals, banned subsidies to the indigenous farmers, favoured U.S. imports and, most significantly, required Mexico to alter its constitution by abolishing Article 27 which provided land to those who worked it. Nearly 100 years had passed since the Mexican Revolution had triumphed to return indigenous land through agrarian reform; and although there had subsequently been many broken promises, NAFTA now threatened to take away from the peasant farmers what little was left and hand it over to McDonalds and its earth-raping ilk. And so, with nothing left to lose, the indigenous workers organised – and a new kind of army emerged. The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) took its name from the legendary Emiliano Zapata, the slain anarchist hero of the 1910 revolution whose army of peasants had risen up against the wealthy landowners. “We are the product of 500 years of struggle,” the Zapatistas decried in their First Declaration from the Lacandon Jungle . “But today we say Ya Basta! Enough is enough!” The Zapatista Uprising revived the Mexican anarchism that had been dormant for years, put a spotlight on the oppression of 20 million indigenous people and represented the first major resistance against global free-market Neoliberalism that had reigned un-policed in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The uprising would also launch a modern revolutionary hero: the mysterious masked man known only as Subcomandante Marcos. A tall, pipe-smoking romantic figure, Marcos evoked Che Guevara with his eloquent criticisms of global capitalism and the corrupt Mexican government. But it was his canny utilisation of the music and technology of the Internet era that ensured the whole world was watching the Zapatistas. As the New York Times said of this uprising that captured the imagination of freethinkers, activists and anti-capitalists everywhere: “It was the world’s first post-modern revolution.” For two days, the Zapatistas seized control of the city of San Cristóbal de las Casas and several surrounding towns in Chiapas – the Mexican state richest in natural resources but poorest in income and social services. The attack was met by a heavy-handed response from the US-backed Mexican Army, resulting in the death of some 150 guerrillas. But the enormous international support for the Zapatistas was a huge embarrassment to President Carlos Salinas, who was forced to call off the assault when hundreds of thousands of ordinary Mexicans flooded into the central square in Mexico City in solidarity with the Zapatistas. Following negotiations mediated by Bishop Samuel Ruiz – a long-time defender of the peasants in his Chiapan diocese – an uneasy ceasefire was called, and the Zapatistas retreated deeper into the jungle. Despite the overly-rigorous efforts of the Mexican military and the sadistic government-backed paramilitary (paradoxically called “Peace & Justice”) to quash the Zapatistas, the EZLN has survived to continue its struggle to focus the world’s attention on the plight of Mexico’s Indians and peasants through its ongoing negotiations with the Mexican government and ingenious campaigns and communiqués. Since 1994, the Zapatistas have emerged as a significant political force and have gradually formed several autonomous municipalities independent of the Mexican government. The righteousness of their words, deeds and cause is both an inspiration and evidence of the validity of revolutionary action against the nefarious forces of capitalism. It is a movement in which women have played a decisive role in its conception and realisation (the “Women’s Revolutionary Law” served as a pivotal adjunct of the First Declaration ). And it is a movement expressly designed to emblemise the world’s oppressed. Marcos wears his mask not only to protect his identity but insists it is also a mirror. In his own words: Marcos is gay in San Francisco, black in South Africa, an Asian in Europe, a Chicano in San Ysidro, an anarchist in Spain, a Palestinian in Israel, a Mayan Indian in the streets of San Cristobal, a Jew in Germany, a Gypsy in Poland, a Mohawk in Quebec, a pacifist in Bosnia, a single woman on the Metro at 10pm, a peasant without land, a gang member in the slums, an unemployed worker, an unhappy student and, of course, a Zapatista in the mountains. Just as JFK declared his solidarity with freedom-lovers everywhere when he famously proclaimed to West Germans “Ich bin ein Berliner” – as Subcomandante Marcos would have it, all opponents of oppression are Zapatistas. And so to Zapatistas everywhere – but especially to the brave men and women of the EZLN in Chiapas – a very Happy New Year. Subcomandante Marcos. Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article. Subcomandante Marcos , identified as Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente , also called El Sub , since 2006 Delegate Zero , (born June 19, 1957, Tampico, Mexico), Mexican professor who was the leader of the Zapatista National Liberation Army (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional; EZLN, also called the Zapatistas), which launched a rebellion in 1994 in the state of Chiapas and later functioned as a political movement defending the rights of Mexico’s indigenous peoples. Marcos’s leadership of the EZLN made him an international rebel icon, and he also became a widely read author not only of political writings but also of novels and poetry. Rafael Guillén Vicente, the man whom Mexican Pres. Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León declared in 1995 to be Subcomandante Marcos, was the Jesuit-trained son of the owner of a furniture chain in Tampico. After attending school in Tampico and Monterrey, Guillén earned two degrees from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México; UNAM). In 1981 he was one of five students from the university’s department of philosophy and letters to receive a national medal of excellence from Pres. José López Portillo. He taught aesthetics part-time at a working-class school, known as a left-wing activist centre, before resigning in 1984. It is believed that soon afterward Guillén moved to the mountains of Chiapas to work with Mayan peasants. Subcomandante Marcos made his first appearance on New Year’s Day, 1994, when he led an EZLN offensive in which the Zapatistas seized several towns in southern Chiapas state. As the rebellion continued, Marcos, one of the EZLN’s few non-Indian fighters, became known for his trademark black mask and pipe and for his communiqués, issued in the name of the Revolutionary Indigenous Clandestine Committee of the General Command of the EZLN. These letters to the Mexican people, which appeared in newspapers and on the Internet, often combined humour, poetry, and storytelling with sharp political critiques. On February 9, 1995, President Zedillo ordered thousands of Mexican troops into the areas held by the EZLN. The stated purpose of the crackdown was to prevent further violence by capturing Zapatista leaders, in particular Marcos. As part of the effort, Zedillo identified Marcos as Guillén. Calling him a middle-class “maverick philosopher and university professor,” Zedillo attempted to discredit Marcos as the voice of the peasant-led EZLN and to strip him of the charismatic guerrilla mystique that had captured the imagination of many. Pictures of Guillén juxtaposed with those of the masked Marcos appeared worldwide. Meanwhile, as Marcos, the EZLN, and the population of many villages fled into the Lacandón jungle, more than 100,000 demonstrators in Mexico City and elsewhere answered Zedillo by proclaiming, “We are all Marcos.” While Zedillo proclaimed Marcos a terrorist, the UNAM awarded him an honorary degree. By mid-March 1995 the troops had been pulled out of the area. Marcos continued to communicate via the Internet from the rainforest. In October he emerged to participate in peace talks with the Mexican government in San Andrés Larrainzar, doing so with his usual dramatic flair—on horseback with armed, masked Zapatistas to the sounds of conch shells blowing and a cheering crowd of peasants. Talks between the EZLN and the government continued into February 1996, when both parties signed what became known as the San Andrés Accords, which outlined a program of land reform, indigenous autonomy, and cultural rights. In December of that year, however, President Zedillo rejected the accords. As clashes continued in Chiapas between Zapatistas and paramilitary forces in the 1990s, Marcos began to appear at political events and rallies, where he spoke on topics including human rights, international politics, and the Mayan peasant culture. His mantras against neoliberalism (policies promoting free-market trade) and globalization were popular with the world’s leftist groups. In 2001 Marcos emerged from the jungle for the first time in years to lead a 15-day march from Chiapas to Mexico City. The feat, which became known as “ Zapatour,” was meant to advocate political rights for the country’s indigenous population. In Mexico City he spoke in the main city plaza, the Zócalo, before hundreds of thousands of people, including several prominent politicians and celebrities. Immediately afterward he appeared before members of Congress to lobby for the implementation of the San Andrés Accords. On April 25, Congress approved a revised version of the accords, which the Zapatistas denounced. Marcos appeared again on January 1, 2006, this time under his new name, Delegate Zero, to embark on an EZLN initiative known as “ The Other Campaign,” in which he led the Zapatistas on a six-month countrywide tour coinciding with the 2006 Mexican presidential race. Delegate Zero aimed to form a movement among other indigenous and resistance groups in the country and to create change outside the scope of electoral politics. On the road, Delegate Zero verbally criticized the presidential candidates of Mexico’s major political parties. After the election, Marcos sporadically emerged from hiding to make statements. Marcos has never officially confirmed or denied being Guillén. Works published under Marcos’s name include The Other Campaign (2008), ¡Ya Basta! Ten Years of the Zapatista Uprising (2004), Our Word Is Our Weapon (2003), and Questions and Swords: Folktales of the Zapatista Revolution (2001), among other publications. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica This article was most recently revised and updated by Amy Tikkanen, Corrections Manager. YA BASTA!: Ten Years of the Zapatista Uprising--Writings Of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos. The most comprehensive collection of essays and communiques by Subcomandante Marcos chronicles the written voice of the Zapatista movement and its struggle to open a space within the neoliberal, globalized landscape for the oppressed peoples of the world. Complete from their first public appearance in 1994 through their 10-year anniversary celebrations and period of restructuring in 2004. "The world has a new kind of hero, one who listens more than speaks, who preaches in riddles not in certainties, a leader who doesn't show his face, who says his mask is really a mirror. And in the Zapatistas, we have not one dream of a revolution but a dreaming revolution."--Naomi Klein. "The Zapatista uprising in Chiapas was certainly one of the most dramatic and important instances in our time of a genuine grassroots movement against oppression. In this volume, the writings of Subcomandante Marcos give eloquent expression to this movement, revealing both its philo- sophical foundations and its tactical ingenuity. I believe his words and the statements of the Zapatistas can inspire a new generation of activists and let them understand that it is possible for ordinary people, without military power, without wealth, to challenge state power successfully on behalf of social justice. [This] fantastic collection of Marcos' words conveys the spirit of the Zapatistas as no other book I know has done."--Howard Zinn. "After over 500 years of conquest, the indigenous -people already know what the rest of us must learn about empires: that they exploit the many for the privileges of the few, that they ransack the cultures of antiquity, that they place a burden even on the mother countries. But in their actions and writings, the Zapatistas are inspiring a new generation to join the struggle for a better world. It's our world too!"--Tom Hayden.