Loving and Hating America in Turkey and Iran: a Cold War Story of Alliance Politics and Authoritarian Modernization, 1945-1980

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Loving and Hating America in Turkey and Iran: a Cold War Story of Alliance Politics and Authoritarian Modernization, 1945-1980 Loving and Hating America in Turkey and Iran: A Cold War Story of Alliance Politics and Authoritarian Modernization, 1945-1980 Barın Kayaoğlu Ankara, Turkey B.A., Bilkent University, 2001 M.A., Bilkent University, 2002 M.A., Bilkent University, 2005 M.A., University of Virginia, 2006 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia December 2014 © Copyright by Barın Kayaoğlu All Rights Reserved December 2014 To Lara, Arda, Ayla, Hasan, Barkın, and Demet and Mel Leffler, the captain with the mighty heart Abstract This dissertation is a study of U.S. relations with Turkey and Iran during the Cold War and the rise of anti-Americanism in the two countries. The dissertation explores why pro-American sentiments in Turkey and Iran in the 1940s and 1950s turned into vicious anti-Americanism in the 1960s and reached a crescendo by the 1970s. The study argues that, rather than individual events such as the CIA-sponsored coup d’état against Iranian Prime Minister Mohammed Mosaddeq in 1953 or the successive coups in Turkey, authoritarian modernization in the two countries and their turbulent alliances with the United States led to anti-Americanism. Although U.S. officials encouraged economic and social development in Turkey and Iran – building schools, hospitals, dams, factories, and roads – they remained mostly silent on the question of political change for the sake of stability. While authoritarianism undermined the political institutions that could have ameliorated economic and social ills in the two countries, Ankara and Tehran’s geopolitical interests began to diverge from Washington’s global and regional priorities by the 1960s. As their publics became visibly anti-American, even the normally pro-U.S. leaders in the two countries became skeptical of the United States. Keywords: U.S. foreign policy, Turkey, Iran, anti-Americanism, authoritarianism, modernization, development iii Table of Contents Abstract iii Table of Contents iv Acknowledgments vii Chapter 1 – Concepts, Backgrounds, Structures 1 Introduction 1 Modernization as Theory and Practice 5 Defining Anti-Americanism 8 Authoritarian Modernization in Turkey and Iran Before 1945 12 The United States as a Model of Liberal Modernization 25 Organization and Methodology of the Study 29 Chapter 2 – The Curious Case of Pro-Americanism, 1945-1954 35 Introduction 35 From Confrontation in the Near East to Containment in Europe and East Asia 37 The United States and Turkey’s Orderly Transition to Democracy 46 The United States and Iran’s Troublesome Political Economy 53 “Welcome, Our Dear Friends”: Turkey’s Volatile Pro-Americanism and Entry into the Western Alliance 62 “The Great and Friendly Land of the United States of America”: The Oil Crisis and Iran’s Cautious Pro-Americanism 71 Conclusion 85 iv Chapter 3 – Pro-Americanism Subsides, Anti-Americanism Rises, 1955-1963 87 Introduction 87 “We Can Do These Things Without Going Broke”: The Eisenhower Administration and the Developing World 89 The Eisenhower Administration and the Turkish Turbulence 95 The Eisenhower Administration and the Iranian Imbalance 103 “Let Us Begin”: Modernization Theory and the Kennedy Administration 111 Old and New Frontiers in Ankara 116 Turkey’s Transition from Pro-American to U.S.-Skeptic 120 Iran: The New Frontier with an Authoritarian Flavor 129 The Steady Rise of Anti-Americanism in Iran 135 Conclusion 143 Chapter 4 – Targeting America, 1964-1973 146 Introduction 146 “Let Us Continue”: The Relative Decline of U.S. Power in the Age of Détente 148 The United States Deals With an Autonomous, Prospering, and Unstable Turkey 154 Pandora’s Box Opens: Cyprus, the Radical Left, and Violent Anti-Americanism in Turkey 165 The United States Deals With an Autonomous, Autocratic, and Stable Iran 178 Autocracy, Militant Radicalism, and Anti-Americanism in Iran 189 Conclusion 198 v Chapter 5 – Anti-Americanism Consolidates, 1974-1980 201 Introduction 201 The Decade of Shocks: Détente Ends, the Cold War Resumes 204 Pahlavi Iran: The Making of a Regional Superpower, the Unmaking of a Regime 211 “The Americans Can’t Do a Damned Thing”: The Revolution, the Hostage Crisis, and the Collapse of U.S.-Iranian Relations 223 The Turkish Military Solves Ankara and Washington’s Opium, Cyprus, and Chaos Problems 232 Opium, Cyprus, Gladio: Anti-Americanism Strikes Back in Turkey 244 Conclusion 255 Chapter 6 – Conclusion 258 Bibliography 270 vi Acknowledgements This Ph.D. dissertation is the product of six years of sweat, tears, laughter, heartbreak, and everything in between. It is also the culmination of thirteen years of graduate study – a long time during which I accumulated many debts of gratitude. So if these acknowledgements come to you as long, I can assure you that this is the brief version. No project of international history can be pursued, much less completed, without generous sponsors. I would like to thank the Dwight D. Eisenhower Foundation, the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Foundation, the Lyndon B. Johnson Foundation, and the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation for their travel grants, which allowed me to conduct research at the presidential libraries of their namesakes in Abilene, Ann Labor, Austin, and Boston. The Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR) awarded me the Michael J. Hogan Foreign Language Fellowship, which, together with a grant from the University of Virginia’s Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, enabled me to start learning Persian at the University of Tehran’s Dehkhoda Institute in the summer of 2008. The Graduate School’s Malone-Gallatin Fellowship paid for the research in my native Turkey while SHAFR’s Samuel F. Bemis Grant funded part of my research in Iran. The following institutions have supported me with fellowships and publishing opportunities: The Lynne and Harry Bradley Foundation Fellowship covered my research trips to Iran, the U.S. National Archives in College Park, and the Nixon and Carter libraries. It also enabled me to start writing in 2011. The John Anson Kittredge Educational Fund extended a generous hand so that I could continue writing in the summer of 2012. With a Smith Richardson Foundation Predoctoral Fellowship in International Security Studies at Yale University and the Eisenhower Institute’s Clifford Roberts Fellowship, I wrote most of the chapters in 2012-13. I am grateful to these institutions and their benefactors and administrators for their support. Parts of vii the second and fifth chapters previously appeared on the journals Cold War History and Iranian Studies and they are used here courtesy of the Taylor & Francis Group. Archivists and librarians in the United States, Turkey, and Iran were incredibly helpful. In College Park, at the Carter, Eisenhower, Ford, Johnson, Kennedy, and Nixon presidential libraries, and at the Hoover Institution Library and Archives, archivists patiently handled my requests and gave sage advice on which collections I should focus. The employees of the National Library in Ankara, the National Library and Archives in Tehran, and the staff of the libraries at Yale and Virginia were equally supportive. Few places present as congenial an environment for graduate studies as the University of Virginia. Starting with the members of my dissertation committee – William Quandt, Elizabeth Thompson, and Philip Zelikow – I am thankful to the many mentors who oversaw my transition from an easy-going student into a serious-looking historian. Stephen Schuker, who forced me to read a host of books on prose in spring 2007, deserves special praise. Other faculty members at UVA helped me hone my skills as a learner, teacher, and public speaker: Brian Balogh, Julian Bond, David Coleman, Ronald Dimberg, Gary Gallagher, Max Gross, Zjaleh Hajibashi, Michael Holt, Alireza Korangy, Ted Lendon, Allen Lynch, Chuck McCurdy, Farzaneh Milani, Joseph Miller, Ruhi Ramazani, Sophie Rosenfeld, Jeff Rossman, Marc Selverstone, John Stagg, and Fariba Zarinebaf. Sabri Ateş, now at Southern Methodist University, encouraged me to take my first steps into Iranian history with his groundbreaking work on Ottoman-Iranian borderlands. Beyond Charlottesville, others, too, were generous with their time and feedback. Nur Bilge Criss, Yüksel İnan, and Walter Kretchik, mentors from my Bilkent days, turned my fuzzy ideas into something much better – just as they had done in the past. James Matray’s comments on the second chapter at the SHAFR conference in 2011, the many email correspondences with Tom Schwartz, and a chance meeting with Abbas Milani in Palo Alto gave the dissertation a viii much-needed reality check. Malcolm Byrne, Jim Goode, Vicky de Grazia, Jim Hershberg, John Limbert, James Edward Miller, Christian Ostermann, and Salim Yaqub helped to improve the end product with their comments and critiques on chapters and proto-chapters. Although administrative staff gets much flak in academic circles these days, I have found little to complain about UVA in that regard. Over the years, folks at the International Studies Office (ISO), especially Richard Tanson and Adrienne Kim-Bird, made sure that my slips with documents and course registration deadlines would not get me deported from the United States. Molly Angevine, Jewel Courtney Hay, Kent Merritt, Kathleen Miller, Liz Smith, and Ella Wood, the History Department’s able and amiable administrators, helped mortals like me with The University’s labyrinthine procedures. In this category, Jenni Via deserves special recognition: without her patience and resourcefulness, I may not have finished the Ph.D. program. Colleagues at UVA’s Alderman Library, where I worked as a reference librarian, made the job feel like a long intellectual conversation (or occasional moments of clowning on my part) for which I happened to get paid. Thank you, Anne Benham, Bryson Clevenger, Patricia Courtney, Haynes Earnhardt, Warner Granade, Alli King, Jared Loewenstein, Elizabeth Margutti, Rich Miller, Tim Morton, Arlyn Newcomb, Irene Norvelle, Barbie Selby, Keith Weimer, and Muhammad Sajjad Yusuf.
Recommended publications
  • British Dilemmas: Arms Sales and Human Rights in Anglo-Iranian Relations (1968-1979)
    British Dilemmas: Arms Sales and Human Rights in Anglo-Iranian Relations (1968-1979) Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy At the University of Leicester By Okhan Erciyas Department of Politics and International Relations University of Leicester December 2019 British Dilemmas: Arms Sales and Human Rights in Anglo- Iranian Relations (1968-1979) Okhan Erciyas Abstract This thesis examines the impact of the arms trade and human rights on British perceptions of and foreign policy towards Iran (1968-1979). This thesis aims to further understanding of Britain’s commercial interests in Iran and how this affected the UK’s response to developments leading to the fall of Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi in 1979. By critically analysing archival documents, the thesis explains how inter-departmental perceptions of Iran varied. After presenting the historical background and methodological considerations in the Introduction, Chapter One discusses the UK’s dilemma with regard to promoting British defence sales and contributing to Iran’s foreign indebtedness by analysing the views of both the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and the Ministry of Defence (MoD). The chapter also highlights British views on the Shah’s personality and the lack of planning in Iranian arms procurement. Chapter Two explores Britain’s efforts to keep its share in the Iranian arms market. It also discusses the UK’s dilemma in terms of balancing arms sales with public criticism of Iran’s poor human rights record. Chapter Three looks at Iranian discontent with the Shah’s regime. The chapter shows how Iran’s response to demands for political freedom caused a dilemma for the FCO authorities.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File (Pdf; 3Mb)
    Volume 15 - Number 2 February – March 2019 £4 TTHISHIS ISSUEISSUE: IIRANIANRANIAN CINEMACINEMA ● IIndianndian camera,camera, IranianIranian heartheart ● TThehe lliteraryiterary aandnd dramaticdramatic rootsroots ofof thethe IranianIranian NewNew WaveWave ● DDystopicystopic TTehranehran inin ‘Film‘Film Farsi’Farsi’ popularpopular ccinemainema ● PParvizarviz SSayyad:ayyad: socio-politicalsocio-political commentatorcommentator dresseddressed asas villagevillage foolfool ● TThehe nnoiroir worldworld ooff MMasudasud KKimiaiimiai ● TThehe rresurgenceesurgence ofof IranianIranian ‘Sacred‘Sacred Defence’Defence’ CinemaCinema ● AAsgharsghar Farhadi’sFarhadi’s ccinemainema ● NNewew diasporicdiasporic visionsvisions ofof IranIran ● PPLUSLUS RReviewseviews andand eventsevents inin LondonLondon Volume 15 - Number 2 February – March 2019 £4 TTHISHIS IISSUESSUE: IIRANIANRANIAN CCINEMAINEMA ● IIndianndian ccamera,amera, IIranianranian heartheart ● TThehe lliteraryiterary aandnd ddramaticramatic rootsroots ooff thethe IIranianranian NNewew WWaveave ● DDystopicystopic TTehranehran iinn ‘Film-Farsi’‘Film-Farsi’ ppopularopular ccinemainema ● PParvizarviz SSayyad:ayyad: ssocio-politicalocio-political commentatorcommentator dresseddressed aass vvillageillage ffoolool ● TThehe nnoiroir wworldorld ooff MMasudasud KKimiaiimiai ● TThehe rresurgenceesurgence ooff IIranianranian ‘Sacred‘Sacred DDefence’efence’ CinemaCinema ● AAsgharsghar FFarhadi’sarhadi’s ccinemainema ● NNewew ddiasporiciasporic visionsvisions ooff IIranran ● PPLUSLUS RReviewseviews aandnd eeventsvents
    [Show full text]
  • Mustafa Kemal Paşa Tarafından Ali Fuad Paşaya Gönderilen Bazı Telgraf, Tebliğ Ve Yazışmalar-(I)*
    Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılâp Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi S 33-34, Mayıs-Kasım 2004, s. 217-240 Mustafa Kemal Paşa Tarafından Ali Fuad Paşaya Gönderilen Bazı Telgraf, Tebliğ ve Yazışmalar-(I)* Mustafa TOK ER" Mondros Mütarekesi (30 Ekim 1918) imzalandıktan sonra İtilaf devletlerinin Mütarekenin 7. maddesi doğrultusunda Türk topraklarını işgale başlaması üzerine ülkede bölgesel direniş hareketleri başlamıştır. Önceleri bölgesel nitelik taşıyan direniş, Mustafa Kemal'in Anadolu'ya geçmesi ile örgütlü hale getirilmiş ve ulusal bir mücadeleye dönüşmüştür. Mustafa Kemal, Samsun'a çıkmadan önce Makedonya'dan başlayarak birlikte hareket ettikleri subaylardan oluşan çekirdek kadro ile (Rauf (Orbay), Ali Fethi (Okyar), Kazım Karabekir, Ali Fuat (Cebesoy), İsmet (İnönü)) devletin içinde bulunduğu durumdan kurtulması konusunda görüşmeler yapmış ve son çözüm olarak Anadolu'ya geçilmesi gerektiğine karar vermiştir. Mustafa Kemal Anadolu'ya geçtikten sonra en büyük desteği Erzurum'da 15. Kolordu Komutanı Kazım Karabekir ve Ankara'daki 20. Kolordu Komutanı Ali Fuat Paşadan almıştır. Mustafa Kemal'in Anadolu'daki faaliyetlerini aydınlatması açısından, her iki kolordu komutanı ile yapılan görüşmeler son derece önemlidir. Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Arşivinde bulunan ve Ali Fuat Cebesoy'a ait koleksiyon içerisinde yer alan Mustafa Kemal Paşaya ait bazı telgraf, tebliğ ve yazışmaları içeren belgeler de aynı döneme ait önemli bilgileri içermektedir. Bu koleksiyonda bulunan belgelerin bir kısmı bu çalışmada yer almaktadır. Çalışmada yer alan belgeler genel olarak: Kongre murahhaslarının yola çıkması; Mustafa Kemal'in milli bağımsızlık için tüm mevcudiyetiyle çalışacağına dair söz vermesi; Rumeli'ye ait şifrelerin Dersaadet'te kontrol edildiğinden şüphelenildiği; Erzurum'da Kazım Karabekir ile yapılan görüşme sonucunda dahili vaziyetin iyi olduğu; Bolşeviklik ve Kafkasya ile ilgili bilgiler; Kongrede Mustafa Kemal Paşa tarafından Ali Fuad Paşa'ya gönderilen telgraf, tebliğ ve yazışmaların ikinci bölümü derginin izleyen sayısında yayımlanacaktır.
    [Show full text]
  • Reading References the Eu & the Persian Gulf
    Council of the European Union General Secretariat READING REFERENCES 2020 Council Library THE EU & THE PERSIAN GULF Council of the European Union © Picture: Middle East with Countries - Single Color by FreeVectorMaps.com Rue de la Loi/Wetstraat 175 - B-1048 Bruxelles/Brussel - Belgique/België Tel. +32 (0)2 281 65 25 Follow us http://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/library-blog/ - #EUCOlibrary 1/71 Introduction The Persian Gulf has long been a hotspot of geopolitical interest. This year alone has seen sustained media interest in events in the Persian Gulf, including protests, the Iran plane crash and ongoing diplomatic conflicts. To comprehend this vibrant geographical area and its politics, one must gain insight into the region's history, the construction and interconnectedness of its different societies and cultures, the role of religion and the political bodies that exist in the Gulf. As such, the Council Library has compiled this reading list relating to the Persian Gulf. This extensive list has been created both for people who are new to the complex geopolitics of the Persian Gulf, and for those already familiar with the region and its geopolitics. It consists of various books and e-books, articles, podcast episodes, videos and think tank publications, varying from two-minutes' reading, listening or viewing time to more immersive material that can be accessed via the Council Library's online catalogue, Eureka. Resources selected by the Council Libraries Please note: This bibliography is not exhaustive; it provides a selection of resources made by the Council Library. Most of the titles are hyperlinked to Eureka, the resource discovery service of the Council Library, where you can find additional materials on the subject.
    [Show full text]
  • Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
    Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory.
    [Show full text]
  • 0714685003.Pdf
    CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics.
    [Show full text]
  • East of Suez and the Commonwealth 1964–1971 (In Three Parts, 2004)
    00-Suez-Blurb-pp 21/9/04 11:32 AM Page 1 British Documents on the End of Empire Project Volumes Published and Forthcoming Series A General Volumes Series B Country Volumes Vol 1 Imperial Policy and Vol 1 Ghana (in two parts, 1992) Colonial Practice Vol 2 Sri Lanka (in two parts, 1997) 1925–1945 (in two parts, 1996) Vol 3 Malaya (in three parts, 1995) Vol 2 The Labour Government and Vol 4 Egypt and the Defence of the the End of Empire 1945–1951 Middle East (in three parts, 1998) (in four parts, 1992) Vol 5 Sudan (in two parts, 1998) Vol 3 The Conservative Government Vol 6 The West Indies (in one part, and the End of Empire 1999) 1951–1957 (in three parts, 1994) Vol 7 Nigeria (in two parts, 2001) Vol 4 The Conservative Government Vol 8 Malaysia (in one part, 2004) and the End of Empire 1957–1964 (in two parts, 2000) Vol 5 East of Suez and the Commonwealth 1964–1971 (in three parts, 2004) ● Series A is complete. Further country volumes in series B are in preparation on Kenya, Central Africa, Southern Africa, the Pacific (Fiji), and the Mediterranean (Cyprus and Malta). The Volume Editors S R ASHTON is Senior Research Fellow and General Editor of the British Documents on the End of Empire Project, Institute of Commonwealth Studies, University of London. With S E Stockwell he edited Imperial Policy and Colonial Practice 1925–1945 (BDEEP, 1996), and with David Killingray The West Indies (BDEEP, 1999). Wm ROGER LOUIS is Kerr Professor of English History and Culture and Distinguished Teaching Professor, University of Texas at Austin, USA, and an Honorary Fellow of St Antony’s, Oxford.
    [Show full text]
  • Dire Straits for Commercial Shipping Understanding Insurance Coverage in Potential Choke Points
    INSIGHTS NOVEMBER 2018 Dire straits for commercial shipping Understanding insurance coverage in potential choke points Concerns with the Bab el-Mandeb Strait and the Strait of Hormuz The Bab el-Mandeb Strait (or “Gate of Tears”) is at the southern entrance to the Red Sea. This narrow waterway must be navigated by all commercial vessels trading between Europe and Asia in order to avoid the far longer, time-consuming, and thus more costly routes around southern Africa or through the Panama Canal. Perim Island is situated close to the Yemeni side of the strait, which means that most international shipping, both north and southbound, keeps to designated shipping lanes to the west, or Djibouti With over 90% of international trade being carried by sea, side, of this island. The water there is much the safety of commercial maritime shipping is essential deeper, but the channel is only about 16 miles (25 kilometers) wide at its to the global economy. Much of the world’s trade travels narrowest point. However, the entire along maritime highways between Asia, Europe, and North strait is easily within range of land-based America. Most of these routes are sailed through wide missiles and of small, attacking boats. open waters, but there are a few places where narrows, Although complete closure of the strait is straits, or other restricting features must be navigated. considered unlikely, threats on commercial vessels using it may be enough to quickly produce far-reaching economic effects that could have serious implications for Should safe navigation through these vital waters become continued insurance cover.
    [Show full text]
  • The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies
    1 The Revolutions of 1989 and Their Legacies Vladimir Tismaneanu The revolutions of 1989 were, no matter how one judges their nature, a true world-historical event, in the Hegelian sense: they established a historical cleavage (only to some extent conventional) between the world before and after 89. During that year, what appeared to be an immutable, ostensibly indestructible system collapsed with breath-taking alacrity. And this happened not because of external blows (although external pressure did matter), as in the case of Nazi Germany, but as a consequence of the development of insuperable inner tensions. The Leninist systems were terminally sick, and the disease affected first and foremost their capacity for self-regeneration. After decades of toying with the ideas of intrasystemic reforms (“institutional amphibiousness”, as it were, to use X. L. Ding’s concept, as developed by Archie Brown in his writings on Gorbachev and Gorbachevism), it had become clear that communism did not have the resources for readjustment and that the solution lay not within but outside, and even against, the existing order.1 The importance of these revolutions cannot therefore be overestimated: they represent the triumph of civic dignity and political morality over ideological monism, bureaucratic cynicism and police dictatorship.2 Rooted in an individualistic concept of freedom, programmatically skeptical of all ideological blueprints for social engineering, these revolutions were, at least in their first stage, liberal and non-utopian.3 The fact that 1 See Archie Brown, Seven Years that Changed the World: Perestroika in Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp. 157-189. In this paper I elaborate upon and revisit the main ideas I put them forward in my introduction to Vladimir Tismaneanu, ed., The Revolutions of 1989 (London and New York: Routledge, 1999) as well as in my book Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992; revised and expanded paperback, with new afterword, Free Press, 1993).
    [Show full text]
  • BR IFIC N° 2683 Index/Indice
    BR IFIC N° 2683 Index/Indice International Frequency Information Circular (Terrestrial Services) ITU - Radiocommunication Bureau Circular Internacional de Información sobre Frecuencias (Servicios Terrenales) UIT - Oficina de Radiocomunicaciones Circulaire Internationale d'Information sur les Fréquences (Services de Terre) UIT - Bureau des Radiocommunications Part 1 / Partie 1 / Parte 1 Date/Fecha 30.11.2010 Description of Columns Description des colonnes Descripción de columnas No. Sequential number Numéro séquenciel Número sequencial BR Id. BR identification number Numéro d'identification du BR Número de identificación de la BR Adm Notifying Administration Administration notificatrice Administración notificante 1A [MHz] Assigned frequency [MHz] Fréquence assignée [MHz] Frecuencia asignada [MHz] Name of the location of Nom de l'emplacement de Nombre del emplazamiento de 4A/5A transmitting / receiving station la station d'émission / réception estación transmisora / receptora 4B/5B Geographical area Zone géographique Zona geográfica 4C/5C Geographical coordinates Coordonnées géographiques Coordenadas geográficas 6A Class of station Classe de station Clase de estación Purpose of the notification: Objet de la notification: Propósito de la notificación: Intent ADD-addition MOD-modify ADD-ajouter MOD-modifier ADD-añadir MOD-modificar SUP-suppress W/D-withdraw SUP-supprimer W/D-retirer SUP-suprimir W/D-retirar No. BR Id Adm 1A [MHz] 4A/5A 4B/5B 4C/5C 6A Part Intent 1 110106403 ARG 7470.0000 VILLA PARANACITO ARG 58W40'03'' 33S42'52'' FX 1 ADD
    [Show full text]
  • M. Kemal Atatürk's Homesickness for Thessaloniki, His City of Birth
    ISSN 1712-8358[Print] Cross-Cultural Communication ISSN 1923-6700[Online] Vol. 12, No. 9, 2016, pp. 1-9 www.cscanada.net DOI:10.3968/8785 www.cscanada.org M. Kemal Atatürk’s Homesickness for Thessaloniki, His City of Birth Sinan Çaya[a],* [a]Ph.D., Boğaziçi University, Institute of Environmental Sciences, always been prone to hero-worshipping ever since the era Istanbul, Turkey. of successive glorious sultans) invariably consider him *Corresponding author. supra-human! Received 14 June 2016; accepted 19 August 2016 [At the end of the First World War, The Mudros] Published online 26 September 2016 armistice obligated the Ottoman military to demobilize its combat units quickly, the actual demobilization Abstract proceeded slowly and came to a full stop with the start of As Atatürk, the founder of Modern Turkey, grew older; a new war—this time to save what was remained of the he more and more missed his home-city Salonika and its empire in 1919-1921—against Greek, French, Italian, and surroundings. The loss of his home-city during the Balkan Armenian forces. Wars further aggravated his passionate nostalgia. Some of A new generation of combat-tested battlefield his behavior patterns as narrated in history, reveal us his commanders, under the supreme leadership of Mustafa homesickness openly. On various occasions; the meals, Kemal Pasha, found a willing audience within the ranks the accent, and the entire culture of his region with its of the postwar Ottoman military. Most of the surviving songs and ballads; always moved the spirit in him, deeply. Ottoman officers (including reserves and retirees), as well Despite his deliberate emphasis of his logic most of the as the conscripts, were drawn to the nationalist cause (Uyar time, in reality, he was a man full of tender feelings.
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluation of the Social Reasons for Defeating Political Parties in Iran Between the Years of 1942-1954
    EVALUATION OF THE SOCIAL REASONS FOR DEFEATING POLITICAL PARTIES IN IRAN BETWEEN THE YEARS OF 1942-1954 ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Mottov of $t|iIos;opIip IN SOCIOLOGY BY Naser Haghi Ghareh Darvishlou UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF Dr. Mohammad Akram DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL WORK ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (IIMOIA) 2012 -S5LM9 Political parties appeared on the scene when actions of an erstwhile political system attained a point of complexity that needed the introduction of a new political setup. Usually, political parties emerge when different classes of society become aware of their own interests, and the people of a country want the right to take part in political issues. The nineteenth century was an important phase in Iranian history, wherein political, social and economic corruption were the most obvious problem that Iranians faced. Tremendous increases of such problems have been the reason for the occurrence of all revolutions and reforms in Iran. With the allied occupation of Iran and the exile of Reza Shah, social chaos increased in the 1940s. Also, as a resuU of the Second World War, and because of the lack of a steady government, the country was led to anarchy. This problem offended Iranians more when they became aware of the degree and speed of development in the western countries. When Iranian intellectuals came into direct contact with western countries, they tried to regenerate the political structure of their own country to bring about political stability. After Reza Shah, especially between 1942 and 1954, there came a unique historical opportimity for Iranian elites to form a democratic political structure, whereas during the reign of Reza Shah, political parties and other active groups had been inactive.
    [Show full text]