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Issn-2348-9596

Issn-2348-9596

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596

Edited by Dr. Anjan

Cinnamara College Publication

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596

The Mirror Vol-II : A Bilingual Annual Journal of Department of History, Cinnamara College in collaboration with State Archive, , edited by Dr. Anjan Saikia, Principal, Cinnamara College, published by Cinnamara College Publication, Kavyakshetra, Cinnamara, -8 (Assam). International Advisor Dr. Olivier Chiron Bordeaux III University, France Chief Advisor Dr. Arun Bandopadhyay Nurul Hassan Professor of History University of Calcutta, West Advisors Prof. Ananda Saikia Indrajit Kumar Founder Principal President, Governing Body Cinnamara College Cinnamara College Dr. Om Prakash Dr. Girish Baruah School of Policy Sciences Ex-Professor, DKD College National Law University, Jodhpur Dergaon, Assam Dr. Daljit Singh Dr. Yogambar Singh Farswan Department of Historical Deparment of History & Archaeology Studies Punjabi University, Patiala H.N. Bahuguna Garhwal University Dr. Ramchandra Prasad Dr. Vasudev Badiger Associate Professor, Satyawati Professor, and Department of studies College University of in Ancient History & Archaeology Dr. Rupam Saikia, Director University, College Development Council Dr. Rup Kumar Barman University Professor, Department of History Dr. K. Mavali Rajan Jadavpur University, Department of Ancient Indian Dr. Suresh Chand History Culture & Archeology Special Officer & Deputy Registrar Santiniketan copyrights, In-charge-ISBN Agency Dr. Rahul Raj Ministry of Human Resource Development Department of Ancient Indian Government of , New Delhi History Culture & Archaeology Dr. Devendra Kumar Singh Banaras Hindu University Department of History Dr. Uma Shanker Singh Indira Gandhi Tribal University Department of History Dyal Singh College Dr. Dharmeswar Sonowal University of Delhi, Delhi Director, State Archive, Assam Dr. Vinay Shrivastava Dr. N.V. Aski Department of History Principal Chhatrasal Govt. P.G. College Govt. First Grade College Panna, Madhya Pradesh Karnataka Radhey Shyam Dr. Malsawmliana Deputy Librarian Department of History Nehru Memorial & Museum Govt. T. Romana College Library, New Delhi

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Dr. Bhupendra Nath Binay Barman Associate Professor Departmentof History Department of Geography Saldhia College, West Bengal , Assam Editor Dr. Anjan Saikia Principal, Cinnamara College Associate Editors Rumi Saikia Assistant Professor Bhupen Borah Assistant Professor Department of History Department of History Cinnamara College Cinnamara College Madhavi Kutum Assistant Professor Bhrigumoni Nath Assistant Professor Department of History Department of History Cinnamara College Cinnamara College Editorial Members Rana Neog Associate Professor Dr. Sonaram Associate Professor Department of History Department of History S.M.D. College, Charing, Assam O.P.D. College, Lakhimpur, Assam Dr. Soumitra Pujari Tufel Zillani, Assistant Professor Assistant Professor Department of English, Kakojan College Jorhat College Basanta Kr. Borah Kashmir Dhankhar Assistant Professor Jawahalal Nehru University Department of History New Delhi Mariani College Madhujya Mili Deepshikha Dutta Assistant Professor Assistant Professor Mariani College Cinnamara College Dr. Bornali Borthakur Dr. Plabita Bordoloi Assistant Professor Assistant Professor Cinnamara College Cinnamara College Dipanjali Borah Simanta Borah Assistant Professor Assistant Professor Cinnamara College Cinnamara College Cover Design & Plan Dr. Anjan Saikia Principal, Cinnamara College Jabalik Khaund Managing Director Assam Institute of Design, Jorhat Name of the Publisher Cinnamara College Publication Nature of Publication Annual (October-) Copyright Reserve to Cinnamara College Publication Cinnamara, Jorhat-785008, Assam (India) Subscription Rates Annual (Individual)- Rs.200 /- (Institutional & Library)-Rs.300/- e.mail [email protected] N.B. The views expressed here are those of the authors and do not reflect the views of the Editor or Publisher.

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CONTENTS Page No From the Editor‟s Quill 7

The Physical and Human Environment Olivier Chiron 9 of State within the Geographical area of Eastern Himalayan

Anandaram and Maniram: Rajen Saikia 16 A brief Comparative Study

Advent and Spread of the Thai People in Assam Mahammad Taher 21

Sons of the Soil: Assamiya- of the Himadri Banarjee 24

The Travails and Triumphs of the Beautiful Rose: Story of an actress of the Bengali public theatre Sarvani Gooptu 30

Maharaja Ranjit Singh on the Canvas of History Daljit Singh 36

A Study on Tribal Coins of Northern India Devendra Kumar Singh 41

Gender Disparities in North-West States of India Manisha Amanpreet kaur 48

Culture of Difference in Ethnic Identity: Rup Kumar Barman 56 A new Look on the transition of Caste identity into Cultural identity of the Rajbanshis of Northern Bengal and

Constitutionalism and Political Stalemate in Om Prakash 70 British India after Quit India Movement

Protective discrimination, social skills and gender justice Rupam Saikia 78 A critical evaluation from Socio-legal Perspective

Effects of Induced Feeding on Trace Element Profile and Yagambar Singh Isotopic Ratios of Carbon in Himalayan Domestic Goat Farswan 85 (Capra jharal) Jabir Singh Pharswan

Gandhian Revolution in Assam 1920-1922 Nirmal Kumar 92

Some Notes on Agrestic Servitude in South India K. Mavali Rajan 95

Places of Historical Importance in the Punjab: Gagandeep Cheema 101 A case study of Hoshiarpur District

History, Culture, Philosophy and relevance Kumar Rakesh 107 of the aboriginal Paharia tribes of Santhal in Jharkhand A Historical review

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Kalamukaha and Pasupata Sects in Karmataka: N. V. Aski 110 With special reference to Vijayapur District

Launching the Individual Satyagraha: A Prelude Uma Shankar Singh 115 to the Quit India Movement

Sulh-kul Ramchandra Prasad 122 Yadav

The Trade and Revenue Pattern of Central Vinay Shrivastava 128 India in Colonial Period With Special Reference to Opium

Who are Sonowals and a brief flash of Dharmeswar Sonowal 134 light of their Cultures

Social Reformation by the Sultans of Asha Shrivastava 140 Malwa with Special reference to Malwa The Demand of the Mizo: From Hill State to Malsawmliana 144 Independence (Political background of Mizo Independence movement)

History and development of indigenous Sona Ram Kalita 151 industry in Assam: Promotion and entrepreneurship in

Abbas Uddin Ahmed: The Legendary Amzad Hussain 156 King of

A Study of Sansi Tribe in Punjab (1871-1952) Sukhveer Kaur 164

The Right of Way: A Landmark Legal Avinibesh Sharma 170 Case of

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From the Editor’s Quill

Tribute to historian, Professor Amalendu Guha and Geographer, Professor Mahammad Taher

History and Geography bear a very close relationship to each other. Geography is the stage on which the drama of history is enacted. Geography is one of the eyes of the beautiful maiden, history, the other eye being chronology. Michelet, one of the outstanding scholars, is of the opinion that, „without a geographical basis, the people, the makers of history, seek to be walking on air.” In the light of this perspective, our state Assam has recently lost two stalwart scholars in the context of history and geography. One is Professor Amalendu Guha(1924-2015) and other is Professor Mahammad Taher(1931-2015). Needless to say, Professor Guha was an eminent historian who has written on topics ranging from Medieval Assam to the 20th century and from the saga of the early Parsi capitalists to the tribal and non-tribal unrest in post-colonial North-East India. He was trained in Economics and was a historian inclined towards Marxism.Guha obtained Ph.D. in 1963 from Indian School of International Studies, New Delhi. He was associated as a teacher and researcher at Darrang College, , the Gokhle Institute of Politics and Economics, Pune and the Delhi School of Economics. He was the Professor of history at the Centre for Studies and in Social Science, Calcutta(). He was able to be the member of Indian Council of Social Science Research and Indian Council of historical Research. In addition to, Professor Guha presided over the annual history session of the Assam Sahitya Sabha at in 1978, North-East India history Association in 1981 and modern history section of Burdwan session of the Indian History congress in 1983. Among the ever scholarly writings,Guha‟s ‘Planter-Raj to Swaraj :Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam(1826-1947) is a pioneering work of its own kind. The book goes beyond the limits of its title to probe deep into details not only of the polity but also the economy and society of colonial Assam and, while doing so, integrates the story at every step with its over-all all India context. In his foreword about this book, the eminent Indian historian and the then Chairman of the ICHR, Professor R.S. Sharma wrote in such a way, “Professor Guha has not only presented a detailed account of the evolution of the provincial legislature of Assam in the context of general political developments in the province, but has also provided valuable background for an understanding of the colonial socio-economic structure. He has discussed the politics of anti-imperialism both in the legislature and outside it, and marked a shift within the national movement in economic objectives and political ideas, particularly in the context of peasants and the labours. Thus, the book, which is based on massive research, may be read as an authentic record of the role of Assam in the development of the Indian National Movement, with a focus not restricted only to the leading party in the national movement, but also embracing other trends and elements, all of which together struggled in their own ways for liberation from colonialism.” In fact, this book is a master piece for the historical research in the context of modern socio-economic . Likewise, Professor Mahammad Taher was one the doyens of Geographical research in Assam and North-East 7

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India. He was the ex-Professor of the department of Geography at , author of several outstanding geographical books and supervised a learned section of geographers of the region in research and devoted teacher par excellence. It is true that these two stalwart scholars were the windows in context of basic and authentic research through which new winds of knowledge and research breezed into. They were able to establish the edifice of the true intellectual infrastructure and leadership through dynamics research in their field of study. According to them, research should not be a degree for getting lucrative job only; rather it should be a very serious academic morality, honesty and social values for which the society can be benefited. So far, according to them in many cases at present among a section of young researchers, it seems, research wisdom is yet to be emerged. However, this issue is dedicated in honour of these two stalwart scholars of the region. Although we have lost of these two scholars from biological point of view, but their ever scholarly writings and contribution to the development of original research will be an inspiration to the serious and young researchers in the days to come.

It is our second and humble approach to publish this volume of Journal of history department of our College located in the remote corner of the country. Our mission to publish this Journal is not just to gather API point, but rather, we are emphasizing and trying our level best to popularize the strong root of history, historiography, social science and to establish the link in academic and true research reciprocity among our Colleges, interested and learned section of the country and beyond. In fact, the death of history is the death of man not in physical terms, but in terms of his identity and roots. Besides, we feel that the completion of this volume, in a way, is redemption of our pledge to the subject of history. In this context, special expression of our gratefulness goes to our founder Principal, Sjt. Ananda Saikia, who is also a devoted scholar in the field of historical research and Sjt. Durlav Chandra Mahanta Sir, founder President, Governing body of our College. Their inspiration and guidance, in fact, sustained us in our Journal. We would forever remain grateful to all the contributors of the research papers and learned Advisory Board. Finally, we offer our sincere thanks to Mr. Parash Gogoi, Printing Centre, Jorhat for taking up the task of computerization with much care and patience.

Expecting healthy criticism and encouragement from the learned section, With esteem regards,

Department of History (Dr.Anjan Saikia) Cinnamara College, Editor Cinnamara, Jorhat-8(Assam)

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The Physical and Human Environment of Sikkim State within the Geographical area of Eastern Himalayan

Dr. Olivier Chiron Bordeaux III University, France

1.1. Sikkim localization Sikkim is located in the eastern part The alluvial lands along the Brahm- of the Himalayan arc between 26° 30 and 28° aputra River (over 1,000 kilometers long in north latitude and between 87 ° and 97° 30 its Assamese path) are among the richest in longitude, it is up to the North East of India the (like in Assam), someti- bordering China and Burma. mes flooded dewatered sometimes and cause This part of the Himalayas is problems for cultures and people who try to including eastern and the Kingdom of manage somehow the natural risk (Crémin, , the Indian state of Sikkim (between 2014). Multiple passes of the Himalayas and 88° 00 '58' '/ 88° 55'25' '28° 07'48' '/ 27° indo-burmese hills have always facilitated 4'46'44) and Assam and . the access to the region to many ethnic grou- It borders the south with the region of hills ps, which explains the great cultural diversity forming the Duars of Bengal. The natural that prevails here. Thus, we can consider the boundary of this set can be bounded by the Indian region as a microcosm of India. The River Arun in Nepal, which marks a rolling hills of North East Himalayas was a biogeographic limit, the transition to the refuge for the Garo tribal, the Khasi in West to less humid bioclimatic conditions, , Lepcha, Limbu, Bhotya (in with less flora biodiversity than Sikkim. Sikkim), Naga (, ) and am- The lack of information on this part of ong others, Adi, Monpa, Bangri in Aruna- the Himalayas, due to the relatively small chal Pradesh. It's a melting-pot, but also a number of studies conducted here (despite physical set of intersections hills, mountains the studies of linguists, architects and and rivers meet as this region of Assam. historians in Bhutan and anthropologists or Aijazudin Ahmad (1999, p. 118) considers geographers in Sikkim) in these remote and this region as a perennial nuclear area", it difficult areas of acess, prompted us to consists of a valley with a large river expand our geographic scope briefly and we connected to other areas by roads. Indeed, the are presenting this area before a description Brahmaputra and its tributaries organize the of the place of Sikkim state in Eastern river system and more. Himalayas and of the study area localized in Indeed, rivers, hills, and rivers come the western part of Sikkim (Figure no. 1). together to the ends of Bengal, near the chicken neck, the place between and Siliguri along the bordering state of , the physical geography calls for Figure1: Sikkim, an Indian state a geography of corridors. The North East in Eastern region of India belonging to the Eastern Himalayas. Himalayan arc is a crossroads ethnocultural Source: meetingpoint where the Nepalese are Olivier Chiron widespread, and where, there is a fragmenta- at Géographie et Cultures (2002) tion in the mountain ranges of small socio- linguistic units that have stood the Hindu assimilation more widespread in the Brahma- 9

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 putra and gangetic plain with high density of cloud bars begin to concentrate, and the rain population. falls continuously throughout the day or even 1.2. Diverse backgrounds several days long. Winds can blow so hard at A monsoon climate this time of the year that in altitude it is The Himalayas are a barrier that difficult to move. Heat exists but it is never protects from cold winds down from the very tenacious over 1500 meters; in the Tibetan plateau to the north against the flow altitudes below it can get very hot, near the back coming from the southeast, originally ricefields, in the lowlands where nepalese from the Bay of Bengal which falls across communities along Tista river (35° in the southern flank of the chain, the rainfall summer and 16° in winter) are settled. Mon- intensity is here considerable (Chiron, 2007, soon rains account for 70% of total rainfalls, p. 23). For this reason, Cherrapunji in Meg- the remainder rains are convective's rains and halaya receives over 11,000 mm of water per due to temperature differences between the year. lower parts and the upper parts of the slopes. Indeed, this part of the Himalayas is The monsoon is due to extreme pressure very watered because the monsoon ranging gradients created by the large mass of land here from early June to late September and mass of the Asian continent. In summer brings its southwest winds coming from the (from April to September), the intense hea- Bay of Bengal, an air that condenses with the ting of the land leads to the development of contact of mountain barrier, causing heavy low pressure northernwe-stern India south- precipitation (between 1500 and 3000 mm westerly winds are drawn over the Indian per year.). In Sikkim, the monsoon extends Ocean. This southern monsoon brings heavy sometimes to mid October. The maximum rains to India and the relief catches the (see the Figure n°2) is recorded in Kerpo- rainfalls, this is an orographic effect (1992, p. rang (3600 mm./year), Gangtok (3493 143). Le gradient pluviométrique est aggravé mm/year) and Dickchu (3245 mm/year), the par l'effet de position des reliefs par rapport less (Figure n°2) is recorded in Thangu (at aux flux humide (Dobremez, 2002, p. 72). the entrance of the Chopta valley) in the Overall, Sikkim has three types of northern Sikkim (821 mm/year). The climates (Figure n°2), which have to be orographic effect maintains the moisture classified with the vegetation zones and wheather with bringing spring storms with corresponds to these zones: winds. Moist subtropical wheather below The relief amplifies the monsoon 1500 m corresponds to the tropical area. because it forms a wall against which the He falls on average between 1500 flows come Southwest winds from the Bay of mm and 3000 mm / year of rain and south- Bengal and worn originally by marine winds. facing slopes are the most watered. The "The rainfalls that occur release a large southern sikkimese resort of Namchi (South amount of latent heat. A mechanism that Sikkim) facing north (1800 m.) receives only amplifies the monsoon in this region "(F. 1500 mm./year lower than (1200 m.) facing Fluteau, 2002). south-west receiving more than double In Sikkim, during the last years, the precipitation (3200 mm. /year). Average monsoon tends to spread from mid-July to temperatures are high in summer (35° C.) late October (Chiron, 2002, 2007, pp. 22-23). and cool in winter (6° C). The Gangtok A difference is noted in the time; the region is the wettest (peak at Kerporang with monsoon starts later and ends later. Almost over 3000 mm rainfall / year. Figure n°2) of every day the cloudscoming from the plain is Sikkim. The average annual temperature in gradually settle in towards the north and Sikkim state is 18 °C. climb along the himalayan slopes. Thick 10

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One type semi-temperate lies between mica, schist). The inner belt, composed of 1500 meters and 2000 meters which is the sediments (limestone) belongs to the pre- so-called temperate vegetation zone. Cambrian group Daling and Darjeeling. Monsoon rains are abundant. The Mobile geologically, these belts give rise to mild temperatures in summer (26° C.) and hot springs such as Tato Pani (N.) at winter (8°C.) is less obvious than in the Kandosamphuk, the southern cave of West humid subtropical type. Sikkim localized on the road between The type temperate between 2000 Legship to Rinchenpong. The Indian tect- metersand 3000 meters which is so-called onics's plate causes major earthquake the 18 temperate vegetation zone. September 2011 in Sikkim an earthquake 6.9 The temperatures are never very high magnitude caused 78 deaths in the state. The (0° C. in winter and 15 ° C. in summer). topography is not conducive to the expansion Monsoon rains account for 70% of total of cultivated areas, but the terraces of the rainfall, the remainder rains is convective system is widely used by farmers for rains due to temperature differences between Sikkimese somewhat stabilize soils. The play the lower parts and the upper parts of the of tectonics plates along faults produces hot slopes. springs in all the districts of Sikkim. You can A final type of climate is cold and dry see, below Legship, lower than Pelling city, climate of the high mountains lying above downstream in relation to our field of study, 4000 m and corresponding to the alpine zone this juxtaposition of terraced areas of rugged where temperatures are very cold in winter. topography with faults. That portion of the The temperatures are always below 0° more asphalt road is more chaotic and most C in winter and rarely above 8 °C during this exposed to landslides. The accidents are also season. Snow is common and some lakes and due to high seismicity and micro-seism rivers are frozen. (paÏros in Nepali). Sikkim is close to a very high seismic zone located in the southeast of Nepal (recent earthquake the 25 April 2015 in Nepal was 7.9 magnitudes along this zone of subduction between the Asian tectonic plate and Indian tectonic plate where the oceanic crust gradually carried down into the mantle producing major earthquake like this sad 25 April in Nepal. The promeminent tectonic features in Sikkim are northwest- north Gangtok-Tista lineaments (Hazrika, Prasad et al. pp. 788-792.). The September 2011 earthquake, of an intensity of 6.8/6.9 with a epicenter localized 68 km to the North West of the capital Gangtok, ravaged the North Sikkim area mainly. 1.2.2. Geology and soil instability Four destabilizing factors are Figure2: Distribution of rainfall in Sikkim observed: the monsoon, the steep slopes, the Source: from field-ground and GB seismicity and the fragile nature of the terrain Himalayan Institute (Gangtok) made with debris of alterites, gneiss and The geological basement of Sikkim is schist stones. These elements leached soils composed of metamorphic rocks (dolomite, occur unstable and fragmented into different marble) and crystalline (granite, quartzite, soil's horizons, but the eroded and unstable 11

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 soils are poorly developed. Building roads in The hot and humid climate favors the areas where seismic activity is present and development of vegetation and tropical where the slopes's biostasie (the biostasie of species the slopes) is reduced by the absence of Forests and a national park, the dense vegetation and shallow soils, upsets the "Kangchendzonga National Park" puts away balance, favoring the same time maintaining the few species that inhabit Sikkim. This the rhexistasie (high mechanical disinteg- shows that biodiversity is protected, but does ration, landslides, impasto of lower part of not explain the entire phenomenon. the slope). Green tourism shows tenuous links There are many gullies and cast between the conservation of natural resources stones caused by heavy monsoon rains and and the Buddhist religion. lack of vegetation cover against. Road Medicinal plants (Swertia chirata, constructions are not sound: many servings Aconitum Heterophylum, Picrorhiza kurroa) are collapsing and are buried by mudslides are well known by the monks and the Lepcha and washouts. After the village of Jorethang tribe. On monasteries's estate, conifer species at the entrance of Sikkim, on the road to are preserved like Juniperus (Juniper tree), Darjeeling, landslides likely due to heavy Abies (fir tree) or Pinus (pine). monsoon rains on steep slopes, force the 1.2.4. Natural environments and popula- Indian army (bulldozers work on the sectir tions most eroded) and the local population to The geographical location of valley road's reparations along long portions of starts to the foots of Kangchendzonga mou- several kilometers. In addition, to the risk of ntain (Ti. Gangs Chen mzdod Inga) has made landslides caused by monsoon rains, the this region a unique biological environment construction of new roads can thus also be in which we cross different ecological zones: dangerous and cause the destabilization of subtropical in the bottom of the valley and the slope. temperate in the highlands alpine zones when To combat these fragile soils, the you meet the yaks's pastures on the trekking's sikkimese agricultors use certain plants such road (Dzongri, 4200 m, Singalila range and amliso (N. Thysanalaena agrestis) because Phalut-Sandakphuk treks). Changes in they absorb a lot of water. Cardamom altitude between the bottom grooves (1000 (Amomum) adapts to the spongy soil m.) and the peaks (3000 m. and higher) moisture because it's a hygrophilous plant. In emphasize the formation of this mosaic of sectors where cardamom grows, workers natural environments. I want here to emp- multiply the exploits so as not to sink into the hasize the formation of this mosaïc of natural ground while working. The rains are the environments that follows the phenomenon cause of this fragility and instability. of layering characteristic of a mountain 1.2.3. A rich flora environment. The wide variety of bioclimates Sikkim has over 6,000 species of promote biodiversity, Sikkim is one of the plants (400 species of orchids and 35 of places in the world with a high concentration rhododendrons) including a section listed on of plant species. One third of its area is the I.U.C.N. (International Union for covered by forest. A wide variety of soils Conservation of Nature) Red List corre- derived from the dominant influence of rains, sponding to endangered species including mainly those of the monsoon. some endemic species. The reasons for this Depending on the climatic influence, biodiversity will be given in detail later in the we can vertically cut in three ecological third part, but we can already state on few zones in a locally stepped system based on criterias. the model described by J.F. Dobremez (1976) or by observing what the geographer 12

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 could see by moving from the side of the the British in this area of the Himalayan motorable road in a vehicle. foothills and searching with the help of the The subtropical zone, corresponding Nepalese mentioned above to move towards to the northern edge of the alluvial plain of inland who came to Darjeeling during the Bengal (Jaipalguri district) and the Duars of XIX century. Assam (Buwa and near in the plain) The temperate zone consists of a high is cut by meandering rivers like Teesta, Torsa dense forest, mosses and lichens covering and the Jadakha. Sandbanks stepped into the oaks (Quercus), rhododendrons (Rhodod- river are common (before the bridge's Sevoke endrums), alders (Alnus nepalensis) and junction) in the Tista river. The well drained hazel (Katus in Nepali language, Casta- wetland corresponds to the presence of tea's nopsis tribuloÏdes). In its upper limit between plantations which starts around 300 meters 2800 and 3600 meters, there are conifers (Siliguri area, Bagdogra-Matagara; Siliguri is (Abies, Picea, Larix, Tsuga, Juniperus) located about 230 m.) and ranges up to 2000 mixed with deciduous forest trees meters (Darjeeling tea region). Here, we find (magnolias, poplars). An important flora a dense and rich forest but sometimes absent develops on the ground: Polygonum, Osbe- over 1500 meters where the tea plantations ckia chinensis, Smilax spp Berberis sp, Im- have replaced (Kurseong region) the former patiens sp, Plantago major, Thunbergia landscape. These slopes where grow a dense coccinea... monsoon forest characterized by long lianas, The slopes of this area notched a significant number of orchids, bamboo beautiful moraines have formed a forest of (Dendrocalamus hamiltonii, Bambusa nutans, bamboo (Arundinaria), mosses, lichens and Dendrocalamus hookeriana) and beautiful other epiphytes. All ethnic groups are forests of Sal (Shorea robusta) in the plain represented, except groups of transhumant and in the duars as well as Schima walichii pastoralists. They grow corn, millet, barley, species accompanied with teak (Tectonia potatoes and planted apple or peach trees. grandis) near the Mahananda wildlife The alpine zone marking the end of sanctuary. In this area at lower altitudes, the the forest zone and the beginning of pasture soils are rich with regular forest with a is between 5000-5500 meters and 3600 pemanent humid monsoon and a space meters (5000 is the lower limit of glaciers in between the teak trees and sal of 2-3 meters. the Himalayas). This zone is composed of This is the area of caste people different varieties of rhododendrons (Rhod- (Indian, Nepalese caste as , Chetri, odendron arboreum most common species Newar) Nepalese untouchable (, Da- found here), fir (Abies webbiana), and pine mai) and many Tibeto-Burman groups (Pinus longifolia) of the temperate zone. Tree (Gurung, Rai, Magar, Limbu, Lepcha, size decreases and here we found mostly Tamang) and in the Duars of Bengal near, we shrubs that are prey to violent winds. The find some tribes like Mahji, Tharu, Rajbon- frost than snow that appears with altitude and gshi, Lepcha, Limbu, Mech, Bodo and the cold is the physical factor limiting the life Murmi. Farmers in these groups cultivate in this mountain area. This is one of the rice, millet, wheat, mustard, potatoes and reasons why the rich flora increases, in fact corn. Fruit trees provide oranges, lemons and there are rare species (Corydalis, Fritillaria) guavas. Cardamoms plants are growing and endemic (Nardostachys jatamensi, under the trees which give (Alnus nepalensis, Picrorhiza kurrooa, Podophyllum hexan- Castanopsis spp Macaranga denticula). They drum) species used in local pharmacopoeia. provide shade and humidity, two conditions The vegetation is disappearing above 4500 essential to the development of cardamom meters. It often follows the ecological chara- plant which was introduced largely through cter of the Tibetan plateau. We find here only 13

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the snow that falls in mid-October, ice and and Kangchendzonga glacier on Nepalese rocks; in winter thick a winter fog impede the side (in the region of the K.C.A., Kangchen- movement of pastoralists (mainly yacks dzonga Conservation Area has a total of 2035 herders). This did not prevent human life Km2 in East Nepal-Taplejung district). The between 3500 meters to 5000 meters, the harsh conditions with cold and frost reduce alpine zone is still the living place of local the number of cultivated varieties: one potato communities of Lachenpa nomadic's herders, grows in altitude (3000 m.) and are growed Lachungpa (in the northern valley of Lachen by Sherpa and Dokpa people. The economy and Lachung- Ingty Tenzing, 2015), Sherpa is based mainly on livestock that provides (for example in upper Rimbi valley at butter, yak, wool and an important aspect, Yampbong village), and some Dokpa (in the currencies through trekking. Further south Chopta valley) Bhotya rearing livestock of (Darjeeling district), the path that starts from yaks (Plate 1/ photo 3) as well as military the crests of Sandakphu-Singalila (3600- troops massed near the border of China with 3800 m.) to Dzongri are inhabited by farmers the indo-tibetan border force. who are setlled with bamboo huts and their These highlands are cut into cirques, livestock, it s' accompanied by the presence arêtes, glacial troughs and morainic deposit of hikers in this area of trekking. on the edges. The sediments fall down into The cows that feed lower leaves of the valleys and contribute to the filling of the forest's trees like Gogun (Saurauria Nepal- lakes. The ongoing glacial, periglacial, ensis), Dudhilo (Ficus nemoralis) and Nevaro glacio-fluvial, fluvial and pluvial activities (Ficus racemosa), are sometimes planted in are continously reshaping the face of this alley along the paths of stone (in the Rimbik young mountain topography (Choudhury, region in Darjeeling district) and are replaced 2006, p. 4). Here, the governement has build from 3000 meters by yak herds (Chiron, a lot of moraine dams. The case of 2007, p. 30). The local community of Sherpa Kaychupalri Lake is a bit special because it is benefit from the biological wealth of forests the clearing of dense forest by farmers by collecting wild fruits in the forest. Note associated with the monsoon rains that create that the "famous yeti" (named in local clogging. Here, there is no dams.The lake is language chokpa) lives around this altitude; it currently undergoing eutrophization and an is the stories of and the excessive growth of aquatic vegetation. The Western climbers expeditions that mainly lake size decreases more than 3 hectares less fueled this history (Baudrimont, p. 39, p. 41; from 1963 until today (Chiron, p. 109). The 2001). vegetation of the lake is shaped by inflow of This accessibility complicated by the organic debris and sediments from upland conditions of the terrain favors the creation forest slopes is considered as higher place for of a myth: the imaginary and heavenly biodiversity conservation with an evergreen kingdom of Shan gri la takes place in those forest (Sharma, et al, p. 2000). very high mountains of Himalayas. Sikkim In this area is the massive Kangch- has always been a strategic gateway to Tibet, endzonga mountain (Wangchuck and Zulca, commercial and military first today. The 2007) exceeding 8000 meters, which is Chumbi valley in Tibet which borders China framed by three glaciers : the impressive (Tibet and Sikkim's road closed during the Zemu glacier (the largest of Sikkim and the Indo-chinese war in 1962, an reopened in longuest of East Himalayas with a total of 2006) and Sikkim (India) is a strategic pass, 116 km2: Wilkipédia and Choudhury, 2006) beyond the Nathu La (4? m.) where Chinese on Sikkimese side which is developed until goods and Indian goods are trade on the Kangchendzonga's mountain, Yalung glacier Kalimpong-Lhasa road (Tina Harris, 2013).

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Bibliography Ahmad Aijazudin. Social geography. JaÏpur : Rawat publications 1999, 454 p. Baudrimont, Louis Frédéric. Le yéti démystifié. Pau: librairie des Pyrénées et de Gascogne, 2001, 96 p. Choudhury, Maitreyee. Sikkim, Geographical perspectives. New Delhi: Mittal, 2006, 125 p. Crémin, Emilie. Entre mobilité et sédentarité : les Mising, « peuple du fleuve », face à l'endiguement du Brahmapoutre (Assam, Inde du Nord-Est). Paris : Université Paris 8, Vincennes St. Denis, 2014, 572 p. Chiron, Olivier. Paris: L'Harmattan, n°43, Géographie et Cultures, 2002, pp. 35-53. Chiron, Olivier. Les paysages de l'ouest bouddhiste du Sikkim (Inde): représentations spatiales et revendications identitaires. Bordeaux : Université Bordeaux III-Michel de Montaigne, 2007, 307 p., figures and maps. Dobremez, J.F. Faune et flore de l'Himalaya le choc des empires. Paris : Cnrs Editions et Muséum d'Histoire Natuelle, 2002, pp.71-77. In Himalaya-Tibet : le choc des continents/ Jean-Phillipe Avouac et Patrick de Wever (Dir.). Hazrika Prasad et al. Tectonic implications of the september 2011 Sikkim earthquake and its aftershocks. Current Science, vol. 102, n°9-10, march 2012. Harris, Tina. Trading places : New economic geographies across Himalayan borderlands. Elsevier : July, vol. 35, 2013, pp. 60-68. Fluteau, Frédéric, Ramstein Gilles, Besse Jean. Changements paléogéographiques et évolution des moussons depuis 30 millions d'années. In Himalaya-Tibet : le choc des continents, Jean-Phillipe Avouac et Patrick de Wever (Dir.). Paris : Editions du Cnrs, 2002, pp. 131-139. Sharma, Elabya, Lalit RaÏ, Pankaj Kumer and Prasad Pankaj. Conservation threats to some important medicinals plants of the Sikkim Himalayas, Biological conservation, (593) 1, 2000, pp. 27-33. Zulca, Mita and Pema Wangchuck. Gangtok : Kangchendzonga sacred summit, 2007, 372 p.

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Anandaram and Maniram: A brief Comparative Study

Dr. Rajen Saikia Retired Professor Department of History Girls‟ College And Ex-Sectional President (Modern India Section) Indian History Congress

Anandaram Dhekial Phukan (1829- of the sadar Diwani Adalat, who visited 1859) and (1806-1858) Assam to make an on the spot study of the were two important figures of public life of province.3 The issue raised in the represent- Assam. History, combined with folk memory ations could give us a clear idea about the and other flatulent writings have contributed commitment, vision and intelle-ction of their to our knowledge and its pit-falls as well authors. about them1 the upbringing, education, outl- Anandaram had a thorough knowl- ook and stations of life of these two persons edge about the province of Assam. As soon were so different that their outward features as Mill‟s visit was proposed he prepared a would hardly admit of historical comparison. memorandum in English and submitted it to But to our mind, a comparative study of their Mills on 4th July 18534. As a government off- contributions to the new awakening and the icial he was found by certain fetters and his resultant growth of nationalism in Assam is memorandum was a charter of demands. likely to be prevented by any historical Anandaram admitted that under the semantics. In this paper, we will attempt such British rule the people had „acquirer‟s a a comparison. de3gree of confidence in the safety of their Anandaram Dhekial Phukan hailed lives and properly but he did not fail to point from an orthodox family. His father out the shortcomings of their rule, Haliram was an Assistant Magistrate a fact particularly the plight of the peasantry. His which got him on in the world quickly. From main grievances were: the Revenue officers 1849 till his untimely death in 1859 were indifferent towards the ryots. He Anandaram served under the provincial criticized the permanent settlement in Bangal government in various capacities. as it had „enslared the Ryots to the zem- Maniram also came from a family of inders.‟ He desired the short term basis of considerable power and prestige. His father tenancy and pleaded for long term ones to Ram Datta first served under the Ahom King, put an end to „the ease and grandeur of a few then under the Burmese and lastly under the opulent Zeminders.‟ The judicial and Police British as a royal office. David Scott utilized system according to him, could not afford the the service of Ram Datta and his son ryot any relief against extortion or injustice. Maniram.2 In his early carrier Maniram serv- The Revenue Officers, he allegated, used to ed the British over-zealously and sucked adv- „cause an over assessment of the Ryot‟s antage out of that. land‟, and levied „illegal imposition for their The year 1853 is a landmark in the private use.‟ history of constitutional agitation against He raised his voice against disprop- alien rule in Assam. Both Anandaram and ortionate taxation and voice against dispropo- Maniram separately submitted petitions and rtionate taxation and pointed out that „the memorandums to A.J. Moffat Mills, a judge present uniform rate on lands‟ was. „Compa-

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 ratively light upon some and heavy upon such foreigners is a source of deep other.‟ He exhorted the supreme gover-nment mortification‟. He „prayer‟ that „the old to improve the methods of agriculture. habits and customs of the people (be) Anandaram dispraised the „retrogra- reestablished…‟ de state‟ of education. His grievance was On the opium question, Anandaram against the medium of instruction in schools. and Maniram held different views. Maniram „Instructions in these schools are imparted in was opposed to the introduction of govern- a foreign language, vi, the Bengalee…‟ He ment opium only and he sought „gradual urged upon the government to do away with reduction (of production) at the rate of one in Bengali in Assam. He sought establishment twenty per annum…‟ Anandaram pointed out of technical and medical schools. He groused the fearful example of China and demanded the „inefficieny of the police‟ and „sordid that its production should be „so crushed as corruption‟ in the court. They were used „to eventually to lead to its total extinction.‟ sell justice for money‟. He said, „when a poor Anandaram imbibed the sprit of ryot is put to duress or extortion, the wealth Bengal Renaissance. He knew English well of his oppressor gains over the darogah to his and had working knowledge of Parsi and aid..‟ He favoured decentralization of power . He could speak and write Bengali and then only he thought, „the infliction of correctly. Occasionally he attended the oppression and various other injuries by the Church and the Brahmo Samaj prayers and rich on the poor, with the connivance of provoked the ire of the orthodox community corrupt police, will be put in to end.‟ who criticized him for having allegedly lost Maniram submitted two petitions to his caste. Anandaram stood for educational Moffatt Mills in 1853. In the first petition he reform including education for women. He represented his own case and begged favours attended the first conference of the Bethune from the government. The second petition, a Society of Bengal in January 1852 and was a complete handiwork of Maniram himself was regular member of that Society which took submitted under orders from Ghanakanta up the cause of women education in Bengal. Singha. In this petition Maniram leaded for Anandaram was largely enthused by the the restoration of the Ahom monarchy in reformist zeal of Peter the Great who had favour of Ghanakanta. The petition highl- Europeanized Russia at the cost of offending ighted some aspects of the British rule and the reactionary boyars and church hierarchy.6 deprecated very many other measures.5 He Without ever visiting England, at the criticized, „Unjust taxation; lack of pensions, age of eighteen Anandaram wrote „An discontinuance of Poojahs at Kamakshya Account of England.‟7 He was aware of the temple, discretions of the tombs of the boon of the Industrial Revolution. That was a Assam Rajahs, abolision of logwa licksons time when capitalism was in full bloom and and the feeling of slaves. Maniram esponsed the challenge of its opponents had hardly the cause of those upper-class people „who started. He pointed out that the strength of had been exempted from the payment of England lay in her trade. At the same time he revenue for 600 years…..whose ancestors realized the importance of mechanization of never lived by digging, ploughing or carrying agriculture. He emphasized that the knowle- burdens…‟ but were throughout under dge of history of England was most essential. assessment by the British government. He (Macaulay was yet to say the „History of pointed out, „while a number of respectable England is the history of prog-ress‟). Assamese are out of employ, the inhabitants Anandaram had admirable political of and Bengalees from Sylhet have perception. He wrote „English people are free been appointed to Mauzadarship; and for us which means they do not live under respectable Assamese to become the ryots of anybody…. It is the Parliament which 17

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 governs the country and all expenditure have colleagues and ultimately left his job in to be approved by it. As such the king cannot 1845.12 do anything independently and is incapable In the Company the of doing things unsanctioned by Parliament.‟ Dewan had picked up the tricks of the trade Without love for freedom nobody could and having been confident of his propects, he adore freedom like this. Perhaps he started two gardens of his own. As a native envisioned. Although mistakenly, that tea planter Maniram was not given the freedom would drawn on his countrymen benefits available to the white breeds. His through a process of evolution. His writings disillusionment with the English began when could be comfortably compared with the he found that inspite of all his past services utterance of some notable nationalist. he was not considered one among equals. Dadabhai Naorpoji (1825-1917) said, „let us In 1848, Maniram set up an weekly speak out like men and proclaim that we are hat or market place at Arjunguri, Sibasagar. royal to the backbone; that we understand the It was at that time a news to the province.13 A benefits English rule has conferred upon us.‟8 rapacious Revenue Sheristedar now stood Surejndranath Banarjee (1848p-1925) said, face to face with the darned-clothed peasant. To England we look for inspiration and It was but natural that the deprivation and guidance…From England must come the discrimination, to which Maniram was subje- crowing mandate which will enfranchise our cted, would push away any self-respecting people. England is our political guide.‟9 person. We do not exactly know how Charmed by the British adventure Maniram reacted to his misfortune. We are Maniram in his Buranji Vivek Ratna wished inclined to believe that definitely a change of the „uninterrupted and undiminished sover- outlook came over him at this stage. But he eignty‟ of the British for thousand and thous- failed to diagnose the malady. His consistent and of years.10 Anandaram did not putstep loyalty to his feudal class interest blurred his the truth of their welcome but. No-where he perception and diffused foresight. His long desired the eternal subjection of his country association with an indolent monarchy, under the British intellectual ostracism and easy access to The ripples of the „Bengal Renai- spoils deprived him of the fervor of a new ssance‟ and the Young Bengal movement outlook. reached Assam by a fine sweep. Anadaram Anandaram and Maniram have long was sympathetic to the Young Bengal been inviting comments from historians. To movement and wished such a movement H.K. Barpujari, Maniram was a „revolut- grow in Assam.11 Maniram belon-ged to the ionary‟; Anandaram was „not a revolutionary old privilegedto class. His retroact-tive mind like Maniram but that does not mean that he was less than sympathetic towards the new was less patriotic.‟14 Amalendu Guha called trends of thought. Even the bourgeois Maniram „the last of the old aristocrats, - revolutionary slogan – „all men are equal‟ did turned an extremist‟ and although not „a very not appeal to him. consistent freedom fighter‟ yet „a bridge The resumption of Upper Assam in between the old man and the new.‟15 Anan- 1838 upset the applecart of Maniram. He got daram, according to him, „was precursor of thre Mauzas and a pensions of fifty rupees the Modern School and of its mendicant and per month which did not yield him a economic nationalism in more than one respectable living. He left them and joined respect.‟16 Another recent study calls Man- the Assam Tea Company as its Dewan or iram a „conservative‟ and Anandaram „an Chief Executive. Since then Maniram came apostle of the new age.‟17 to be widely known as Maniram Dewan. He The growth of nationalism in Assam soon fell out with some of his British had some features in common with Andhra, 18

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Orissa and . The nationalist consc- intellectual climate of Calcutta could not iousness in these regions found its expression have encouraged him.22 through the dream of a separate geographical Sadananda Chaliha says, „By accept- identity and he consolidating agent of this ing the suzerainty of the Emperor of Delhi new consciousness was the oriflamme of these rebels wanted to make Yuvraj language. Very much as in Andhra and Kandarpeswar Singha the king of Assam.‟23 Orissa, nationalism in Assam was also But the were unlikely to language-based. Free from the slightest touch accept the overlordship of the Mughals, with of chauvinism, Anandaram was the first and whom their relationship was anything but foremost champion for the cause of the friendly. „Assam was not committed to .18 What was Maniram‟s them,24 remarked Mahendra Borah correctly. view? Prof. Maheswar Neog observes, „We Politically, such an ideal of Maniram would do not have his opinion on the language always stand beyond justification. With the question, but do very much see that in his growth of political consciousness a legend remarkable Buranji Vivek Ratna he is torn was built up. It was realized more and more between Assamese and Bengali.‟19 that Maniram and Piyali through their On the two main issues of the day, sacrifice in the upheaval of 1857 increased opium and language, Moffat Mills broadly the political prestige of the Assamese people. agreed with Anandaram. He considered Maniram still lives in legend. He was a hero opium as the greatest hindrance to the of local patriotism whose name inspired the progress of the province; admitted the „great freedom fighters of this century in Assam. As mistake of imposition of Bengalee and a symbol of sacrifice his name is evergreen in reminded „that the Assamese must acquire, people‟s heart. its rightful place.20 Mills outrightly rejected Bipan Chandra has nailed down three Maniram‟s plea for restoration of the Ahom characteristics of the early nationalism of monarchy. The Dewan was further disheart- India: (i) they „were fearless critics of the ennned. He had no teal native but to go on individual administrative measures and pressing the button here and there. He went worked incessantly for the reform of an to Calcutta in early 1857 and tried to impress administration ridden with corruption, ineffi- upon the Governor General in favour of ciency and oppression.‟ (ii) they „agita-ted restoration. He was not yet a rebel in the against the oppressive any tyrannical making. But Calcutta did not answer the behavior of the police and the Government expectations favourably. While he was there, agents towards the common people and (iii) reports of Sepoy revolts and sporadic mass they „criticized the low level of the welfare unrest came in. probably for the first time, service in India and urged the Government to Maniram‟s fancy played round the idea of a undertake and develop the welfare activities similar action in Assam. A man of consider- of the state. In particular, they emphasized able organizing capacity, he immedi-ately the need for the spread of education among collected some people around him and got on the masses.‟25 Judged by these formulations, to a plot; but circumstances doomed it to Anandaram may be undoubtedly ranked perdition. Maniram and his collaborators among the early nationalist of our country. were tried and punished. Maniram and Peali Henry Hopkinson, Commissioner of Assam, Baruah were held guilty of treason and were once observed, „Anandaram is to Assam hanged. The trial of Maniram smacked of what Rammohan Roy is to Bengal,‟26 supersitiousness.21 Historians have not so far perhaps he spoke more truly than he belie- traced any contact of Maniram with the ved. Anybody accepting the raison d‟etre of contemporary heroes of India. The recognizing Ram Mohun Roy as the father of Indian Nationalism has to accept the fact that 19

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Anandaram was the father of Assamese sub- And sings when the dawn is still nationalism who merged into Indian dark.‟27 nationalism. It was he who prepared the Anandaram sang the song of ground to receive the message of nationa- and so far as nationalism was a lism. modernizing force Anandaram would have In a beautiful poem, Tagore wrote, been the first men to welcome it. His „Faith is the bird that feels the light untimely death denied him the honour and opportunity of going through with it.

Notes & Reference 1Gunaviram Baruah, Anandaram Dhekia‟l Phukanar Jivan Charitra, 1880, Reprint Guwahati, 1971.Maheswar Neog (ed), Anandaram Dhekiyal Phukan: Plea for Assam and Assamese, Jorhat, 1977.Benudhar Sharma, Maniram Dewan, 2nd Edition Guwahati 1966.Benudhar Kalita, Phulagurir Dhewa, Nagaon, 1961.Lila Gogoi (Compiled), Maniram Dewanar Geet, 2nd ed. Calcutta, 1976. 2David Scott was the Agent to the Governor-General, North East Frontier. He had played a significant role in the crucial years of expansion and consolidation of the British rule in the North-East. For a thorough account see David Scott in North East India by N.K. Barooah, New Delhi, 1970. 3Moffat Mills submitted his voluminous Report on the province of Assam to Cecil Beadon, Secretary to the Govt. of Bengal Calcutta 1854, Reprint Guwahati, 1984. Henceforth to be called Mills Report. 4Mills Report, Appendix J, pp. 93-132. It is a long and elaborate document. We have noted the salient points only. 5From Mills Report, Appendix K.B., pp. 605-609. 6Gunaviram Barua, no. 1, pp. 94-95, p. 101 also A.Z. Man, A short History of the World, Vol. 1, Moscow, 1974, pp. 304-5. 7The Orunodoi, April, 1847. 8Cited in A.R. Desai, Social Background of India nationalism Reprints, Bombay 1982, p. 322. 9Ibid, p. 321. 10Quoted. in B. Sarmah, no. 1, p. 199. 11Letter to Hemchandra Baruah, qtd. In Padmanath Gohain Barua (ed) Jivani Sangraha, Guwahati, 1969, p. 22. 12B. Sharma, n.1, p. 106. 13The Orunodoi, January, 1848. 14H.K. Barpujari, Assam: In the days of the Company, 2nd Edn. Guwahati, 1980, p. 317. 15Amalendu Guha, Planter-Raj to Swaraj, New Delhi, 1977, pp. 19-21. 16Amalendu Guha, \Nationalism : Pan Indian and Regional in a Historical Pospective‟ in Indian History Congress Proceeding, Burdwan, 1983, p. 346. 17H. K. Borpujari (ed)., Political History of Assam, Vol. 1, Guwahati, 1977, p. 123. 18See, V. C.P. Choudhury, The Creation of Modern Bihar, Patna, 1964, p. 6, H. Mahtab, History of Orissa Vol. 2, Cuttack, 1960, p. 449. K. V. Rao Narayan, The Emergence of Andhra Pradesh, Bombay, 1973, p. 29.Nivedita Mohanty, Oriya Nationalism Quest for a United Orissa, New Delhi, 1982, p. VI. 19M. Neog (ed), The Orunodoi (1846-1854), Guwahati, 1984, p. 65. 20Mills Report, para 92, p. 28. 21Benudhar Sharma and H.K. Barpujari have discussed this point at some length. S.N. Sen also held identical view. 22The Journal Sambad Prabhakar bears testimony to it: S.N. Sen, eighteen Fifty Seven, Reprint, New Delhi, 1977, p. 408. 23Sadananda Chaliha, Bharat Buranji, Guwahati, 1984, p. 194. (Translation ours). 24Mahendra , 1857 In Assam, Guwahati, 1957, p. 2. 25Bipan Chandra (ed)., Freedom Struggle, New Delhi, Reprint 1982, see foreword, P.V. 26P.Gohain Barua, n. 11, p. 18 (translation ours). 27Ravindra Rachanwali, Vol.II, Calcutta, 1982 from „Lekhan‟. 20

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596

Advent and Spread of the Thai People in Assam

Dr. Mahammad Taher Ex-Professor, Department of Geography Gauhati University, Assam And Distinguished Geographer of N.E. India

North-East India is a veritable cauld- substantially to the formation of Assamese ron of races and cultures. Perhaps the first nationality with its distinct language and group of man that settled in this region is the cultural heritage. Mon-Khmer speaking Austero-Asiatiic peo- The route through which Sukapha ple who were succeded by the Tibeto- entered in North-East India was tortuous and Burman speaking Bodo, Himalayan, North difficult. He moved with a large group of Assam, Naga, Kacjin and Kuki-Chin groups men, women and children consisted of Phu from the East and the Indo-Aryans from the (single men), Ren (families), and Puk (clan), west. Unlike the immigration of the Tibeto- as also some animals, tools and implements. Burman speaking people which was in On his way from Kin Sen Maulang to North waves, the immigration of the Indo-Aryans East India he had lived for some time on the took place in a small trickle, but almost Nongyang Lake and established his hegem- continuously, from the North Gangetic plain ony before moving westward along the across North Bengal. However, these three Khamjang Pass across the Patkai range. Then groups of people built up the socio-economic he followed a tributary of the Burhi Dihing and demographic substratum of North East and reached the main river which the India during the period from I millennium followed upstream to La Khen Tensa. He B.C. to I millennium A.D.Many dynasties of stayed here for two years and left down- kings and rulers, great and small, had their stream and reached Tipam area where he sway over the region with varying territorial again settled for three years, got himself extent and from different capitals. While acclimatized with the physical and socio- immegrations stated above continued, two political environment of the region won over new elements appeared in the socio-political the local people and then moved on leaving a scene of North East India in the thirteen base and an administrator on his behalf. In century. Under Bakhtiyar Khilji came the his next calculated and planned move he Muslim invaders from the West in 1203 and reached Salaguri, where again he settled for a under Sukapha came the Ahoms from the couple of years and then proceeded down the East in about 1220 A.D. The motives of the Burhi Dihing leaving a fourth base and an two forces were different. While Bakhtiyar administrator. From Salaguri he moved to the Khilji led his force to conquer and annex, confluence of the Burhi Dihing and Brahma- Sukapha came to conquer and settle. Khilji putra and settled for 3 years at Habung in the was defeated but he left a trace of Muslim north bank of the latter. He found it population and a tradition of invasion from chronically floodaffected and left down the the West. Sukapha won over the local people Brahmaputra and reached Dikhomukh on the and established a kingdom which withstood south bank. He moved up the Dikhou for a the test of time for long six centuries. It is little distance and up the Disang for some important to note here that the sustained rule, distance but retreated up the Dikhou to apart from anything else, contributed Simaluguri. It was at Simaluguri that he left a

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 navigable water course and moved overland their expanding frontiers. The annexation of to where he established his perma- Moran kingdom which extended to the North nent capital. bank i.e. presnt Dhakuakhana region necessi- Two aspects of his advent settlement tated Ahom settlement in this area of the are important. Firstly, he was all along north bank during the time of Sukapha moving on or along a navigable river, and himself. Subsequently Suhungmung started secondly, he was least involved in plundering Ahom settlement in Sadiya after the and exploiting the local people, it is evident annexation of Chutia country and instalment that although he entered North-East India in of the Sadiyakhowa Gohain in 1523-24. He about 1220 he did not establish his hegemony further defeated the Kacharis and settled until 1229. Sukapha took a decade to adapt Ahoms at Marangi along with the instalment himself to the local conditions. The five of the Marangikhowa Gohain in 1531. Then places where he made his long sojourns were from 1546 to 1563 there were attacks from settled by his men, cultivated crops and Koches and Daflas in the north bank in the produced theit necessities for themselves present Lakhimpur and Sonitpur districts. rather than depending on the people of This had to be effectively contained and invaded territories. They further established some Ahom officers and pykes had to be friendship and matrimonial relationship with settled in Lakhimpur, eastern Sonitpur and at the local people viz., the \ Morans, eastern Nowgong besides installing Solal Nagas and Kacharis although, the latter were Gohain at Kaliabar in about 1564. After that found to be weaker and at a lower level of from 1611 onward during the time of Momai material culture. Tamuli Barbaruah, new and systematic With this technique of a true general settlements of 1000 pykes divided into 9 and a foresighted statesman, Sukapha estab- villages were started at a place about 12 k.m. lished a kingdom and concolidated his rule to the east of present Nowgong for guarding over the territory between Burhi Dihing and the frontier of the from the Dikhou river with least resistance but a lot of Karbis, Jaintias and Kacharis. That is how connivance of and co-operation from the some Ahom villages are still found to be local people. Side by side, the number of distributed over eastern Nowgong upto Ahom population began to grow partly Kampur. Then again, in 1627, the Moghul because of natural growth within themselves, invaders attacked the Ahoms at Kaliabar. The partly through intermarriage with the local former were defeated the chased beyond people-the off-springs identifying themselves Gauhati and a Barphukan was installed at with the ruling Ahoms and also through Gauhati. With the installation of a Barphukan adoption of Ahom Socio-Cultural traits by at Gauhati some trusted Ahom officials and those small tribes and individuals who found sldiers were also settled in Gauhati region, employment in the administration and in the especially at North Gauhati. personal services of the Ahom royal and With the passage of time thus Ahom noble families. Thus the number of Ahom settlements expanded areally. It is difficult to population began to increase from only one give an estimate or the present Ahom thousand and eighty souls came with population. It was recorded at 150144 Sukapha. The distribution of Ahom populat- (including 2321 Chaudangs) in 1872 by ion also expanded mainly because of two Hunter‟s Stastical Account of Assam. This reasons: firstly, increase in their number rose to 178,049 by 1901. The present popula- necessitated a real expansion just for sustena- tion may be around a million. They are nce and secondly because the Ahom traditionally densely distributed over the area administrators wanted their own trusted between Burhi Dihing and Dikhou of officers and pykes to defend and maintain Sibasagar district. Towards north and west of 22

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 this area the density decreases but continuity for low-lying areas which are neither is retained upto Sadiya in the Northeast and immediate river banks nor chronically flood Kaliabar in the West respectively. In the affected. Such situations provided them ideal North Bank Ahom population is continuously ecological condition to cultivate rice with the distributed from the Brahmaputra upto Burai. help of ploughs drawn by buffaloes often Thus Kalong in the south bank and Burai in single ones. It may be noted that contrary to the north bank are the natural western limits the opinion of some scholars that plough of distribution of the Ahoms. Beyond this, culture was brought to Nort-East Asia India there are only isolated settlements as in North by the Indo-Aryans alone. Ahom also Gauhati, Chatia, Tezpur etc. introduced it from South-East Asia. One who The settlement pattern of the Ahoms knows plough technology can see that while within the said territory is geographically the Indo-Aryan plough is rectangular that interesting and bears the mark of the culture introduced by the Ahoms have Krumel that they carried with them. Contrary to the structural elements. However, an exami- common notion Ahom were neither tribal nor nation of the persons distribution of the hillmen. Back in Shan Plateau and its traditional Ahom villages reveals ecological surrounding region in Upper Burma, there control as stated above. are flat valleys with meandering rivers and A few words may perhaps be added lowlying areas where people have been here abouit the later day Tai immigrants cultivating lowland rice with the help of groups consisting of the Khamti, Khamyang, buffalo-drawn ploughs. The Ahoms perhaps Aiton, Phakial and Tiurung. When the 3rd brought this culture with them from South- Burmese empire was explanded by Alaung East Asia and selected similar relatively low Payas the smaller Tai Kings and Chiefs had lying areas in Upper Assam for their to move away and the Khamtis entered Nort- settlement. This is evidence even by their East India after 1752 and settled in the selection of sites for their capital, the first Sadiya region. Their present population is capital was established on the lowlying tract about 4000. The Khamyangs or the Naras at the foot of the Charaideo (1229-1396) have political and trade relations with the leaving the high hill slope for ritual royal Ahoms since very long and some of their burial. Then they moved to chargua near groups settled in Margherita and Sibasagar present Rajmai and the Dimou River (1396- regions in the eighteen century. They now 1500). Next the capital was shifted to number about 8000. The Phakials and Aitons Bokota, again a lowlying area between followed the Khamti at the wake of Burmese Disang and Dirai (1500-1540). Thereafter it expansion and two groups has about 5000 was taken to Garhgaon (1540-1700) and souls. The Turungs were the last Tai group to thence to Rangpur (1770-1794). It may be enter Assam just before the British noted that except their last capital Jorhat annexation. They are distributed in the (1700-1626), which they chose because of Western part of Golaghat and Western part of strategic reasons, all are located in lowlying sub-division. They now number about areas, this obviously shows their preference 5000.

(The Research paper written by Professor Late Md. Taher, one of the galaxies of Geography of North East India & Ex-professor the department of Geography, Gauhati University, Assam has been reprinted in order to honour him by our Editorial Board)-Editor

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596

Sons of the Soil: Assamiya-Sikhs of the Brahmaputra Valley

Dr. Himadri Banerjee Retired Gurunanak Professor of Indian History Jadavpur University, Kolkata

It is the story of a minority Sikh easily available literary sources. Provincial community residing in a number of gazetteers published by the Gove- villages for more than two hundred years. rnment of Assam as well as the multi volume Historians of Punjab are hardly aware of projects of the Peoples of India series of the them. There are doubts hether historians of Anthropological Survey of India on the Assam have shown much interest in north-east India have also incorporated many reconstructing their past. The community uncorroborated materials fromAssamese lite- may be regarded Forgotten Sikhs in contem- rature. The history of these Sikhs, which one porary Sikh studies. Like the Bihari-Sikhs, tome across reading in any Assamese they do not know Punjabi but speak in local scholarly writings, is more or less the same languages. They represent a religious group old tale derived from Assamese literary with deep cultural link with the local valley imaginations. In the recent years scholars tradition and experiences. from other disciplines have given these texts Litterateurs from Assam have, how- legitimacy by citing them in doctoral ever, suggested remarkable enthusiasm regar- dissertations. ding the Sikh past of Brahmaputra Valley. It My attempt to reconstruct the is in diverse colours and refers to Sikh Assamese-Sikh past may experience many presence long before the establishment of the similar pitfalls unless these texts are colonial rule (1826) in the region. Its rigorously scrutinised. It would be a re- dominant theme is the coming of 500 Sikh warding venture, if those writings .ue read in soldiers from Punjab and their heroic self- the light of other sources like oral traditions, sacrifice at the Battle of Hadirachaki (1823). Assamese Buranjis, archival records and These narratives suggest that those who were printed official reports. A historian seeking to alive after the disastrous military encounter rebuild the history of the Assamiya-Sikhs with the Burmese did not go back to Punjab. also needs to review not only the background They remained in the Valley and their of the Dandua Droh (1790s) and manar din descendants claim the status of sons of the (period of anarchy) but also to study the far soil. Assam is proud to have an indigenous reaching changes taking place under the ethnic Sikh group of nearly 3,000. These colonial rule in the Assam valley. Sikhs, however, do not figure in the writings There are a few important studies of scholars outlining the history of the Indian outlining the impact of British rule in the national movement or the evolution of the Brahmaputra valley. They also point out how Indian nation state during the post colonial the varied colonial economic imperatives int- decades. Their role is pushed to the margin as roduced print culture and stimulated national their contribution is considered insignificant consciousness in the Assam plains. The in the anti-colonial struggle. In the absence of imagined nation of the Assamese middle any significant information about them in class communicated alternately in the government record rooms and libraries, the language of little nationalism of the Brahma- historians of Assam prefer to rehash the putra valley as well as its wider pan Indian

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 vision. These conflicting experiences of the maintain a safe distance from their more last two hundred years are again intimately affluent counterparts from Punjab. associated with the Assamese nationalist The paper intends to focus on the rhetoric. Assamiya-Sikhs. They have been so far, ign- Here one may get an idea regarding ored in any academic agenda of the the causes of the coming of the Sikhs and contemporary Sikh study. A journey to their their subsequent settlement in the valley. Its reconstructed past may introduce social historian will be expected to listen first to scientists to a few unexplored areas of Sikh what the Assamiya Sikhs have to say about ethnicity. It provides historians a rural profile themselves. These are scattered in their oral of the Sikhs which is distinctly different from traditions. Any historian would no doubt he their commonly projected urban image missing, the dhadhi parampara of Punjab. prevailing outside Punjab. Their link with Instead of it, he would come across another Assam is as good as proverbial. Assamese is form of oral tradition from the rural folk The not only their mother tongue but they also historian of Assamiya-Sikhs, therefore, can- regard Assam and not Punjab, their perma- not remain an archive bound scholar nor can nent home. Their intimate association with he simply consult some literary sources the culture and civilization of the Brahmap- preserved in the libraries of Guwahati and utra valley makes them an exciting subject of Nagaon. He should put on strong boots and investigation. carry a note book of an anthropologist to These Sikhs are sons of the soil gather the field view of his subject of owing to their two century long residence in enquiry. He should be listening to oral Nagaon villages of lower Assam. It history drawing inspiration from indigenous facilitated the incorporation of some of the sources. important markers of the Assamese identity Contemporary Sikh studies deal with associated with food, dress, religious belief, many relevant issues of the twenty-first language and the rite of passage. Like century. But these Sikhs of Assam are still an Assamese- of the neighbourhood, elusive domain to the world of scholarship plays an important role in their lying beyond the Assam valley. It may be community life. Not Bhangra but Bihu is due to their lack of homogeneity as well as their most popular festival. They dwell in a demographic insignificance in the ranks of common cultural space shared by other the wider Assamese population. Local Sikh indigenous groups of the region. As a result, population is broadly divided into two neither do they subscribe to the Rahit (the sections. The larger one is composed of the Khalsa code of conduct) nor dothey read Punjabi-Sikhs who are from the manjha- Sikh sacred text (i.e. Sri Guru Granth Sahib) doaba areas of Punjab. They are here since in Punjabi. Like other Assamese-Hindu the closing decade of the nineteenth century castes, the Assamiya-Sikhs feel happy to and their mother tongue is Punjabi. Generally participate in the congregational singing speaking, they pose as the sole spokesmen of (Samkirtan).To many of them; it is also a the Sikhs and at the regional level. familiar religious terrain since the time of Predominantly an urban community, they are Guru Nanak in the mid fifteenth century. mostly of the Ramgarhia caste, a composite They practice nam simran (remembering the social group of carpenters, blacksmiths and Name) while the emphasis on nam masons. The other is the Assamiya-Sikhs. (remembering) in Assamese Vaishnavaism Representing a regional profile of Sikhism, stands for a similar religious experience. In they are predominantly a rural group both these religions, congregational partici- associated with agriculture and prefer to pation as well as the message of bhakti (devotion) plays a pivotal role. Thus Assam- 25

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 ese Vaisnavaism cuts across some of the sparsely populated territory. During their fundamental religious beliefs and pract-ices early days, they were generally welcomed by of the Sikh Gurus and Assamiya-Sikhs could the local populace. In the nineteenth century, make their room within the dominant devote- with the increase of population and periodic onnal fromework of the regional Vaishnavas. river floods from the Kapili-Kalang It is also not an unusual occurrence that the watershed, they moved to a comparatively Assamiys-Sikh referred to their most safer and higher plane. important religious institution not as gurd- The Assamiya-Sikhs are predominantly wara but as . It underlines their self-cultivating peasant proprietors owning readiness to reject a word universally current small plot of agricultural holdings which they among the Sikhs in favour of an expression had mostly cleared from the wastes. They which is exclusively restricted to the limits of produced rice, oil seeds and sugar cane. Here Assam. Even their first gurdwara at Chapar- they learnt the techniques of cultivation, mukh village, which dates back to the first mastered the significance of utilising differ- quarter of nineteenth century, was initially in rent types of manures, grew wiser in the a thatched house. Its twentieth century rotation of crops, appreciated the significance conversion into a permanent structure also of better management of family labour as maintains its Assamese distinctiveness and well as importance of a long cycle of unpred- does not convey the message of a typical ictable seasons. gurdwara from a distance. Their expertise attuned them to the Assamiya-Sikhs' interactions with Vai- rhythm of local agricultural calendar and shnavaism in Assam also represents a long encouraged them to identify with the hopes drawn process and it is difficult to sug-gest and aspirations of Assamese peasants. They any specific time frame pointing out how incorporated the culinary practices of the these Sikhs were inducted there. On the basis local folk, participated in their fair and of fragmentary sources cited earlier, it may festivals and made themselves fit to fight the be tentatively stated that it is a protracted and annual floods as well as malarial attacks. multidimensional encounter stretching over These experiences helped the descendants of nearly two century which eventually transf- the old mercenaries to refurbish their claim to ormed the Sikh mercenaries into the sons of be the sons of the soil. They tying knots with the soil. They had to make numerous women from Assamese rural society added adjustments so that their Sikh identity colour and cemented Assamiya identity. It continued to persist within the wider profile made their presence in the valley a narrative of an Assamese peasantry. of new dignity and honour, introduced them As a mercenary, they had thus begun to Assamese cultural motif and delicacy, their journey in Assam nearly two hundred Even their use of gamochha became common years ago. Later on they took part in the and brought the technique of weaving revolt of Haradatta-Biradatta (1790-92). (tantshal) into their courtyard. Soon they changed their side, and then ended All these experiences introduced them at Raha Chaki (in Nagaon district). It was set to the inner domain of Assamiya culture. up by the Ahom rulers in the mid seventeenth They were no longer merely Sikhs but century to stem the tide of therepeated Assamese as well. Their cultural communic- Kachhari incursions along their southern ation as well as religious interface propelled boundary. They were advised to settle at them to redefine their boundaries of identity Chaparmukh, a village situated on the banks which would accommodate their dual self in of the Titaimara Suti. It was a small rural local territorial space. They represent a tract located within a radius of two miles distinct process of socialization of Sikhism from the Raha Chaki. Assam was then a where some of the older religious practices 26

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 and beliefs of the Sikhs were reframed response of the Assam Samrakhshini Sabha withreference to local expediency. Their per- to all these developments of the 1930s. ception of the sacred and profane was While these political experiences simultaneously modified. It was conditioned brought Assamiya-Sikhs closer to the Brahm- to accommodate the hierarchy of village god, aputra valley, their rite of passage also came belief in evil spirit, magic and legend. They to communicate those of rural Hindus of continued to appreciate the superior power of Nagaon villages. Their male folk continued holy men, sought blessings of Goddess Ai to have beard and turban but their female when afflicted by chicken pox and used folk counterpart felt comfortable in saris and medicines like charm and amulet to ward off dabbed sindur at the time of marriage. Their the power of ghosts and witches. Perhaps wider use of the pan-tamol on nearly all they increasingly started presuming that like social celebrations, the prevalence of toloni village trees, pathways and . thev biya at the time of the first puberty of a girl, were as much a part of Assam as any of their the selection of an auspicious date in the neighbours of the locality. Their past was presence of priests for any family celebrat- reconstructed through revisiting memory ions, joran in matrimonial arrangem-ent, lanes and these were increasingly revised, tiloini, machhani etc. in case of any dea-th in given many forms and expressions. They put the family, the strict seclusion of the newly their old mercenary identity under the carpet. born baby with his/her mother in a separate Instead of it, their kinship ties with local room (showaghar) for a certain number of populace made them an inseparable part of it. days and the use of black mark on the Their ties with the Assamese-Hindu forehead of a child to ward off evil spirit are religious beliefs and practices were cemented some of the markers of their intimate over the years. They were found worshipping association with the local Hindu community. Hindu pantheon and subscribing to the rite of The story of social transformation of passage of local Hindus. They generally Assamiya-Sikhs is possibly nothing imposs- declared themselves as Hindus in different ible owing to their intimate ancestral ties census returns, participated in the Durga and with the Bihari-Sikh world. It is evident from Kali puja, believed in the healing power of different sources that those Sikhs who had the Kamyakhya and made pilgrimage there earlier entered lower Assam in the late on certain days declared auspicious in Hindu eighteenth century were the natives of the almanac. They found no apparent contradi- northern Bihar districts. They were then exp- ction between worshipping of Hindu pant- eriencing many devastating economic tran- heon and the celebration of gurpurabs sformations owing to the penetrations of the because they believed that different Sikh East India Company's power there. Matters Gurus were Hindus and they were born to were made worse by the Company's oppre- reform and regenerate from the ssive rule leading to the famine of 1770 and oppressive rule of different Muslim rulers of the revolt of the Sannaysis and Fakirs in the medieval India. Their pro-Hindu and anti- early 1780s. The ranks of the Sannaysi and Muslim view of religion was reinforced by Fakir rebels were swelled by a large number some newer turns in the twentieth century of disposed peasants and others who had Assam politics, viz, the coming of hundreds suffered seriously from the contemporary of hard working Muslim peasants from the economic experiences. They carried on raids Mymensingh district (now in Bangladesh) in in northern Bengal districts during the adm- the early twentieth century, the middle class inistration of Warren Hastings (1772-1784). Assamese Hindu fear of being submerged by The Company's militarv operations forced them in their place of birth and the aggressive them to leave Bengal but they had already managed to enter the plains of lower Assam, 27

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 then witnessing declining period of Ahom increase in the number of the hard-working rule, its fight with local zamindars like Bengali-Muslim peasants from the northern Haradatta-Biradatta as well as Mayamaria districts of the Bengali Presidency and their religious rebels in the last two decades of the subsequent settlement in all the districts of century. lower Assam. It made Assamese Hindu These Bihari-Sikhs were local folk middle class extremely belligerent and who had embraced Sikhism during the ninth hostile towards local Bengali migrants and Guru Tegh Bahadur's short stay there in the the former even looked forward to their 1660s. They shared many common religious cultural annihilation. According to its revised experiences and beliefs with their Hindu political philosophy, migrants like Assamiya- counterparts of the neighbourhood. Even Sikhs who had settled almost a century ago today they practice arati (holding lamp in were not also spared in this campaign of front of a deity ) during their gurdwara daily vilification. They were not only denounced service, put tilak (sacred mark) on the as foreigners but also portrayed as greedy forehead, participate in different Hindu dogs and vampires ready to suck the blood of festivities like Chhat (sun worship) and the Assamese and dishonour even their Ramnavami (coronation of Lord Rama), womenfolk. Assamiya-Sikhs gradually learnt declare them as Sanatani-Sikhs, and find to respond to some of these local challenges. nothing wrong in performing shraddha (death They identified them with the 'politics of ritual) of Guru Nanak during the celebration Assam for the Assamese' in the 1930s. of Mahalaya. Secondly, Assamiya-Sikhs were not It is likely that the predecessors of only the victims of political slander coined Assamiya-Sikhs had brought with them some by a section of the high caste Hindu of their old Bihari-Hindu experiences. We intellectuals, but they also suffered from are not sure whether these markers facilitated many social disabilities. These made their their Assamization process and made their position equally miserable. We do not have incorporation with the local culture compare- any written evidence directly pointing out atively easier and frictionless. In spite of their their low social status in the agrarian society. general cultural agreement, the minuscule But we have some indirect evidence culled community had to face occasional harsh from the different social surveys, village treatments at the hands of dominant commu- studies and census reports suggesting their nity. They were not only victims of periodic unfortunate plight in different social arenas. Assamese xenophobia but also sufferers of They were not only placed almost at the local caste stigma. bottom of social hierarchy but were deprived Xenophobia was an important disti- of the services of the higher caste Brahmins. nguising mark of the newly born Assamese They were treated as an exterior social caste middle class. It came to dominate their and were considered untouchables like the psyche since the late nineteenth century. It Hiras, Koches and Nadiyals of the locality. was not altogether an unknown Assamese They could exclusively marry daughters of experience during the days of the Ahoms. these communities. Even their experiences Under the colonial rule, however, it assumed with the local namghars run by some high an aggressive form. It had its origin in the castes were not always very pleasant. In the Assamese middle class' fear of being early twentieth century they were not allowed submerged by a large-scale migration of the to go beyond certain limits of this sacred educated Bengali middle class to Assam. In institution. the early twentieth century, the gravity of the These cruel social inequalities as problem was further heightened. The situat- well as the bitter political vendettas of the ion took a serious communal turn with the dominant social group of the Brahmaputra 28

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 valley sometimes generated a deep sense of humiliations and oppressions committed frustration, if not small sparks of silent against them. protest, in the ranks of Assamiys-Sikhs. The Contemporary oral traditions narrate- minuscule social group was not strong ng Assamiya-Sikhs' heroic self-sacrifice at enough to challenge the hegemony of the the Battle of Hadirachaki (1823) perhaps dominant religious group openly. They also suggests a similar form of symbolic protest suffered from a subaltern mentality. Hence of the subalterns. Here Assamiya-Sikhs their symbolic defiance cannot take the provides historians an important key to position of an open revolt or any radical decode their mental world. If the Padinn- assault in broad day light. In Assam, folk kuwarir malita referred to the oppression of traditions like the Padumkuwarir malita and Kumedan Singh, Assamiya-Sikh's oral tradi- the Barphukan Geet conveyed the fragments tion created a new hero Chaitanya Singha out of deep agonies in a language understandable of the mud of Hadirachaki. If Kumedan to the common people. There were, therefore, Singh was universally hated by Assamese occasions when the rais voiced their opinion people, the new hero Chaitanya Singha could in popular terminology and through it sought win the heart of Chatala, the new heroine of to narrate their experiences of social the Assam valley of the twe-ntiethcentury.

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The Travails and Triumphs of the Beautiful Rose: story of an actress of the Bengali public theatre

Dr Sarvani Gooptu Associate Professor Calcutta Girls‟ College

A young and beautiful girl aptly Bengali in 1795-96 and in 1835 though both named Golaap Sundori grew up to the times the performances were short-lived. The promise of her name in her mother‟s home first theatrical performance in Bengali was by near Mahesh in the 1870s. She was probably the Russian traveler Gerasim Lebedeff in being groomed to follow her mother‟s 1795, at Domtolla in north Calcutta, where in footsteps in the flesh trade and her melodious the play Kalponik Sanbadal (The Disguise) voice was an added asset. But Fate had a women performed in the female roles. But different plan for her. Unknown to her many the theatre he established could not continue events were taking place leading to a mom- for long and there followed a lull of some entous day in 1873, when Golaap stood on years till Nabin Chandra Basu organized the the stage of Bengal Theatre to create history. production of the popular play Bidyasundar It was not that Golaap‟s role in this history in 1835 with both men and women perfor- was easy, on the contrary among all the mers. Though a resounding success, this ven- actresses Fate played tricks with her the ture too could not continue beyond a few most, but she triumphed over her destiny in performances. There was a large outcry the end. This paper will follow the career and against the „defiling‟ of the theatre with natis life of Golaap Sundori and try to locate her from nishiddha palli or prostitute quarters. within the politics of theatre and gender in What was unarguably true was that there late 19th – early 20th century Calcutta. seemed to be no other option for theatre since With the rise of the moneyed classes women of the middle-classes were not in the city of Calcutta in the 19th century and emancipated enough to defy the social the growth of the western educated elite, the disapproval. Thereafter Bengali theatrical love for theatre and performance became tradition survived in the innovated Jatras to fashionable and many amateur theatrical suit the new sophisticated taste of the Bengali companies rose, triumphed and vanished in Bhadralok and in the private theatres in the the period between 1840s and 1870s. In these houses of the rich and powerful of Calcutta plays performed for an invited and exclusive and the suburbs. The performances that audience in the houses of the elite bhadralok, followed were before a restricted audience all the roles were performed by men, even and the performances were entirely by men the female roles. But in the last decade one from middle class background. This history can discern in the newspapers and periodicals was not only hearsay because two young men of the time murmurs of dissent about the in 1930s had presented doctoral dissertations aesthetic quality of men/boys performing, on the subject to the London university singing and dancing in female roles. Michael which were soon to be publicly released to Madhusudan Dutta was said to have promi- the interested readers.2 It was a time when sed to write a new play for the theatre if writing on theatre even by non- performers actresses were used.1 There is no doubt that started providing a semidetached yet infor- the educated men of the time knew about the med view. successful performances of women in female After much discussion in 1872 roles in the past in the theatres performed in theatre doors opened for the public with the

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 price of a ticket being the only restriction for performance was in 1874 as Malini in entry to the hall of magic. Theatre sponsored Bidyasundar where she “acquitted herself in the houses of the rich had already with her usual grace and skill” as was become the bench mark of wealth and pointed out by the Indian Daily news.6 culture. Yet till 1872, it remained out of Debnarayan Gupta found Golaap‟s role as reach of rest of the society though western Aindrilla, in Puru Bikram as the most education and western contact and conseq- memorable one and which confirmed her as uently money was filtering into the middle the greatest of the first actresses on Bengali ranks of the society. So when it opened to the stage.7 But soon, finding herself at odds with public, theatre-going became the symbol of the management at Bengal Theatre Golaap social mobility as well as the means of moved to Great National Theatre which had showing off one‟s wealth and culture.3 The recently started performing with actresses. connection between public theatre and Upendranath Das, the director and patron women acting in female roles, that had been took Golaap under his wings and transformed established since the time of Lebedeff stood Golaap into an even more accomplished in good stead, and from the first performance actress able to perform in difficult and Bengal theatre employed five actresses who demanding roles under his direction and were recruited from the prostitute areas. On guidance. 16th August, 1873, in Bengal Theatre Michael Like most of the actresses of the Madhusudan Dutta‟s Sarmishtha opened with time Golaap too came to the theatre at a very Jagattarini, Golaap, Elokeshi and Shyama in young age and coming from uneducated and the female roles. The other public theatre, backward background these actresses were National Theatre, resisted the storm for dependent on the lading men/directors to another year stubbornly but had to give in in teach them to perform in roles and characters the face of falling ticket sales when as Great they could not even conceive in their dreams. National Theatre, in 1874, 17th September for Very soon Golaap like the other famed the first time five actresses were employed in actresses of the time Binodini, Tinkari, the Great National Theatre. Kadambini, Tarasundari was performing with elan in Kshetramoni, Jadumoni, Haridashi, and difficult roles and winning accolades from Rajkumari. Girish Ghosh, the doyen of the public as well as leading like Bengali theatre, actor, director and playwr- personalities of the time. The correct enunc- ight, wrote that they were forced to do so iation of words without common speech because they were facing stiff competition defects, delivery of dialogues free from the from Bengal Theatre. The number of the jatra style to which these girls were more audience had dropped. Though Raj exposed to, as well as training in singing and Roy wasted a lot of money on trying to find dancing so as to fine tune they instinctive better boys, they were simply not good talents were all part of the training that these enough for the roles.4 Undoubtedly, it was girls received. Most important was the Golaap‟s brilliant performance in the Bengal training of their minds. As the journals of the theatre which forced the issue. time wrote, “while the actresses do not really Golaap Sundari performed success- need to have school education, an overall fully in a number of productions in Bengal education definitely improves the quality of theatre - Sharmishtha (there is a controversy the minds and hence performance.”8 Others among critics whether she performed in the believed that they needed to be educated in first or second performance),5 Maya Kanan, the styles of performance present in the west Chakshudaan, Mohanter e ki kaaj, Durgesh- so that they could emulate them. The nandini (as Bimala), Mrinalini (as Girijaya) contemporary periodicals ran series on the as well as a number of farces. Her greatest analysis of acting styles of contemporary 31

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British actresses and the actor Nirmalendu people she trusted in and was forced to fend Lahiri pointed out that the careers and lives for herself it was this name she used of the leading actors of the time should be probably because she knew it was this name read to realize how much effort they put in to that the public would remember and not the reach perfection”.9 More relevant for the name she was given at birth. actress was the training they received in The actresses were in such close performance of songs and dances as well as relationship with their mentors in the theatres appropriate costumes. Every play had that they became not only their artistic multiple songs in which Golaap excelled. As creations but depended on their counsel for some critics pointed out these actresses were day to day personal decisions. This more willing than the actors to train. Coming dependence unlike the career choices were from backward families they knew they not always beneficial to the actresses. would be lost without training so they were Loyalty to their mentor would mean follow- more receptive. According to Monomohon ing him from one theatre to another despite Goswami, the men from well to do middle being successful in the present one. class backgrounds felt too superior to learn Fortunately, she would show her mettle in anything new. It was this ignorance that led every theatre she went notwithstanding the to the degeneration of theatre.10 change in ambience and management. When There is no doubt that for the actress Upendranath Das changed theatres and went performance on stage not only brought to Bengal theatre with his troupe Golaap, freedom from the background of disrepute now famous as Sukumari, followed. There they were accustomed to under their mother‟s the next performance Surendra- Binodini was protection, but also brought a regular income. a success with the playlist mentioning There‟s no doubt that their mothers when Birajmohini performed by “Golaap (Sukum- they encouraged these young girls to join the ari)” to attract new audiences. theatres it was this economic security they Golaap/Sukumari however soon anticipated. But it is also true that the roles became the focus of great changes taking that these young girls had to portray on the place in the country leading to momentous stage opened up a world that was totally new. changes in her life which despite the good New relationships, new loyalties and new intentions of the leaders had an unfortunate achievements awaited Golaap. Upendranath impact. The 19th century has been called the Das trained Sukumari in such a way that she age of reform and most of the reforms was soon able to overcome the defects of her centred around women involving affirmative background in enunciation, dialogue deliv- action by the colonial government. But as ery, body language, singing and performing recent researches have shown though the so that she was able to do justice to a number reforms concerned women, they were only of roles. On 2nd January 1875, Golaap acted the site of the reforms and had no agency in Sarat Sarojini where her character‟s name either in the initiation not in the effect. Most was Sukumari. The play was a great success of reformers were male and upper caste and and Golaap became so popular as Sukumari, they had the overall improvement of the that the name stuck. It isn‟t very uncommon condition of women as their motive. for an actress to adopt a stage name in Unfortunately their vision of reforms for general but in the theatrical history of women was according to a contemporary Bengali theatre she seems to be the only one. stereotypical view and did not include their It was the popularity of her portrayal in the empowerment either financially nor artisti- play that made the name stick. That she had cally. Also within their vision of „refo-rm‟ no objection to the change is testified to the was an idea that only within the prote-ction fact that when she was betrayed by the very of domesticity could women achieves their 32

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 ideal. This was related to the prevailing refused to be associated with Goshtho and his domestic ideal where women in a „moral‟ wife. He and Sukumari started living in India would be „angels in the house‟ reinfo- penury in a slum area with very little income rcing the purity of the home and streng- since Sukumari left the theatre in order to thening the morality of their children. All reinforce their „respectable‟ life through other women beyond this ambit were public motherhood. They had a little daughter. Soon women and the colonial government was not Goshtho was faced with an even greater really concerned about them. The relation- tragedy. His patron and friend Upendranath nship of these women with the middle class Das had to leave the country for health society too was marginal and though consi- reasons and unable to cope with the dered a degradation there was no real con- loneliness and social disgrace, Goshtho cern. But the dilemma occurred when these abandoned his wife and daughter and young girls from these „forbidden quarters‟ followed Das to England where he eventually came into direct contact with the middle class died. youth in the theatre. There was suddenly a Sukumari in the face of financial fear within the society that proximity with distress had to resume the career she had these women would contaminate these young rejected for respectability. She first started a men and create a social upheaval. As Girish training camp and then wrote a play called Ghosh pointed out in annoyance in 1900 that Apurba Sati which was performed in Great the “enlightened men of Bengal (should) National Theatre on 23rd August 1875. It was offer constructive suggestions rather than also performed in Bengal theatre. This play simply criticize or express disgust. He was a path breaking one since it was written pointed out that the theatre owners did not for women She was possibly the first woman use prostitute out of any specific motive but dramatist. She also became the first woman because no „respectable‟woman would join to form her own theatrical group with the theatre.11 help of Ashubabu a youth of Bhavanipur, Some Brahmo leaders of the time though the group did not last long. As critic‟s like Sibnath Sastri and Upendranath Das points out when all these efforts failed, wanted to remove the stigma attached with Sukumari in desperation resumed her old theatre as well as improve the condition of profession. She joined Star where under women in one go. Upendranath Das felt that Girish Ghosh‟s direction she performed as social reforms could be wrought using the Motibibi in Kopalkundala, as Suryamukhi in medium of theatre. He thought that if the Bishabriksha, as Rohini in Krishnakanter actors and actresses could be married then Will (all adaptations of the great novelist the theatre would win a good name for itself Bankim Chandra‟s works) and won great and the actresses would no longer be acclaim. Towards the end of her career considered as polluting the good name of the Sukumari joined Classic under Amaren- theatre. He married his favourite and dranath and was able to hold her own against obedient student Sukumari to Goshtobehari young actresses. But she retired from public Dutta, a young actor from a well to do family theatre due to ill health. In her long stage life who was dependent on Upendranath. They of almost twenty eight years Golaap acted in were married by the Marriage Act III of Bengal, Great National, Emerald, Classic, 1872. But the step was not a happy one for Star and theatres. the young people. A debate raged in the The book that Golaap wrote was newspapers and unkind limericks began to Apurba Sati in the name by which she was circulate about the man and woman in more popularly known- Sukumari Dutta in wedded bliss performing in plays. The boy‟s 1875 and reprinted in 1882. It was dedicated family could not take the social pressure and to Maharani Swarnamoyee Devi. It was 33

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 surprising that more than once Latin was The biographer at times cannot rise used in the headings of the work. (Apruba above his time and even when writing about Sati- Castus Mirabillis and instead of Preface Sukumari Datta, Kiron Chandra Datta while the word Pro-video is used) She wrote in the describing the trouble the actress took after introductory words that she was presenting she was married off so that she could become the play before Bengali women before it is respectable and accepting a life of penury placed before the general public. “If in our instead of the fame and money she enjoyed varied mirrors my sisters do not see their as the prima donna there is an overarching colourful faces, then will my incomparable acceptance that the life of a fallen woman is hope regarding mirrors be lost in the future doomed to be sad. Datta described her hollows of time.” The drama has two poems decision to rejoin the stage to save her and 11 songs many of them set to various daughter‟s life as “destroying all the hopes of Hindusthani classical ragas and varied taals. her husband”12 - a husband who shirked all The drama was probably written with the his responsibility, abandoned his family and help of a youth from Bhawanipur called fled the country soon after he destroyed Suk- Ashutosh Das. According to critics the umari‟s successful career. It seems incredible storyline in the play suggest that it was her that Datta felt sympathy for him and accused life story. Sukumari of going against his wishes. The The loyalty that Sukumari had for article had been written under the pen name her mentor and the illusory hope of a family of Bisheshoggo (the Specialist) in 1912 life which would win her the respectability of instead of his own name which shows that it the society which these women could only was difficult to show any support for the dream and never achieve normally did not actress in the Bengali society. prove in the end to be a total failure in my But some critics like Basanta Kumar view. It is true that Sukumari could not Ghosh in the same period, wrote in defense continue the peaceful life of a householder of the women in Bengali theatre that it was for long and the hopes of achieving for excellence in theatrical performance that respectability were fleeting but she was a it was necessary to bring in women. This fact success in several ways. The foremost was is not even denied by the social reformers that in the face of financial difficulties she who hold the theatre in such contempt. He did not have to take up prostitution but had feels that those who condemn the art simply the courage to return to her acting career because the actresses happen to come from which she had left while she was at the not so respectable backgrounds are them- pinnacle of glory. So the success of her selves guilty of poor taste. Why can‟t actr- career had inculcated in her belief and faith esses be regarded simply as artists? After all in her own ability which she could put to when the management takes over the life of good use in the theatrical group she tried to an actress they simply lose their backgrounds put together and when that failed the acting and the audience should only see them career she resumed. Sukumari‟s performance through the prism of their performance.13 as Bimala and Girijaya in Kopalkundala was Besides even the prostitute is human. When praised by the author of the drama Bankim she joins the theatre it is to start a new Chandra Chatterjee as being true to life even vocation afresh. Once she becomes an actress when it was performed without the script. to earn her living and works extremely hard Once during a performance the script could to achieve success in her performance she not be found and Girish Ghosh improvised gets paid a salary by the management and no on stage while the actors and actresses were longer has to pursue her old profession. But such experts that they followed his cue the society remains unforgiving towards her impromptu. and ignores the reality. In fact there are 34

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 instances where some so called stalwarts of company. Her struggle to overcome odds too, the refined society try their best to lure the makes her story inspirational. She had been established and successful actresses away forced to give up theatre when she was to from their profession. But the society give birth to her child but when she was remains unforgiving towards her and ignores abandoned by her spineless husband she the reality. In fact there are instances where decided to take up her destiny in her own some so called stalwarts of the refined hands. She formed her own theatrical group- society try their best to lure the established a first by a woman, a training camp (another and successful actresses away from their first) she then wrote a play ( another first by a profession. woman) which was to be performed before Thus the Beautiful Rose of Bengali women only ( again a first testified to in her theatre, Golaapsundori, or Sukumari Datta own words, but Sukumari never attained achievements (tough based on testimony of iconic status possibly because she had no others as she did not write her autobio- strong voice championing her cause. It is graphy) were considerable and signif-ycant. hoped that future generations will be more It is not simply as an actress that she must be sympathetic to her story and give her the due remembered by posterity but as the pioneer credit. woman playwright and manager of a theatre

Notes and References 1Quoted in Brojendranath Bandopadhyay, Bangiya NAtyashalar Itihas, 1795-1876, Calcutta, Bangiya Sahitya Parishad, 5th ed 1979, p. 102. 2Hemendra Nath Dasgupta, The Indian Theatre, Vol I, Delhi, Gyan Publishing house, 1988 (new edition)and Prabhu Charan Guha Thakurta, The Bengali Drama: Its origin and development, London, K.Paul, Trnch, Truber Pub, 1930. 3Abinash Chandra Gangopadhyay, Girish Chandra : Banga Natyashalar Itihas sambalito, (1st pub1927) Dey‟s Publishing, Calcutta 1977, p. 1. 4Girish Racanabali, opcit, Vol I p. 736. 5Amit Maitra gives detailed evidence indicating it was probably in the second performance that Golaap performed though she belonged to the group of five actresses who trained for it. Amit Maitra, op.cit, pp28-29. On the other hand, Deb Narayan Gupta refers unconditionally to Golaap as having performed in the first performance of Sharmishtha in the main role. Deb Narayan Gupta,Banglar Natnati, Vol I Kolkata, SAhityaLok, 1985, p. 22. 6Quoted in Amit Maitra, Rangalaye Banganati, Ananda Publisher, Kolkata, 2004, p. 31. 7DebNarayan Gupta, op.cit, p. 23. 8Nachghar ,3rd year ,4th samkhya, 3rd ASad, 1331 BS (1911). 9Nirmalendu Lahiri, Adhunik Abhinoy o darshakdiger kartobyo, Sisir, 6th Baishakh, 1332 BS. (1912). 10Monomohon Goswami, Rangabhumi bhalobashilam keno, Satabdir Natyachinta- Girish Ghosh theke UtpalDutt, ed D.Majumdar and S.Samaddar, Calcutta, A.Mukherjee and Company Pvt. Limited, 2000, p. 114. 11Girish Ghosh, ,Abhinetrir Samalochana, Girish RAcanabali, ed. Rathindranath Roy and Devipada Bhattacharya, Sahitya Samsad, Calcutta, 3rd ed., 1991, pp. 823-7. 12Kiron Chandra Datta, Suprasidhha Abhinetri Sukumari Dutta, Shotabdir Natya Chinta opcit, p.132. 13Basanta Kumar Ghosh, Ranganari O Rangabhumi, in Shatabdir Natyachinta, op.cit, p. 168.

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Maharaja Ranjit Singh on the Canvas of History

Dr. Daljit Singh Department of Punjab Historical Studies, Punjabi University, Patiala

“His life was gentle and all the elements so mixe'd in him that nature might stand up And say to all the world 'This was a man!' (Shakespeare)”

Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780-1839), to consolidate his kingdom, he succeded in a legendary figure, is one of the most winning their affection and converting them powerful ruler and fascinating personality of into faithfull courtiers.''4 He was better obe- the nineteenth century Indian History and his yed by his subjects than the Mughal empe- reignis the most glorious epoch in the history rors in the zenith of their power."5 of Punjab. He possessed the superb qualities M Gregor in 1846 remarked that he of a born ruler. He created a state of the was no common character but possessed of dimension of an empire and ensured the powers of mind rarely met with either in participation of all segments of society. He eastern or western world.6 The long politico- accomplished the task of the political military struggle in the battle-field fighting unification of the Punjab and brought about on the one side the decadent, but still strong, peace, prosperity and all round development , and the ferocious Afghan in every aspect of the life of the people of invasions on the other side, coupled with the Punjab. He was truely the Maharaja for all shadow of the British colonial power peoples of the Punjab Nowhere in history a looming large on horizon. Faqir Syed Wahe- state of this size had been created with so eduddin writes, "Ranjit Singh still lives, large little bloodshed. Ranjit was monarch as life, in the imagination of the people. He absolutely independent and possessing the does so not where the Sikhs now live but also greatest power in Asia after the British.1 where they lived before; for the Muslim The Austrian traveller Baron Charles village-folks shared him as legendary figure Hugel remarked that the state established by with the Sikhs and they have not let him Ranjit Singh was " the most wonderful object depart with the latter." 7 in the whole world." Like a skillful architect, Maharaja Ranjit Singh endeavoured the Maharaja raised a "majestic fabric" with to usher in an open pluralistic society the help of rather insignificant or uncomp- characterised by the values of secularism, romising fragments2, and evolved" a str- justice, liberty and equality. This was a new ucturre of power by which he could reconcile revolutionary humanistic ethos in the all important sections of his subjects of his medieval age that otherwise was marked by support.3 He emerged from the status of a religious bigotry, communal exclusiveness, chieftain to become the most powerful Indian sectarian inwardness and compartmentalized ruler of his time." He was the first Indian in a value system. His emergence from such a thousand years to stem the tide of invasions struggle signalled the opening of a new era of from whence they had come, across the peace and co-existence for the Punjab where North West frontier of Hindustan. Although people belonging to different religions were he dispossessed hundreds feudal landholders able to enjoy liberty and equality without

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 having to face religious bigotry of the ruler Maharaja's religious liberalism was and his co-religionists.8 thus beyond their comprehension. Be that as The Sikh concept of pluralistic it may, his policy of secularism was a great society is essential of a multi-religious, mu- success. It was because of his policy that lti-cultural, multi-racial society, termed as "Ranjit Singh gave the Punjab forty years of halemi raj by Guru Arjan Dev, the fifth Guru peace, prosperity and progress of an order of the Sikhs. Maharaja Ranjit Singh's libe- which it had not known since the time of the ralism and secularism flowed out of the great Mughals."10 Due to this policy his reign pluralistic Sikh tradition itself. That is why witnessed no communal riots and the Sikhs, Ranjit Singh, on the occasion of his Hindus, and Muslims lived in perfect harm- coronation as a Maharaja in Lahore on 12 ony and goodwill for one another. The April, 1801 issued the Nanak-Shahi Coins in Maharaja elicited profoud respect and love the name of Gurus proclaiming that Guru for all the communities. Even when he fell Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh were ill, invariably all his subjects belonging to sovereign; as issuing of coins is considered a different faiths prayed in their respective symbol of sovereignty the world over. He modes for his speedy recuperation. Nearly used to say that he was like Nagara of Guru fifty years after his death Griffin writes, " Gobind Singh who had built a big drum and Although half a century has passed since his named it Ranjit Nagara (which means victory death, his name is still a household word in winning Drum). the province: his portrait is still preserved in Guru Gobind Singh's devout Sikh castle and cottage."11 Bhai Kanaihya made no distinction between Like Mughal Emperor , Maha- a Sikh and a Muslim at the time of providing raja Ranjit Singh was an unlettered but intel- water to the wounded soldiers in the battle- ligent man and a wise statesman. ''I never field. The Guru was blessed with his conduct quitted the presence of a native of Asia with and asked him to apply balm also to the wou- such impression as I left this man: without nded soldiers irrespective of their religions. education, and without a guide, he conduts Since Maharaja Ranjit Singh had deep faith all the affairs of his kingdom with surpassing in the teachings of the Gurus, the Guru energy and vigour, and yet he wields his Granth Sahib and the Khalsa, it was natural power with a moderation quite unprecede- that the liberal principles of Sikhism should nted in an Eastern Prince."12 The contempo- mould his policy accordingly. rary foreign travellers like Baron Hugel and The Policy of government adopted Victor Jacquemont and the contemporary and followed by him was to place all his European officials, like Murray, Orlich and subjects on the same political level Osborne were deeply influenced by the irrespective of their faith or religion. His unusual ability, under-standing, wisdom, stat- policy and conduct towards the non-Sikh esmanship and firm determination of the subjects were guided by the ideas of pate- Maharaja.13 rnalism, liberalism and benevolence. It is Ranjit Singh's policies of recruitment incorrect to say that his solicitude for all of the staff for civil and military duties with people, irrespective of caste, colour or creed, regard to trade and industry were all based on was rooted in any conception of the secular the spirit of liberalism. The hinge posts in his state, The notion of a secular state as we civil and military administration were held understand it today, was alien to Ranjit by the people belonging to different Singh. His approach was religious (not communities such as Sikhs, Hindus, Muslims communal) and not irreligious one which is and Christians. His principal criteria in an indispensable condition or qualification of selecting them were merit, suitability and modern theory of the secular state.9 loyalty. Caste, creed and nationality carried 37

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 no weight with him. According to Gulshan colonels and the rest holding other important Lal Chopra, Ranjit Singh had a commendable ranks. There were as many as ninety-two quality of selecting suitable persons for Muslims who held the posts of senior officers government jobs. "He selected the right men in police, judiciary, legal department and in for right place, and attached much the supply and store departments. "Thus importance to the hereditary instincts and while the ruler was a Sikh, the government traditions, of the various classes of his was run by an elite corps composed of subjects."14 "King and political head of the members of all communities. This gave Punjab, as well as chief of the Khalsa, he Ranjit Singh's regime the character of a aimed at reconciling the varied divisions of secular system of government.19 race and creed among his subjects and In fact, the liberal character of the employing all in his service"15 Sikhism had immense impact upon Ranjit The non-sectarian nature of Maha- Singh. It was this spirit annunciated in the raja's government is clearly evident from his teachings of the Sikh Gurus that made the appointments. The Dogra brothers, Dhian Maharaja to show tolerance and liberalism to Singh, Gulab Singh and Suchet Singh held other communities of his reign. No religious high ranking posts in the Lahore Darbar;16 prejudice or discriminations carried any the three Faqir brothers, Azizuddin, weight in the public appointments. The merit Nuruddin and Imamuddin held the posts of of the concerned persons mattered most. The ministers and governors. Diwans Bhiwani records of Khalsa Darbar as stated by Sita Das, Ganga Ram and Dina Nath held charge Ram Kohli, justify this point. He says," of the revenue and finance departments. infantry paltans of Maharaja Ranjit Singh Mian Ghaus Khan and then Missar Diwan army, mentioned in the pay rolls between Chand were appointed chief officers of 1819-20 six were of Muslims. The names of artillery department. Diwan Mokham Chand these paltans were Aziz Khan, Ibadullah was held in high esteem for his Military skill Bhakhtawar Khan, Sheikh Basawan Gulam and soldierly qualities. No ruler of ancient or Hussain Khan and Nazib Khan."20 medieval Indian History could match Ranjit Jacquemont writes that during the Singh in his cosmopolitan approach who had Maharaja's time the fanaticism of the Sikhs appointed to important posts more than sixty had become extinct and tolerance of Ranjit persons, hailing from more than dozen Singh was so great that all were equal in the foreign nationalities.17 For example, Josiah good grace of the Sikh Monarch.21 He Harlan, the Governor of Gujrat, was a citizen followed completely a non-communal liberal of United States of America; Avitabile, policy throughout his career. During his Governor of Wazirabad, was an Italian, and expeditions even non-Sikhs did their best to army General Venture belonged to Italy and achieve glories for the Maharaja. After his Allerd and Court from France. Similarly demise the Khalsa stood up against the people from Greece Russia, Germany, double menace of British machinations and Austria, England, Spain, etc., were also in his intrigues of the chiefs of the Lahore Darbar. employ.18 Men of all communities, Hindus, Sikhs and Faqir Waheduddin a descendant of Muslims were compelled to take up arms Faqir Family, basing his information on his against the armies of the British. They fought family records, writes that among the top shoulder to shoulder and ungrudgingly ranking Muslim officers of the Maharaja, mingled their blood in defence of their there were two ministers, one governor and beloved state. Religious tolerance, religious several district officers. There were forty-one charities and religious impartiality in the high ranking Muslim officer in the Durbar, recruitment of his soldiers and officers, two of them generals, several of them diplomats, judges, kardars and Governors 38

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 made him a popular king. The tributes of his robust body and mind. Remaining constantly contemporaneous poets like Shah Moha- by the side of his father all the foraging and mmad paid him, are genuine, unsolicited and battling of their misal honed his acumen of very creditable.22 soldiery, tactics, sharpness, cleverness, agi- No doubt Ranjit Singh was a lity and ability required for being an able dedicated Sikh and he not gave jagirs and warrior, leader, chieftain and king. He was a grants to Sikhs shrines and institutions only keen learner, and as his stature grew so did but to Hindu and Muslim shrines and his knowledge, consciousness and insight. As institutions too. It is historical evidence that he annexed more and more territory and he oftenly visited Hindu places of worship. other misals, and soon became the ruler of As per Kenahya Lal, Ranjit Singh used to the Punjab, his inteligence and wisdom visit Haridwar and had a sacred bath in the blossomed to new heights in contact with Ganga. There he distributed huge amount in chieftains of other misals, visitors, travelers the shape of dan (Charity) to Hindu priests.23 vakils of neighboring states and distant Even he took bath at Parmandal situated in nations, foreign mercenary soldiers and Jammu Hills.24 He gave twenty-two lakh cash officers he recruited and British agents of and articles of worth rupees twenty-five lakh East India Company. To run the affairs of his to Hindu and Muslim places of worship.25 He kingdom he gathered around his excellent also sent 250 mounds of desi ghee for havan masters of state craft and war.29 Being performed at Jawalmukhi temple.26 farsighted, a wise saw always occupied his His bounty is as boundless as the sea, mind, " Every subject's duty is the king's; but His love as deep; the more he give to thee every subject's soul is his own." The more he has, for both are infinite If the process of inter community Shakespeare (Italics are mine) partnership, sense of co-existence and Under his liberal policies, no toleration fostered by Ranjit Singh among religious taxes, like Jaziya and Zakat, were major religious traditions had continued, the imposed or collected.27 Though the Persian communal problem which led to dismem- was made the state language, even then the berment of Punjab could have been avoided. people belonging to different communities Maharaja Ranjit Singh symbolizes courage, were allowed to read, write and speak the sagacity, foresight, magnify, endurance, language they like.28 common sense and inter-comm-unal Even though Ranjit Singh did not get partnership that united the people of Punjab formal education from Granthi, Pandha or and led to effulgence of a common Punjabi Mullah, the traditional teachers of his time, culture. These values are a precious treasure yet he got plenty of practical training and of all advanced civilizations. For advance- upbringing which made him the chief of ment and progress these values have to be Shukarchakaia Misal at the very young age cherished, sustained, and diffused so as to of ten, when his father died unexpectedly. serve as a beacon light for future gener- Almost from the beginning, he learnt riding, ations. hunting and fighting, which also let him a

Footnotes and References 1Victor Jacquemont, Letters from India, Vol. II, London, 1834-35, p. 25. 2Baron Charles Hugel, Travels in Kashmir and the Punjab, Patiala, 1970, pp 293-94. 3J.S. Grewal, The Sikhs of the Punjab, New Delhi, 1994, p. 113. 4Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh Maharaja of the Punjab, Bombay 1962, p. 8. 5Victor Jacquemont, Letter from India, Vol. I, Londin, 1834-35, P. 399. 6M' Gregor, The History of the Sikhs, vol 1 London, 1846, pp 225-26. 7Faqir Syed Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, London, 1965, p.8. 39

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8Teja Singh, Essays in Sikhism, Patiala 1988, P. 64. 9Technically speaking a secular state is one which is neutral in religious matters and officiallydoes not give patronage to any religion. This term cannot apply to Ranjit Singh who aligned himself to a particular religion and a community and called his government the government of hat community. 10Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, Oxford, 1893, p. 88. 11Faqir Syed Waheeduddin, op.cit, Karachi, 1965, p. 122. 12Sir Alexender Burnes, The Travels into Bokhara, Vol. I, 1834, p. 33. 13Orlich writes, In energy of will endurance and craftiness he was unequalled by any of the people." According to victor Jacquemont, Ranjit Singh" is an old fox, compared with whom the wiliest of our diplomats is mere innocent." H.S. Bhatia, (ed.) Rare Documents on Sikhs and their Rule in the Punjab, New Delhi, 1981. pp. 223, 246. 14Gulshan Lal Chopra, The Punjab as Sovereign State, Hoshiarpur, 2nd edition, 1960., p. 135. 15General Sir John H. Gordon, The Sikhs, London, 1904, p. 114. 16M Gregor, History of the Sikhs, Vol 1, P. 242. 17Fauja Singh, State and Society Under Ranjit Singh, New Delhi, 1982, pp 72-73. 18Ibid p. 72 19Faqir Syed Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, pp. 36-37; Baron Charles Hegel, Travels inKashmir and the Punjab, Patiala, 1970, pp. 292-93. 20Sita Ram Kohli, Catalogue of Khalsa Darbar Records, Vol 1. Government Printing, Lahore, 1919, pp. 304-08. 21Jacquemont, Letters from India, Vol 11, pp. 19-20 ; Amar Nath Zafarnama-i- Ranjit Singh, ed. By Sita Ram Kohli, Lahore 1928, p. 18. 22Shah Mohammad, Jangnama : Singhan Ate Frangian, Rattan Singh Jaggi (ed.), Patiala 1981, pp. 3,4 & 21 23.Kanhaiya Lal, Tarikh-i-Punjab, Patiala, 1868, p. 48. 24Ibid. p. 341. 25Ibid. P. 349. 26W.G. Osborn, Ranjit Singh, Calcutta, 1952, p. 80. 27Sita Ram Kohli, Catalogue of Khalsa Darbar Records, Vol. 1, P. 296. 28Ibid. 29R.L. Ahuja, Maharaja Ranjit Singh -A Man of Destiny, New Delhi, 1983, p. 83.

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A Study on Tribal Coins of Northern India

Dr. Devendra Kumar Singh Assistant Professor Department of History Indira Gandhi National Tribal University Amarkantak, M.P.

Coins are discovered from time to Tribal republics, though they were not time either in the course of archaeological republics in the modern sense of the term. excavations or as accidental finds during The coins, though small size, are the most digging operations of the earth. Coins play authentic pieces of evidence and enlighten a vital role in illuminating history not us about various aspects of the life and known from other sources and help in it culture of the people. Though the history reconstruction. Coins are very important of the study of ancient Indian tribal coins source of history such as political, social, goes back to 1834 A.D. when James Prin- economic, cultural, religious etc. They sep published some coins discovered just also confirm and substantiate the history by chance by canal diggers near Behat in known from other sources. district Saharanpur (U.P.), yet recent After the decline of the Mauryan discoveries, interpretations and techniques Empire, the people and the principalities of analysis have rendered earlier views in that were humbled under the imperial many cases as obsolete and worth domination came into power again and re- revision1 established their administration-local, The term „tribal coins‟ have been tribal and monarchial. Ancient Indian used by Allan2 is in a rather compreh- tribal republics are divisible into two ensive sense to denote not only the tribal groups i.e. the northern and the eastern coins, but also the local coins. The republics. The early knowledge of the similarities between the tribal and local northern republics rest mainly on the coinage are many but their very nature is material supplied by the classical authors different and as such they cannot be and the Ashtadhayayi of Panini etc. some referred to by a single term.3 The term of these tribes are known to have resisted Local coin is general taken to denote that the invasion of Alexander. The coins of series of indigenous coins, which is found some of these tribes are known, but they generally, from Taxila, Eran, , are post-Mauryan. The eastern republics Mathura, Kausambi, Panchala, and Ayod- are known mainly from the Indian haya together with the coinages of the literature. They are, however, not known , Yaudhayas and such other from their coins. tribes. The former class represents monar- Study of the tribal coins of ancient chial and the latter the non-monarchial India forms a very fascinating chapter of coinage. Chronologically both of them ancient Indian history. The term „Tribal belong almost to the same period and Coinage‟ is usually applied to the betray a uniform mode of manufac-ture. indigenous coins bearing the names of Together they constitute, thus an indep- certain tribal communities. These tribes endent group or class of ancient Ind-ian followed a non-monarchical system of coinage. They have many other simila- government and hence may be called as rities, in addition to the ones already no- 41

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 ted. It was due mainly to these factors that social, religious, families or blood ties. H. they were often discussed together. They Risley had observed that “a tribe as we are both inscribed and uninscribed. find it in India is a collection of families The tribal coinage is local in or group of families bearing a common character. The coins of the particular tribal name which as a rule does not denote any republics are found from the region once it specific occupation; generally claiming ruled. As the extent of the territory of common descent form a mythical or these republican states, is not known with historical ancestor, and occasionally from certainty from any other source, it can an animal.”10 possibly be determined on the basis of the In the tribal coinage of ancient provenance of their coins. The known India, basically there are three major provenances of their coins, however, are techniques of manufacturing of coin. The indicative of the local character of the most of the tribal coins are manufactured coinage, and shows that the territory at the by die-striking and casting method. They command of these tribes was but modest are generally of copper, billon and silver and their resources poor. According to E. pieces being comparatively rare. A J. Rapson “Coins of native Indian states majority of them are inscribed, unins- from earliest times to 50 A.D. that is cribed coins being few and far between. called tribal coins”4. V. A. Smith made a The legends generally give us the names more scientific approach to the problem of the issuing tribes often coupled with the by dividing there coins into different ruling chiefs or tribal republics alone are categories like the local coins, tribal coins, given. coins of kings of north Panchala and A careful study of the relevant Kosala and coins of kings and Kshatrapas coin data will reveal that worship of Mathura.5 Another scholar John Allen commanded immense popularity observed that all these species “may be throughout the period under review and conveniently called tribal coins; indeed, that some of the myths and legends on several, the word gana (tribe) actually countering round the god had also become occurs in combination with proper current. Extant numismatics evidence name”6. S.K. Chakraborty‟s idea is appa- indicates that Skanda- Kartikeya also was rently similar to that of Allen.7 P.L. Gupta popularly worshipped by people. Partic- considers all these species as local coins ular importance in this connections further subdivides them into (1) Local (2) attaches to certain classes of Tribal and (3) Monarchical.8 K.D. Bajpai coins which bear the representations of the divides them into Janapada and Naigama god who is alsomentioned in accompa- issues.9 nying legend. One of the most popular According to an anthropological devices not only of tribal but also of local concept; a tribe is a social group, usually coins was the representation of goddess with a definite area, dialect, culture, ho- Laxmi.11 mogeneity and verifying social organiza- Political Boundary tion. It may include several subgroups, The post Maurya indigenous such as sibs or village. A tribe ordinarily currencies of Northern India are has a leader and may have a common conventionally designated as a local and ancestor as well a patron deity. The tribal coins. Monetary issues defiantly at- families or small communities making up tributeeable to particular localities are the tribe are linked through economic, known as local coins, while those bearing 42

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 name of tribes are termed as tribal coins. they are to be dated to the second or the The later were mainly the issue of those first century B.C. oligarchical tribes who asserted their The Audumbara Janapada independence in the Punjab and The Audumbaras, known also as area after the downfall of the Mauryas. the Udumbaras or Odumbaras, were one The Nagas, of the oldest and well-known tribes of ancient India. They were at the hight of their glory and power during the first century B.C. when they issued their coins also. Though the earliest literary reference to the Audumbaras is found in Panini‟s Asthadhyayi. The Audumbaras has also been referred to in the Mahabhasya by Patanjali. The Audumbaras are located in the western part of the Kangara district () and Gurudaspur and Hoshiarpur district of Punjab.15 The Audumbara coins may be grouped into three classes.16 (i) a series of square copper pieces (ii) a few silver issues, and (iii) a group of round copper and billon coins without the name of the tribe. The Distributions of tribal coins of India copper and silver pieces of class I and II, an important tribe of ancient India also bearing the name of the tribe may be dated established their power over a large about the first century B.C., while those portion of cultural India and their coins without the name of the tribe (Class III) may as well be included in this category. appear to be a little later.17 The detail study of tribal coins as follows. The Kuluta Janapada The Agartta (The Agras) Janapada The , the The first coin of or Agreya and the mention the Kulutas (Agacha) tribe was published by James under various phonetically similar manes Prinsep in 1858.12 After a gap of nearly like the Ulutas, Kolukas, Kullathas etc. In half a century, Smith catalogued some the Bhisma parva they are mentioned as coins which may be attributed to the Uluta and associated with the people of Agacha tribe. In 1936 the nine round coins Kashmira, , Abhisara etc.18 The catalogued by Allen13 and coming from Kulutas are located by Cunningham in Barwalla in the Hisar district of the Kullu valley in the Kangra district19 Punjab. Fifty one more coins mostly Himachal Pradesh, and were according to rectangular, of this Janapada have come to E.J. Rapson, the eastern neighbors of the light from the excavations at Agroha14 at Audumbaras.20 Two classes of coins are the same district. It is therefore evident known of the Kulutas. Class I is repr- that Agroha is to be identified with esented by eleven square copper coins of a Agrodaka, the headquarters of the homogeneous series discovered during the Agratyas. Since the Agroha coins were excavations at Taxila21 and class two by found along with some Indo-Greek issues, the unique round silver piece of Virayasas.22 The coins of class I are purely 43

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Indian in all respect and have groups of word „Rajanya‟ connotes a symbols on either side such a swastika, person of the Kshatriya cast or royal nandipada, tree in railing, taurine etc. personage in general. The word is met The Kuninda Janapada with for the first time in the Purush-Sukta The Kunindas occupy a place of of the Rigveda (X.90,12) where, dwelling pride in the galaxy of ancient Indian upon the fourfold division of the society.26 republican tribes and their name shines Prinsep was the first scholar to discover forth with the brilliance of their silver Rajanya coins. Their coins, known only in currency. The provenance of the Kuninda copper, are two series- one with Brahmi Coins Show that the Kuninda occupied on legend27 and the other with Kharoshi area between the upper courses of the legend28 both have identified types and Beas, Sutlej and the Jhelama, in the bear on the obverse the standing figure of neighborhood of the Kuluta county and a deity (probably Laxmi) holding a lotus included some portion of the Kumaon and in right hand and on the reverse a bull Gadhwal hills. The Kuninda Coins, kno- standing to left with in a rayed circle. The wn in two classes, belong to tow different legend whether in Brahmi or in Kharosthi, periods. Class I consists of silver and occurs on the obverse and reads, Rajana copper coins of the same type bearing the Janapada.29 name of Amoghbhuti and are assignable Yaudheya Janapada to about the first century B.C., while those The Yaudheya territory comprised of Class II are copper pieces, which were an area extending from Bahawalpur in the struck in the name of , west to Kangra in the east along the Sutlej Chhatresvara, some two centuries later.23 and Beas and stretched up to Bharatpur in In class I type, the obverse bears the south. The Yaudheya coins are on the left a deer to right with three minor classifieds into six groups. Class I Cons- symbols around a female figure on right ists of a series of small coins of Cop-per standing facing and holding flower in and Potin, which are generally uninsc- right hand. The reverse has six symbols, a ribed. The coins of class II bearing the na- six peaked mountain surrounded by me of tribe. In class II depict on the obve- Nandipada, a wavy line below a tree in rse the a bull to right standing before a railing to right, and a Swastika above a Yupa and on the reverse an elephant to triangle headed object to left.24 right with Nandipada above and a flying The coins of class two are large pennon behind it.30 Class III Consist of a pieces of copper modelled on similar unique silver coin and an extensive series Kushana issues. They depict on the of copper coins of the same type, closely obverse a male figure standing facing, connected in type and style with the holding trident axe in right hand and Kuninda coins of Amoghbhuti. The silver having a flower or star over his left coins beers on the obverse the figure of shoulder. The reverse shows adeer to left six-headed Kartikeya and on reverse that with some minor symbols around, a wavy of a goddess identified with Devasena, the line below a tree in railing, six peaked hill consort of Kartikeya, standing facing on a a triangle headed standard arranged in lotus flanked by a six-peaked hill surro- different order in different varieties.25 unded by Nandipada and Tree in railing Rajanya Janapada on either side.31 A coin of the some The Rajanya are located in the module as those of class III and having on Hoshiarpur district of the Punjab. The the obverse the Brahmi legend Bhanuva- 44

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 between a mountain and Svastika above left on hill. Type II depicts a bull to right and a snake below, and on the reverse a before a sacrificial post and the Brahmi trident and a standard each in a railing, legend, Arjunayana Jaya and an elephant constitute class IV. Coins belong to class to right before tree in railing on the V are very closely similar to class II. reverse. Coins of class VI are well- executed round Malava Tribes copper pieces having distinct Kushana The originally dwelt in influence in their type and module. They the Punjab region during the time of depict on the obverse the figure of Alexander. After some time they migrated Kartikeya with his peacock and on reverse and shifted and settled in the Jaipur area in that of Laxmi standing in an attitude eastern Rajasthan during the post- Maurya resembling Mao or Mirro on Kushana period. The Malava coins are very small coins. and resemble the Naga coinage in type The Yaudheya coins are three and size. Their coins are of two broad different periods. Class I, II & V are the classes. The coins of class I has different earliest and may be dated about the second varieties according to the reverse devices and first century B.C. Class III and IV which are usually vase, lion, bull, fantail, belong to the first nad second century peacock and otherobscure designs. The A.D., while those of class VI are of the obverse is generally occupied by the post Kushana period, i.e. of the third and Brahmi legend. The legend varies from fourth century A.D.32 Prakrit to Sanskrit and is sometimes Arjunayana Tribes continued to the reverse.35 The coins of The Arjunayanas have been class II which do not bear the tribal name mentioned in Panini‟s Ganapatha in the closely resemble those of class I, have Rajanyadi group and then in generally similar types and are found in ‟s Prayag Prasasti along association with them. with the , Malavas, Prarjunas, Sibi Janapada etc. J.F. Fleet held that the Arjunayanas The Sibis are a people of great might have been connected with the antiquity. They are probably the Sivas of tribe of Punjab mentioned by the Rigveda where they are described as Ptolemy33. Some other scholars also defeated by king Sudasa along with other believe that, as their name indicates, they tribes like the Alinas, Pakthas, Visanins, may have descended from their third etc. in tha battle of ten kings (Dasarajna- Pandava , just as the Yaudheyas are Yudhha) somewhere between the Vipas believed to have the descended from the and Purushni (Vyas and Ravi river). Sivi eldest Pandava brother . The were also originally the inhabitants of the Arjunayana lived within the area between Punjab region during Alexander‟s time Delhi, Agra and Jaipurand were the and afterwards migrated to eastern neighbors of the Yaudheyas on the north Rajasthan. The Sibi coins generally bear and the Malvas on the south.34 There coins on the obverse two symbols, Swastika are very rare and are of two types. Type I with a taurine at each prong and a tree has a standing female figure (Probably raising from a circle, and on the reverse a Laxmi) between a sacrificial post on left six peaked hill with a Nandipada. The and a tree in railing on right on the Brahmi legend on the obverse is found in obversewith the Brahmi legend, Arjuna- tow varieties. (i) Shivi Janapadasa (ii) yana. On the reverse side mainly bull to Majhamikaya Sivi Janapadasa. The Sivi 45

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 coins may be dated about the first century About twelve Nagas rulers are B.C. known so far from numismatic evidences The Nagas from these places. The Nagas coins are Coins of the Nagas which are very small pieces of copper, resembling generally come from the Padmavati area the Malva coins; but they are larger and in the former state. According to thicker in fabric. They generally bear on the Vishnupurana, the Nagas kings ruled the obverse some small device, such as the from Padmavati, Kantipuri and Mathura. Bull, Peacock, Trident, Wheel and on the The Puranas also refer to Naga rule at reverse the name of the king along with Vidisha. The Nagas coins are generally in the title Maharaja or Maharaja Sri. The copper. The majority of the Nagas issues Bull being connected with the national are round in shape, while square coins of cult of the Bharsiva Nagas, who were rare occurrence are known of a few rulers. devotees of Siva, is the commonest The Nagas coins were evidently emblem on the Naga coins. It is seen on manufactured by a purely indigenous and the coins of about all the Naga rulers. The unsophisticated die striking technique. Nagas coins range between the second and forthcenturyA.D.

References 1Handa, Devendra, Tribal Coins of Ancient India, Aryan Book International, New Delhi, 2007, p-vii. 2Allen, J., British Museum Catalogue, Ancient India, p.xiv. 3Singh, J.P., Local coins of Northern India, Memoirs of the department of Ancient Indian History, Culture and Archaeology, Varanasi, No-2, p. 6. 4Rapson, E.J., Indian Coins, p- 10f. 5Smith, V.A., Catalogue of coins in the Indian Museum, Calcutta, I, pp- 143 & 160. 6Allan, J., Catalogue of the coins of Ancient India, p LXXIX. 7Chakraborty, S.K., Numismatics supplement, No. XLVI, 1935-36, p- 31. 8Gupta, P.L. Coins, National Book Trust, New Delhi, p-34. 9Bajpai, K.D., Indian Numismatics Studies, Abhinav Publication, Delhi, 1976, pp. 9-10. 10Risley, H., The People of India, London, 1915, p-62. 11Shastri, A.M., Symbols on tribal coins : an interpretative study, Seminar paper of the tribal coins of Ancient India, dept. of AIHC & Arch, BHU, 1977, pp-94-95. 12James, Prinsep, Essay on Indian antiquities, edited by E. Thomas, London, 1858, Pl. XX.44. 13J, Allen, BMC, AI, Ibid, pp- 279, 282-283. 14Srivastava, H. L., Excavations at Agroha, 1952, memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no. 61. 15Lahiri, Bela, Typology of the Tribal Coins, Seminar paper of the tribal coins of Ancient India, dept. of AIHC & Arch, BHU, 1977, pp-28-29. 16Cunningham, Alexander, Coins of Ancient India, pp- 66-67. 17J, Allen, BMC, AI,Ibid, plate- LXXXiii. 18Handa, Devendra, Ibid. p-39. 19Cunningham, Alexander, Ancient Geography of India, pp. 162-163. 20Rapson, E.J., Cambridge History of India, vol –I, p-529. 21Marshall, J., Taxila Excavations, vol I, pp- 171 and 213. 22Allen, J., BMC, AI, Ibid,p. 158, plate- XVI. 4. 23Ibid, p- ciii. 24Lahiri, Bela, Ibid, pp-33-34. 25Ibid, p- 34. 26Handa, Devendra,Ibid, p-98. 27Allen, J., BMC, AI, Ibid, p. 210, plate- XXIX. 15. 46

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28Ibid, p. 211, plate- XXIX. 13. 29Lahiri, Bela, Ibid, p-34. 30Allen, J., BMC, AI, Ibid, pp- 267-270. 31Lahiri, Bela, Ibid, pp-36 &27. 32Ibid, p- 37 33Indian Antiquity, XIII, pp. 331 and 349. Also see Handa, Devendra, Tribal Coins of Ancient India, Aryan Book International, New Delhi, 2007, p-18. 34Allen, J., BMC, AI, Ibid, p.133, plate- IXXXIII. 35Lahiri, Bela, Ibid, p-38.

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Gender Disparities in North-West States of India

Dr. Manisha Assistant Professor Department of Economics Department of Distance Education, Punjabi University, Patiala Ms. Amanpreet kaur Research Scholar, Department of Economics, Punjabi University, Patiala

Introduction economic development. Physical capital is The Human Development Report required for economic development of an (HDR) 2011, published by the United economy and the growth of physical capital Nations Development Programme (UNDP) depends on the rate of human capital estimates the human development index formation which includes investment in (HDI) in terms of three basic capabilities: to education. Education is the important input live a long and healthy life, to be educated for investment in human capital. The level of and knowledgeable and to enjoy a decent education is the mirror of society. To economic standard of living. Among these recognize this need, the Right to education is factors, education plays an important role in now Fundamental Right in the age group of determining the level of socio-economic 6-14 years in India. Education is a process development of an economy. and literacy is one of the most important Education is the corner stone of components of this process. economic, social and cultural development of Over the years, the level of literacy a country. It has emerged as the most has increased in India. Literacy has signify- important single input in promoting human ant effect on every sphere of human life. One resource development, in achieving rapid such sphere is the gender ratio in a society. economic development and technological Gender ratio is defined as number of females progress. An appropriate education system per thousand males. Gender ratio reveals the cultivates knowledge, better skills, positive situation of women in a society. Low gender values and attitudes among the people ratio clearly depicts the picture of low status especially for those who acquire it (Annual of women in India. Indian women face Plan 2008 of Government of Punjab). discrimination before their birth and it “Education is the core sector for achieving prevails through out their lives. Gender based the objective of employment, human resource data show the existence of wide spread development and bringing about much disparities between men and women on many needed change in social environment, leading fronts, education is one of these fronts. With to overall progress through efficient use of the improvement in the level of literacy, is resources. An appropriate education system there any improvement in gender ratio in cultivates knowledge, skill, positive attitude, India? The present paper is an attempt to find awareness and sense of responsibility the answer. The paper is based on the towards rights and duties and imports inner hypothesis that literacy casts positive impact strength to face oppression, humiliation and on gender ratio i.e. the states having high inequality”( Ninth five year plan, 1997- literacy rate have higher gender ratio. The 2002). Education is the key factor in socio- study is confined to five North-West states of

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India, viz., Punjab, Haryana, Himachal Prad- Earlier there are four factors of esh, Gujarat and Rajasthan. production. Human capital becomes the fifth Objectives and the most important factor of production. The main objectives of the study are: It plays an important role in the development 1. To study literacy rate in five North- process of an economy. Healthy, educated West states of India. and skilled workforce become very 2. To examine the relationship between productive and contribute more in a literacy rate and gender ratio in these country‟s economic growth. The population states. of India is given in table 1. The table shows Methodology an increase in the population in these The study is based on secondary data decades. It is observed from the table that related to gender ratio and literacy rate. The females contribute half of the population in data is collected primarily from Census of all these states. Number of females is more India, National Family Health Surveys, than the males in Kerala during these years. Statistical Abstract of States and Economic Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra and Bihar are Surveys of India. Time taken for the study is highly populated states with 199581,112373 post-reform period i.e. 1991. and 103805 (in thousands) population Finding respectively in 2011. Table 1: Population of India (in thousands) States 1991 2001 2011 Male Female Persons Male Female Persons Male Female Persons Andhra 33725 32783 66508 38527 37683 76210 42510 42156 84666 Pradesh Arunachal 465 400 865 580 518 1098 720 662 1383 Pradesh Assam 11658 10756 22414 13777 12879 26656 15955 15214 31169 Bihar 33838 30692 64531 43244 39755 82999 54185 49619 103805 Chattisgarh 8873 8742 17615 10474 10360 20834 12828 12712 25540 Goa 595 575 1170 687 660 1348 741 717 1458 Gujarat 21355 19954 41310 26386 24285 50671 31482 28901 60384 Haryana 8828 7636 16464 11364 9781 21145 13505 11848 25353 Himachal 2618 2553 5171 3088 2990 6078 3474 3383 6857 Pradesh Jammu & 4142 3695 7837 5361 4783 10144 6666 5883 12549 Kashmir Jharkhand 11364 10480 21844 13885 13061 26946 16932 16035 32966 Karnataka 22952 22025 44977 26899 25952 52851 31058 30073 61131 Kerala 14289 14810 29099 15469 16373 31841 16021 17366 33387 Madhya 25395 23172 48566 31444 28904 60348 37613 34985 72597 Pradesh Maharashtra 40826 38112 78937 50401 46478 96879 58361 54012 112373 Manipur 938 899 1837 1162 1132 2294 1370 1352 2722 Meghalaya 908 867 1775 1179 1143 2319 1493 1471 2964 Mizoram 359 331 690 459 430 889 552 539 1091 Nagaland 641 569 1210 1047 943 1990 1026 955 1980 Odisha 16064 15596 31660 18661 18144 36805 21202 20746 41947 Punjab 10778 9504 20282 12985 11374 24359 14635 13069 27704 Rajasthan 23043 20963 44006 29420 27087 56507 35620 33001 68621 Sikkim 216 190 407 289 252 541 322 286 608 49

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Tamil Nadu 28299 27560 55859 31401 31005 62406 36159 35980 72139 1418 1339 2757 1642 1557 3199 1872 1799 3671 Uttar 70396 61666 132062 87565 78633 166198 104596 94985 199581 Pradesh Uttarakhand 3641 3410 7051 4326 4163 8489 5154 4963 10117 West 35511 32567 68078 41466 38710 80176 46927 44420 91348 Bengal India 439358 407063 846421 532223 496514 1028737 623724 586469 1210193 Source: Selected Socio-Economic Statistics, India, 2011, Government of India, Ministry of Statistics & Programme Implementation, New Delhi. There are three main indicators of that literacy rate increased from 52.21 development and literacy is one of them. percent in 1991 to 74.04 percent in 2011 in Literacy helps in improving human capital. India. Male literacy has increased from 64.13 According to Census of India, literacy rate is percent to 82.14 percent and female literacy defined as proportion of literates to total rate has increased from 39.29 percent to population in the age group of 7 and above. 65.46 percent during this period. Overall Overall literacy rate has increased from 1991 literacy rate, male as well as female literacy to 2011 in India. State wise literacy rate in rate increased in all the states in these India is shown in table 2. The table reveals decades.

Table 2: State wise Literacy Rate in India (percentage) States 1991 2001 2011 Male Female Person Male Female Persons Male Female Persons s Andhra 55.13 32.72 44.09 70.32 50.43 60.47 75.56 59.74 67.66 Pradesh Arunachal 51.45 29.69 41.59 63.83 43.53 54.34 73.69 59.57 66.95 Pradesh Assam 61.87 43.03 52.89 71.28 54.61 63.25 78.81 67.27 73.18 Bihar 52.49 22.89 38.48 59.68 33.12 47.00 73.39 53.33 63.82 Chhattisgarh - - - 77.38 51.85 64.66 81.45 60.59 71.04 Goa 83.64 67.09 75.51 88.42 75.37 82.01 92.81 81.84 87.40 Gujarat 73.13 48.64 61.29 79.66 57.80 69.14 87.23 70.73 79.31 Haryana 69.10 40.47 55.85 78.49 55.73 67.91 85.38 66.77 76.64 Himachal 75.36 52.13 63.86 85.35 67.42 76.48 90.83 76.60 83.78 Pradesh Jammu & - - - 66.60 43.00 55.52 78.26 58.01 68.74 Kashmir Jharkhand - - - 67.30 38.87 53.56 78.45 56.21 67.63 Karnataka 67.26 44.34 56.04 76.10 50.43 66.64 82.85 68.13 75.60 Kerala 93.62 86.13 89.81 94.24 87.72 90.86 96.02 91.98 93.91 Madhya 58.42 28.85 44.20 76.06 50.29 63.74 80.53 60.02 70.63 Pradesh Maharashtra 76.56 52.32 64.87 85.97 67.03 76.88 89.82 75.48 82.91 Manipur 71.63 47.60 59.89 79.54 60.10 69.93 86.49 73.17 79.85 Meghalaya 53.12 44.85 49.10 65.43 59.61 62.56 77.17 73.78 75.48 Mizoram 85.61 78.60 82.27 90.72 86.75 88.80 93.72 89.40 91.58 Nagaland 67.62 54.75 61.65 71.16 61.46 66.59 83.29 76.69 80.11 Odisha 63.09 34.68 49.09 75.35 50.51 63.08 82.40 64.36 73.45 50

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Punjab 65.66 50.41 58.51 75.23 63.36 69.65 81.48 71.34 76.68 Rajasthan 54.99 20.44 38.55 75.70 43.85 60.41 80.51 52.66 67.06 Sikkim 65.74 46.69 56.94 76.04 60.40 68.81 87.29 76.43 82.20 Tamil Nadu 73.75 51.33 62.66 82.42 64.43 73.45 86.81 73.86 80.33 Tripura 70.58 49.65 60.44 81.02 64.91 73.19 92.18 83.15 87.75 Uttar Pradesh 55.73 25.31 41.60 68.82 42.22 56.27 79.24 59.26 69.72 Uttarakhand - - - 83.28 59.63 71.62 88.33 70.70 79.63 West Bengal 67.81 46.56 57.70 77.02 59.61 68.64 82.67 71.16 77.08 India 64.13 39.29 52.21 75.26 53.67 64.83 82.14 65.46 74.04 Source: Primary Census Abstract: Census of India 1991, 2001, Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper-I of 2011, Office of the Registrar General of India It seems that the female literacy rate Gujarat, Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan with has increased at a faster pace i.e. from 39.29 61.29 percent, 58.51 percent, 55.85 percent percent in 1991 to 65.46 percent in 2011, in and 38.55 percent respectively in 1991. reality what females have attained in 2011 Almost same scenario has been seen in 2001 males already had 64.13 percent in 1991. Fe- and 2011. The selected states had gone to males are lagging behind males by 20 years. lower ranks except Himachal Pradesh. The The literacy rate in North West states table reveals that Himachal Pradesh retained of India is shown in table 3. The table reveals its rank (11) in these years. All these states that literacy rate is maximum in Himachal have literacy rate higher than the average Pradesh i.e. 63.86 percent followed by literacy rate except Rajasthan. Table 3: Literacy Rate in North West states of India States/India 1991 2001 2011 Literacy Rate Rank Literacy Rate Rank Literacy Rate Rank Gujarat 61.29 14 69.14 16 79.31 18 Haryana 55.85 21 67.91 19 76.64 22 Himachal 63.86 11 76.48 11 83.78 11 Pradesh Punjab 58.51 17 69.95 15 76.68 21 Rajasthan 38.55 30 60.41 29 67.06 33 India 52.20 65.38 74.04 Source: Primary Census Abstract: Census of India 1991, 2001, Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper-I of 2011, Office of the Registrar General of India Literacy rate by gender in North percent respectively in 1991. The table West states of India is given in table 4. The depicts the same scenario in terms of female table shows that male literacy is highest in literacy rate in 2001 and 2011. Female Himachal Pradesh i.e. 75.36 percent followed literacy rate remained below male literacy by Gujarat, Haryana, Punjab and Rajasthan rate in these years; however it is above with 73.13 percent, 69.10 percent, 65.66 national average in all these states. The male percent and 54.99 percent respectively in literacy rate is above the all India average in 1991. Same scenario can be seen from the all the states except Rajasthan in 1991. With table in 2001 and 2011. Female literacy rate Rajasthan, Punjab too has male literacy rate is highest in Himachal Pradesh i.e. 52.13 below all India average literacy level in 2001 percent followed by Punjab, Gujarat, and 2011. Haryana and Rajasthan with 50.41 percent, 48.64 percent, 40.47 percent and 20.44

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Table 4: Literacy Rate by Gender in North West States of India (percentage) India/States 1991 2001 2011 Person Male Female Person Male Female Person Male Female Gujarat 61.29 73.13 48.64 69.14 79.66 57.80 79.31 87.23 70.73 Haryana 55.85 69.10 40.47 67.91 79.25 56.31 76.64 85.38 66.77 Himachal 63.86 75.36 52.13 76.48 85.35 67.42 83.78 90.83 76.60 Pradesh Punjab 58.51 65.66 50.41 69.95 75.63 63.55 76.68 81.48 71.34 Rajasthan 38.55 54.99 20.44 60.41 75.70 43.85 67.06 80.51 52.66 India 52.20 64.13 39.29 65.38 75.85 54.16 74.04 82.14 65.46 Source: (a) Census of India 1991and 2001 (b) Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Office of Registrar General, India. in 2001. Rural male literacy is 77.92 percent Literacy rate by place of residence is in Punjab which is below the national given in table 5. The table shows that rural average of 78.6 percent in 2011. The table and urban literacy rate increased from 44.69 shows that the literacy rate in urban areas is percent to 68.9 percent and 73.08 percent to above the all India level in Gujarat, Haryana 85.0 percent respectively in India during and Himachal Pradesh except Punjab and these years. Urban literacy rate is more than Rajasthan in 1991. However urban female the rural literacy rate in all these states. Rural literacy rate (66.13 percent) in Punjab is literacy rate is above the national average in above the national average (64.05 percent). all these states except Rajasthan from 1991 to Only Himachal Pradesh and Gujarat have 2011. The table further reveals that rural above national average literacy rate in urban male literacy in Rajasthan i.e. 72.16 percent areas in 2001 and 2011. is above the national average i.e. 70.7 percent Table 5: Literacy Rate by place of residence in North West States of India (percentage) India/States 1991 2001 2011 Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban Person 53.09 76.54 61.29 81.84 73.00 87.58 Gujarat Male 66.84 84.56 74.11 88.34 83.10 92.44 Female 38.65 67.70 47.84 74.50 62.41 82.08 Person 49.85 73.66 63.19 79.16 72.74 83.83 Haryana Male 64.78 81.96 75.37 85.83 83.20 89.37 Female 32.51 64.06 49.27 71.34 60.97 77.51 Himachal Person 61.86 84.17 75.08 88.95 82.91 91.39 Pradesh Male 73.89 88.97 84.51 92.04 90.48 93.72 Female 49.79 78.32 65.68 85.03 75.33 88.66 Person 52.77 72.08 65.16 79.13 72.45 83.70 Punjab Male 60.73 77.26 71.70 82.97 77.92 87.28 Female 43.85 66.13 57.91 74.63 66.47 79.62 Person 30.37 65.33 55.34 76.20 62.34 80.73 Rajasthan Male 47.64 78.50 72.16 86.45 77.49 89.16 Female 11.59 50.24 37.34 64.67 46.25 71.53 Person 44.69 73.08 58.7 79.9 68.9 85.0 India Male 57.87 81.09 70.7 86.3 78.6 89.7 Female 30.62 64.05 46.1 72.9 58.8 79.9 Source: (a) Census of India 1991and 2001 (b) Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Office of Registrar General, India.

India had made considerable India face discrimination before their birth progress in every sector. Despite this and it prevails throughout their lives. Decline progress, Indian women are still struggling to in gender ratio is one of the forms of this find their place in the society. Women in discrimination. State wise gender ratio in 52

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India is given in table 6. The table shows that Gujarat and Jammu & Kashmir in 2011. The gender ratio in India had increased from 927 table further reveals that the gender ratio in to 940. The gender ratio is above 1000 only Tamil Nadu (995), Andhra Pradesh (992) and in Kerala during these years. Gender ratio has Chattisgarh (991) is very close to 1000 in increased in all states except Goa, Gujarat, 2011. In 1991, 13 states have gender ratio Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Maharashtra, above the national average and 16 states in Punjab and Sikkim in 2001 and Bihar, 2001and2011.

Table 6: Gender Ratio in Indian States States 1991 2001 2011 Andhra Pradesh 972 978 992 Arunachal Pradesh 859 893 920 Assam 923 935 954 Bihar 907 919 916 Chattisgarh - 989 991 Goa 967 961 968 Gujarat 934 920 918 Haryana 865 861 877 Himachal Pradesh 976 968 974 Jammu & Kashmir - 892 883 Jharkhand 922 941 947 Karnataka 960 965 968 Kerala 1036 1058 1084 Madhya Pradesh 912 919 930 Maharashtra 934 922 925 Manipur 958 974 987 Meghalaya 955 972 986 Mizoram 921 935 975 Nagaland 886 900 931 Odisha 971 972 978 Punjab 882 876 893 Rajasthan 910 921 926 Sikkim 878 875 889 Tamil Nadu 974 987 995 Tripura 945 948 961 Uttar Pradesh 937 962 963 Uttarakhand 876 898 908 West Bengal 917 934 947 India 927 933 940 Source: (a) Census of India 1991and 2001 (b) Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Office of Registrar General, India

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Comparative interstate analysis of ratio in all these states except Gujarat where gender ratio in North West states is given in it decreased from 921 to 918. A decline in table 7. The table shows maximum gender rank from 11 to 19 and further to 22 in ratio in Himachal Pradesh i.e. 976 followed Gujarat, from 2 to 8 and further to 9 in by Gujarat, Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana Himachal Pradesh is observed over the years. with 934,910,882 and 865 respectively in The table shows a decline in rank from 21 in 1991. Gender ratio in selected states 1991 to 26 in 2001 and further an increase to decreased in 2001 except Rajasthan. 25 in 2011 in the case of Punjab. Rajasthan Maximum gender ratio was in Himachal showed an improvement in rank from 19 in Pradesh i.e. 970 followed by Rajasthan, 1991 to 18 in 2001 and further a decline to Gujarat, Punjab and Haryana with 922, 921, 19 in 2011. Decline in rank from 24 in 1991 874 and 861 respectively in 2001. If we look to 28 in 2001 is observed in Haryana but it at 2011 then the scenario is same as it was in remained constant in 2011. 2001. The table shows an increase in gender Table7: Gender Ratio in North West States of India India/States 1991 2001 2011 Gender Rank Gender Rank Gender Rank Ratio Ratio Ratio Gujarat 934 11 921 19 918 22 Haryana 865 24 861 28 877 28 Himachal 976 2 970 8 974 9 Pradesh Punjab 882 21 874 26 893 25 Rajasthan 910 19 922 18 926 19 India 927 933 940 Source:( a) Census of India 1991, 2001, Office of Registrar General, India. (b) Census of India 2011, Provisional Population Totals, Paper-I of 2011, Office of Registrar General, India. The table 8 shows the relationship from 63.86 percent to 83.78 percent in between literacy rate and gender ratio in Himachal Pradesh. On the other hand, there North West states of India. The table reveals is an improvement in gender ratio with an that literacy rate increased from 61.29 increase in literacy rate in Rajasthan followed percent to 79.31 percent during these years by Punjab and Haryana. In Rajasthan it is and gender ratio declined from 934 to 918 in 926 in 2011 and for Punjab and Haryana it is Gujarat. The gender ratio declined from 976 still below 900. to 974 with the improvement in literacy rate Table 8: Gender ratio and literacy rate in North West states of India States/ India 1991 2001 2011 Relative Literacy Gender Literacy Gender Literacy Gender Gender Rate(I) Ratio(II) Rate(III) Ratio(IV) Rate(V) Ratio(VI) ratio (Col. VI- Col. II) Gujarat 61.29 934 69.14 921 79.31 918 (-) Haryana 55.85 865 67.91 861 76.64 877 (+) Himachal 63.86 976 76.48 970 83.78 974 (-) Pradesh Punjab 58.51 882 69.95 874 76.68 893 (+) Rajasthan 38.55 910 60.41 922 67.06 926 (+) India 52.20 927 65.38 933 74.04 940 (+) Source: Same as table 4 and 7 54

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Conclusion Suggestions Gender ratio increased from 927 to Although there is rise in the female 940 during these years in India. However literacy rate yet changes are required on both North West states (Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat social and economic fronts to make literacy a and Himachal Pradesh) have gone to lower powerful tool in improving the gender ratio ranks except Rajasthan which holds constant in North-West states of India. Awareness rank. Low gender ratio becomes a serious should be created in the society regarding the problem in these states especially in Punjab need to educate girls. Every girl should have and Haryana. Overall literacy rate, male as complete knowledge about her Right to well female literacy rate increased in all these Education and it should be exercised by her. states. However female literacy rate is much Government had initiated many programmes lower than that of male literacy rate. and policies; however effective implem- Increasing literacy rate has positive effect on entation and strict actions are required to gender ratio in Rajasthan, Punjab and improve the gender ratio. Licenses of the Haryana. Gender ratio had declined in doctors should be cancelled who engaged in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh with the rise gender selective abortions. Heavy fines in literacy rate during these years. should be imposed on the couples who go for gender selective tests.

References 1Arya, Anita (2000), “Indian Women: Work and Development”, Gyan Publications, New Delhi. 2Annual Plan 2008-09, Vol. I and Vol. II, Government of Punjab, Department of Planning. 3Census of India, 1991, 2001 and 2011, Social and Cultural tables. 4Devi, K. Uma (2000), “Women‟s Equality in India: A myth or reality?”, Discovery Publications, New Delhi. 5Economic Survey of India, 2011-2012. 6Gupta, Shakuntla (2008), “Inter state disparities in women‟s development in India: An analysis”, Indian Journal of Social Research, Vol. 49 (2) pp 159-170, April-June 2008. 7Husain, Zakir (2010), “Gender disparities in completing school education in India- Analysing regional variations,” http://mapra.ub.uni.-muenchen.de/25748. 8Malhotra, Meenakshi (2004),”Empowerment of Women”, Isha Publications‟, New Delhi.

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Culture of Difference in Ethnic Identity: A new Look on the transition of Caste identity into Cultural identity of the Rajbanshis of Northern Bengal and Lower Assam

Dr. Rup Kumar Barman Associate Professor Department of History Jadavpur University, Kolkata

Introduction science it is comparatively a new one. It „Ethnic identity‟ has been an insepar- appears in the dictionary of the English able phenomenon of „nation building proce- language only in the 1950s more precisely in sses‟ in postcolonial India. A large number of 1953 in the Oxford English Dictionary ethnic groups have raised the question of (Tonkin, Mcdonald, and Chapman: 1989: their deprivation under the basic structure of 11). Since the late 1960s; ethnicity has been a the nation state and demanded the main preoccupation in social and cultural recognition of their cultural identity. In many anthropology (Eriksen: 2002:1). Ethnicity is cases, these demands have been transformed now a quite common theme of research in into political movement for regional almost all subjects of social science. autonomy where „cultural identity‟ is being There are divergences of views about used as a symbol of ethnic assertion. In the the meaning of ethnicity. It depends on the history of ethnic movement for political context and approach of the scholars. In autonomy in northeast India, sociopolitical general sense, ethnicity is „a kind of assertion of the Rajbanshis (also spelled as conscious-ssness about the status and Rajbangshi or Rajbongshi) of Lower Assam problem of an „ethnic group‟ which often and North Bengal is a significant one. Their described by the social scientists to denote ethnic consciousness was generated in the membership of distinct people posing their early twentieth century with the question of own customary ways or culture.‟(Brass: their social (caste) identity particularly to 1991: 1-9). In a broader sense, ethnicity takes maintain a „difference‟ from the imposed shapes on the basis of certain characteristics (Koch) identity. But in the postcolonial such as language, religion, beliefs, race, caste period, caste identity of the Rajbanshis has and certainly a common cultural tradition, been transformed into an ethno-linguistic or which differentiate a particular ethnic group „cultural identity.‟ In all cases the question of from the „others‟. Shills: 1968: 167). Accor- „difference‟ has been a common factor in ding to Fredrik Barth „ethnicity is social ethnic consciousness of the Rajbanshis. In organization of „culture difference‟ (Barth: this article I‟ll examine the process of 1969). The question of „difference‟ (whether formation of Rajbanshi ethnic identity and real of imaginary) is a basic feature of an the „culture of difference‟ with a new ethnic group. It led to the formation of a kind outlook. of a feeling of „othernesses. Thus a sense of Understanding Ethnicity „otherness‟ and a desire of identification as The term ethnicity has been derived „other‟ are the distinct features of ethnicity of from ancient Greek term ethnos which particular ethnic group. Ethnicity is originally means heathen or pagan (William: „situational‟ and „contextual‟ where it is 1976:119) but in common sense it is „nation‟ multidimensional and can be used for a or people of the same race that share a „collective action‟ more precisely as „reactive „distinctive culture‟. As a concept of social awareness‟ (Phadnish:1995: 14-15; Azam: 56

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2001: 15).It mobilizes the ethnic groups for and southern Bangladesh socially and the formation of a social identity and to occupationally are quite different than their assert for its share in economic resources and northern fellows. But the Rajbanshis of North „power‟ which that group consider to have Bengal, Eastern Bihar, Assam and other been denied due to the discriminatory Northeast Indian States; northern Bangladesh policies followed by the state or other and Nepal; have somewhat social cohesi- groups. veness bonded by linguistic and cultural Each ethnic group has its distinct features. socio-cultural identity and a sense of it In the pre-partition(1947)days, the motivates the group to attain its goal. Identity Rajbanshis were mainly distributed in the units of ethnic groups are common origin and districts of northern Bengal like Rangpur, common set of adaptive activities such as Rajshahi, Bagura, Jalpaiguri, Dinajpur, race, language, ritual, sacred symbol, shared Malda and Darjeeling districts. However, values, etc.( Pant and Gupta :1985:2). But they had highest concentration in Cooch imposition of identity by the dominants over Behar State. The Rajbanshis were also the subordinate ethnic groups pushed them to distributed in large scale in the districts of mobilize their people for the formation of a Lower Assam especially in Goalpara, standard social identity; even some cases a , Barpeta and Kamrup districts. fictitious one. Formation of an identity of an From the occupational point of view, ethnic group has thus two phases (i) the Rajbanshis of undivided Bengal were denunciation of imposed identity, and (ii) mainly dependent on the agricultural works. affirmation of their own (self). There were wide variations in the „cultivators In a multi-ethnic plural society of -landowners relationship‟ in northern Bengal postcolonial India; several ethnic groups and State. In Western Duars based on tribe, caste, language, religion, even (Jalpaiguri) and there the region and the „sense of otherness‟ were different strata among the landholders cohesion by the question of „existence‟ and cultivators beginning from zamindar in begun to assert distinctiveness instead of the top to the agricultural laborers (halua/ assimilation with the dominant or mains- kamla) in the bottom. The zamindars used to tream culture (Mallik:1998: 15-17 ). Unex- get land directly from the government subject ceptionally, North Bengal being a polyphonic to the payment of fixed amount of revenue. and plural cultural region has also witnessed The jotedars stood second in that hierarchy similar phenomenon. Post-colonial develop- who were intermediary between the ments in the region have motivated the zamindars and the chukanidars. Chuk-anidars Rajbanshi community to move for regional could sublet their lands to the dar- autonomy with an „otherized feelings‟ of chukanidars. The dar-chuaknidars could ethnic identity. cultivate their land by their own initiative Formation of Rajbanshi ethnic identity in with the help of halua (agricultural labourer/ Colonial period agriculturists) or through their tenants called At present the term Rajbanshi means adhiars (sharecroppers). The suppliers of land „a Scheduled Caste (SC) community of West to the haluas or adhiars were called giri in Bengal having its large concentration in rural areas of that region. So the agricultural North Bengal. In Assam they have been labourers or the haluas stood in the bottom of classified as „Other Backward Castes‟ the „landownership-production relations‟ (OBC). 1 However, Rajbanshi is also refers to hierarchy (Choudhuri: 1903; Sunder:1895; a linguistic community of India, Bangladesh, Snayal: 1965). Nepal and Bhutan. At the same time, There were again wide variations in Rajbanshis of southern part of West Bengal the social position of landholders and actual 57

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 cultivators in the rural areas of sub- develop a kind social identity what may be Himalayan Bengal. While a big landholder in appeared as an imaginary one. a village often designated as dewani (often Let us have a brief idea how a called dewnia or giri) had prominent position consciousness was generated in a community the adhiras or haluas were inferior in the whose identity became a matter of confusion village society. Again the zamindars/ because of observations of the colonial zotedars/dewanis had contact with upper ethnographers. Here we find that the social castes what the ordinary haluas or adhiars identity of two communities, i.e. the Koches often lacked. However, the relationship (the ruling community of Cooch Behar State) between the cultivators and the landowners and the Rajbanshis (who were numerically in Sub-Himalayan Bengal particularly prominent agricultural community of North between the Rajbanshi cultivators and the Bengal) was intermingled since the late zotedars was quite congenial because of nineteenth century. The Koches actually were common caste origin. tribal people of the Himalayan region who From the point of class, most of the had major concentration in the North Bengal, Rajbanshis were adhiars (sharecroppers) who Lower Assam and Meghalaya of present day. had good terms with the zamindars or They, along with other tribal communities of zotedars. A few Rajbanshis of Rangpur, the region (like the Garos, the Rabhas, the Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Cooch Behar State Meches, etc.); got special attention of the and Dinajpur districts were zamindars and colonial ethnographers. In the nineteenth zotedars particularly in the permanently century the colonial observers had used settled areas. A very small section of the „race‟ as the main parameter of social total population of this community had been classification of the Indian tribal and caste stratified as middle class in the census of communities. So we do notice two major 1931. The educated section and the landed views regarding the racial classification of elites had formed the core section of the the Koches--- viz. Dravidians, Mongoloids. Rajbanshis in the late colonial period in Mr. E.T. Dalton was a notable one Bengal (like other caste communities). among the proponents of the Dravidian racial In undivided Bengal, the Rajbanshis identity of the Koches. He identified the had developed a kind of social integrity Koches in 1872 as the members of Dravidian through the social reform movement racial family for their physical characteristics popularly conceptualized as kshatriyaization (Dalton: 1960: 276). Dalton‟s view was which led to the growth of self consciousness strongly supported by Mr. Henry Beverley in and formation of a social identity. Kshatriy- the „first census report of India‟ (1872) aization movement of the Rajbanshis was (Hunter: 1984:353). H.H. Risley, another started in 1891 from the question of their notable civil servant in connection with the social status in the decennial census when classification of tribal and caste communities Mr.F.A. Skyne, District Magistrate of of the late nineteenth century Bengal; had Rangpur, issued an order to classify the also identified the Koches (1891) as Rajbanshis as „Koch‟, another community of Dravidians and stressed on the possibility of North Bengal and Lower Assam (Barman: admixture with the Mongoloids (Risley: 2007). The Rajbanshis were not agreed to 1891:492). accept this order. To them, the Rajbanshis are Another view about the racial superior to the Koches. It means they raised identity of the Koches, i.e. Mongoloid origin; the point of their „difference‟ from another got more emphasis from the colonial ethnic community of the region. This feeling ethnographers. In his Monograph Essay the of social difference led the Rajbanshis to First on the Koch Bodo and Dimal Tribes, Mr. Brian Houghton Hodgson observed in 58

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1847 that the Koches are Mongoloid in terms Rabhas, Dhimals and Hajongs and other of racial identify (Hodgson: 1847:viii). tribes of „Bodo family‟ and had mixture with Hodgson was followed by Dr. Latham who the Dravidian race but Mongoloid features of emphasized on the Mongoloid origin of the physiognomy remained prominent (Nath: Koches (Hunter: 1984: 350-351). Similarly 1989:4). So racially the colonial and post- L.A. Waddell categorically expressed that the colonial anthropologists and historians have „Koches do not as stated by Colonel Dalton, identified the Koches basically as Mr. Risley and others, belong to the dark Mongoloids or as a mixture of the Mongol- Dravidian aborigines of India but are oids and the Dravidians. distinctly Mongoloid though somewhat Although Mongoloid racial identity heterogeneous‟ (Waddell: 1975: 48). of the Koches has been accepted by the Similarly S. Endle had also corroborated the scholars but their social identity became a Mongoloid origin of the Koches in 1911 in matter of confusion since the late nineteenth his work titled The Kacharis. He even century. The Koches now more or less have classified the Koches, the Meches, the been now assimilated with the designation of Rabhas, the Dhimals, the Hajongs, the Rajbanshi, a hinduised caste. They are often Lalungs, the Garos and such other tribes of called Koch- Rajbanshi in West Bengal and Northeastern India within the same category Assam (Nandi and Raman:1997:29-38). But (Endle:1975:1). Some postcolonial trained pre-colonial literary sources of the Koch- anthropologists have also echoed the history particularly the buranjis (chronicles), observations of the colonial ethnographers vamsavalis (genealogies) and some medieval regarding the mongoloid racial identity of the Persian texts have categorically identified Koches. Indian anthropologists like B.M. them as Koch. Genealogies of the Koch Das and Swarthak Sengupta have classified kings such as Darrang Raj Vamsavali of them as the member of the „greater Bodo Suryakhari Daivagna, Raja Vamsavali of family‟ of Mongoloid race consisted of the Ripunjay Das, chronicles like Rajopakhyan Garos, the Kacharis, the Bodos, the Rabhas of Munshi Jaynath Ghosh, Kamrupar Buranji and other Mongoloid tribes of Northeast and Deodhai Assam Buranji, etc. have India (Das: 1984:39-57). attached a fictitious kshatriya origin with the Historians have also accepted the Koches and categorically mentioned that the ethnographic classifications and observations Koch ruling family was originated from the in favour of Mongoloid physiognomy of the adulterates union between Hira (mother of Koches. Administrative historians of the Visvasimha) and Lord Shiva (Daivagna: colonial period like Sir E.A. Gait (1863- 1973:55-58), a prominent male deity of the 1950) specifically expressed that „there Hindu pantheon. So the ruling family has seems to no doubt that the true Koches were been described as Shivabanshi. The Guru a Mongoloid race, very closely allied to the Charita of Ramcharan Thakur (a sixteenth Meches and Garos‟ (Gait: 1963: 47-48). century biography of Sankar Deva), has Similarly D. C. Sircar and Suniti Kumar described that the Rajbanshis are different Chatterji (1890-1977) have recognized the than the Koches (Thakur: 2001:687). So it Koches as Mongoloids (Chatterji: 1988: appears that that „difference‟ was a common 111). However, possibility of admixture with fact in social identity of the Koches and the the Dravidian blood cannot be ignored So Rajbanshis of pre-colonial Lower Assam and subsequent historians engaged on the North Bengal. writings of the history of the Koches With the beginning of colonial conclude that the „Koches originated from ethnography and decennial census in 1872, Mongoloid stock having close affinities and social identity of the Koches, however, cultural similarities with the Meches, Garos, became almost inseparable from that of the 59

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Rajbanshis. Instead of „difference‟ the term a distinct Kshatriya identity of the Rajbanshis Rajbanshi became a point of „reference‟ of (Singha:1940:8). Here a common set of social identity of the Koches. Buchanan values and beliefs became very much fruitful Hamilton (1762 - 1829), a British Surgeon in for the Rajbanshis such as a common origin India, who visited Rangpur and other parts of from the dynasty of Kshatriya ruler, common North Bengal in the early nineteenth century language and common cultural traditions. (1807-1814); had observed that „the Koches The Rajbanshi middle class intellectuals of were designated as Rajbanshi although Rangpur, Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri and Lower Rajbanshis are not Koch‟(Martin:1976:545) Assam, fortified with modern education; had According to him the term „Rajbanshi‟ is a claimed that they are the descendents of king greater and a respected designation where the Vardhana (as mentioned earlier) who took Koches got place only after abandoning their shelter in North Bengal (Ratnapith). They tribal customs and rituals and by adopting the argued that in remote past their forefathers Hindu traditions and social practices. were compelled to take shelter in North Hamilton was strongly supported by B.H. Bengal being persecuted by Mahapadma Hodgson (1847) who expressed that the Nanda, the founder of the Nada dynasty of Koches, Meches and the Kacharis originated (fourth century BC) (Barman:1401: from the great Mongolian race and Koches or 1-25). And they were forced to conceal their Rajbanshis are merely the most hinduized Kshatriya identity. So according to the form of the common stock (Hodgson: Rajbanshis their identity can‟t be identical 1847:viii). To them, after hinduisation the with the Koches as „constructed‟ by the Koches began to be identified as Rajbanshi. colonial administrators. The Rajbanshi Although the rulers of the Koch intellectuals of Rangpur had founded their kingdom had propagated themselves as caste organizations to „differentiate‟ them Kshatriya (Hindu ruling caste) in their from the Koches. They began to publish genealogies and official historical works but several works containing, scriptural eviden- they never attempted to classify them as ces that the Rajbanshis are kshatriyas.It can „Rajbanshi Kshatriya‟. Even they did not use be explained as „a conscious attempt (or a the title preferred by the Rajbanshis. The culture) for the construction of an identity of Koches could maintain a distinct identity of difference‟. Here the argument of Frederic their own what was just different that the Barth is clearly noticeable. colonial observations. On the other hand, the Feeling of caste Kshatriya origin of Rajbanshis of North Bengal used to consider the Rajbanshis got a significant dimension themselves as the descendants of a mythical when they founded a caste association called Kshatriya ruler of North Bengal had named „Kshatriya Samity‟ in 1910 in Rangpur under Bardhana (Barman :1401:25). So the the leadership of Panchanan Barma (Sarkar), instruction of Mr. F.A. Skyne of 1891 for a lawyer by profession. Main objectives of classification of the Rajbanshis as Koch was this Samity were to (i) establish a kshatriya not acceptable for the Rajbanshis. To them, identity of the Rajbanshis, (ii) inform the the Rajbanshis are superior to the Koches. It government that the Koches and the means they raised the point of their Rajbanshis are different castes, (iii) public- „difference‟ from another ethnic community ations and circulations of newspapers and of the region. They even began to organize periodical about the Rajbanshis and their under the banner of their caste organization cultural heritage, (iv) foundation of hostels called „Rangpur Bratya Kshatriya Unnati for the Rajbanshi students and financial Bidhayani Sabha founded by Hara Mohan organization for the benefits of the Rajba- Khajanchi; a Rajbanshi zamindar of nshis (Barman:1408:13). So first two Shyampur (Rangpur) in 1891 for establishing objectives were basically the question of 60

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„social difference‟ of a community what the ethnic feeling into their practical lives. So denounced a subordinated identity imposed mere official recognition of Kshatriya by the „dominant outsiders.‟ These also identity could not establish a respectable announced a respectable identity for the social status of the Rajbanshis! They Rajbanshis. Rests of the objectives were approached to the Brahmins who had (even basically the means of first two. still have) the sole right of determination of Second stage of ethnic identity caste status of any community of traditional formation of the Rajbanshis was their Indian society! Under the leadership of structural integration as a Kshatriya caste Panchanan Barma, the Rajbanshis acquired community. Rajbanshi Kulapradip (1907) of support of the Brahmins of Mithila, Hari Kishore Adhikary, Rajbanshi Kulakari- Kamarup, Cooch Behar and Navadwip. ka and Kuladipana of Avay Narayan Barma, Pandit Jadaveswar Tarkaratna of Rangpur, Rajbanshi Kula Kaumudi of Jagamohan Sri Kamakshya Nath Sharma Tarkavagis, Singha (1913) and a few other writings had Professor of Calcutta Sanskrit College, and constructed a fictitious kshatriya lineage of the Kamrupi Brahmins of Cooch Behar, had the Rajbanshis of North Bengal (Barman: recognized the Rajbanshis as Kshatriya. They 2004:286). Writings and circulation of this also prescribed the necessary process of kind of history had stimulated Kshatriya elevation of social status of the Rajbanshis to feelings of the Rajbanshis. It was a that of Kshatriyas by performing certain „significant attempt of the announcement of religious rituals (Mandol: 1972: 27-32). self-identity.‟ Eventually 400 delegates of the Rajbanshis Continuous demands of the Rajba- of different districts of Bengal and Assam nshi intellectuals for Kshatriya status and gathered at Deviganj of undivided Jalpaiguri appeals to the census body were ultimately district in 1913 under the banner of the recognized by the colonial government in Kshatriya Samity and they publicly declared 1911. The Census Officer of Purnia district them as Kshatriya. They now began to hold (of present Bihar) had issued an order to the paita or sacred thread like the Brahmins, assistants of the census operation on 11th Kshatriyas and other upper caste Hindus. January 1911, to stratify the Koches and the Within a year, the Rajbanshis had organized Rajbanshis separately. The Deputy total 292 such gatherings in different towns Commissioner of Goalpara (of present and villages of North Bengal and Assam Assam) also had allowed the Rajbanshis to (Mandol: 1972: 26). More than one lakh classify them as Kshatriya. Even Mr. E.W. Rajbanshis held sacred threads (paita). They Denith, Superintendent of Cooch Behar had also adopted some rituals and customs of State, had issued a similar order (Mandol: upper caste Hindus of Bengal. Even they 1972:21). So O Mally, the Census Superint- now assumed caste Kshatriya titles like endent; wrote in 1911 that „the former Barma, Barman, Ray, Singha etc., as request (of kshatriyas status) was granted prescribed in the Brihatddharma Purana without hesitation as there is no doubt that at (Barman:1408:59). So adoption of caste the present day irrespective of any question rituals from the „dominant others‟ in order to of origin the Rajbanshis and the Koch are make a difference from the subordinate separate castes‟ (Barman: 2004:287). So it (Koches) had transformed the „culture of appears that the announc-ement of „self‟ by difference‟ into a common practice among denouncing the ambiguous and imposed the Rajbanshis of North Bengal. identity got official recognition from the The colonial state had also played a colonial state. significant role in the process of their Third attempt of identity formation positive desire of identification as „other‟ i.e. of the Rajbanshis was the transformation of as Kshatriya. This opportunity was appeared 61

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 to the Rajbanshis with the outbreak of the regulation of the Samity in order to spread First World War (1914-1918). Since military the Kshatriya feeling among the Rajbanshis. service was traditional (monopoly?) occupan- Publication of such kinds are Kshatriya tion of the Kshatriyas in pre-colonial India, Byabastha (rules of kshatriyaization), the Kshatriya Samity tried to deploy the Upanayan Byabastha, Sandhya Paddhati, Rajbanshi youths in the British Indian Army Kshatriya Samitir Niyamabali, Mandali (Singha: 1940:22-26). Mr.F.J. Monahan, Sthapaner Niyamabali, Upanayan Grahan Commissioner of the Presidency Division, Niyamabali, etc (Singha:1940:34). These assured the Kshatriya Samity to constitute a publications had direct impact on the separate company for the Rajbanshi youths educated section of the Rajbanshis while the (Barman: 1401:29). Around four hundred rest of the caste fellows were induced by Rajbanshi youths from Jalpaiguri, Dinajpur them. and Rangpur and around eight hundreds from There are few more literary pieces Dhubri districts had joined the First World produced by the Rajbanshi intellectuals of War(Barman: 1392:48). Formation of a sepa- the early twentieth century particularly in the rate kshatriya regiment, however, was not local languages/dialect of Rangpur. materialized due to the end of the war in Panchanan Barma, being the editor of the 1818. But experience and feelings of war had Sahitya Parishat Patrika of the Uttar Banga stimulated their Kshatriya feelings. Sahitya Parishat; had collected the proverbs The Rajbanshis had not merely kept and phrases (called chhilka) of the local them busy with the adoption of upper caste people. His Dangdhari Mao and Beta Chaoar ritual practices. They realized that the Prati Dangdhari Mao poetries, Jagannathi adoption of educational practice of the upper Bilai (a short story), Kamata Bihari Sahitya caste is essential for the real progress of their (an article) and few other literary pieces were caste status. So Panchanan Barma wrote in written in the local language of Rangpur, 1910 that which according to Panchanan Barma is „there is the need of reformation „Kamata-Bihari‟ language. These works of among the Rajbanshis who always Panchanan Barma had not only revived the considered them as kshatriya. folk literature of North Bengal but also Adoption of good traditions and contributed to the development of a abolition of evil customs from the dialect/language like the Rajbanshi society is social reform. Without (Adhikari:1398). So we notice that language, education social reform is a very strong and sensitive parameter of impossible. Education is essential ethnicity or cultural identity of a social group for the cultivation of good spirits began to develop among the Rajbanshis to and exchanges of views among the „differentiate‟ them from other social/cultural caste fellows. So there is the need group. of newspaper for cultural But the caste based social identity of exchanges‟ (Singha:1940:12). the Rajbanshis had to face a serious Thus they founded a hostel for their challenge particularly when the Koches were students at Rangpur in 1914.The Kshatriya recognized as Kshatriya in the census of Samity also founded the Kshatriya Chhatra 1921. The Koches now began to be recorded Samity (a student organization) and intr- as Rajbanshis in the official records. In the oduced a monthly magazine titled Kshatriya census of 1931, figure of the Koches Patrika to mobilize the Rajbanshi students naturally was decreased drastically from along the line of its caste assertion. The 131273 to 81299 while the figure of the Kshatriya Samity continued to publish law Rajbanshis increased suddenly from 1727111 books of Hindu rituals and rules and to 1806390. One of the basic objectives of 62

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the Rajbanshi Kshatriya movement to prove These Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity members the inferiority of the Koches thus lost its of the Legislative Assembly and eighteen importance as both the caste became equal in other Scheduled Caste MLAs had formed the the official records. The culture of difference Independent Scheduled Caste Party (ISCP) in between the Rajbanshis and the Koches lost 1937. Sri Upendra Nath Barman, most the strong ground. Thus a shift in the „culture significant Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity of difference‟ of the Rajbanshis was leader of that period; became the minister-in- inevitable. Here the Government of India Act charge of the forest and excise department in 1919 was appeared as a serious stimulus of 1941 in the Progressive Coalition Govern- contextual change of ethnic feeling of the ment (1941-43) headed by Fajlul Haque as Rajbanshis especially with the beginning of the ISCP member (Basu:2003:81). So the caste politics in provincial level. Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity became very Caste-politics of the Rajbanshis was close to the government. started in 1920 when they transformed the But the reservation system in the Kshatriya Samity into a political platform. political assembly instead of political Panchanan Barma and Jogesh Chandra competition between the „all India level Sarkar of the Kshatriya Samity were elected political parties‟ (dominated by the „upper to the Bengal Legislative Council as caste Hindus‟)and the „caste based political Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity candidate in organizations‟ of the lower castes had 1921. Once again Panchanan Barma and Sri increased the caste-conflicts and competition Nagendra Nath Ray were successfully among the Scheduled Castes. This trend elected in 1923 in the Bengal Legislative seriously threatened the structural integrity of Council as Kshatriya Samity candidate the lower caste communities. Like other caste (Singha:1940:33). In the third election of the organizations (and political parties of India), Bengal Legislative Council (held in 1926), internal conflicts among the leaders of the the Kshatriya Samity maintained its victory. Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity became a In the forth election held in 1929 (which was common phenomenon since 1940. It the last election on the basis of the developed a new kind of „politics of Government of India Act, 1919) Panchanan difference‟. Most of the Rajbanshi leaders Barma was reelected to the Legislative now showed interest to strengthen their Council of Bengal. This trend proves that the position by joining the Indian National Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity had utilized the Congress to contest in the reserve seats of ethnic awareness of the ordinary Rajbanshi Bengal Legislative Assembly. The Rajba- voters of Rajbanshi dominated areas of North nshis even now began to join the Communist Bengal in collective action. It is also a Party since they had significant participation noticeable fact that Prasanna Dev Raikot of in the Tebhaga movement (1946-1950) of Raikot family Jalpaiguri (what was a branch that time. So in the election of 1946, only of Koch rulers of Cooch Behar); was elected five candidates fought under the banner of to the Legislative Council. So „difference‟ the Kshatriya Samity and only Nagendra between the Koches and the Rajbanshis Nath Ray was elected from Rangpur became a secondary issue. (Barman:1408:98). Rest of the Rajbanshi The Rajbanshi caste politics turned members including Harendra Nath Ray into a new dimension after the enactment of (Dinajpur), Rajani Kanta Ray Barman the Government of India Act 1935.In 1937‟s (Rangpur), Mohini Mohan Barman election sixn candidates of the Kshatriya (Jalpaiguri-Siliguri) elected to the Bengal Samity were elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly as Congress candidate. Legislative Assembly from Rangpur, Mr. Rup Narayan Ray (Dinajpur) was elected Dinajpur, Malda and Jalpaiguri (Basu:2003). as Communist candidate (Chattopadhyaya: 63

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1984:232-40). Although Mr. Upendra Nath different parts of North Bengal in order to Barman was defeated as independent face the challenges of new political situation. candidate backed by the Kshatriya Samity in A new branch of the Kshatriya Samity was Jalpaiguri-Siliguri constituency in 1946‟s opened on 8 November, 1962 at Dinhata election but he was elected to the Constituent (Cooch Behar , West Bengal) which emerged Assembly in 1946 as Congress candidate as a central organization of the Rajbanshis of (Barman:1382:99). Thus it appears that the North Bengal and Assam(Barman:1392:49). caste based social identity of the Rajbanshis It had deep sympathy to the Rajbanshis got a serious challenge due to the reservation especially for their socioeconomic and politics. So when the Congress, Hindu cultural development including the formation Mahashabha, Muslim League and other of a linguistic state in North Bengal.2 But the political parties had accepted the partition of Bangiya Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity, the Bengal province, the Rajbanshis and centered in Calcutta, was another parallel other lower caste communities could not play organization of the Rajbanshis of West their proper independent role although Bengal (Annual Report: 1986: 4). Its main Jogendranath Mondal, the Namasudra leader, purpose were to (i) develop the educational together with few other upper and lower status of the Rajbanshis (ii) change the social caste leaders talked against the partition of customs in accordance with new situation Bengal. Thus the demand for a separate (iii) achieve political rights, (iv) to provide independent state particularly for the vocational training, etc (Sarkar:1990:1). So Scheduled Caste of North Bengal proposed there was no homogeneity in the caste-based by Jogendra Nath Mondal as „Rajasthan‟ social movements of the Rajbanshis of West could not drawn much attention of the Bengal after the independence. Rajbanshis except former Kshatriya Samity Condition of the Rajbanshis of leaders like Nagendra Nath Ray, Shyama Assam was more crucial. Although the Prasad Barman, Kshetra Nath Singha, Koches and the Rajbanshis have been Girijakanta Singha and Jogendra Nath Ray. categorized as Scheduled Castes (SC) in So on the eve of partition of Bengal, caste- West Bengal and in Meghalaya Koches are based political organizations lost their Scheduled Tribes (ST) but in Assam they did influence. So the lower caste organizations not have fixed status. On the practically switch over to the Congress recommendations of the Kaka Kalelkar politics. This transition of the caste politics Commission (1955), the Koch-Rajbanshis of was the second transition of the Rajbanshi Assam were generally declared as OBC ethnic movement in the late colonial period. (Other Backward Class) in 1953 but the From confusion to union: Koch-Rajbanshi Rajbanshis of Goalpara were given a new Ethnic Identity in postcolonial India name called MOBC (Most Other Backward In the postcolonial India, caste Caste) (Datta:1978:31).So there is no identity of the Rajbanshis became a matter of common status of the Koch-Rajbanshis in confusion due to the partition of Bengal (in postcolonial India. 1947) and large scale presence of the However, the postcolonial concept of Rajbanshis in Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and „Rajbanshi‟ (greater Koch-Rajbanshi/ Kamt- other states of Northeast India (other than apuri) means indigenous people those who West Bengal). After the partition, Kshatriya adopted Rajbanshi/Kamtapuri dialect/ langu- Samity with its head quarter at Rangpur (East age as their lingua franca including the Raj- Pakistan) lost its social influence over the banshis, Koches, Paliyas, local Muslims scattered Rajbanshi population of India. So (Nashya Shaikhs) and other tribal and non- the local committees (mandals) of the former tribal people of North Bengal and Northeast Kshatriya Samity began to reorganize in India. So the sociopolitical organizations 64

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 founded by the Koch-Rajbanshis like the instance we may talk about the Siliguri Zonal Uttar Khanda Dal (UKD, 1969), Uttarbanga Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity (SZRKS), a Tapashili Jati O Adibashi Sangathan social organization of the Rajbanshis. It (UTJAS, 1980), Koch - Rajbongshi Intern- supported the reorganization of the states ational (KRI, 1984), Bharatiya Kamata Rajya along the linguistic line. It also demanded in Parishad (BKRP, 1985), People‟s 1955 the merger of Purnia district of Bihar Party (KPP, 1995), and Greater Cooch Behar and of Assam (where the People‟s Association (GCBPA, 1998 ) have Rajbanshis have significant concentration as categorically classified the Rajbanshis/ a linguistic community) to West Bengal, on Kamtapuri of postcolonial period as a com- the linguistic ground. position of „all Rajbanshis, Koch, Mech, etc., The linguistic issue of the Rajbanshis listed as Scheduled Castes and Tribes in the was again raised in the 1960s by some Constitution (SC and ST ) Order of 1950; middle class intellectuals of that community. local Muslims and bonafide refugees entering Sri Kalindra Nath Barman, a Rajbanshi social the region.‟(Maynaguri Declaration:1986). activist and poet (and later founder of the So Rajbanshi obviously is a greater connot- Uttar Khanda Dal in 1969) brought the ation in postcolonial India than the Rajbanshi linguistic distinctiveness of the „Rajbanshi‟ caste of colonial period. It is more a cultural into the forefront of the Rajbanshi middle community than a caste community. So in class. He argued that the language spoken by postcolonial India, the Rajbanshis of North the Rajbanshis is a distinctive one and Bengal began to reorganize on the cultural deserves to have a particular name. He wrote ground rather than caste identity. So former in 1965 in the Uttar Banga, a weekly „culture of difference‟ between the Rajban- published from Madarihat (Jalpaiguri), that shis and the Koches transformed into unity as the language spoken by the Rajbanshis may Koch-Rajbanshi as a linguistic community. be called Bahe as the Bengalese widely How-ever, the „culture of difference‟ of this called it (Uttarbanga: 1965:3) in order to uni-fied community did not die. Rather it got differentiate it from the standard Bengali. a new dimension especially in the generation The term bahe has actually derived from the of sense of difference between the Rajbanshis phrase Baba he (oh! father). The Rajbanshis and the non-Rajbanshis in different forms frequently use this term to convey a message what will be discussed in the next section. of respect to a person according to his Koch-Rajbanshi Culture and Ethno- position or social relations. For example linguistic identity „Konte jan bahe?‟ means „where are you The point of difference between the going oh father?‟ So „the Bahe‟ no way is a Rajbanshis and non-Rajbanshis more prec- name of any language. However, the isely the difference between the Koch- nieghbours of the Rajbanshis particularly the Rajbanshis and the Bengalese was germ- Bengalese, without considering the meaning inated with the question of reorganization of of the term; have branded this language as states (provinces) on the linguistic ground in Bahe. Hence to them the speakers of the the 1950s. Language, being a significant Bahe language are also the Bahes. In several marker had stimulated many dormant ethnic Bengal literary pieces of colonial and groups of India with the beginning of nation postcolonial period the Rajbanshis have been building process. We have already highlight- identified as Bahe or speakers of Bahe ted that a sense of linguistic identity had language developed among the Rajbanshis in the early But the Rajbanshis don‟t consider the twentieth century. This sense got a sudden Bahe identity of their language is a stimulus with the formation of the State respectable one. There are many examples of Reorganization Commission (1953). For protest of the Rajbanshi educated section 65

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 against the attempts of identification of the eastern variety of the language, has still Rajbanshis as Bahes particularly by the non- points of differences, which entitle it to be Rajbanshi intellectuals and laureates. The classed as a separate dialect. It has one sub- Rajbanshis do prefer to identify their dialect called Bahe spoken in the Darjeeling language/dialect as the Kamtapuri/Kamata Tarai‟(Grierson:1969:18). Grierson had also Behari/Rajbanshi/Kamarupi-Kamtapuri. So argued that the Rajbanshi dialect is generally again the „question of difference‟ arises spoken by the Koches who adopted the among the members of the unified Koch- Hinduism and the and it is also called Rajbanshi identity. So without spending few the Rangpuri(Grierson:1969:163). It is to be words about the cultural-linguistic identity of noted that the Koches had adopted the the Koch-Rajbanshis we cannot complete our during the time of their analysis on the transition of caste identity of kingdom formation. The Cooch Behar State the Rajbanshis into a cultural identity. itself had patronized the non-tribal Culture is a collective terminology vernaculars which had inevitable impact on which describes material, social, cultural, the tribal languages. The intellectual section religious and artistic achievement of the of the Rajbanshi community, however, has human society. Tradition, customs and overlooked this phenomenon of cultural behavioral format unified by the common change and categorically stressed on the beliefs and values are also the significant observation of Grierson. A number of features of culture. So socio-religious Rajbanshi scholars have already produced a traditions, mode of living, artistic achievem- few works to prove the independent ents, language and other related elements of linguistic status of the Rajbanshi like –Ekti the Koch-Rajbanshi community formed the Birat Jiggasha: Ora Bahe Na Bangali? of Kamtpuri (Rajbanshi) culture. The distinctive Kalindra Nath Barman(1969) (Barman: elements of the Kamtapuri culture are folk 1377), Kamtapuri Bhasha of Harimohan songs like ---Bhaoiya and Goalparia songs, Barman (Barman:2001), A Step to Kamata folk dances and theatre like ---Kushan Behari Language of Dharma Narayan Barma Bishahari, Marai, Hudumdeo, Madankam (Barma:1991), Rajbanshi Bhasha Sahityar and Mechini etc.; and off course Rajbanshi Parichaya of Dwijendranath Bhakat(Bhakat: dialect (language) which is suffering from 2000), etc. language-dialect debate. Among these Dharma Narayan Barma in his A elements of Rajbanshi cultural identity Step to Kamata Behari Language has dealt linguistic issue is the most significant one. with the grammatical aspects of the Linguistic status of the Rajbanshis is Rajbanshi or Kamtapuri language. He thinks full with „contradictions and philological that the Kamta-Behari is a distinct language difference.‟ There are two opposite views what is different from the Bengali. regarding the linguistic status of the Dr.Bhakat, on the other hand, has traced the Rajbanshi. One group of scholars has argued existence of the Rajbanshi language since the that the Rajbanshi/Kamtapuri (also called seventh century. He argued that there are Kamta-Behari) possesses all linguistic similarities between the Rajbanshi and the features to be recognized as a distinct language used in the copper plate grants of language (different from others). Taking the ancient (Bhakat: 2000:20). The cue from the Linguistic Survey of India Charja literature (early Bengali literary (Grierson: 1969:163-200) of G.A. Grierson specimen) produced during the period (1927) they argued that „Rajbanshi‟ between eighth and the twelfth century are (Kamtapuri) is essentially a separate „code‟ also bearing the testimonies of the origin and from the Bengali. Rajbanshi dialect development of the Rajbanshi language according to Grierson „belonging to the (Bhakat: 2000:28). Bhakat also claims that 66

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the literature produced under the patronage of but in the recent years significant contrib.- the Koch kings are the specimen of the utions have been made by the educated Rajbanshi literature (Bhakat: 2000:28). All section of the Rajbanshi community by pub- these scholars have a common point in their lishing books and pamphlets, writing , argument. All of them tried to show the drama, , and composing music in this distinctiveness (or the point of difference) of medium. Again the linguistic structure of the the Rajbanshi language what is spoken by a Rajbanshi is being analyzed with different large number of people of Sub-Himalayan perspective both by the Indian and non- Bengal and Lower Assam. According to Indian scholars. On the other hand, them it is „different‟ than Bengali and other cultivation of literature in „the Rajbanshi‟ has languages of this region. It means the strengthened its linguistic status. At the same question of linguistic difference has been us- time it has contributed to the growth of ed as a solid argument for the establishment criticism of „the Rajbanshi‟ particularly of standard linguistic identity of an ethnic among the non-Rajbanshi scholars. So we community. find „a phenomenon of difference‟ between On the contrary, a number of experts two opposite group of scholars about the have opined that Rajbanshi is nothing but a linguistic identity of „the Rajbanshi‟ what is dialect of the Bengali and both shares the not confined only in the educated middle same root (Das:1997). Nirmal Das in his class level. In the mass level it is clearly Uttar Banger Bhasa Prasanga (1985) catego- noticeable as „Deshi-Bhatia difference‟.3 And rically argued that the Rajbanshi can not a it is this „difference‟ which is the driving distinct language. It is merely a regional force of demands raised by the UKD, variety of the Bengali. UTJAS, KRI, KPP, GCBPA, All Kamatapur Photo 1: Demonstration for Separate State Student Union (AKSU), All Koch-Rajbanshi and Scheduled Tribe status for the Koch- Student Union (AKRASU) ,etc., for the Rajbanshis of Assam in Gossaigngaon on 5th formation of a separate state in North Bengal. March 2013. The Koch-Rajbanshis of Assam are again Conclusion agitating for constitutional tribe on similar Although linguistic status of „the ground (Barman: 2013:17-40). Rajbanshi‟(language/dialect) is debatable one

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Notes and References 1The Rajbanshis or Koches were classified as Other Backward Classes by the by its letter no TAD/BC/268/75/37 dated 27th November 1975. To ensure educational facilities, the Rajbanshis and the Koches (of Goalpara and Garo Hills) were treated as More Other Backward Class(MOBC). However, the Koch-Rajbanshis got Scheduled Tribe status in Assam in the 1990s (G.O. No TAD/ST/98/92/138). Hence they lost the OBC status. But their ST status was withdrawn in 1998 (Ref.No. TAD/ST/98/92/212 dated 7th April 1998). So again they have been assigned OBC status with effect from 03.04.1997. 2Siliguri Anchalik (Zonal) Kshatriya Samity in its First Annual Conference held on 8th April 1955, supported the formation of linguistic state in India and stressed on the continuity of reservations policy for the Rajbanshis and implementation of reservations in the semi-government organizations. See Copy of resolutions passed in the First Annual Conference of the Siliguri Anchalik (zonal) Kshatriya Samity in its first Annual Conference held at Haidarpara, Dist. Jalpaiguri. 3The immigrant East Bengalese popular calls the Rajbanshis of North Bengal as Deshi. On the contrary the Rajbanshis of North Bengal have branded the East Bengalese as Bhatia/Bhatiar ghhar. This difference in mental perception often generates contradiction in the rural and semi-urban areas of North Bengal. Notes Adhikary, Ramendranath, ed. (1398 BS): Raysaheb Panchanan Rachanbali, Cooch Behar. Annual Report of the Bangiya Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity (1986): Calcutta, Bangiya Rajbanshi Kshatriya Samity. Azam, Kouser J. ed.,(2001): Ethnicity, Identity and the State in South Asia, New Delhi, South Asian Publishers. Barma, Dharma Narayan (1991): A Step to Kamata Behari Language , Tufanganj. Barman, Harimohan (2001): Kamatapuri Bhasha , Rangali Bajna. Barman, Kalindra Nath (1377): Ekti Birat Jiggasha: Ora Bahe Na Bangali? ,Siliguri. Barman, Rup Kumar (2004): Jati Parichiti Gathan, Uttarn O Elite Netrittya (Bengali), in Itihas Anusandhan 18, Kolkata, West Bengal History Council. Barman, Rup Kumar (2007): From Tribalism to State: Reflection on the emergence of the Koch Kingdom , Delhi, Abhijeet Publications. Barman, Rup Kumar (2013): Changing Nature of identity of the Backward : A Study on the transition of tribal identity of the Koch-Rajbanshis to the constitutional Tribe through a backward caste, in Borah Kalita, Leena and Akhtar, Sajmina , eds.: Backward Communities of Assam, Dibrugarh , ., pp. 17-40. Barman, Upendra Nath (1401): Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Itihas, (Bengali), 4th ed., Jalpaiguri. Barman, Upendra Nath (1408 BS): Thakur Panchanan Barmar Jibancharit, 4th edn., Jalpaiguri. Barman, Upendra Nath (1392 BS): Uttar Banglar Sekal O Amar Jiban Smriti, Jalapaiguri. Basu, Swaraj (2003): Dynamics of a Caste Movement: The Rajbanshis of North Bengal 1910-1947, New Delhi, Manohar. Bhakat, Dwijendranath (2000): Rajbanshi Bhasha Sahityar Parichay , Golokganj, Centre for Ethnic Studies and Research. Bhuiyan, S.K. ed., (1987): Kamrupar Buranji, 3rd ed., Guwahati, DHAS. Bhuiyan, S.K. ed(2001).: Deodhai Assam Buranji, 4th ed., Guwahati, DHAH. Brass, Paul (1991): Ethnicity and Nationalism, Theory and Conception (New Delhi, Sage. Barth, Fredrik (1969): Ethnic Groups and Boundaries: The social organization of culture difference, Boston, Little Brown and Co. Chattopadhyaya, Gautam (1984): Bengal Electoral Politics and Freedom Struggle, 1862-1947,New Delhi, Indian Council of Historical Research, 1984. Choudhuri, Harendra Narayn (1903): The Cooch Behar State and its Land Revenue Settlements, Cooch Behar, The Cooch Behar State Press. Chatterji, Sunity Kumar (1988): Kirata Janakriti: The Indo-Mongoloids, their contribution to the history and culture of India, reprint ed., Calcutta, The Asiatic Society. 68

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Dalton, E.T.: Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (1872), reprinted in, Indian Studies Past and Present, 1&2(1960). Das, B.M. (1984): Some Aspects of Physical Anthropology of the Tribes of Northeast India, in Sebastian Karotemprel and Depali Danda (eds): The Tribes of North East India, Calcutta, Firma KLM Pvt. Ltd.. Das, Nirmal (1997): Uttar Banger Bhasa Prasanga, reprint ed., Calcutta, 1997. Datta, P.S. (1978): Movement For Scheduled Status in a Poly-Ethnic Society: The case of Koch- Rajbongshis of Assam, JNEICSSR, II.II. Daivagna, Suryakhari (1973): Darrang Raj Vamsavali, edited by N.C. Sharma, (Pathsala, Bani Prakash). David, L.Shills, eds. (1968): Encyclopaedia of Social Science, (The Macmillan Co. and Free Press. Eriksen, Thomas Hylland (2002): Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives, 2nd edition, Pluto Press. Endle, S. (1975): The Kacharis, London, 1911, reprint ed., Delhi. Gait, E.A (1963).: A History of Assam, 3rd ed., revised by B.K.Barua and H. V.S. Murthy, Calcutta, Thaker Spink & Co.(1933) Pvt. Ltd. Ghosh, Munshi Jaynath (1969): Rajopakhyan, edited by Biswanath Das, 2nd ed., Calcutta, Mala Publications. Grierson, G.A.(1969): Linguistic Survey of India (11 vols.), reprint ed., Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass. Hunter, W.W.(1984): Statistical Account of Bengal,(20 vols) vol. X, (London, 1876), reprint ed., New Delhi, Concept Publishing Company. Hodgson, B.H.(1947): Essay the First, on the Koch, Bodo and Tribes, Calcutta, Baptist Mission Press.. Mandol, Sibendra Narayan(1972): Rajbanshi Kshatriya Jatir Sanchipta Itihas, Gauripur, India Press. Mallik, Ross (1998): Development, Ethnicity and Human Rights in South Asia, New Delhi. Martin, Montgomery (1976): The History, Antiquities, Topography and Statistics of Eastern India, (in 5 vols.), Vol.5, Rangpur and Assam (1838), reprint ed., Delhi, Cosmo Publications. Maynaguri Declaration of the Bharatiya Kamata Rajya Parishad, Circular No.KRP/ dated 8th August 1986. Nath, D.(1989): History of Koch Kingdom (C. 1515 – 1615),Delhi, Mittal Publications. Nandi, Vaskar and Raman, Vasanti (1997): The Long Transition: The Koch Rajbangshis of North Eastern India, in Dev Nathan (ed): From Tribe to Caste , Shimla, Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Phadnish, Urmila (1995): Ethnicity and Nation Building in South Asia, New Delhi, Sage. Pant, A.D. and Gupta, Shiva K. eds., (1985): Multiethnicity and National Integration: A Politico Anthropological View, Allahabad, Vohra Publishers and Distributors. Risley, H.H. (1981): Tribes and Caste of Bengal,(2 vols.), Bengal Secretariat Press, 1891, reprint ed., Calcutta, Firma KLM Mukhopadhaya. Sanyal, Charu Chandra (1965): The Rajbanshis of North Bengal , Calcutta, Asiatic Society. Sarkar, Naresh Chnadra, ed (1990): Mukur 2.1(6January, 1990). Singha, Kshetra Nath (1940): Ray Saheb Panchanan Barmar Jibani Ba Rangpur Kshatriya Samitir Itihas, Rangpur, 1940. Sengupta, Swarthak (1993): Physical Anthropology of the Koch Population (A Study from Assam), New Delhi, Mittal Publications. Sunder, D. (1895): Survey and Settlement of the Western Duars in the District of Jalpaiguri 1889-95, Calcutta, Bengal Secretariat Press. Tonkin, Elisabeth, Mcdonald, Maryon and Chapman, Malcolm (1989): History and Ethnicity , London: Routledge, 1989. Thakur, Ramcharan (2001): Guru Charita, edited by H.N. Dutta Barua, 18th ed., Guwahati, Dutta Barua Publishing Pvt. Ltd.. Uttar Banga, (1st April, 1965). Williams, Raymond (1976): Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, London, Flamingo. Waddell, L.A (1975).: The Tribes of the Brahmaputra Valley: A Contribution on their Physical Types and Affinities, reprint ed., Delhi, Sanskaran Prakashak. 69

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Constitutionalism and Political Stalemate in British India after Quit India Movement

Dr. Om Prakash Assistant Professor in History School of Policy Sciences Executive Director, Center for Human Welfare and Empowerment National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India

Introduction North-West Bengal and Assam would be It has been said that Constitution, is joined to form a zone with a slight Muslim “a transparent garment clinging to the body majority; in the North-West, Punjab, , politic”, contains the hopes and aspirations of North West Frontier Province, and Balu- the people.1 Constitutionalism means “limit- chistan would be joined for a clear Muslim ed government” and the rule of law to majority; and the remainder of the country prevent the arbitrary, abusive use of power, would be third zone, with a clear Hindu to protect human rights, to support demo- majority.4 cratic procedures in elections and public The approximation of the boundaries policy making, and to achieve a community‟s of a new Pakistan was clear from the shared purposes.2 Constit-utio-nalism in a delineation of the zones. The mission also democracy both limits and empowers suggested the right of veto on legislation by government of, by, and for the people. That‟s communities that saw their interests why “Constitutional govern-ment is called adversely affected. Finally, the mission prop- the anti-thesis of authoritarian rule.”3 osed that an interim government be establ- Constitutionalism is the idea, often associa- ished immediately and that new elections be ted with the political theories of John Locke held.5 Maulana Abul Kalam Azad has written and the “founders” of the American republic, the motives behind the Cripps offer.6 He has that government can and should be legally also described insen-sitive and non-serious limited in its powers, and that its authority behaviour of Stafford Cripps.7 depends on its observing these limitations. Congress and Muslim League Varying India in the course of transfer of power View Point witnessed this process of constitutionalism The Indian National Congress and also after the transfer of power the discussed the proposal of Cripps and it was constituent assembly debated on the idea of rejected. The Congress Working Committee India for almost two years to finally come to (CWC) passed the following resolution about a constitution of India. non-accession of provinces: The Contentious Issue “The acceptance beforehand of the In the year 1942, the Cripps plan put principle of non-accession for a forward a three-tier federal form of province is also a severe blow to the government in which the central government conception of Indian unity and an apple of would be limited to power only over defence, discord likely to generate growing trouble in foreign relations, currency and commun- the provinces, and which may well lead to ication. Rest of the powers would be further difficulties in the way of the Indian delegated to the provinces. The plan also states merging themselves in the Indian prescribed the zones that would be created. Union... the Committee cannot think in terms

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 of compelling the people in any territorial present boundaries, have the right to choose unit to remain in an Indian Union against to join either state.10 their declared and established will. While The above concern of M A Jinnah recognising this principle, the Committee felt was addressed point to point by Mahatma that every effort should be made to create Gandhi in his letter dated September 11, conditions, which would help the different 1944 as follows: units in developing a common and “The Constitution will be framed by cooperative national life.”8 the provisional government contemplated in The rejection of the Cripps proposal the formula or as an authority specially set up followed nation-wide Quit India movement by it after the British power is withdrawn. launched by Mahatma Gandhi, arrest of the The basis for the formation of the interim leaders of Indian National Congress, government will have to be agreed to government repression etc. The issue of between the League and the Congress. The constitutional deadlock was largely because Commission will be appointed by the provi- the Muslim League was not in a mood to sional government. Absolute majority means cooperate with the Congress. a clear majority over non-Muslim elements Gandhi- Jinnah Debate as in Sind, Baluchistan or the Frontier provi- C R formula was put forward by Shri nces. The form of plebiscite and the franchise Chakraborty Rajgopalachari in March 1944 must be a matter for discussion. Mutual in order to break the deadlock between the agreement mentioned in the formula means Congress and the Muslim League. In a letter agreement between contracting parties. addressed to Mahatma Gandhi in 1944, M A Safeguarding defence etc. means for me a Jinnah raised a number of concerns about C central or joint board of control…The power R formula including person/s going to frame is to be transferred to the nation, that is, to it and time of it‟s enforcement.9 He wrote the provisional government. The formula that as in the formula it is held that “Muslim contemplates peaceful transfer by the British League will cooperate with the Congress in gover-nment.”11 the formation of a provisional interim But finally Rajaji formula was government for the transitional period”, but rejected by Jinnah in toto and any compro- what will be the basis of this interim mise with the League seemed impossible at government. He had his doubt about the basis least for some time. In an interview given to on which such a government is to be set up; an overseas newspaper, Mahatma Gandhi also who will appoint the commission explained the reasons of failure of the talk referred to in the clause and who will give with Jinnah: “I could not accept the two effect to their findings? The terms like nation basis. This was Mr. Jinnah‟s demand. absolute majority were ambiguous to Jinnah. He wants immediate recognition of the In the proposed plebiscite formula he had his North-West Frontier Province, Sind, the concern like: whether it would be district- whole of Punjab, Bengal and Assam as wise and whether such a plebiscite would be sovereign and completely independent based upon adult franchise or other Pakistan.”12 practicable franchise; who will give effect to When the same journalist asked the decision or verdict of the above Mahatma Gandhi, whether he was prepared mentioned plebiscite; would only the districts to recognise Pakistan and on what basis there on the border, which are taken out from the could be any hope of agreement in future, he boundaries of the present province by said: delimitation, be entitled to choose to join “I want to make it clear that I believe either State, or would also those outside the that Mr. Jinnah is sincere, but I think he is suffering from hallucination when he 71

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 imagines that an unnatural division of India Hindu and Muslim representatives in could bring either happiness or prosperity to the council. the people concerned. It was my suggestion 2. The Viceroy was to be the President that provided there was the safeguard of a of the Council. He was allowed the plebiscite there could be sovereignty for the power of overriding the Council. predominantly Muslim areas, but it should be 3. The new Executive Council would accompanied by the bonds of alliance carry on the Government of British between Hindustan and Pakistan.”13 India until a new Constitution was On October 4, 1944 Jinnah called a framed and put in force. Thus, under press conference and criticised Mahatma the plan the Executive Council was Gandhi‟s statement given to the News to function as a Provisional national Chronicle. He stated: Government. “Mr. Gandhi, perhaps under provoc- 4. In the Provinces, administered by the ation, again asserted that he had never Governor ministries would be admitted the claim of the Muslim League as formed.15 the only authoritative organisation of the Soon after the Conference began, the Mussalmans, and darkly hinted that there are differences between the Congress and the other Muslim organisations with a large body Muslim League surfaced. By the second day, of Muslim opinion behind them who do not the Conference had agreed on certain main see eye to eye with the League and do not principles like representation for minorities, support the two nation theory. There by he support to the war effort and continuance of has again made an attempt to discredit the the reconstituted Executive Council under the Muslim League and disrupt the Mussalmans, Government of India Act till the end of the for he knows that is not true. …On the one war. Difference however arose about the hand he wants a League-Congress agreement, composition of the Executive Council. In a and on the other he denies its representative letter written to Lord Wavell on 7 July, 1945 character and authority to speak on behalf of Jinnah made the following point: the Mussalmans of India. Mr. Gandhi is an “The Working Committee of the enigma.”14 Muslim League is emphatically of the C Rajagopalachari had managed to opinion that all the Muslim members of the persuade a reluctant Mahatma Gandhi on the proposed Executive Council should be negotiating table after Quit India Movement chosen from the Muslim League, subject to by his proposals, which had rejected the idea confidential discussion between your Exce- of Pakistan and sought to find a middle path llency and the President of the Muslim but finally it got vetoed by the recalcitrance League, before they are finally recommended of M A Jinnah and the rot deepened. by you to the crown for appointment…While Wavell Plan and League-Congress the Committee appreciated the remarks of the Impasse Secretary of State in the House of Commons In 1945, Lord Wavell called a that the power of veto will be exercised by conference at Shimla to discuss his plan to the Viceroy to protect the minority interest, it break the Indian political stalemate. was felt that some other effective safeguard Significant features of the Wavell plan are: would be necessary in the interest of smooth 1. The Executive Council of the working of the interim arrangement.”16 Viceroy was to be reconstituted and Jinnah‟s demand was that Congress all its members except the Viceroy could nominate only the Hindu members and the Commander-in-chief were to while, the Muslim members must be nomin- be Indians. Provision was made for ees of the League.17 Congress objected such the inclusion of equal number of demand because it had always approached all 72

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 political problems from a nationalist point of would ensure that in the Muslim majority view and recognised no distinction between provinces, all subjects, except defense, Hindus and Muslims on political issues. It communication and foreign affairs, could be could not in any circumstances agree to be an administered by the province itself. This organisation of Hindus alone.18 At this would eliminate from the mind of the juncture Maulana Azad insisted that the Con- Muslims all fears of domination by the gress should have the freedom to nominate Hindus. Once such fears were allayed, it was any Indian it liked regardless of whether he likely that the provinces would find it an was a Hindu or a Muslim or a Christian or a advantage to delegate some other subjects as Parsi or a Sikh. He also suggested that the well to the Central Government.22 Congress should participate on the basis of Muslim League vacillated over the sch- Indian nationhood otherwise it should eme articulated by Maulana Azad and which boycott and as far as the Muslim League was the Congress ratified later. Even the Cabinet concerned, it was the League to decide who Mission was on board with the scheme. should be its nominees.19 Later on Maulana Muslim League‟s Lahore Resolution was Azad wrote: somewhat vague and it was time for Jinnah “All discussions between the and Muslims League to take some more Congress and the Government had till now specific position. failed on political issues. The Congress was At the outset, Jinnah was completely not ready to accept any solution, which did opposed to the scheme. The Muslim League not ensure Indian freedom. Discussions had Council met for three days before it could therefore failed on political issues and never come to a decision. On the final day, Jinnah reached the communal question… Now that had to admit that there could be no fairer the political issue between India and Britain solution of the minority problem than that seemed on the point of solution, the presented in the Cabinet Mission Plan. He Conference broke down over the question of told the Council that the scheme presented by communal representation in the new the Cabinet Mission was the maximum that Executive Council.”20 we could secure. He advised the Muslim Cabinet Mission and Muslim League’s League to accept the scheme and the council Position voted unanimously in its favor.23 In March 1946 the British Cabinet The Muslim League had accepted the Mission reached to Delhi. Headed by Sir Cabinet Mission Plan only under duress. Patrick Lawrence it aimed as said by then Jinnah was not very happy about it. In his British Prime Minister: speech to the League Council, he had clearly “My colleagues are going out to stated that he recommended acceptance only India with the intention of using their utmost because nothing better could be obtained. His endeavor to help her to attain that freedom political adversaries started to criticise him (the freedom to decide their own destiny) as by saying that he had failed to deliver the speedily and fully as possible. What form of goods. They accused him that he had given it is to replace the present regime is for India up the idea of an independent Islamic state. to decide, but our desire is to help her to set They also taunted him that if the League up forthwith the machinery for making that was willing to accept the Cabinet Mission decision?”21 Plan - which denied the right of the Muslims Maulana Azad believed that the to form a separate State - why had he made Constitution of India should be federal in so much fuss about an independent Islamic nature but it should ensure complete State? autonomy to the provinces in various Jinnah was not happy about the subjects. In this way such federal principles outcome of the negotiations with the Cabinet 73

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Mission. Pandit Nehru‟s statement came to by June 1948. British Prime Minister Attlee him as a bombshell. Nehru declared that the made following statement in the House of Congress could change the scheme through Commons on 20 February 1947: its majority in the Constituent Assembly.24 “In the constitutional field, the Acts This was understood that the minorities of 1919 and 1935 passed by the British would be placed at the mercy of the majority. Parliament represents a substantial transfer of Jinnah immediately issued a statement that political power. ...in the opinion of His this declaration by the Congress President Majesty‟s Government the time has come for demanded a review of the whole situation.25 responsibility for the government of India to He asked Liaquat Ali Khan to call a meeting pass into Indian hands. … It is of the essence of the League Council and issued a statement of the plan that the Assembly should be fully to the following effect: “The Muslim League representative…Although the final transfer of Council had accepted the Cabinet Mission authority may not take place until June 1948, Plan in Delhi as it was assured that the preparatory measures must be put in hand in Congress also had accepted the scheme and advance. It is important that the efficiency of the Plan would be the basis of the future the civil administration should be maintained constitution of India.”26 The Muslim League and that the defence of India should be fully Council met at Bombay on 27 July 1946. provided for.”28 Jinnah in his opening speech reiterated the Mountbatten assessed the situation demand for Pakistan as the only course left and became convinced that Congress was open to the Muslim League. After three days‟ willing to accept partition as the price for discussion, the Council passed a resolution independence, that Jinnah would accept a rejecting the Cabinet Mission Plan. It also smaller Pakistan than one he demanded (that decided to resort to direct action for the is, all of Punjab and Bengal), and Sikhs achievement of Pakistan. would accept a division of Punjab. Mountba- The Congress and the Muslim tten persuaded most Indian leaders that League emerged from the 1946 elections as immediate acceptance of his plan was the two dominant parties, although the imperative. Muslim League again was unable to capture On June 3, 1947, British prime mini- a majority of the Muslim seats in the North ster Clement Attlee introduced a bill in the West Frontier Province. At first, both parties House of Commons called for the Indepe- seemed to accept Cabinet Mission Plan, ndence and Partition of India. Some of the despite many reservations, but the subseq- significant parts of the bill are as follows: uent behaviour of the leaders soon led to “The majority of the representatives bitterness and mistrust. The formation of an of the Provinces…have already made interim government was also contro-versial. progress in the task of evolving a new Jinnah demanded equality between the constitution. On the other hand the Muslim Muslim League and Congress, a proposal League party…has decided not to participate rejected by the Viceroy. The Muslim League in the Constituent Assembly…any constitu- boycotted the interim government, and each tion framed by the Assembly cannot apply to party disputed the right of the other to those parts of the country which are appoint Muslim ministers, a prerogative unwilling to accept…the Provincial Legisl- Jinnah claimed belo-nged solely to the ative Assemblies of Bengal and Punjab will Muslim League.27 be asked to meet in two parts, one The Falling Curtain representing the Muslim majority areas and In February 1947, Lord Mountbatten the other the rest of the province…the was appointed Viceroy with specific members of the two parts of each Legislative instructions to arrange for a transfer of bower Assembly sitting separately will be empo- 74

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 wered to vote whether or not the Province geographic location of their respective area should be partitioned…if it is decided that and to their religious majority. Bengal should be partitioned a referendum The transfer of power was to take will be held in Sylhet to decide whether the place on 15 August 1947. Both the Muslim district of Sylhet should continue to form part League and the Congress accepted the plan. of the or should be The Congress although with great pain, amalgamated with the new Province of accepted the proposal for the partition of Eastern Bengal.”29 India. Sardar Patel said: On July 14, the House of Commons “I felt if we did not accept partition, India passed the Indian Independence Act, 1947.30 would be split into many bits and would be Two independent dominions were created on completely ruined. My experience of office the sub-continent; the princely states were for one year convinced me that the way we left to accede to either. The partition plan have been proceeding would lead us to stated that contiguous Muslim-majority dis- disaster. We would not have had one tricts in Punjab and Bengal would go to Pakistan but several.”31 Pakistan, provided that the legislatures of the Conclusions two provinces agreed that the provinces What would have happen if Jinnah should be partitioned. Sindh‟s legislature and would not have rejected the Cabinet Mission Balochistan‟s jirga (council of tribal leaders) Plan which he had accepted initially? What agreed to join Pakistan. A plebiscite was held would have happen if Muslim League in Sylhet District of Assam, and as a result, leadership would have come to their senses part of the district was transferred to after the brutal killings of 1946 as a result of Pakistan. A plebiscite was also held in North direct action? History does not proceed on West Frontier Province. Despite a boycott by if‟s and buts‟. One thing is very clear that the Congress, the province was deemed to partition of India was the result of that virus have chosen Pakistan. The states made their of Hindu-Muslim communalism which was decision after giving consideration to the sown deep by the British through its policies to keep the interest of the Raj intact.

Endnotes and References 1 George Buechner, Danton‟s Death, (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1971), p. 7. 2K.C Wheare, Modern Constitutions, (Blackwell: London, 1956), p. 137. 3S.P Ybema, Constitutionalism and Civil Liberties, (Praeger: Leiden, 1973), p. 1. 4C H Philips and others (ed.), The Evolution of India and Pakistan: Select Documents, 1858-1947 (Oxford University Press: Oxford, 1962), pp. 299-301. 5Ibid., pp. 311-12. 6“It is interesting to consider why the British Government wanted to consult the representatives of so many bodies in India. It was well known that Congress spoke for the vast majority of the Indian people. It is true the Muslim League had gained considerable influence among a section of the Muslims, but this was largely due to the support, which the Government had extended to it. As for the other parties, they were almost entirely the creations of the Government. If the British Government came to a settlement with Congress, they had neither the strength and courage nor perhaps the inclination to oppose. The only reason for inviting all such parties to meet Sir Stafford was to use them as possible counterweights to Congress. The British Government wanted to inform the world outside that there were many parties in India and Congress could not speak for the whole country. The British also perhaps felt that it this way they could exert some pressure on Congress. It was in this context that Cripps felt he ought to invite the President of the Nationalist Muslim Convention when he was meeting leaders of other Indian parties.” [ Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom: An Autobiographical Narrative, (Orient Longman: New Delhi, 1959), p. 49]. 75

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7.“I have already said that before Sir Stafford came to India, he had asked the Viceroy to issue invitations to a number of political leaders of whom one was the late Mr. Allah Bux. After arriving in India, Cripps appeared to modify his stand, perhaps as a result of the influence of the Viceregal House. Allah Bux had come to Delhi on the Viceroy's invitation and was waiting for an interview with Sir Stafford but the interview was not being fixed. This was creating an awkward situation. I spoke to Cripps and he said that he would soon invite Allah Bux. In spite of this promise, no invitation was actually issued. Allah Bux at last got disgusted and said he refused to wait in Delhi any longer. When I heard this, I spoke strongly to Sir Stafford and pointed out that this was an insult not only to Allah Bux but also to the strong body of Muslims whom he represented. If Cripps had ny doubts on the points, Allah Bux should not have been invited at all. But since the invitation had been issued, he should be properly met. My intervention resulted in an interview between Sir Stafford and llah Bux the next day. The interview was for only an hour and was confined to general discussions. Cripps did not touch the root of the problem. This incident created a bad impression on me. I felt that this was not the proper method of dealing with difficult political issues. In my judgment, Cripps had not behaved like a statesman. The invitations should not have been issues without consulting the Government of India. Even if there were difficulties, he should have pointed them out to Allah Bux in a straightforward manner and not kept him cooling his heels inDelhi.” [Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom: An Autobiographical Narrative, (Orient Longman: New Delhi, 1959), pp. 55-6]. 8Resolution of the Congress Working Committee dated April 2, 1942 communicated to Sir Stafford Cripps, and released to the press on April 10, 1942.(Times of India, April 10, 1942). 9The Formula says that after the war a commission would be appointed for demarcating the contiguous district in the North East of India, wherein the Muslim League were in absolute majority and in such areas a plebiscite of all the inhabitants held on the basis of adult franchise or other practical franchise would decide the issue of separation from Hindustan. If the majority would decide in favor of creation of a sovereign State separate from Hindustan such decision would be given effect to without prejudice to the right of districts on the border to choose to join either State. In the event of separation, a mutual agreement would be entered for safeguarding defence, communication, commerce and other essential purposes. These terms would be binding only in case of transfer by Britain full power and responsibility for the governance of India. The Muslim League would accept the India demand for independence and would cooperate with the Indian national Congress in the formation of interim Government for the transitional period. [Verinder Grover (ed.), Political System in Pakistan, (Deep and Deep: New Delhi, 1997), Vol. 1, pp. 505-06.]10 Jinnah‟s Correspondence to Mahatma Gandhi dated, September 10, 1944 [Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (ed.), Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah‟s Correspondence, (East and West Publishing Company, Karachi, 1977), pp. 100-02. 11Mahatma Gandhi‟s Correspondence to Jinnah, dated September 11, 1944 [Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (ed.), Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah‟s Correspondence, (East and West Publishing Company, Karachi, 1977), pp. 102-04. 12Interview given by Mahatma Gandhi to Stuart Gelder of the “News Chronicle” on September 29, 1944 at Bombay.(The Times of India, September 30, 1944). 13Ibid. 14 Jinnah‟s statement given to the press conference on October 4, 1945 [Jamil ud-Din Ahmad (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Mr. Jinnah, (Ashraf: Lahore, 1964), Vol. II, pp. 122-24] 15 B L Grover, A New Look at Modern Indian History, (S Chand: New Delhi, 1998), pp. 577-79. 16 Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (ed), Quaid-e-Azam Jinnah‟s Correspondence, (East and West Publishing Company, Karachi, 1977), pp. 347-48. 17Penderal Moon (ed.), Lord Wavell‟s Diary: Wavell, the Viceroy‟s Journal, OUP, pp. 33-35. 18Ibid. 19 Maulana Azad, Ibid, p. 116. 20Ibid, pp. 118-19. 21The Indian Annual Register, (Calcutta, Jan-June, 1946), p. 116. 76

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22“The Working Committee (of Congress) was initially somewhat sceptical about the solution and members raised all kinds of difficulties and doubts. I was able to meet their objections and clarified doubtful points. Finally the Working Committee was convinced about the soundness of the proposal and Gandhiji expressed his complete agreement with the solution. Gandhiji in fact complimented me by saying that I had found a solution of a problem, which had till then baffled everybody. He said that my solution would allay the fear of even the most communal among the Muslim Leaguers and at the same time it was inspired by a national and not a sectional outlook.” [Maulana Azad, Ibid, pp. 147-49] 23“The difficult question of Indian freedom had been settled by negotiation and agreement and not by methods of violence and conflict. It also seemed that the communal difficulties had been finally left behind. Throughout the country there was a sense of jubilation and all the people were united in their demand for freedom. We rejoiced but we did not then know that our joy was premature and bitter disappointment awaited us.” [Maulana Azad, Ibid, pp. 157-58] 24Jawaharlal Nehru Speeches, 1949-55, (Publication Division, New Delhi, 1954), p. 312. 25Jamil ud-Din Ahmad (ed.), Speeches and Statements of Mr. Jinnah, (Ashraf: Lahore, 1964), Vol. II, p. 249. 26Ibid, pp. 249-50. 27The Indian Annual Register, Calcutta (Jan-Jun 1946), Vol. 1, pp. 366-77. 28Statement made by Prime Minister Attlee in the House of Commons, 20 February 1947.[The Indian Annual Register Calcutta (Jan-Jun 1947), Vol. 1, pp. 312-13] 29Announcement of His Majesty Government about possible division of India. [The Indian Annual Register,Calcutta, (Jul-Dec 1947), Vol. II, pp. 234-35. 30The Act provided for the partition of British India and the establishment of two dominions i.e., India and Pakistan from the appointed day (15th August, 1947).[ It provided legislative supremacy of two form of government. Henceforth-British government shall have no control over the affairs of the dominion. Till new constitution is framed for each dominion, the existing Constituent Assembly shall exercise powers of the central legislature in addition to framing of the constitution. Till the constitution is adopted the provisions of Government of India Act, 1935 shall be applicable and till March 1948 Governor General was empower to modify or amend the provisions of the Act of 1935 and after that only the Central Legislative Assembly is competent to amend or modify the constitution. Henceforth the Governor General shall have no power to veto or reserve any bill and it will be passed by majority of house and after that Governor General has to sign it. Suzerainty of the House over the was terminated and all agreements between them lapse from 15th August 1947.Agreement of the crown with Schedule Tribes of North West Frontier Province was repealed and the concerned dominion is authorized to enter into a fresh dominion. The post of Secretary of State was abolished. Henceforth crown shall not be emperor of India. The post of Governor General shall continue till new constitution provides otherwise. Henceforth Secretary of State shall have no control over ICS but the judges of the Federal Court and High Court shall continue to work till retirement or resignation. Sections 11, 12 and 13 regulated the Armed Forces. Henceforth Governor General shall not issue any instruction and direction to the governor and the governor shall act on the aid and advice of Council of Ministers. 31Indian Annual Register, (Jan-June, 1947), Vol. 1, Calcutta, p. 112.

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Protective discrimination, Social skills and gender justice A critical evaluation from Socio-legal Perspective

Dr. Rupam Saikia Director, College Development Council, , Assam

For promotion of social skills in a propriety. The implementation of Gender country like India, full of diversities in all Justice in India for ensuring meaningful aspects, the Constitution of India in Part III, participation of the fair sex in the walks of IV and IV(A) have incorporated certain socio economic life may also be categorized provisions and implementation of the same inter alia as a meaningful component of soc- will certainly enhance the social skills in our ial skills, as marginalization of the issue may country. The objective of modern liberal stultify the very trajectory of inclusive education has been banking on the principles development based on equity, equality and of access-equity and expansion for improving social justice. the standard of living of the people. This has The Directive Principles of State also accorded space for critical evaluation of Policy embodied in the part (IV) of the the constitutional mandate as its subterranean Constitution of India having embodied the force, which has become ingenuously guidelines for the governance of the country important in the present situation. As the in a meaningful way has also laid the fou- development of skills for widening the scope ndation of a responsive democracy commi- of participation of the educated people, tted to welfare of people and inclusive devel- especially of the youths in availing of the opment. opportunities of employment has been There was a perception earlier that , accorded due importance by the State, the the State should be mainly concerned with issue of skill development should also be the maintenance of law and order and discussed and debated in a meaningful way protection of life, liberty and property of the by the stake holders by developing clear citizens. The Directive Principles of State perceptions. policy by incorporating certain economic and In this paper an attempt is made to social policies to be pursued by the State identify the core ingredients of the social have however imposed certain obligations skills, which are necessary for sustenance of on the Sate for taking affirmative actions in the democratic fabric of the nation relying on certain directions to promote welfare of the the spirit of the constitutional mandate and people and fulfilling needs of an economic corresponding interpretations of the same in democracy.1 the light of a few Judgements of the Supreme The Article 39 of the Indian Court of India. How the Constitutional spirit Constitution by emphasizing on promotion of may be primarily taken in to active economic justice, Articles 41, 42, 43, 46, 39- consideration by the stake holders for A, 47 embodying the spirit of a social promotion of social skill, is a serious point security charter and Articles 44, 48, 49 50 to be reckoned with. A critical evaluation of and 51 encapsulating the ingredients of the same may infuse a new lease of life to the community welfare, have mapped the future parameters of social skills, if an innovative of the nation on sound principles of equity, perception is applied to understand and justice, inclusive growth and prosperity. The interpret the subject in its contextual Article 51(A) under Part IV (A) of the

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Constitution by incorporating the funda- importance of the duties for creation of mental duties to be performed by the citizen “Social capital” for fulfilling the goals of the for sustainable growth and meaning-ful effl- Constitution and a progressive social syst- orescence of basic goals of the nation has em. In a landmark judgement delivered by also perspicaciously made rights and duties the Apex Court in Aruna Roy Vs Union of correlative. India (AIR 2002, SC 3176)4, the learned The Articles 14,15 and 16 with Court straightened the pleats in the certain exceptions have strengthened the interpretation of the Article (28) of the principles of equity and equality in enjoying Constitution with regard to inclusion of value the fruits of a welfare State by the education in the National Curriculum individuals. The part (III) (IV) and (IV-A) of Framework for school education The Apex the Constitution have been incorporated in Court after critically examining the argum- the Constitution for representing the ents and points raised by the petitioner conscience of the nation, which stands on alleging blatant violation of the spirit of the rich traditions and high intellectual values. Article 28 by the State, ruled that the The Supreme Court of India (AIR Constitutional mandate embodied by the said 1978 SC1461),while delivering its judgement Article and Article 51(A)(e) of the Const- in Kesavananda Bharati Vs State of Kerala2- itution, has been harmoniously retained by stated that, the fundamental rights and the State by infusing the spirit of universal directives aim at the same goal of bringing values such as truth , good conduct, peace, about a social revolution and establishment love and nonviolence. The values represe- of a welfare state and they can be interpreted nting the conscience of the Social life should and applied together. They are supplementary be the foundation of education system and and complimentary to each other. It can be the Apex Court held that such education well said that the Directive Principles have would not push to periphery the spirit of the prescribed the goals to be achieved and the Article 28 or secularism. Fundamental Rights lay down the means by When we lay emphasis on cultivation which that goals are to be achieved. of universal values, it should include the The Supreme Court of India by cultural values also. The cultural values can delivering a landmark judgement in State of not be cultivated in a society, where women Tamil Nadu vs L. Abu Kavur Bai (AIR 1984, are not given ample scope to prove their SC626)3 viewed that although the Directive efficiency in the nation building process principles of State are enforceable, yet the including employment, production and court should make a sincere effort for harmo- decision making. nizing and reconciling the Fundamental The spirit of “Protective Discrim- Rights and Directives for avoiding conflicts. ination” within the meaning of the Article The implementation of the Directives by the 15(3), and 16 has not only repress-ented the State may depend on capacity, situation and concerns of the architects of the Constitution circumstances. The reasonable nexus betw- to such a fundamental issue, but also added a een the object of legislation and the inherent scope to the State for playing a meaningful spirit of the Directives may determine the role for protection of the special interests of constitutionality of a Statute. women on the basis of the Constitutional The Fundamental Duties incorpo- mandate. rated in Article 51(A) of the Constitution in The development of social skill, a Part IV (A) are basically aimed at key component of liberal education in an strengthening the foundation of the collective inclusive democratic life requires that the well being of the nation. The rights and implementation of gender justice should be duties being correlative have enhanced the accorded due emphasis , as the vibrancy of 79

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the social life is dependent on the enfor- theory of “core or substantive rights”, viewed cement of the Constitutional mandate in a that the substantive rights and traditional dynamic way subsuming this core issue liberties should march hand in hand. The amongst the indicators of social skill. The substantive rights always enhance the traditi- section 51A(e) of the Indian Constitution, onal liberties which have emerged out of embodied in part IV(A) of the constitution Constitution and transformed into concrete states that, “it shall be duty of every citizen achievements by the taking some proactive of India to promote harmony and spirit of measures. The Indian judiciary having imbi- common brotherhood amongst all the people bed the Constitutional mandate over the of India transcending religion, linguistic and years devised new strategies for playing a regional or sectional diversities, renounce proactive role in shielding traditional and practices derogatory to the dignity of substantive rights of people. The distinguish- women.” hed judges of the Apex Court, namely P N The fundamental rights and duties Bhagawati, Krishna Iyer, D A Desai and shall have to be harmoniously construed for Chinnappa Reddy inter alia cha-mpioned the sealing the scope of downright deprecation of cause of the masses for protection in of the the spirit of the Article 51(A)(e) as fundamental rights in a dynamic and impediment in enjoying the rights guaranteed meaningful way. by the Constitution in the part III. Since Madan J, a judge of the Supreme rights and duties are correlative, the Court of India justified the role of a activist importance of the both should be understood judge by stating “A judge who denies himself by the citizens for dispelling the scope of any judicial activism, denies himself the role of a conflict in enjoying the fundamental rights judge. Nature abhors vacuum, take away and performing corresponding duties. The judicial activism and tyranny will step into behaviour of the people of the Country must fill vacant sphere”5 be democratic and reasonable by “Exceptions Under Article 16(3),(4),(4-A) championing the cause of a value based life. and (4-B) and 5 and the spirit of protective The ambrosia of a responsive democratic discrimination” system can be imbibed, when social skills are The Article 16(1) of the constitution accorded due importance with that of of India has guaranteed to the citizens professional and working skills in knowledge equality of opportunity in matters of based globalized competitive world. employment to any post under the State with The Article, 51A, Part IV of the certain exceptions under the above mentio- Indian Constitution and the Preamble of the ned clauses of the said Article. The equality Constitution of India have accorded wide of opportunity in matter of appoi-ntment scope to the Supreme Court of India to define under Article 16(1) should mean the equality “un enumerated rights” under Article 21 of of among the same or identical class of persons protests against the oppressive political and employees and equality between regimes. The substantive rights being the members of separate independent classes. offspring of the long drawn struggle against The Supreme Court of India in a number of oppressive socio economic systems extend judgments without ambiguity upheld that meaningful support to the traditional rights special treatment should be granted to the and co-existence of both in a civil society women within the parameters of Constitu- would lay the foundation of “Human Rights”. tional laws, whenever the situation warrants India being committed to the cause of the same. establishing a strong welfare state shall have The denial of maternity relief to a to translate the goals of the Constitution in to woman employee on the pretext of being a reality. The Apex court having developed the casual employee was challenged by Delhi 80

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Municipal Workers and the Tribunal after marriage under the scope of the impugned hearing the petition ruled in favour of the rule. The Apex Court held finally the rules as petitioner within the framework of Maturity “ultra vires” of the Constitution and directed Benefit Act, 1961. When the matter came for the Central Government to overhaul all the hearing before the Supreme Court Of India service rules. But the Court in the judgement in the form of special leave petition, the categorically ruled that scope of exclusion of Apex Court relying on the Article 39,42,43 the persons of either sex would continue in of the Constitution of India vis a vis the certain jobs, wherever special preference to a Maternity Benefit Act, 1961, determined the particular sex is necessary by taking in to legality of the submissions of the petitioner. consideration the nature of the job, sensibility The Court examined matter within the ambit of a particular sex and other possible of the Article 42, which speaks of “Just and consequences fraught with the selection of human conditions of work” and “maternity persons. The learned Court also clearly relief”. Although the same is not legally stated that men and women are not equal in enforceable, the Constitutionality of the all situations and occupations and the State impugned action was critically examined by can frame separate rules for protection of the the Court. The learned court also by draw- substantive rights by taking in to considera- ing inspiration from the Article 11 of the tion the sensitivities attached to a particular United Nations Convention on the Elimina- sex, which should not however transgress the tion of All Forms of Discrimination Against inherent spirit embodied in the Constitution Women upheld the order passed by Industrial meant for the purpose under Article 15(3) Tribunal for the grant of maternity benefits to and 16. the female workers engaged on daily wage The Apex Court Air India vs. basis by the Delhi Municipal Corporation.6 Nargesh Murza8 also held that the service The spirit of Protective Discrimination and rules of the Air India had violated the Article special relief to be granted by the State to the 14,15,16 of the constitution, as the airhost- women is an inalienable right and the Apex esses under the regulation had to retire at the Court held the same to be inviolable. The age of 35 years or if got married within four Supreme Court of India in a judgement years of their service or on first pregnancy. delivered in CB Muthamma vs Union of Though the Apex Court in the instant case India7 ruled that certain discriminatory provi- held the conditions of retireme-nt on the sions of the India Foreign Service Rule, ground of pregnancy or discretion-ary power 1961 should be exp-unged immediately from of the managing director as abs-olute infrin- the Statute, because of contravention of the gement of the Constitutional man-date, Article 16 of the constitution of India by such however stated that the regulations preven- rules. The petitioner in the instant case ting an Air hostess from marrying wit-hin challenged the condition of giving an four years of her service as reasonable and undertaking by a woman employee at the non discriminatory. The Court did not find time of joining the Foreign Service to the anything detrimental to the health and dignity effect that, she would resign from the of women in marrying between the age group service in the event of her marriage. The of 20-23 years after joining the service. petitioner termed the rule as discriminatory The above mentioned judgments of for blatantly violating the spirit of the the Apex Court have clearly affirmed that, constitution of India under Article 16 and the coordination between the object and prayed before the learned Court for shielding implementation of any decision of the State the interests of women employees from such with regard to Article 14,15 and 16 of the unreceptive discrimina-tion. The petitioner Indian Constitution, should be reasonably was denied promotion for entering in to examined for laying distinction between 81

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“discriminatory and non discriminatory” reg- the Bench did not specifically rule on the ulations or decisions under the canopy of same. protective discrimination. The Supreme Court of India on Savour- faire of the judiciary in appeal after going through the facts understanding the crux of the issues subsequently, viewd that the High Court was involving the empowerment of women and too pedantic and technical in construing the intention of a legislature would continue to spirit of the Government‟s decision regarding guide the State in implementing the policies the grant of preference to the women meant for the empowerment of women, candidates in the allotment of medical stores children and weaker sections of the society. in the state of Orissa and held the In Gayatri Devi Pansami Vs. State of invalidation of the allotment of appellant by Orissa and others, the Supreme Court of the Division Bench of the High Court as India by transcending all the complexities iniquitous. The Apex Court held that the exhibited scintillating prudence by accepting High Court should have construed the order a special leave petition filed by the petitioner. of the Government by keeping in view the The petitioner was a lady pharmacist who purpose and substance and the object was allotted a pharmacy by the Chief of underlying the same. The Apex Court also Medical Officer of the district, Bolangi, viewed that he High Court should have been Orissa in the campus of the Sub-divisional guided by the spirit of promoting the policy Hospital of Patnagarh and her selection was decision of the Govt rather rather than made on the basis of the Govt.‟s decision stifling it. The Supreme Court in the instant mentioning that, 30% of the 24 hours case set the rule that, “reservations of seats” medical stores shall be reserved for women. and giving of preference to a particular class The condition was challenged in the High or entity were two different principles. The Court of the state by raising the contention Apex Court also held that due to any that the selection was backed by extraneous omission or lapse on the part of the minist- considerations and not on the terms and erial officers as to the identification of a conditions of the advertisement. However the shop before advertisement, the legitimate High Court, found no deviation in the claim of a lady applicant should not be allotment of the Medical Store as the same allowed to suffer by defeating the very was very much in consonance with the policy purpose and object of the reservation itself. and advertisement for the purpose. However The view of the Division Bench of the Division Bench of the High Court on the High Court would render irrevelent the appeal ruled that fresh applications should be very object of the State Government for called for the allotment of the Medical Store implementing welfare schemes for rehabilit- as the Government had not identified the ation of women. The state Govt by launching stores to be reserved for the women before the scheme intended to promote self reliance processing the allotment. of women and by providing employment The Bench of the High Court in the opportunities to them the goal of empower- appeal laid emphasis on completion of the rment of women was tried to be achieved. process of identification of the Medical The impugned order of the Division Bench of Stores, since the order of the allotment was the High Court was set aside by the Apex primarily governed by the policy of the State Court on the above considerations.9 Government for giving 30% of such Medical The Constitutional mandate for Stores to the Women. Though the question of maintaining equality of opportunity in eligibility of the petitioner as a registered appointment of persons in public offices Pharmacist was also raised before the Bench, under Article 16(1) and (2) and Article 15(3) of the Constitution, if not harmoniously 82

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 construed, the very purpose of the same of protective discrimination may be would stand defeated. . The prudence of State summarized as below for guidance of the in imbibing the spirit of the Articles 16(1),(2) stake-holders so that the constitutional goals and 15(3) are absolutely required for are not diluted by arbitrary and nonchalant transformation of the spirit in to reality. acts of the State – These Articles have been incorporated in the 1. The intention of the legislature in Constitution for maintaining equity by construing the spirit of a welfare scheme protecting the sustentative and core interests should get primacy over hyper of the women in availing of the opportunities technicalities, which may otherwise of employment under the State. eclipse the very purpose of the scheme. Conclusion 2. The concatenation of the object of The Constitution of India being the legislation with that of the crux of an supreme source of all the laws of the land has executive action is material for exam- meaningfully manacled the state from taking ining the legality and validity of any any discriminatory measures against women decision in case of its intrusion in to the by taking in to consideration the vulnerable constitutional mandate. Substance aspects in implementation of gender justice. should get importance rather than form The architects of the nation at the time of in case of interpretation on such matters. framing the Constitution being acquainted 3. Any decision(s) infected by nefarious with backwardness, impediments and hurdles objects with regard to the protection of in advancement of the socio, economics and special interests of women would ipso political rights of the women and weaker facto have the effect of filibustering the sections of the society, embodied some advancement of women in Socio, important provisos under different Articles economic and political life of the nation. of the Constitution of India and the Part III, Therefore by resorting to constitutional Part IV and Part IV-A of the same have remedies such strategies should be represented the basic goals required for defeated for strengthening the pillars transformation of visions in to achievements of social justice. But, after the six decades of independence 4. The spirit of harmonious construction of the nation is still lagging behind in ensuring Statutes should be judiciously applied gender justice and implementation of the for removing contrariety of objects and Constitutional mandate in to reality. implementation. Perusing the judgements delivered by the It may be concluded that the future of Apex Court in a number of cases, we may India will be murky unless the spirit of frame the following parameters for avoiding “protective discrimination” is implemented the executive and administrative arbitrary- in true sense of the term for addressing the ness, caprice and discriminations to the issues relating to the empowerment of women, whenever the Constitutional women through employment in government mandate with regard to the accordance of jobs. These aspects being ingredients of special treatment to the women for social skills should be accorded due empowering them in the socio-economic and importance for cultivation of constitutional political life appears to be essential. The and cultural values by the society for raising multiplicity of the issues centring round the the vibrancy of our democratic life. object of women empowerment under scope

Notes and References 1Pandey, J N, Constitutional Law of India, Central Law 2006, Allahabad, PP 378-379. 2Kesavananda Bharati Vs State of Kerala, AIR 1978 SC1461.

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3State of Tamil Nadu vs L. Abu Kavur Bai (AIR 1984, SC626). 4AIR 2002, SC 3176. 5Pandey J. N, “Constitutional law of India”, Central Law, Allahabad 2006, PP 124-125. 6Tope PK “Supreme Court and Social Jurisprudence” in www.ebc-india.com/lawyers/article. 7Municipal Corporation Of Delhi vs Female workers (Muster Roll) and others 2000, (2) SCR(171), Case no SLP(civil) 127970 of 1998. 8AIR 1979, SC 1868 . 9Gayatri Devi Pansari Vs State of Orissa, Supreme law, Date of Judgemet 11-4-2000, www.Judis.nic.in

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Effects of Induced Feeding on Trace Element Profile and Isotopic Ratios of Carbon in Himalayan Domestic Goat (Capra jharal)

Dr. Yogambar Singh Farswan Associate Professor, H. N. B. Garhwal University, Uttarakhand Dr. Jaibir Singh Pharswan Assistant Professor, Department of History Bal Ganga Mahavidhyalaya, Sendul, Kemar, Tehri Uttarakhand

Introduction As we know that diet is a basic and are some of the most useful trace elements necessary component for the survival of any for dietary reconstruction. Meanwhile, it is living organism/animal. Scientific investiga- obvious from the studies carried out by tions also revealed that for the survival of Farswan and Price (2002); Price et al. (1994); any organism/animal/person, it is important Pate (1994); Hollund, Higham, Belinskij to get a specific quantity of calories from and Korenevskij (2010); Al-Bashaireh, their diet. But it is also clarified from and Al-Muheisen (2011) etc. that following biological analysis that the access amount of basic principles are useful in reconstruction calories taken by any living system is stored of palaeodiet of any animal being. in different parts of their bodies, it is stored 1. Higher concentration of Sr, Ca, Mg, Zn in the form of composition of various and lower values of Ba and Ba/Sr ratios in elements, which they can use during the bones of any animal, as compared to starvation. Not only this, some part of the the reference samples, clearly indicates access calories are converted in organic form about the consumption of marine diet. and stored into the hard body parts i.e. bones 2. Continuous intake of terrestrial diet and axial systems of the animal. In present deducted the concentration level of Mg, scenario reconstruction of palaeodiet is an Sr and Zn in the bones of any organism important aspect of archaeological and as compared to reference samples, while anthropological research, as it is significantly the same intake of diet increases the helpful for reconstructing the systematic values of Ba and Ba/Sr ratios in the history of dietary behavior of ancient bones. occupation. 3. Lower values of Mg in animal bone To estimate the palaeo-diet and always indicate about the consumption of palaeo - dietary behavior of ancient animal/ terrestrial diet, while higher values of the human population, various types of tradit- same indicate the consumption of marine ional and analytical scientific techniques and diet. methods have been used by the various 4. Carnivores generally have higher archaeologists in different parts of the world. concentration level of Zn in their bone Based on the applied scientific methods, it than the herbivores. has also been observed that the levels of a 5. Higher ratio of bone Sr-To-Ca and Ba-To- particular trace elements preserved in bone Ca represent a greater percentage of provide a potential gateway to reconstruct the vegetable food in their diet and lower diet of an extinct primate species and archaic ratio of the same indicate greater human. Strontium (Sr), barium (Ba), percentage of meat in their diet. magnesium (Mg), calcium (Ca) and zinc (Zn)

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After going through the latest studies types of induced diets along with their carried out during last two decades by normal diet for 08 months. The aim of the Katzenberg and Schwarcz. (1984), Beck present study was mainly to see the effects of (1985), Alfrey (1986), Runia (1987a), various diets on trace element profile of bone Ambrose (1987), Byrne and Paris (1987), and isotopic ratios of carbon as the dietary Tuross et al. (1989), Sealy and Sillen (1988), indicator. Antoine et al. (1988), Grupe (1988), Materials and Methods Schoeninger (1989), Tuross et al. (1989), For the purpose of feeding Price, T. D. (1989), Morgan and Schoeninger experiments a contract of 08 months was 1989), Grupe and Piepenbrink (1989), Burton fixed with the local butcher and feeding and Price (1990; 1991), Ezzo (1994), Pate experiment was started with three young (1994), Gilbert et al. (1994), Burton et al. goats of about same age group were fed with (1999), Schutkowski and Herrmann (1999), seven different types of locally available and others indicated that a lot of work has protein rich induced diets, such as wheat, been done on archaeological faunal and casein, black gram, rajma, black bean and human remains from different types of manduwa, along with their normal food. archaeological sites of the world. Besides two goats, one goat of the same age However, if we go through the group was fed with normal diet during the survey of Indian archaeological data it has experimental period; it was termed as been observed that the study of the potential controlled goat. Feeding experiments was application of inorganic analysis of exca- carried out for 08 months on contract basis vated human and animal bones to reconstruct with a local butcher, as he had procured the the past diet is very limited, and it believed experimental young goats for butchering. A that it happened due to our rudimentary fixed amount of each induced diet i.e. 100 understanding of the process of passing of gram per day was given to the experimental elements from diet to bone and also stability goats along with their normal diet for the of these elements in bone. Though, some period of 08 months. studies on the trace element profile of After termination of the experiments archaeological faunal remains recovered all the three goats were butchered by the from Garhwal Himalaya and some butcher for their professional purpose. We taphonomic bones have been carried out by have procured all the long bones (femur, Farswan and Price (2002), Farswan (2007 & radius-ulna, tibia-fibula and humorous) from 2012), Farswan and Pharswan (2009 & 2012) these three goats from his shop and all the and Farswan et.al. (2014) but still a lot of flesh, tendon cartilage and other non-bone analytical studies on the chemical analysis of tissue were removed from each of the bone faunal remains in Indian context is pending. sample. This was done with the help of edge Keeping in view of the earlier studies of a glass. Each long bone samples recovered on bone chemistry as well as to obtain an from 03 experimental goat were marked idea of the average amounts and day by day accordingly. 50% samples from each goat variations in trace elements to the ordinary was buried at different levels of soil i.e. 60, diet and also in order to clarify how diet 120 and 180 centimeters depth from surface affects inorganic bone structure, we have level. Rest 50% of the bone samples from 02 carried out feeding experiments on some experimental and 01 controlled goat was young Himalayan goats, Chapra jharal. This used for the estimation of isotopic ratios of experiment was conducted with the help of a carbon and concentration level of different local butcher as these goats were procured elements, now these bone samples from each for butchering purpose by him. The goat were broken to expose the medullary experimental goats were fed with different 86

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 cavity and cleaned again with sand paper to organic material and 1 M acetic acid to remove non bone tissues.. remove secondary carbonates and more For elemental analysis the selected soluble apatite fractions. Each step was cleaned bone samples were again broken into followed by thorough rinsing in distilled small pieces, a few millimeters in diameter, water. These samples were submitted to placed in separate glass vial (20 cc liquid space research laboratory of University of scintillation vials with linear lids), rinsed Wisconsin, Madison for carbon isotope with de-ionized water, covered again with analysis. The powdered samples were reacted de-ionized water and allowed in a Ultrasonic with 100% O-phosphoric acid in ISOCARB bath for thirty minutes. After sonication, the on line carbonate separation system of ratio liquid was then drained and all the samples recording Atomic Mass Spectrometer. The were rinsed again with de-ionized water. isotopic ratio is presented as delta per mill Later on the bone pieces in the same vial (%o) against PDB standard. The value of were covered with 1-Molar acetic acid isotopic ratios of carbon is obtained through solution and allowed to sit at room the following expressions. temperature and are removed after half an hour. The acid washed bone were then rinsed (13C/12C) Sample – (13C/12C) Standard) with de-ionized water and dried in an oven at Delta 13C = ------X 1000 (13C/12C) Standard) 80-90 degree Celsius for overnight. Approximately one and half gram (1.5 gm.) Analytical results obtained from of each bone sample was taken into pre- inductively coupled Plasma Emission labeled porcelain crucible and these crucibles Spectrophotometer as well as Mass were then placed into a muffle furnace at Spectrometer are calculated statistically. 725-degree Celsius for eight hours, to ash the Results and Discussions samples. Mean values of trace element as well For each sample, 50 milligram (0.50 as isotopic ratios of carbon for different gram) of bone ash was weighed into a experimental goats and induced diet are disposable 16x25 mm Pyrex test tube. A presented in Tables-1, 2 & 3. The main aim reference (H5), (B5407) (B1026) and a of the present study was to see the effects of controlled sample were also included in various induced diet on isotopic profile of addition to the experimental samples. One carbon and concentration level of different milliliter of concentrated nitric acid was trace elements in bones of experimental and added to each test tube (using micropipette) controlled goat. The detailed experimental and the tubes were placed in an aluminium setup and methodology has been explained in heater block on a hot plate and heated to 100- material and method section. 120 degree Celsius for one hour, allowed to Before going through results it is also cool and diluted with 16 milliliters of 5% important to clarify about the selection of nitric acid to a total volume 17 milliliter. seven induced diets. The chemical analysis Finally the solution obtained was then revealed that these traditional local food introduced directly into the Inductively grains have a rich nutritional value, therefore, Coupled Plasma (ICP) Emission spectropho- these diets, such as Wheat, Casein, Black tometer for elemental analysis. Gram and Black Bean, Manduwa, Rajma and For isotopic ratios of carbon the long Jhangora were selected for the purpose of bones of both experimental and controlled induced diet. As Lambert and Homeyer goats were separated carefully and fragments (1993) reported that wheat is high in Mg, Ba, of each were ground in a Spex mill/grinder. fat and fibre. However, casein is high in The resultant powders were pretreated in 1.5 protein; low in Ca, Sr, Ba, Zn, Fe, fat, fibre % sodium hypochlorite solution to remove as compared to meat. If we see the elemental 87

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 composition of rice then we find that it experimental goats, concentration of Ca, Sr, shows higher values of Mg and lower Ba, Mg, Na and Zn increases gradually in concentration of Ca, Zn and fiber. Grupe comparison to the controlled goat and ((194),Pate (1994) and Farswan and Phars- reference sample. If we compare the results wan (2009) have also noticed the same of isotopic ratios of carbon in induced diet patterns in various types of archaeological and bones of experimental goat then we also study. In present study the estimated results observed that these results are positively of trace elements from various induced diet correlated with each other. Not only had are presented in Table-2 which are also this, it is also noticed that the concentrations showing similarity and positive correlation of different elements are within the profile of with results obtained by the earlier workers. herbivore group. The same pattern is also obtained from the Conclusion analysis of isotopic ratios of carbon in Experimental analytical results from various induced diets. induced diets and experimental goats finally The experimental results presented in indicated that such type of experimental Table-1 & 2 clearly indicated that the studies in modern occupation is significantly induced diets have played important role to helpful in the establishment of base line increase the concentration of trace elements dietary data of trace elements and isotopic in experimental goats moderately as ratiod of various elements, which will not compared to controlled goat / reference only be helpful to the researchers and sample. A positive correlation in between archaeologist but it will also be useful to the induced diet and concentration of elements students of history, archaeology, derived from the bones of experimental goats anthropology and other multidisciplinary came into existence, as in case of all the subjects as well.

Table-1 Mean Concentration Values of Different Elements in the Bones of Experimental and Controlled Goat after termination of the Induced Feeding Experiment Bones of Concentration of elements (in ppm SD) Ca Sr Ba Mg Zn

Induced Goat-1 41656.80 675.50 165.93 1989.26 109.12 (Capra jharal)  123.08  17.04 20.50  111.50  17.06 Induced Goat-2 41233.32 718.90 168.57 1867.62 103.42 (Capra jharal)  123.13  19.25  24.21  82.05  15.03 Controlled Goat 38253.12 538.35 152.32 1755.37 96.25 (Capra jharal)  101.28 22.03 29.35  107.52  14.09 Coastal Ref-1 32252.77 554.32 70.82 2493.64 92.45 Herbivore  11.50  11.30  5.50  25.35  7.10 Terrestrial Ref-2 34736.07 356.10 225.75 5632.00 215.05 Omnivore  12.51  23.00  17.21  32.54  12.34 Carnivore Ref-3 41720.50 278.10 263.52 7233.54 415.23  24.51  11.00  16.23  32.54  18.22

Table-2 Mean Concentration Values of Different Elements in different induced diet Name of Diet Concentration of elements (in ppm SD)

Ca Sr Ba Mg Zn

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Wheat 40655.80 477.30 171.30 1890.60 107.50  123.20  17.20 20.20  120.50  17.60 Casein 35235.20 520.20 168.50 1880.20 105.60  123.30  19.20  24.20  82.50  15.30 Black Gram 41260.10 522.50 160.20 1790.30 99.40  101.20 22.03 29.30  107.50  14.90 Black Bean 40240.70 525.30 72.80 2553.60 92.40  11.50  11.30  5.50  25.30  7.20 Manduwa 41755.07 370.15 240.70 5938.00 220.50  12.50  23.00  17.20  32.50  12.40 Rajma 42750.50 272.20 270.50 755.50 425.20  24.50  11.00  16.20  32.50  18.20 Jhangora 42750.80 680.50 172.30 1935.50 107.85  123.20  17.40 20.50  95.50  17.30

Table-3 Isotopic Ratio of Carbon in Induced Diet and Bones of Experimental, Controlled Goat after termination of feeding experiment Isotopic Ratios of Carbon (Delta 13C) in %o (Per Mill) Bones of Induced Goat-1 -14.80 Induced Goat-1 -15.30 Controlled Goat -12.20 Name of Induced diet Wheat -15.20 Casein -16.30 Black Gram -16.50 Black Bean -15.20 Manduwa -16.30 Rajma -15.50

References Al-Bashaireh, K., and Z. Al-Muheisen. 2011. Subsistence strategies and palaeodiet of Tell al- HusnNorthern Jordan: nitrogen and carbon stable isotope evidence and radiocarbon dates, Journal of Archaeological Science, 38(10):2606-2612. Alfrey, A. C. 1986. Aluminum, in Trace Elements in Human and Animal Nutrition, Vol.2, ( W. Mertz Ed.), pp. 399-413. Academic Press, Orlando. Ambrose, S.A.1987. Chemical and Isotopic Techniques of Reconstruction in Eastern North America, in Emergent Horticultural Economics of the Eastern Woodlands, (W. F. Keegan Ed.), pp. 87-107. Center for Archaeological Investigations, Occasional Paper No.7. Carbondale. Antoine, S. E., Pollard, A.M., Dresser, P.Q. and Whittle, A.W.R. 1988. Bone Chemistry and Dietary Reconstruction in Prehistoric Britain: Examples from Orkney, Scotland, Proceeding of the 26th International Archaeometry Symposium, pp. 101-106. Beck, L.A.1985. Bivariate Analysis of Trace Elements in Bone, Journal of Human Evolution 14: 493- 502. Brown, A. B. 1973. Bone Strontium Content as a Dietary Indicator in Human Skeletal Population. Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Michigan.

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Burton, J.H. and Price, T.D. 1990. The Ratio of Barium to Strontium as a Palaeodietary Indicator of Consumption of Marine Resources, Journal of Archaeological Science 17: 547-557. Burton, J. H and Price, T. D.1991. Paleodietary Applications of Barium values in Bone. in Proceedings of the 27th International Symposium on Archaeometry, Hiedelberg,1990 (E. Pernicka and G. A.Wagner Eds.), pp. 787-795. Burton, J. H., Price, T.D. and Middleton, W. D. 1999. Correlation of Bone Ba/Ca and Sr/Ca due to Biological Purification of Calcium, Journal of Archaeological Science 26: 609-616. Byrne, K. B. and Paris, D. C. 1987. Reconstruction of the Diet of the Middle Woodland Amerindian Population at Abbot Farm by Bone Trace-element Analysis, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 74: 373-384. Ezzo, J. A.1991. Dietary change at Grasshopper Pueblo, Arizona: The evidence from Bone Chemistry Analysis, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Ezzo, J. A.1994.Putting the "Chemistry" Back into Archaeological Bone CHemistry Analysis: Modeling Potential Palaeodietary Indicators, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology13:1-34 Farswan, Y. S. and Price, T. D. (2002). Reconstruction of Palaeodiet Through Trace Element Analysis of Archaeological Faunal Remains, Indian Journal of Environment and Ecoplanning, 6(2):197- 208. Farswan Y.S. (2007). Reconstruction of Palaeodiet and Environmental Condition of Ancient Population of Mid-Central Garhwal Himalayas through the Estimation of Trace Elements and Isotopic Ratios of Carbon in the Human and Animal Remains, International Journal of Essential Sciences, Vo.1 (1): 53-68. Farswan, Y.S. and Pharswan, J. S. (2009). Elemental Analysis and Estimation of Isotopic Ratios of Carbon in Archaeological Faunal Remains from Mid-Central Garhwal Himalaya: A note for Palaeodietary and Palaeoenvironmental Reconstruction, Proceedings of First Uttaranchal History and Culture Association, held in 2007, Vol-I, 25-43. Farswan, Y. S. (2012). Effects of Buried Environment on the Bones of a Modern Ox (Boss indicus)-II: Study of Isotopic Analysis, Research Journal of Social and Life Sciences, Vol.-XIII(II): 305-309. Farswan, Y. S. and Singh J. (2012). Effects of Buried Environment on the Bones of a Modern Ox (Boss indicus)-I: Study of Trace Element Analysis, Research Journal of Arts, Management and Social sciences, VII-I (4): 191-198. Farswan, Y.S. Pharswan J.S. and Rawat H.S. (2014). Effects of Buried Environment on the Morphology and Trace Element Profile of Faunal Remains: An Experimental Study, Asian Man (The): An International Journal: Vol. 8(2): 129-134. Francalacci, P. 1989. Dietary Reconstruction at Arene Candide Cave (Linguria, Italy) by means of Trace Element Analysis, Journal of Archaeological Science 16: 109-124. Gilbert, R.I. 1975. Trace Element Analysis of Skeletal Amerindian Populations at Dickson Mounds, Unpublished Ph.D. Disseration, University of Massachusetts. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. Gilbert, C., Sealy, J. and Sillen, A. 1994. An Investigation of Barium, Calcium and Strontium as Palaeodietary Indicators in the Southwestern Cape, South Africa, Journal of Archaeological Science 21: 173-184. Grupe, G. 1988. Impact of the Choice of Bone Samples on Trace Elements Data in Excavated Human Skeletons, Journal of Archaeological Science 15:123-129. Grupe, G. and Piepenbrink, H. 1989. Impact of Microbial Activity on Trace Element Concentrations in Excavated Bones, Applied Geochemistry 4: 293-298. Hollund, H.I., T. Higham, A. Belinskij and S. Korenevskij. 2010. Investigation of palaeodiet in the Northaucasus (South Russia) Bronze Age using stable isotope analysis and AMS dating of human and animal bones,Journal of Archaeological Science, 37(12): 2971-2983. Katzenberg, M. A. and Schwarcz, H. P. 1984. Dietary change in Southern Ontario Prehistory: Evidence from Strontium and Stable Isotopes of Carbon and Nitrogen, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 63: 177. Lambert, J. B. and Weydert-Homeyer, J. M. 1993. The Fundamental Relationship Between Ancient Diet and theInorganic Constituents of Bone as Derived from Feeding Experiments, Archaeometry 35(2): 279-294.

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Morgan, M.E. and Schoeninger, M.J. 1989. Zinc and Strontium as Dietary Indicator in a Modern TropicalCommunity, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 78: 276. Pate, F. D. 1994. Bone Chemistry and Palaeodiet, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 1(2): 161:209. Price, T. D. (1989). The Chemistry of Prehistoric Human Bone, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Runia, L. T. 1987a The Chemical Analysis of Prehistoric Bones: A Palaeodietary and Eco- archaeological Study of Bronze Age West-Friesland, Bar International Series 363: 234. Schoeninger, M. J. 1989. Reconstructing Prehistoric Human Diet, Homo 39: 78-99. Schutkowski, H. and Herrmann, B. 1999. Diet, Status and Decomposition at Weingarten: Trace Element and Isotope Analyses on Early Mediaeval Skeletal Material, Journal of Archaeological Science 26: 675- 685. Western Cape, South Africa, Journal of Archaeological Science 15: 425-438. Tuross, N., Behrensmeyer, A. K. and Eanes, E. D. 1989. Strontium Change and Crystallinity Change in Taphonomic and Archaeological Bones, Journal of Archaeological Science 16: 661-672.

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Gandhian Revolution in Assam 1920-1922

Dr. Nirmal Kumar Former Fellow Nehru Memorial Museum & Library Teen Murti House New Delhi

Indian national movement had a paper is to examine: Whether did Assam strong legacy and vision. It not only challenge the British Imperial Power? How revolutionized Indian society, economy but far did it follow Gandhian way in challenging also created vast changes in society of India the Raj? and the world. Imperialism and imperial No doubt, here grass roots level work powers began to crack as usual way. Fight is not possible because of lack of time, all for the imperialism got momentum – Third India politics with reference to Assam is just World power began to gain momentum. possible. So I take up the response of Assam Indian Nation began to emerge. Here towards Non-Cooperation movement. Noted we may quote the following words of historian Sumit Sarkar says: “Non- Professor Bipin Chandra, “It was Lokmanya cooperation attained a strength which no later Tilak who first used the phrase – India is a phase of the national movement would ever nation in the making. The British used to say equal.”3 Further, he said, “The most impor- India is a geographical expression, not a tant development was in the tea gardens of nation. Tilak never asserted that we are a Surma valley, where at Chargola in May nation”. He said, “True, we are not, but we 1921 coolies demanded a big wage increase are becoming a nation. Surendranath with the shouts of Gandhi Maharaj Ki Jai, Banerjea, one of the founders of the Indian followed by a massive exodus of some 8,000 national movement, wrote his autobiography (52% of the labour force here) again amidst and its title was Nation in Making. Therefore, declaration that such was Gandhi‟s order. there was a consciousness that India had There were rumors which had spread that entered the process of becoming a nation on Gandhi-Raj was coming to give them land in the basis of its diversities. This notion of the villages from where they had been so consolidation of Indian people on the basis of forcibly or deceitfully torn away. Further, the the acceptance of the full flowering of the militant Non-cooperation was going on. diversity – this was a very very important Sporadic strikes and disturbances were being part of the vision of Indian freedom reported in October and December 1921, struggle.”1 from tea gardens in Darrang and Sibsagar Mahatma Gandhi brought radical districts. The officials repeatedly complained change in methodology & strategy of that Non-cooperators were active among tea struggle for freedom. He brought common garden labour. We find some contradictory people into the vortex of freedom statement also.Most Assam Congress leaders, struggle.Our social rituals, customs, traditi- however, were not at all enthusiastic about ons, women‟s position etc. changed. Indian strikes in plantations, since some of them National Congress became all India party and (like N.C. Bardaloi) were planters thems- it constituted many layers of sub – parties elves.”4 The situation can be gauged by the like socialists, democrats, communists etc.2 following facts. A Congress activist‟s memo- At this, beloved part of India, Assam acted irs recall how his heart was almost frozen and participated in the freedom struggle. The 92

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 when some workers came to him one night Kalam Azad persuaded Mazharul-Haque7 to with a strike proposal. hold the presidentship of the Congress. But The climax reached when there were the internal infighting in Congress and signs also of a no-revenue movement among subsequent decline in Congress politics did peasants, and even after Gandhi‟s Bardoli not convince Haque to be elected as the retreat, a route march of the President of the Conference. Haque was a was ordered in Sibsagar for the special moralist and true in politics. He was benefit of tea garden coolies. (Viceroy to contemporary to Mahatma Gandhi, Gopal Secretary of State, 20 February, 1922). The Krishna Gokhale, Bhupendranath Basu, S.M. 1921 days left a deep impression on Samrath, M. A. Jinnah. He had very crystal , through the poetry of clear outlook of the solution of long standing „Assam-Kesari‟ Ambikagiri Roy Chaudhauri Hindu-Muslim problem. Finally, Mr. Srini- as well as numerous folksongs where Gandhi vasa Iyengar was elected President of that Raj was substituted for Krishna in Vaishnava Congress Session of 1926. The Congress lyrics. So we have a good impact of Non- session discussed the achievements of the Cooperators in Assam and tea-garden policy and programmes of the Congress labourers played leading role in Non- inked by Mahatma Gandhi. In order to cooperation movement led by Mahatma understand character of the welcome address Gandhi. The grass root laboures had abiding delivered by a noted freedom fighter, Mr. faith in leadership of Mahatma Gandhi. They T.R. Phookan8 it becomes here necessary to also believed that piece of land would be go through his speeches that would explain given to the tillers in short while by activities and the programme of the Congr- landlords. ess. The Congress programme was keynote The various other programmes of to Gandhian ideology and activities. Spread Non-cooperation movements were carried of Khaddar, socialization and ideology of out. As for instance, the prohibition work Hindu – Muslim unity, removal of was the central point wherein villagers were untouchability, establishment of national concerned. Their social habits were harmful schools & colleges and establishments of and the uplift was necessary to raise the national courts and panchayats were standard of common people. In order to keep programmes of the Congress. the idea in view, Bardoli session of the The following words indicate the Indian National Congress formulated a Hindu – Muslim culture reached at height in detailed programme. According to Gandhiji‟s Assam. A bird‟s eye view can be had in the instructions “the Congress workers in Assam speech of welcome address by T.R. Phookan had organized an anti-opium campaign to at annual session of Indian National remove the evils of excessive addictions to Congress. As for instance, Kamrup, the opium. In this connection Pandit Madan sacred land of progressive Hinduism is also a Mohan Malaviya and Rajendra Prasad visited place of great pilgrimage for the Muslims, Assam and addressed various meetings to for there is holy Powa Mecca at Hajo within impress upon the local people the need for 15 miles from Gauhati. It is in Assam where eradicating the evil.” Rajendra Prasad toured Hindus and Muhammedans have at all times some villages. He felt that their tour was a lived in friendliest of friendly terms.”9 great success.5 “Khadi weaving & spinning has become very Assam got an opportunity to hold a old. There were several places in Assam session of Indian National Congress at where spinning in cotton, silk, endi and muga Gauhati in December 1926. The author of the are done on an extreme scale, and clothes article knows the election of its President.6 worth several lacs of rupees produced every Dr. Rajendra Prasad and Maulana Abul year. One centre in Nowgong alone where all 93

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the All India Spinners Association is work- force of Non-violent, Non-cooperation which ing, has produced no less than 30,000 yards alone will be able to check effectively the of khaddar within three months only and in a deadly spirit of imperialism, which is out to season where the people do not generally crush the soul of independence of the weak spin.”10 and the helpless nations.”13 In weaving we can surely claim to be The Gandhian revolution in Assam some of the best weavers of India. can be summed up in the following words of Mahatmaji‟s expression that „ladies of Assam Mr. T.R. Phookan, “Non-violent Non- weave fairy tales in cloth‟.11Regarding the cooperation had worked wonders within the achievement of Congress it is a fact that very short time it was practiced. It has Hindu-Muslim unity is a living reality. The animated Indian life with a sense of Congress shaped the life style of delegates manhood; it has infused that love for freedom coming from All India like Sheep. “Let us for the motherland which cannot be killed hope, therefore, that the magic influence of even by the most in-human methods of this land will enable the fighting groups to Bureaucracy. It has taught us that the weakest settle their differences and make the Hindus nation has a right to rebel against the most and Mohammedans unite the leadership of powerful nation that tries to impose by the Congress like innocent lambs tended by strength of arms its will against the wish of the gentle shepherd of Sabarmati.”12 the people.”14 The above indicated sayings Finally, the spirit of Charkha can be marked the point that Gandhian ideas and summed up in the following words of Mr. activities during our freedom struggle deeply T.R. Phookan, “That tiny little charkha – that affected the workings of freedom fighters of wheel of Indian life, moved with unfailing Assam. It is a little attempt to work on major regularity by that mighty little man Mahatma topic. However, I am completely silent on Gandhi, is in my opinion not only spinning regional and local sources like newspapers, yarns for the dumb millions of India, it is not periodicals, journals available in Assamese merely laying a straight path for the and other languages due to time & space. economic salvation that irresistible world of

Notes & Reference

1Bipin, Chandra , Freedom Movement‟s Vision of Independent India, New Delhi, 1998, p. – 26. 2ibid, p. 17. 3Sarkar, Sumit, Modern India, New Delhi, 1983, p. 217. 4ibid, p. 218. 5Datta, K.K., Rajendra Prasad, New Delhi, 1980, p- 66. 6Datta, K.K., Ibid, p- 66. 7Kumar, Nirmal ,Mazharul – Haque : A Political Biography, 2009 (In Press). 8A.M. Zaidi & Dr. S.Q. Zaidi ,The Encyclopedia of the Indian National Congress, Vol. – 9. 9Zaidi, ibid, p.98. 10Zaidi, ibid, p.98. 11Zaidi, ibid, p. 98. 12Zaidi,ibid, p.98. 13Zaidi, ibid, p.101. 14Zaidi ,ibid, p.102.

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Some Notes on Agrestic Servitude in South India

Dr. K.Mavali Rajan Department of Ancient Indian History Culture and Archaeology, Visva-Bharati University, Santiniketan

The term „agrestic servitude‟ refers slaves, allodial slave of the soil, agricultural to the servile condition of agrarian slaves, serfs, ascripti glebae and nila adimai.7 Burton who are engaged in agricultural operations. Stein who use the term adimai, which is They are also known as nila adimai (land strongly stressed that the agrestic bondage in slaves) in Tamil. The „servitude‟ means medieval Tamil country.8 South Indian bondage of people, who is totally the literature and inscriptional evidences often property of, and entirely subject to another refer to the existence of slavery. There are person, whether by capture, purchase or frequent references to „urimaiccurram‟, birth. They were servants completely „adimittrial‟ in the post-Sangam text Silappa- divested of freedom and personal rights. thikaram. In ancient Tamil society they were Another meaning is that the servitude was a also known as „adiurai‟.9 The most of the human chattel, a legal property of another Tamil scholar also used of more generalized and was bound to absolute obedience. Sharat terms such as adimai, adimittiral and Patil in his monumental work „Dasa-Sudra adimaikal for the lower caste agrestic slaves. Slavery‟ describes that the Sanskrit term by On the other hand Kathleen Gough in her which a slave came to be referred to be dasa. researches has clearly pointed out that the It was derived from the root „das‟, one who „adimais‟ from the third and fourth century performed menial service.1 The Tamil word A.D. were called Paraiyas or the lowest ones ‘nila adimai’ denotes those slaves formally and usually were forced to live outside of attached to land, transferable along with the territorial limits of the village.10 According to land at the time of sale or mortgage.2 The Arnold J. Toynbee “slavery is a non- ‘adiyan’ was a slave, a servant, a devotee and voluntary system of personal relations resting a low caste agrestic serf, cultivating land on wholly upon force”.11 It is a unique condition of receiving a portion of the crop. phenomenon in the Hindu society, having a They were also called pannaiyal 3 in Tamil, special and significant meaning. Generally referred to form servants of the landed servitude is a condition in which one human masters.4 Another Tamil word Pannaik- being is owned by another who was kiruthal 5 means serve as slave labourer on a considered in law as property, and were farm, bonded for particular period or whole deprived most of the rights ordinarily held by life. The bonded slaves were registered, and free persons. the was called adimaippattiram (sale The „servitude‟ is one of the oldest deed of slave).6 social evils in the recorded history of In south India particularly in Tamil mankind. It has been widely and uncertainly country the term „adimai‟ itself denotes applied to the field labour extracted through slaves as opposed to kudimai (freeman). The force. In part, this terminology stems from agrarian slaves of south India mostly served British usage of the early 19th century A.D. in the lands and received a minimum wages The usage of the Tamil term „adimai‟ also from their masters; were known by different refers to persons and families who attached names such as agrestic slaves, praedial themselves to temple service.12 In the context 95

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 of south India the term „servitude‟ has got a inherited. Slave is a chattel, totally in the wide range of meaning and it stands for possession of another person who uses him different degree of dependence and lack of for private ends. Slave can be inherited, freedom.13 Francis Buchanan, when he ment- moved or sold without regard to his feelings, ions about the slave in Malabar region, uses and may be ill-treated, sometimes even killed the caste name of Cheruman (Cherumar) with impunity. Slaves as a group from a instead of the Malayalam term for slave class at the very bottom of the social ladder.20 „adima‟. This was very natural since by far The agricultural labourers and the largest proportion of the „adimas‟, were serfdom are very important facts in the Cherumars as they were known in south agrarian structure of medieval south Indian Malabar, or Pulaiyas or Pula Cherumas, as society. The term „slavery‟ and „serfdom‟ they were known in north Malabar, both may be applied to it, in so far as some being of the same castes. It is also significant agricultural labourers were bought and sold, that word „slave‟ is invariably used for and others were born into a state where they describing Cherumas.14 The Pulaiyas and the owed service to the masters on their lands. Cherumas of Malabar region were treated But terms drawn from European experience worse than the Paraiyas of Tamil region. The do not fit Indian conditions perfectly. One word „pula‟ the root of the term Pulaiya of the most striking and important meant pollution, while „cherumi‟ the root of peculiarities of the Indian forms of servitude the term Cherumas meant poverty.15 is its close connection with the caste Meanwhile the Pulaiya is a synonym for system.21 Most types of servile status were Cherumas as well as the name of a Tamil hereditary, and in general the „serfs‟ and caste of hill cultivators in Madurai and „slaves‟ belonged to lowest caste.22 In fact the Coimbatore regions.16 Francis Buchanan caste system not only confirmed the views that the Pulaiyas were the cultivating economic and social disadvantages of the caste in Malayalam country also, called as agricultural labourers, but also gave in some low caste Cherumas or Churmacul. They rights of social and ritual nature.23 cultivated Brahmin lands.17 The agrestic slavery was in practice In south Carnatic region (Canara), in south India since ancient period. the term „slave‟ was invariably used to refer Evidences are available in south Indian to the caste Dhed. The Dhed communities literature regarding the existence of slave were commonly found in south India as a system. South Indian historian S. Manickam slave caste, were almost as a synonym for states that institution of slavery existed in agricultural slaves, served in the master‟s Tamil country at least from the early land, and received customary allowance of medieval period and exclusively the agrarian rice, cloth and so on. The Holeya, another and domestic slavery existed in India from agricultural caste, commonly found in the the ancient times.24 Slavery in south India north Carnatic region, served as slave in their raised its head only when the caste system master‟s land. They are divided into three had taken strong roots between the 8th sub-groups; the Maris, the Meras and the century and the 16th century A.D. In any Mundalas, who were mostly agrarian slaves slave-owning society, slavery and violence in the Carnatic region.18 were integral part. The very objective of The term „slave‟ came into common caste was to segment the feudal society with usage in Europe because of the large number permanent human bondage. The Brahmanic of slaves who were forced into servitude as a law extensively provides for slavery and does result of wars.19 The slave of the common not permit for the emancipation of slaves Western image is first and foremost a unlike the Roman law, which provided for commodity, to be bought and sold and manumission or emancipation of slaves.25 96

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The social and religious literatures of the common among the Mirasidars to have a Brahmins are replete with ideas of an group of slaves or serfs to cultivate their unequal society and extensively deal with lands. They were even sold apart from the slavery highlighting the social prestige of the land.30 From his opinion we come to know slave owners.26 In dealing with agrarian that the Paraiyas, who lived in the villages, slavery in the Tamilnadu, one could learn where right was said to existed, toiled soon that neither all the landless agricultural under a state of bondage, which resembled a labourers engaged in agriculture were living form of Villeinage (bondage of agricultural under servile and inhospitable conditions, nor serfs in the Western countries). It was also those who were due to various reasons noted that in Tondaimandalam of medieval reduced to slavery were fairly free.27 Tamil country, the lower caste bonded II labourers could not be sold separately from During the Colonial period, the the land, which they cultivated, and neither British officials reported the different forms could be the land be sold separately from of agrestic slavery of Tamil country, which them. was based on voluntary contact between the Most of the lands in Tamil country masters and slaves. It was widely assumed during the medieval and late medieval period that various forms of bondage had existed in vested in the hands of privileged communit- Tamil region from times immemorial. There ies of villages. The privileged land owning were in fact, a large number of marginalized community were called as Mirasidars, who communities had been forced in to agrestic had virtually monopoly in land ownership, servitude. Francis Buchanan, a British the land were mostly cultivated either throu- official, in his report points out the practice gh the Pallas, the bonded labourers, or of agrestic slavery in different parts of through parakudi (non- resident cultivators) , Madras Presidency. Further he says that in or under tenants.31 The cultivation of land Carnatic region, the Brahmins had much of was carried out under three different system. land; were referred to as landholders seldom The first system was pannai system, under cultivated the lands themselves and the task which the Mirasidars cultivated their lands of cultivation process was mostly left to the with the assistant of pannaiyals or farm slaves of the inferior caste called Punchum laboureres, who were paid daily wages. The Bundam, who essentially considered as a second method of cultivat-ion was known as class of people comprising, the marginalized varam or sharing system. Both the Mirasidars communities the Paraiyas, the Pulaiyas, the and parakudis jointly cultivate the land and Chakkiliyas and Totti.28 Among the commu- shared the produced grains. The third system nity the Paraiyas served as slaves and of cultivation was the least system. This performed the duties of agricultural labourers method was adopted by the non-resident in the lands of Mirasidars. These people were Mirasidars, who shared none of the risks of owned either by individual land masters or cultivation and got only a stipulated quantity village community as a whole. If they were of grain out of total produce of their lands. under individual private owners, the food and But in kottadimai (bonded slave) system, asylum of the slaves were master‟s they had no right, only they had to live with responsibility.29 In case of joint village; they the master assistant.32 belonged to the community as a whole. Many of the castes are included in F.W.Ellis, an authority of Mirasi system, the British official records as labour castes. says that agrarian slaves were a part of the The Pallis are also included in all the Census village system and were the backbone of the Reports under the agricultural labour castes, rural economy. In his documents „Papers on they alone were not untouchables. Together Mirasi Right‟, has pointed out that it was with the fact that few of the early reports on 97

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 serfdom in the Tamil districts mention them, pallar teru (street of the Pallar community).41 this makes it unlikely that they were It is a tradition that the inhabitants of the traditionally serfs. Indeed, the Collector of Pallas are on the eastern side of the main Tanjore wrote in 1819 that the slaves here villages.42 This Palla community belonged to were of two castes only, the Pallar and the the Idangai (Left Hand) groups. They were Paraiyar whereas Ellis stated that the subjected to slavery by the later waves of agricultural slave castes were the Pallis, the people. Antiquity and hereditary occupation Pallars and the Paraiyars. Again Ellis states made them expert in the art of cultivation. As that Pallis were the slaves of the Brahmins landless serfs, the Pallas was the worst and that the other two castes served non- sufferers in the society. Brahmins.33 While according to the 1881 The system of agrarian slavery under Census of India, many of the Pallis probably which the Pallas was subjected to hardships were once the agrestic slaves of the Vellala was known as kottadimai. According to this landlords.34 Bryan Pfaffenberger says that system the whole family of a man entered two most important castes were the menial into slavery on a hereditary basis.43 They labourers, the Nalavas and the Pallar. The were called slaves after the name of the slaves lived apart from their Vellala masters, prime god of the temple to which they often in Palmyra groves where they were belonged without any human rights.44 They permitted to forage and to garden for their were denied the rights of land ownership. subsistence. However, their master had the They were forced to sell their services for an right to call them to work at any times, and indefinite period. Their masters enjoyed full when he did so; he was obliged to provide rights to extract every kind of service from them only with meals and clothing.35 them.45 They worked in the lands with all Among the agrarian community the their family members. The Mallar, the Pallas are a class of agricultural labourers foremost landed warrior community of early believed to be one of the earliest inhabitants Tamil country, after becoming suppressed of Tamil Nadu. Tilling of the soil and caste with the new name Pallas, were in a cultivation of paddy has been down the ages condition of „bonded serfdom‟ by which the mainly in the hands of Palla community. children of the Pallas were also made as They were serfs in the lands of the slaves.46 individuals and temples till the end of the The most of the marginalized first half of the 19th century A.D.36 They communities of the Tamil society were cultivated the lands of the non-Brahmin high reduced to slavery by the higher castes and castes such as Nayar, Pillai, and Mudaliyar.37 they appear always to have been in enslaved They were engaged in agrarian activities such conditions, and it is more natural to suppose as ploughing the land, sowing the seed and that they were reduced to a servile condition watering the field. The female members were by physical oppression, than to suppose that employed in transplanting the paddy and they were enslaved by operation of ordinary assisted the male members in harvest work.38 social causes.47 The Paraiyas, who were In early stage the Pallas enjoyed special scattered over a large part of Tamil country privileges in the society. According to an comprised the largest marginalized inscription of medieval period, they seem to agricultural community in the medieval have enjoyed a number of previleges.39 But, period were treated as slaves. They were the Pallu literature describes the Pallas being traditional drummers, who performed during poor agricultural serfs. The Pallas lived in the funerals and village festivals. But with Cheri (residential quarters) are known as the proliferation of their numbers, they were pacheri or patcheri.40 An inscription mentions forced to undertake degraded occupation, that the Pallas lived in separate streets called such as those of scavengers and grave 98

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 diggers. Thus, they came to be stigmatized as The agrestic slaves of south India were a degraded community, whose touch was mostly employed in agriculture in their considered to be polluting.48 They had been master‟s land. They were of a low social dethroned from the position and reduced to a status, and were treated as untouchables by state of servitude and degeneration by the caste-Hindus. The men slaves were Brahmin influence.49 concerned in ploughing the land, sowing the By the dictates of caste rules seeds and the irrigating land on which rice marginalized castes were forced to accept the was grown. The women slaves were engaged status of „slave castes‟ and to a very large in transplanting, seedlings, reaping, thresh- extent their economic and social ing, etc. These slaves were also employed in disadvantages and civil disabilities had been constructing temporary rooms, or pandals determined by caste.50 The communities who and they did free work for their master during considered as agrarian slaves were almost marriages or other festivals. Generally the transferable with land and were obliged to agrestic slaves spent their whole time in the perform services to others under condition of land, but the wages paid to them were not social inferiority and restrictions. But they equal to the work performed. They got a played a vital role in the cultivation of paddy thatched hut and yard frees; also certain dues and other crops. Thus their identity was in grain and presents in clothes, grain and closely associated with the land.51 money. In general the agrestic slaves solely III depended on their masters and had very little freedom.

Notes and References

1Sharat Patil, Dasa-Sudra Slavery, New Delhi, 1982, p.240. 2Tamil Lexicon, Vol. I, Madras, 1982, p.50. 3Ibid., p.51. 4The landlords in the Tamil country were variously known as Kaniyatchikarar, Mirasidars, Mittatars,Zamindars and Inamdars. They possessed extensive lands which they either cultivated directly with the aid of their own labourers or leased them out to tenants who in turn cultivated them on their behalf. 5Tamil Lexicon, Vol. IV, p.2453. 6Ibid., Vol. I, p.50. 7S.Manickam, Slavery in the Tamil Country: A Historical Overview, Madras, 1982, p.31. 8Burton Stein, “South India: Some General Consideration of the Region and its Early History”, in Tapas Raychoudhuri and Irfan Habib (eds.), The Cambridge History of India, Vol.I, c.1200-c.1750, Delhi, 1982, p.30. 9K.Mavali Rajan, Binay Burman, “Slavery in Early and Medieval Tamil Country”, The Journal of Social Science and Humanity Research, Vol.I, No.1, January-June 2013, p.96. 10Quoted by Raj Sekher Basu, Nandanar‟s Children: The Paraiya‟s Tryst with Destiny, Tamil Nadu 1850-1956, New Delhi, 2011, p. 4. 11Arnold J. Toynbee, A Study of History, Vol.XII, London, 1967, p.308. 12S.Manickam, op.cit., p.31. 13Dharmakumar, Land and Caste in South India, Agricultural Labour in the Madras Presidency during the 19th Century, London, 1965, p.47. 14Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vol.II, London, 1988, pp.60-70. 15T.B.Pandian, Slavery of the Soil in Southern India, Madras, 1892, p.22. 16Census of India- 1901, p.175. 17Francis Buchanan, op.cit., Vol.I, New Delhi, 1988, p.366. 18Dharmakumar, op.cit., pp.38-41. 99

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19The New Standard Encyclopedia, Vol.12, University of Chicago, pp.464 -465. 20The New Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol.10, University of Chicago, p.874. 21David Ludden, Peasant History in South India, Delhi, 1986 22Romila Thapar, A History of India, Vol.I, Twelfth Impression, New Delhi, 2002, p.206. 23Dharmakumar, op.cit., p.34. 24S.Manickam, op.cit., p.102. 25For more details of agrarian slavery please see S.Manickam, Slavery in the Tamil Country: A Historical Overview; K.Mavali Rajan, Medieval Tamil Society and Agrarian Slavery, Kolkata, 2014. 26S.N.Sadasivam, A Social History of India, New Delhi, 2000, p.395. 27S.Manickam, op.cit., p.11. 28Francis Buchanan, op.cit., pp.320-321. 29L.Selvamuthu Kumarasami, “Colonial Records on the Agrarian Slavery in Tamil Country,” International Journal of Social Science Review, Vol.I, Issue 1, December 2013, pp.1-4. 30F.W.Ellis, “Collector of Madras, to the Mirasi Questions, 30 May 1816”, in W.H. Bayley and W.Hudleston, Papers on Mirasi Right, Madras, 1892, pp.172-344.31.Arun Bandopadhyay, The Agrarian Economy of Tamil Nadu, 1820-1855, Calcutta, 1992, pp.229-231. 32Ibid. 33Cited by Dharmakumar, op.cit., p.58. 34Census of India, 1881, p.110; see also Census of India, 1891, p.249. 35Brayan Pfaffenberger, Caste in Tamil Culture: The Religious Foundations of Sudra Damination in Tamil Sri Lanka, Syracuse University, 1982, p.40. 36K.Kathleen Gough (ed.), “Caste in Tanjore Village” in E.R.Leach (ed.), Aspects of Castes in South India, Cambridge, 1960, p.23. 37Encyclopedia Asiatica, Vol.VII, p.87; also see S.Manickam, op.cit., p.90. 38C.Paramarthalingam, Social Reform Movements in Tamil Nadu in the 19th Century with Special Reference to St.Ramalinga, Madurai, 1995, p.149; K.Mavali Rajan, “Agrarian Servitude during the Medieval Period of Tamil Country”, Journal of History & Social Sciences, Vol.IV, Issue I, January- June 2013, pp.1-7. 39Annual Reports on Epigraphy (A.R.E.), 588 of 1926. 40Mukkudal Pallu, VV.35-36 and 88. 41South Indian Inscriptions (S.I.I.), Vol.II, No.796. 42K.R.Hanumanthan, “Pallas of Tamil Nadu”, Proceedings of the South Indian History Congress, Third Annual Conference, Madurai, 1982, p.173. 43Mukkudal Pallu, VV. 128-134. 44Ibid., VV.13-15. 45K.Rajayyan, Rise and Fall of the Poligars of Tamilnadu, Madras, 1974, p.22. 46R.Deva Asirvatham, Muvendar Yar? (Tamil), Tanjavur, 1977, p.225. 47Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, Part II, reprint, Delhi, 1975, pp.441 – 442. 48Rev A.C.Clyton, “The Paraiyan and the Legend of Nandan”, Madras Government Museum Bulletin, Vol.V, No.2, Madras, 1906, pp.54-55; see also Raj Sekher Basu, op.cit., pp.3-5. 49Gustav Oppert, On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatvarsa or India, Delhi, 1972, p.32. 50Dharmakumar, op.cit. p.34. 51K.Mavali Rajan, “Social Life of the Pallas in late Medieval Tamilnadu”, Proceeding of Tamil Nadu History Congress, Chennai, 2001, pp.74-76.

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Places of Historical Importance in the Punjab: A Case Study of Hoshiarpur District

Dr. Gagandip Cheema Associate Professor Dept. of History, Government Mohindra College, Patiala, Punjab

Situated in the north–western part shape, Punjab extends from 290-32‟ to of India, Punjab is one of the smallest but 320-30‟ north latitude and 730-53‟ to 760- the most progressive state of India. It 56‟ east longitude covering an area of derives its name from the two Persian 50,362 sq. km.1 words: „Punj‟ meaning five and „ab‟ Hoshiarpur, the submontane dist- meaning water. Punjab was the land of rict of the Punjab lies in its north-east. It five rivers, namely the Satluj, the Beas, is surrounded by Himachal Pradesh on the Ravi, the Chenab and the Jhelum. the east, while the river Beas separates This nomenclature came into usage Hoshiarpur from Himachal Pradesh in the during the reign of Akbar and it referred north and the Gurdaspur district in the to the Mughal province of Lahore. The west. The river Satluj in its south Punjab, in its present form, which came separates it from Rupnagar district.2 As into being on 1 November, 1966, is only compared to other districts of the Punjab, a segment of the erstwhile Punjab which Hoshiarpur district has a greatest topo- stretched from the river Yamuna in the graphic variety. The Shiwalik Hills which east to the river Indus in the west. Before follow a north-west south-east alignment independence, the former Punjab provi- and run almost throughout the length of nce and its native states spread over an the district have influenced the dispose- area of 3,46,389 sq. kms i.e., nearly tion of its other physiographic units. The seven times the area of the present intra-district variations in local relief, Punjab. In 1947, Punjab was partitioned slope, topographic texture, arrangement into two parts, the more prosperous and of landform features and superficial developed part went to Pakistan and the mate-rial divide the district into four relatively backward eastern part became units, viz., the hilly tract, the foothill part of India. Soon after independence, plain, the floodplains of the Beas and the the princely states were constituted into a Satluj and the upland plain. Excavations separate political unit called PEPSU. In at various sites in Hoshiarpur district 1956, at the time of reorganization of the have revealed that the entire area near the Indian states, PEPSU was merged with Shiwalik foothills was selected for habit- the Punjab. In 1966, Punjab was once ation not only by the early palaeolithic again reorganized on linguistic basis. man but also by those in the protohistoric Haryana was carved as separate state out and historic periods. The perennial of it and the hill districts were merged supply of water and patches of good with Himachal Pradesh. Triangular in agricultural land and pastures ensured 101

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 them a living. It is in these regions that plinths and other architectural pieces the link between earlier Stone Age and establish the fact that a large number of protohistoric periods-neolithic periods temples were built at Dholbaha in the may probably be found. During excavati- earlier period. A 500 years old Mahishar- ons, seven early Stone Age sites at suramardini temple, a temple of goddess Atbarapur, Rehmanpur and Takhni, 30- Mansa Devi and a Shiv temple are very 40 kms north of Hoshiarpur at the foot of famous. Shiv temple was constructed by the Shiwalik Hills, have been discovered Maharaja Ranjit Singh out of reverence having stone artifacts. These artifacts, ap- for a saint Shital Giri who detained prximately 4, 35, 000-1, 50, 000 years Maharaja‟s troops when he was going on old, include hand axe, stone implements, his way to Kangra expedition. By the side chopping –tools and cleavers.3 of the temple, there is a samadh of saint Some historians believe that two Shital Giri. Apart from temples, the Diwans of Muhammad Bin Tughlak oldest sandstone granite sculptures (1325-1351 A.D.) named Hargobind and excavated from Dholbaha are Vishnu Ram Chand founded the district of head of 7th -8th century A.D., Vishnu head Hoshiarpur while others believe that it of 10th century, reclining Ganesha, Shiva- was founded by Hoshiar Khan, a resident Parvati seated on Nandi Mahisharsurama- of Bajwara (a suburb village of Hoshi- rdini, female figures and statue depicting arpur), who lived about the same period four jina images seated back to back. and after whom the town was named.4 These are exhibited in the museum Though it is a debatable question yet the maintained by the Archaeology Depar- excavations and archaeological remains tment, Punjab.5 at Dholbaha, 30 kms north-west of Local legends associate some Hoshiarpur district, and some local places in the district with the . A legends throw much valuable light on the place named Sri Pandain, eight miles ancient history of the district. Archae- north of Hajipur, having a well and a ology has fixed the antiquity of this temple (Shiwala) served by gosains picturesque valley to the Pleistocene derived its name from Pandavas. Dasuya, period. Local tradition associates this a sub-division of Hoshiarpur district, also place with the legendary king Dhol, known as „Virata Ki Nagri‟ was founded however according to another local 5000 years ago by RajaVirata. In tradition the name Dholbaha is derived Mahabharata it is mentioned that the from „Dhavalavaha‟(white rivulet), which Pandavas served the Raja for 13 years symbolizes the crystalline water of a during their banishment.6 During their gently murmuring stream winding its exile they also spent some time at Bham, way along the silvery bed of glittering a place situated at a distance of 13 kms sand. Dholbaha is known as an ancient temple- town and the tradition of temple building and sculptural art further Sculpture From flourished during the early medieval Dholbaha period (700-1200 A.D.) The existence of a large number of amalakas (crowning members of temple spires) buried walls, 102

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Bara Rauza, Garhshankar Bajwara, situated at a distance of Vishnu Head From Dholbaha from Chabewal on Hoshiarpur- Garhsh- about 3 kms to the south-east of ankar road. This fact is commemorated Hoshiarpur, was founded by three by a temple (shiwala) known as “Shivan immigrants from Ghazni, one of whom da Mandir”. The temple is unique in was Baju Baora, a renowned singer of the construction and one has to step Mughal period. It is believed that downwards to pay homage to the deity. A Bajwara derived its name from Baju temple Kamahi Devi originally called Baora. The town of Bajwara was broken „Kamakshi Devi‟ situated in a village into small divisions by Raja Todar Mal, Beh Nangal, tehsil Dasuya was built by revenue minister of Akbar, as a 7 punishment to the people for not showing Pandavas. 10 Garshankar, situated at a distance him due respect. An Afghan ruler, Sher of 40 kms from Hoshiarpur on the Shah Suri, was born in the fort of Hoshiarpur- Garshankar road, is also an Bajwara. In 1801, Raja Sansar Chand, a ancient town. A fort which was built by hill chief, ousted Sardar Bhup Singh Raja Shankar Das on the site of the Faizullapuria from this town. Later on, it present town was conquered by Mahmud was annexed by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in 1825. The British converted the fort of Ghaznavi and subsequently given to the 11 sons of Raj Man Singh of by Bajwara into a military prison. A his- Muhammad Ghauri. The Mahtons, the toric fort in a dilapidated condition exists original inhabitants of this place were in a village of Malot, 10 kms from overpowered and driven out by the Hariana. It was built during Bhalol in 1175 A.D. A Kali mosque and Lodhi‟s period and was used by Babur to a well built by Raja Shankar Das are now imprision rebellious governor of the Punjab, Daulat Khan Lodhi and Ghazi in ruins. A fair is held every year at the 12 shrine of a saint known as „Bara Rauza‟.8 Khan. Balachaur, situated near to Garshankar, was also inhabited by Mahton Rajputs. A smadh named after Baba Balraj, a local saint, is held in great esteem by the people of the area.9

Fort of Malot 103

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Tomb of Shah Nur Jamal Fort of Bajwara

Muhammadan shrines are also found at several places in the district. A tomb of Shah Nur Jamal, a Muslim saint, situated at a distance of about 15 km from Hoshiarpur dates back to1250 A.D.

There are three graves inside the tomb; the central one is of Shah Nur Jamal and on the left and right are the graves of his Khankah of Hazarat Shami Sahib parents. Before partition, it was a place of After the withdrawal of the great religious importance as a large Afghan hold in the north-western region number of Muslims gathered to pay their of the country, the tract was divided homage. There are two old mosques in among Sikh leaders of various groups Hariana town. The mosque of Mufti who organized themselves into Misls. situated to the west was built by Haji These Misls continued to fight against Sambal Khan in the reign of Akbar in one another all through the difficult times 1597-98 A.D. The Qazi‟s mosque is a in the eighteenth century. From 1739 to little larger of somewhat later date and is 1811, the districtof Hoshiarpur gained without inscription. There is a famous historical and political importance as it Muhammadan shrine of a saint Sakhi became an apple of discord among Misl Sarwar at Ahyapur where annual fair is chiefs. Jassa Singh, the founder of held. Besides, there are four darghas Ramgarhia Misl, established his control (tombs) of Muhammadan saints at Tanda over the territories lying in Dasuya. His and two at Jaja near Tanda. At one fair is son, Jodh Singh, succeeded him in 1803 held in Muharram and at the other but dissensions in his family made offerings are made for the recovery of Maharaja Ranjit Singh to intervene in sick cattle. The tombs of Mahi Shah at 1816 who ultimately seized all the Jhangi Mahi and Bulla Shah at Manaswal territories of Ramgarhia Misl in 1817.14 are also famous. Khankah of Hazarat The remnants of an old fort, which was Shami Sahib is situated at Sham once a stronghold of Ramgarhias, still Chaurasi. The tomb of Adina Beg, the exist in the north of Dasuya town. last Muhammadan governor of the Doab Mukerian was founded by Chaudhry who died of colic at Khanpur, a village Dara Khan in 1754 A.D. but the town 13 near Hoshiarpur, is situated at Naloyan. was enlarged and improved by Sardar Jai 104

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Singh of Kanhaya Misl. Maharaja Ranjit

Singh after his marriage with Mehtab Kaur of Kanhaya Misl acquired the fort 15 of Atalgarh in Mukerian in 1819.

Gurdwara Akalgarh Hoshiarpur, headquarter of the district and tehsil of the same name, is situated in the foothills of the Shiwalik. In the past, Hoshiarpur had business Remanants of Fort of Dasuya dealings with Samarkand, Tibet and Gurdwara Garna Sahib, situated at a Ladakh. Shoes, brass wares, doll making, distance of 1km from village Bodal, wood furniture and especially the ivory- tehsil Dasuya, was built in the memory of inlay work of Hoshiarpur town are world the sixth guru, Guru Hargobind. It is famous. The Vishveshvaranand Institute believed that Guru Sahib planted a dried of Sanskrit and Indological Studies, branch of garna tree here which grew up which has earned world-wide fame, is as a tree. Hence, the place where the situated in a building named Sadhu Gurdwara is built came to be known as Ashram in the vicinity of Hoshiar-pur.17 Garna Sahib. Gurdwara Tahli Sahib Shish Mahal, situated in the heart of the (Monak Kala) situated at a distance of 5 city, is a source of attraction for the kms from Tanda Urmar was also visitors. Built by Lala Hans Raj Jain in constructed in the memory of Guru 1911, the building is known as Shish Hargobind. On his way to Garna Sahib Mahal since its interior walls and roofs Guru rested at this place and buried a are well decorated with glass work. The twig of tahli which grew into a tree. statues of religious deities, life size Another Gurdwara Akalgarh, situated at a statues of George V, Queen Victoria and distance of 5 kms from Garshankar, was other foreign visitors are well maintained also built in the memory of Guru in the building. A painting, depicting the Hargobind because he stayed here on his 16 scene of the coronation ceremony of way to Kiratpur. George V at Delhi, by an artist, Jan Mohammad, is very attractive. Shish Mahal is looked after by the local Jain Sabha.18

Vishveshvaranand Gurdwara institute, sadhu Garna sahib 105 Ashram, Hohiarpur

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A Scene showing Coronation Ceremony of George V In Sish Mahan, Hoshiarpur

References 1Punjab State Gazetteer, Vol. I, 2000, pp.1-2. 2Formerly known as Ropar District, the name was changed to Rupnagar District; vide Revenue Dept. Notification No. 6667r-4-76/18985, dt. November 16, 1976. 3The Tribune, Chandigarh, August 10, 1977. 4Punjab District Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur 1980, Chandigarh, p.1. 5Ibid,pp.435-43. 6Disrtict Gazetteers, Vol XIII A, Hoshiarpur District, Part A, 1904, Lahore 1905, pp.14, 216. 7Punjab District Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur 1980, Chandigarh pp. 433-440. 8Disrtict Gazetteers, Vol XIII A, Hoshiarpur District, Part A, 1904, Lahore 1905, p.218. 9Punjab District Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur 1980, Chandigarh p. 433. 10Imperial Gazetteers of India, Provincial Series Punjab, Vol. II, 1908, New Delhi, p.405. 11Punjab District Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur 1980, Chandigarh,p.432. 12Disrtict Gazetteers, Vol XIII A, Hoshiarpur District, Part A, 1904, Lahore 1905, p.20. 13Ibid, p.442-444, Disrtict Gazetteers, Vol XIII A, Hoshiarpur District, Part A, 1904, Lahore 1905, p.17. 14Disrtict Gazetteers, Vol XIII A, Hoshiarpur District, Part A, 1904, Lahore 1905, p.18. 15Punjab District Gazetteers, Hoshiarpur 1980, Chandigarh,p.441. 16Ibid, p.437. 17Ibid, p.439. 18Ibid, pp.438-439 Ibid.

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History, Culture, Philosophy and relevance of the aboriginal Paharia tribes of Santhal Parganas in Jharkhand A Historical review

Dr. Kumar Rakesh Dept. of History, K. K. M. College,Pakur Sido-Kano University, Dumka, Jharkhand

Ethnologically the Santhalparganas the hills. The Damin-i-koh was a densely in is one of the most interesting districts of forested and hilly area. Even in the valleys Jharkhand owing to the variety of races there was hardly an human interference found on it. The Paharias are considered to except for an occasional Paharia village. That be the earliest inhabitants of this District. was the situation for centuries. There were They are divided into three branches, namely two groups of Paharia primitive tribe namely Sauriya paharia, Mal pahariya and Kuma- Sauriya paharia and the Mal paharias.They rbhag pahariya.The earliest inhabitants are had been living in the Rajmahal hills since Maler,they have been identified with the when it is difficult to trace. They lived Malli mentioned by Megasthenes,who visited mostly in hill tracts, prior to the arrivals of the court of Chandragupta Maurya at British. The Paharias lead a life undisturbed Patliputra(Patna)in 302 B.C.1 According to by the mighty empires reigning in the region. Hiuen Tsang, a Chinese pilgrim, who came That was mostly the result of their to India about 645 A.D.Visited the kingdom geographical isolation.2 of Champa,the northern boundary of which The Pahariyas as a community have extended along the Ganga from Lakhisarai to gone into a shell. They lost heavily in the Rajmahal,while the southern boundary past in their struggle with the Santhals and passed through „„Desert wilds, in which in the British and have not recovered from the which were wild Elephants and savage shock. They live mainly on the hills away beasts that roamed in hoards.‟‟ No doubt from the santhals and the plainsmen and are record says that Pahariyas are the oldest inaccessible to the administration. A section inhabitants of this region. of them live on the foot hills and are known The main problem that faced the Sauriya Pahariya.They are also called high British in the early years of their rule in the landers, Hillman or hill race. In earlier area was that the Paharias had became correspondence they are also known as free bandits and dacoits in the declining years of boaters and cattle lifters. Very little is known Muslim rule and lawlessness prevailed in the about Pahariya from the authentic sources. region. The pacifications of the Paharias No comprehensive study like other tribes in and their conversion into a law-abiding Santhalparganas has been made on them. The people was a major achievement of the early hill Pahariyas largely practice slash and burn British administration under such people as cultivation methods and supplement their captain Brooke, captain Brown and Augustus income by collecting minor forest product Cleveland. The Santhals first begun to move produce. Poverty in its ugliest can be seen in into the hills and forests of which was later paharia village.Mal nutrition and diseases called Santhal parganas, towards the end of have rendered whole into a shambles. The the 18th century. The Britishers formed a traders and money lenders also have a merry demarcation boundary for tribals and time with Paharias due to their gamble aborigines which named Damin-i-koh.The nature. meaning of this Persian word is the skirts of 107

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In Sauriya Paharias life the passage attached to the home on the hill-tops. of one stage into another is viewed with great Moreover the Pahariyas have their own well concern. It is thought that any important organized society at the hill-tops and when stages like pregnancy, birth, marriage and they are brought to the plains to settle in the death are very susceptible to evil influence of colony they get bewildered and fill lost in a spirits.3 It has been noted that there were no sort of mental psychosis. The Pahariya also ceremonies of any kind associated with think that their Gods live on the hill tops and pregnancy but pregnant women refrained if they desert their original hearth and home from drinking country liquor. But recent the Gods may become angry and some researches show that there were no such disaster may fall upon them. These are the taboos or rules and the only precaution she emotional and Psychological factors which was to take was to avoid being alone in the are responsible for their not setting in the jungle or at the source of water. During the colonies.4 Pahariyas had firm belief in the birth period it is interesting to note that the transmigration of souls. The ritualistic husband observes along with his wife a observances to the gods and deities were period of avoidance for about five days, after made season-wise and crope wise. the delivery of the child and in this period he The Paharias had a nomadic life style lives rigorously exclusive life. Bainbridge and the British government in the 18th and mentioned that the period of avoidance was a 19th centuries was trying to settle them. In month. any settlement if the crops failed or frequent Pahariya tribes are bound by their deaths occurred the Paharias left their village customary behaviour. Ths can be seen in and settled in some other place. As they social contracts and marriages also. practiced shifting cultivation, which required Marriage is the principal institution of the a large tract as a production unit, a significant society. The Paharia society is accustomed featre of their society was communal with all sorts of marriages such as property ownership. Thus no doubt a signi- monogamy, bigamy, Polygamy, Polyandry, ficant featre of the Paharia economy was widow remarriage etc. Besides the above communal property ownership. Under this kind of marriages two other types of system, each household unit had rights over marriage Levirate and Sororate are also seen. the natural resources as a member in the The former takes place between a woman village.5 and and her husband‟s younger brother after The tribals managed the forest as a her husband‟s death. Divorce is not unknown resource for fulfilling their basic needs and in tribal society. Agents known as Sithus are kept its use to an optimum level to maintain also employed to find a bride. Bride price is the balance of a productive ecosystem. paid on both cash and in kind. The amount of Shifting cultivation ensured that there was no pon (the bride price) varies from time being. famine in the tribal society. Significantly THE Paharias are having peculiar dresses even the worst famines of 1770 did not affect which are especially prevalent in Santhal the Paharias.When the entire region was parganas. Generally female use panchi and facing acute food shortage, the Paharias gave parhan.panchi is upper garment and parhan is shelter to hundreds of plain people, who lower one.There are the men who use a piece chose to go to the hills. They stayed there for of clothe to cover their nakedness, that piece a year, and when not accepted in their village is called Bhagwan.However new fashion has on their return after one year took to the attracted them but old fashion in dress and of tribal way of life. Thus this was a time when ornaments still continued among the tribal‟s. different socio-economic system6 interacted The Pahariyas are emotionally, with each other. religiously, economically and socially 108

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The population size of the aboriginal demographic ratio of the Jharkhand state as tribes particularly of unpriviledged Pahariya well as country‟s ratio. It is well known fact tribe has been found declining following that the poor health status of any population each census. Therefore it is presumed with is basically due to the mainly reasons, great concern that the continuing poor health important among them is malnutrition, and deteriorating socio-economic conditions contamination of potable water, increased of theirs may, one day, put them under parasitic load, and important among all is „„endangered community.‟‟ increased genetic load.7 The populations of this tribe are receding continuously in proportion to

References 1„Final report on the survey and settlement operation District of Santhalparganas‟‟.Bengal Secretariat 1909, p.16. 2Reddy B.M and Chopra V.P (1990).Opportunity for natural selection, among the Indian populations. 3R B Bandrige, Saurias of Rajmahal hills,vol.II, 1907. 4Santhalparganas Gazetteer, p973, para.3. 5ibid, p241-43. 6Tom standage, an edible History of humanity, London, 2009.pp.202-203. 7Adhikari D and Chaudhary RP (1995), Diet and nutritional status in infants and pre scholars of Paharia of Rajmahal hills.

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Kalamukaha and Pasupata Sects in Karmataka: With special reference to Vijayapur District

N. V. Aski Principal Govt First Grade College Terdal Karnataka

Bijapur District is a district in the fought for freedom as well as unification of state of Karnataka in southern India. The city Karnataka. of is the headquarters of the district, The number of inscriptions found in and is located 530 km northwest of Banga- Vijayapur district are as follows; lore. Bijapur District has an area of 10541 Vijayapur Taluka 86 square kilometres. It is bounded on the east by Gulbarga District, on the southeast Indi Taluka 79 by Raichur District, on the south and Sindgi Taluka 108 southwest by Bagalkot District, and on the Bagewadi Taluka 75 west by Belgaum District, and by Muddebihal Taluka 71 the Maharashtra of Sangli on the northwest Total 419 and Sholapur on the north, Sangli on the north-west (both of Maharastra state). It has six talukas – Basavana In these 07 belong to Rashtrakutas, Bagewadi, Vijayapur, Indi, Muddebihal and 105 belong to Chalukyas of Kalyana-, 34 Sindagi. It has 681 villages and most of the belong to Kalachuri-, 48 belong to population besides in them. of Devageri-, 04 belong to Adilshahi-, 04, The history of the district begins with belong to Vijayanagar and rest of the old Paleolithic age and travels through inscriptions does not mention any name or various stages of time up to unification of time. The Kalyana Chalukayas have Karnataka (1956), which is vivid in nature. maximum inscriptions followed by Yadavas.1 The district has the historical evidences of Out of the 419 inscriptions, many are Ramayana and Mahabharata. It has been broken and in some incomplete text is subjected to the rule of Nanda, Mauryas, available. Inscriptions with full text are very Satavahanas and Kadambas. Then Chalukyas less. In these the inscriptions depicting of Badami, Rashtrkutas, Chalukyas of Kalamukah and Pasupata are even less. The Kalyana, Kalachuris, Yadavas of Devagiri inscriptions that directly point Kalamukah ruled it and then it came under the invasion are only 04. Out of these 02 are in Vijayapur of Muslim, The Bahumanis and Vijayanagar. taluk (No. 7&31), Bagewadi taluk 01(No. A long standing feud ensued between 7&31) and Sindgi taluk (no 71). If we Bahumani and Vijayanagar to usurp Doab consider Rashi, Pandita, Jiyu, Muni, Shakti between Tungabhadra and Krishna. Then etc. names then they are mentioned in 20 Vijayapur was a vassal of Bahamani more inscriptions. But this paper kingdom. Then it went to Adilshahis, then concentrates on the inscriptions that have politically it went to Moghuls, Marathas, direct references. Peshwas, Hyder Ali, Tippu and British. The first among these belongs to Under the British rule it was a part of 1024 AD, which is kept in Vijapur museum. Bombay Karnataka. The people of the region It mentions Kalmukah Guru traditions2 as follows; 110

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LakulagamadBhujangamunip: also has beautiful description of Manik- yavalli (), which was the crown of (Kalmukhagresava) Tardawadi Savira. This village was gifted to Ishwar Ghalisasi by Nurmadi Taila Trilochnan deva Govadana, belonging to KashyapaGotra and Vaji dynasty was born in this village. To his Balasuryamunipa son Revdas, there were four sons named Nagadeva, Vishnu, Goyyayavas, and KashmeerSureeshwar Chandrambika. This built temple of Karideva in Manigavalli. In this temple VadimahapraylayaBhajravamuni Jadekamalla washed the feet of Kalamukaha Panita, Sadyojata Pandita and gave 50 acre YogeshwaarPandit land for the temple. He divided these fifty acres like this Dhoopa, Sacrament, Light-25, Yogeshwar Deva of this inscription Worship of Sharadadevi-08, Preachers-5, lived at Siddeshwar temple in 1024 AD. In Brampuri-08, and for Amrutrasi Pandita-04 the inscription of 1079 same dynasty is other than this he also gifted Shops, Gardens, mentioned but in the place of Kashmir Dharmashala, and sites etc.7 Sureeshwar, the name of Kashmir Deva is Sadyojata Pandita has been mentioned.3 mentioned “Jagattunga Bhujangavali Kulatilaka Many inscriptions have described Kalamukaha Naishtika Parma Taponista Vadimahapralaya Kalabhairav Pandit as Bramaikula Balabrammachari Sri Sadyojata Pandita Devarkalam Karchi Dharapurvaikam following; 8 “SwastiYamaniyama…Prasannarum|Shu Madi Devakayyanamam”……. kti Sudhasantarpita Samasta Lokarum Oorjita Fourth inscription is in Hipparagi of Vivekarum| Kalamukah Kulakalasa Vanarajaha- Sindgi taluka. According to this inscription msaru Saraswatee Karnavatamsaru Sri Mattiloc- of 1192 Narayan Billama Deva, hanadeva Labdavar Prasadarum Sakala Vidyavi- Mahamandaleshwar Gonaras of Shalar nodarum Nistrupa Mahamahimo Petarum Cha- dynasty, Bommayya Nayaka and Malleya ritava Datarum Shishtajanabhishta Phalad- Sahani established this inscription to Raja 4 ayakarum Muninayakarum…” (Bijapura) Guru of Bhujangavali branch. The inscription In 1074 inscription there is a mention says of Bhuvanaikyamalla while reigning had a “Paramanda Munidrarum Nenisalu Commander called Nashimayya. He ruled Devanshadim Pempininda Stiracharitra Tapa Taddewadi Savir in Vankapur. Then by Prabhavadolu Tam Surya Prabhalokanotkardi- requesting the king, a temple of Siddeshwar nda BhujangavaliKuladolam Sri Sarada was built in Vijayapur. To look after the Deviyolu Varadam Raj Gururummunishanesedem examples of the temple, 300 Acre land of Lokaika Vikhatiam|| A Rajaguru Muneeshar Bijjanahalli area was given5 Charucharitra Bratake Shouchar Pempadharini (Bijapur7). These are present day Kannur and Bannise Sakaladaramenipudu Mahatvagunagam- bhiram|| Antaa Bhujangavale Kulatilakarappa Bijjanahalli of Vijayapur taluka. Raja Gurudevar Padaprakshalanam Madi”.9 It The Bijapur museum inscriptions of also records the services of Kalideva like 1120 belong to reign of VikramadityyaVI. Angabhoga, Rangabhoga and for rejuvenat- “Borakuru Viviyakaram Kalamukaha ion of the temple, Ingunige village was given Prahitodbhatahitamarim Maravavrajakasoorem 9 Soreyuvacharana Kamar: bhringamSinga”6 as a gift. The Managuli village inscription of PASHAPATHA Taluka of 1161 ment- Pasupatha and related Lion mark are ions of Jagadekamall a ruling Kalyana. It mentioned in 06 inscriptions discovered in 111

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the district. Three are in Bagewadi Taluka, Trilokyamalla donated Morasinganahalli to Sindagi taluka has 02 and Indi Taluka has 01. benefit the Tapasvis and their study. It was The first inscriptions are in Devuru donated by washing the feet of Achorya Village of Sindagi Taluka. Jagadekamalla‟s Someshwara Pandita. Queen SuggalaDevi has donated the land, Someshwara Pandita has been farms for Marasingeshwar temple of mentioned as “Yamaniyamasana Pranayama Devapur. The person who received the Pratyahara Dhyanadharana Japasamadhi donation has named as “Pashupatha Sampannarpashupata Yogacharyara Sri Someshwar Panditarge Kalamakrchi Dharapu- Yogacharya”. Many details have been 12 destructed.10 Second inscription belongs to rvakam Madi....” 1045 AD and is in Basavana Bagewadi Fifth inscription belongs to 1147 taluka. To commemorate the victory of discovered in village of Chalukya Trilokyamalla over Pallavas, his Bagewaditaluka. The inscription records the queen Mailala Devi conducted Laksha Homa war on Hoysala by Bammana Danthanatha on Soma Grahana day. The inscription by the order of Jagadekamalla. His son mentions the land donation towards Shivaraj built Trikutachal in Muttagi. To Someshwar temple of Honnwadi Bhatta manage this temple, Jagdekamalla gives, village. It also mentions about Pasupatha Tardawadi, 1000. Muttagi 300, Hebbal 12, Yogacharya Jnyanarasi as below; Nagawad to Bammadandadip. This was “Yamaniyamasan Pranayama Pratya- taken by Yumar through Bijjala Devarasa. hara Dhyanadharana Japa Samadhi Sampanna- This temple tells about tradition of Gurus as; rappa Pashupatayogachyarya Jnyanarashi Vakh- Kashmir Muni yanadevara Sthanada Someshwara Devara De- gulada Khandasputitha Nadakamanada Besakkm KalbhairavaDeva Devara Bhogakkam.” Here in the end the Sthanapati Yogishwara Deva Govova place has been called Bhiksharthi Stana. 11 Vareshwara Deva Third inscription is in Devaru village Yogishwara Deva of Sindagi Taluka of 1064 AD. Nolam- bapallava Jayadevasimha, was the vassal of Lakulishwara Deva Chalukya Tardavadi. His chief vassal Varavasa donated 60 acre land to Moras- Shivaraj donates 12 mattaru lands by ingeshwar temple worship and students. This washing the feet of Lakulishwara. It is like as donation has been started with washing the below “Sakalajnyam Shivatatvagavedi Manu… feet of JnanarasiPandita. Jananarasi has been Madantana Charitradim | Sakalorbivalayam mentioned in the inscription as below; Pavitratarmaytembamnegam Mikka Naishtika “Swasti Yamaniyamasa Pranayama Pratyahara Chudamane Lakulagum Sudhambo Rashita- Dhyanadharana radipam Lakulishabrutiyendu Banniputilabhagam Japasamadhi Sampanna Pashupatha Manoragadim” || 13 Yogachyarya Srimatha In this inscription Shivastuti begins Jnyanarashi Panditarge Kalamkachche as follows; Dharapurvakamdim Devapurada “Srikhantanityarupam Nirupamamahimam Sri Marasingeshwar Devarge Tapodhanrge 11 Vishvalokadhinatham Sri Kantambhoja Chatragamashanachadankke…” Janmapramukha Suragunastuyamanam (Sindagi 79) as said above. Mahesham Fourth inscription belongs to 1066 Lokalokaikabijam Pashupati Shivalingam AD found in Marasanahalli of Indi Jitanangani Bhulokakellandadidam Shubha”14 taluka.Jayasimha Deva, son of Chalukya

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In this inscription, it is recorded that that this donation was made after washing the Vani came and lived with Kashmir Muni. feet of Jananarasi Pandita. Therefore he must have come from Kashmir By the above references we can to Karnataka. assume that Kannune of Bijapur taluka; With this inscription as proof Dr. Bagewadi and Managuli of Bagewadi taluka; M.H. Krishna opines that this Kashmir Muni Hipparage of Sindagi taluka are the centers is from Kashmir.15 to support it Prof. K.G. of Kalamukha tradition. Three inscriptions Kundanagar says that in olden days Kashmiri directly refer to Kalmukaha tradition and in Pandits were famous for their scholarly one it is referred to Bhujangavali, its branch. ventures.16 In Kashmir the Shiva sect became Of the 6 inscriptions, three form systematically prominent theory during 9th Bagewadi taluka we come to know that century. But according to Vasugupt‟s Pashupatha Yogachyarya lived in Bagewadi, Shivasutra, Shaiva Dharma was in practice Muttagi and . Devur of Sindagi before Kashimir in Karnataka.17 taluka and Marasanahalli of Indi taluka are The Kundagol‟s inscription of 1116 other centers of Pashupatha. The inscriptions AD says… “Yamaniyamasana Pranayamapat- of Ingaleshwar and Managuli refer to yahara Japasamadhishilagunasampannarappa Maleyali Pandita and tells about Dharmarasi, Simhaprsheya Abhinapashupata Subratabh- Munijnyanirasimuni, Kumarbhratipajnyanar- aranarappa Saravalliya Jnyanarajagurudevara asi tradition (Ingaleshwar-1176). Other one Sishyarappa Sri Siddhayogi Pandita Devaprabu refers to Gouladevamuni, Maleyala Jnyana- Billarasanu Sri Mallikarjuna Devar Linga rashi Bratishwar, Dharmarashi Munipar.19 Pratishteyam Madi Aa Devarige Halavaru Seri Aa Matadalumb Tapodhanarahardhanakkam (Managuli 1200AD) of these according to Manrada Hittin Kaiyam Surya Panditarige first inscription KumaraDeva Bhratipa and Devarige Trikaladalu Pujeyam Nadesuvantagi Jnyanarashi Pandita were Mahastanacharyas Bitta Punarige Yendide”.18 of Vijayapur. Jnyanarashi Pandita who The sixth inscription belonging to received donation in Ingaleshwar must have Kalachuri Bijjala of 1176 AD was found in been the disciple of KumaraDeva (Ingales- , there is the mention of hwar- 12 Century). KumarDeva Bhratipa Jnanarashi Pandit, Mahastanacharya of Kedar established other branch to Managuli – Vijapur and disciple of Dharmarasi Muni of Ingaleshwara. This has been mapped by Dr. Simhaparishumandali. There is the mention S.K Koppa as below; Lakulisha

Maleyala Pandita

Dharmarashi

Dnyanarashi

Kumardeva Bhratipa (1176AD)

Ingaleshwar branch Managuli branch

Jnyanarashi Pandita (1176AD) Gouladeva

Kumaradeva (1200AD) Maleyala Jnyanarashi

Dharmarashi (1200 AD) 113

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Govindaras Dandnath to commemorate his 1121 AD). Where there Shakti Pershe and daughter-in-law Padmavati‟s death has Simha Pershe are branches like Andradanda donated 25 Jagadal Gadyana to feast Andra Pershe otherwise it indicates link between Danda Parshe on full moon day (Vijayapur Shrishaila Pashupata- Kalamukha branches.20

Foot Notes Devara Kondareddi, Inscriptions of Bijapur District, Kannada University, Hamapi-2011. 1Ibid, 7. 2Ibid,21. 3Ibid. 4Ibid. 5Ibid. 6Ibid. 7Ibid. 8Ibid. 9Ibid. 10Devarakondaraddi, Vijapur District inscriptions, Hampi 2011, No Sindagi 80. 11Ibid, Bagewadi 23. 12Ibid. 13Ibid. 14History of Kapatarala Krishnaraya Lakula Shaivara, page-107. 15Devarakondaraddi, Ibid 16E.I. III page no 4. 17Ibid. 18Ibid. 19Devarakondaraddi- Ibid no 19. 20Ibid.

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Launching the Individual Satyagraha: A Prelude to the Quit India Movement

Dr. Uma Shanker Singh Dyal Singh College University of Delhi, Delhi

The popular governments had been But a questions most of the congress formed in most of the British Indian leaders asked was how was it possible for an provinces between 1937 and 1939, after the enslaved nation to aid others in their fight elections held under the provisions of the for freedom? The official Congress stand government of India Act, 1935. The was adopted at a meeting of the congress congress had won a majority in most of the working committee held at Wardha (pres- provinces and had formed governments. ently in Maharashtra) form 10 to 14 When the Second World War was declared September 1939. In keeping with the nation- on 3 September 1939, the British govern- nalist tradition of accommodating diversity ment announced that India was also a party of opinions, members of the left, that is to the war and that she would fight on behalf Subhas Bose, Acharya Narendra Dev and of the Allied powers. This was criticized by Jaya Prakash Narayan had also been invited the Indian National congress and the popular to this session to express their views. Sharp ministries, since they had not been consulted differences emerged in this meeting. Despite on such a vital matter. The unilateral imposi- their differences, Gandhi seemed anxious to tion of a decision by the foreign government, give the platform to Jawaharlal Nehru. He without the consent of Indians and their even suggested that Nehru should become representatives was very humiliating and President of Congress in place of Rajendra wrong. It outraged the nationalist opinion in Prasad. Technicalities prevented this sugges- the country and the Indian National Congr- tion form being implemented.4 A three ess felt deeply hurt by the arbitrary action of member war sub-committee was formed the British government.1 with Maulana Azad, Vallabhai Patel and The commencement of the war Jawaharlal Nehru as its members. nevertheless found the congress divided on Explaining his position to a correspondent, the question. The left forces did not want Gandhi said that, this display of sympathy India to participate in this “imperialist war”. for the adversary was part of his strategy. “A They felt that the congress should press for satyagrahi loves is so-called enemy even as independence by launching a civil disobed- his friend. As a satyagrahi, i.e. Votary of ience movement.2 Gandhi told the viceroy in ahimsa, I must wish well to England.”5 By an interview on 5 September 1939, that his thus this disarming his opponent, he wished own sympathies were with England and to secure a psychological advantage. France, and he actually broke down at the Moreover, it must also be remembered the very possibility of the destruction of Gandhi was only offering emotional support London. In an article which gave a short – there was no question of giving material account of this interview, Gandhi wrote: help to the war effort. By expressing “I am not just now thinking of India‟s sympathy with Britain‟s cause, congress got deliverance. It will come, but what will it be a hearing from certain progressive sections worth if England and France fall, or if they come of British public opinion. Labour leaders out Victorious over Germany ruined and 3 like Attlee, Wedgwood Benn and Stafford humbled?” Cripps agreed with the congress that the

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 time had come for Britain to make very the Act of 1935 held the field. The only hope substantial concessions to India.6 he held out was that at the end of the war it The Muslim League had evidently would be open to modification in the light of been watching the reaction of the Congress Indian views, full weight being given to the before formulating its own policy. On 18 opinion and interests of the minorities. In September 1939, it passed a resolution on order to associate Indian public opinion with the situation created by the war. The British the prosecution of the war, he proposed “the government was promised support and co- establishment of consultative groups, repre- operation only on two conditions. First, the sssentatives of all major political parties in Muslim must be assured of „justice and fair British India and of the Indian princes, over play” in the congress provinces.7 Secondly, which the governor – general would himself the British government must give an preside.9 Thus without weakening British undertaking, “that no declaration regarding hold on India, they harped out the differ- the question of constitutional advance for ences among Indians, and tried to use the India should be made without the consent Muslim League and the princes against the and approval of the All – India Muslim congress.10 A few months later, Linlith-gow League, no any constitution be framed and in a private communication to Zetland (the finally adopted by his majesty‟s, government secretary of state) remarked: „I am not keen and the British Parliament without such to start talking about a period after which consent and approval.” Further, the govern- British rule will have ceased in India. I ment was asked “to take into its confidence suspect that that day is very remote and I the Muslim league which is the only feel the least we say about it in all organization that can speak on behalf of probability the better.‟11 Speaking in the Muslim India.” House of Lords on 18th October, Zetland The British Placation: The Congress and stressed on the differences prevalent among the Muslim League Indians, especially between Hindus and The 18th September 1939 resolution Muslims. He branded the congress as a of the working committee was interpreted by purely Hindu organization.12 It was clear government as the refusal of the congress to now that the British government had no cooperate in the war effort. Zetland, who intention of loosening their hold on India was secretary of state, characterized it as an during or after the war. attempt at bargaining. The governor of The Indian people and the national Madras advised the viceroy: “personally, I leadership reacted very sharply. Rajendra think we should not enter into any bargain, Prasad, the president of the Congress, for if congress goes out it will be their declared, “There is no room now left for any funeral, not ours.”8 one to doubt that British policy remains as it The viceroy in a long dispatch always has been.” Tej Bahadur Sapru, the discussed three alternative ways of dealing Liberal leader, commented, “The viceroy‟s with the congress demand – total rejection, declaration is bound to cause much disap- full agreement, or a middle course with a pointed.” Jawaharlal and Azad in a joint face-saving device. He interviewed about statement said, “If this is the final answer of fifty Indians – political – leaders of different the British government to the people of parties and representatives of different India, then, there is no common ground schools of opinion – including Gandhi, between the two and our paths diverge Nehru and Jinnah. On October 17, he came completely.”13 The angriest reactions came with his statement. He reiterated that from Gandhi who had been advocating more dominion status was the goal of British or less unconditional support to Britain. He policy. He pointed out that for the present felt that the British government was still 116

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 continuing the policy of divide and rule. He was primarily responsible for the wrongs further argued: that have been done to the Musalmans and “The Indian declaration (of the viceroy) shows other minorities.18 clearly that there is to be no democracy for India From Resignation of Congress Ministry in if Britain can prevent it…The congress asked for UP to Starting of Gandhi’s Individual bread and it has got a stone. Referring to the Satyagraha: question of minorities and special interests such On 30th October 1939, the UP as those of the princes, foreign capitalists, zamindars, etc., Gandhi remarked: The congress assembly passed by 127 votes to 2 the will safeguard the rights of every minority so congress ministry‟s resolution on war. It long as they do not advance claim inconsistent voiced the feeling of regret which the with India‟s independence. But, he added, viceroy‟s statement of 17 October had „independent India will not tolerate any interests produced in the minds of the Indian people. in conflict with the true interests of the It also regretted that the British government masses‟.”14 had made India a participant in the war The working committee meeting at without popular consent and had, in Wardha on 22 and 23 October unanimously complete disregard of Indian opinion, passed regards the viceroy‟s statement as laws and adopted measures curtailing the unfortunate in every way and refused to give powers of the provincial government.19 any support to Great Britain, for it would Kailash Nath Katju, Minister of Justice amount to an endorsement of the imperialist under G.B. Pant government stated: „I am policy which the congress had always cond- glad that the governor had put into an end to emned. As a first step in this direction the an increasingly embarrassing position by committee called upon the congress accepting resignation.”20 On this day G.B. 15 ministries to tender their resignation. All Pant had informed Harry Haig about the the congress ministries resigned between 27 decision of the UP assembly.21 October and 15 November, 1939. On 5th November, 1939, following The governor assumed all powers the instructions of the Provincial Congress under section 93 of the 1935 India Act. The Committee, Kashi (Benares) celebrated the withdrawal of the congress from provincial resignation of Congress Ministries. The politics increased the relative importance of Congress committee organized a huge the league and the self importance of Jinnah. procession form Dashashvamedah Ghat on The preceding two years of congress rule in 4th November to facilitate the congress UP and other provinces had provided both ministries for tendering their resignations. the excuse as well as credence to the The procession was transformed into a political slogan raised by the League of meeting on reaching the Town Hall.22 It was 16 „Islam being in danger‟. Ever since the a long procession led by Sampurnanand, the Muslim League‟s session in December 1938, city congress committee president, Mahavir Jinnah had been asserting ad nauseam that Singh and other well known congress office the congress was merely a „Hindu body‟ – bearers and Krishna Chandra Sharma. which did not even represent all sections of They were followed by Congress workers its own society, e.g.The Scheduled Castes from all the eight wards of the city singing 17 and the follower of the Hindu Mahasabha. patriotic songs, shouting slogans and waving After the resignation of the congress the national flag. Then came various peas- ministries, Jinnah appealed to all provincial, ants mounted on bullock carts depicting how district and primary Muslim League units to talks were held between the government observe Friday, 22 December as the day of officials and the country‟s prominent leaders deliverance and thank giving, „because it at the outbreak of war and what led to the was the high command of the congress that resignation of the congress ministries. The 117

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 masses marched alongside the bullock carts. prevailing political situation. Citing example The procession passed through Godoliya of „South Africa‟ and „Irish free state‟ he Chowk and Maidagin and reached the town wrote that pinning for freedom or hall where a meeting was held. All along the independence was not a great mistake on the route, shopkeepers had decorated their shops part of Congress.26 Although the ministries and streets with banners and flags. These resignation was the product of British shopkeepers greeted Sampurnanand with appeasement policy but British journalists garlands. Some of them had even arranged have offered other explanation. Guy Wint for illumination.23 and George Schuster in their book India and Democracy have suggested, “The congress The weekly Sangharsh reported: would have lost the support of the people if …the congress has taken a step forward by it had not resigned”.27 resigning form their ministries. The imperialist In November 1939, Jawaharlal government was ruling from behind the scenes. Nehru arranged a meeting between Gandhi Now, they stand exposed before the people. The and Congress leaders of U.P. Congress men resignation of the ministries was imminent. The were asked to take part in constructive congress has declared in its resolution on national demand at the Tripuri Congress that, works and start preparing for future under the so-called provincial autonomy, the movement. After this meeting UP PCC had scope for the people‟s welfare had come to an resolved to pay more attention to Charkha end. The congress had not accepted the spinning. A UPCC circular dated 15 January ministries in the hope of governing; it has made 1940 of announced the setting up a clear at the outset that it was accepting power temporary committee of five members under only with the goal of abrogating the constitution. the convenorship of R.S. Pandit to deal with There could not have been a better opportunity the spinning and weaving of Khaddar.28 for the ministries to resign. Their resignation will The annual session of the All India make the Indian people aware of the true nature National Congress was held at Ramgarh on of the government of India Act of 1935, drawn th th up for British political scientist. The resignation 19 and 20 March 1940 under the marks the first step in the battle for freedom. The presidentiship of Maulana Abul Kalam nation will now have to renew its great struggle, Azad. A Muslim candidate had consciously a greater struggle than the one we witnessed after been selected to offset the Muslim League‟s the Great War in 1921, 1930 and 1932. The attack of the congress for being a Hindu country will have to stand a greater test than ever organisation. Ramgarh Congress expressed before. It will have to face the imperialist once full confidence in Gandhiji‟s leadership. The more; there will be more arrests, sentences and resolution, after reiterating the congress confiscations. Once more we shall have to pay position on the war and asserting „nothing the price for freedom, many more sacrifices at short of complete independence can be alters of freedom. But the struggle for independence is one in which there can be no accepted by the people‟, declared that the defeat.24 congress would resort to civil disobedience “The resignation of the ministries”, „as soon as the congress organization is Nehru in his Allahabad speech on 7 Nove- considered fit enough for the purpose, or in case circumstances so shape themselves as mber 1939, stated that at the present juncture 29 was a great proof of non-coope-ration, the to precipitate a crisis.‟ results of which would be grave and varied. The left groups – Subhas Bose and He asked the masses to get prepared for all his Forward Bloc, the congress socialist eventualities.25 This was the time when on party, the communist party, the Royists etc. 15th November 1939, Viceroy wrote to Haig. characterized the war as an imperialist war In his letter he talked about the differences and asserted that the war – crisis provided an between Gandhi and Jinnah on the opportunity to achieve freedom through an 118

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 all-out struggle against British imperialism. come.36 There was no suggestion that they It was convinced that the masses were fully would constitute a National government of ready for launching a mass movement the kind the congress had been demanding. against the government of India for getting It was made clear that the British would still complete independence.30 retain the key portfolios of finance, defence, The war situation in Europe took a and home in official hands. There was grave turn shortly after the Ramgarh session nothing to meet the congress demand for of Congress. In mid-April, Germany independence at the end of war.37 launched the offensive in the west, and The Muslim League‟s reception of Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium and the „August offer‟ was friendlier but France collapsed. It had a profound effect on congress rejected it outrightly. Nehru India. It was feared by many that Britain, criticized it as being “thousand of miles too, would shortly share the fate of France. removed from what congress thinks essential On 10 May 1940, Winston Churchill was for India.”38 On 10th August 1940, called to Buckingham Palace and asked to Jawaharlal Nehru wrote a pamphlet entitled form a new administration.31 The suspicion “the Parting of the ways”, with a forward by that chamberlain was not fully pursuing the Gandhi.39 He wrote: war was largely responsible for his being Declaration of the British government meant the replaced by Churchill.32 Once confirmed as final breaking of bond between Indian and Prime Minister Churchill set about creating a British mind. All hope of marching together had true National government, including Labour, ended. Now there could be no bond with out Liberal and even Trade Union leaders in his freedom. The way of co-coperation was not for us; the hundred year old hostility would remain cabinet. To dominate the character of and grow in future conflicts. He argued that politics for the next five years he had Muslim in India were only technically a appointed himself as the defence minister minority. They were vast in numbers and 33 also. Leopold Amery replaced Zetland as powerful. They could not be coerced against the new secretary of state.34 The change in their will. In political and economic matters the British set-up was bound to toughen the people do not function religious groups. The approach towards the handling of the Indian communal question was essentially one of situation. protection of vested interests and religion had Faced with the worsening of the war always been a useful stalking horse for that situation, the British made a bold bid for purpose. Those who had feudal privileges and vested interests feared change and became the winning the willing support of India in her camp followers of British imperialism. The war efforts. The new declaration of British British government on the other hand delighted policy, known as the “August Offer”, was in using the communal argument to deny issued in the form of a statement by the freedom.40 Viceroy Linlithgow on 8 August, 1940. Two With deep anguish and regret the 35 main points emerged from the declaration. congress reassembled at Bombay on 15 First relate to position of minorities says that September 1940. It declared the Poona they could not contemplate transfer of their offer41 infructuous and announced its present responsibilities for the peace and reversal to the Ramgarh position. This was welfare of India to any system of govt. the time when even those congressmen who whose authority was directly denied by large were skeptical of Gandhi‟s scheme of non- and powerful elements in India‟s national violence against external aggression, life. The second point was related with the returned to the Gandhi fold.42 They con- machinery for building within the British ceded that Gandhi had the most accurate commonwealth of Nations the new understanding of British policy. But radicals constitutional scheme when the time would and left minded congr-essmen wanted to 119

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 show their strength by launching a mass reservations, Gandhi realized that launching movement. At this moment Gandhi asserted any movement at this state of the national boldly to the congressmen that he knew struggle could easily get transformed into a when to start a mass movement. From the class struggle or degenerate into a civil war. beginning of the war Gandhi had promised So to have a proper grip of the future course viceroy not to create problem for him. With of congress actions and to manage the the bourgeoisie reaping good return, the left prevailing risk he began to talk of launching getting restive and the League developing the “individual satyagraha.”

Notes & References

D.N. Panigrahi, Quit India and the Struggle for Freedom, (Delhi, 1984), p. 10. 2Visalakshi, Menon, From Movement to Government: The Congress in the United Provinces, 1937-42, (New Delhi, 2003), p. 257. 3The Harijan, 9 September, 1939, quoted on Coupland, II, p. 214. 4Pattabhi Sitaramayya, The History of the Indian National Congress, Vol. 2, 1937-47, (Bombay, 1947) p. 130. 5CWMG, vol. 70, p. 170. 6 “Attlee has evidently been spoon–fed by the congress and I suspect through agency of Krishna Menon and he took a purely view of the problem”. Zetland to Linlithgow, 11 October 1939, Linlithgow Papers, Mss. Eur. F 125/8, p. 104.; In a letter on 16 October 1939 Nehru informed Rajendra Prasad, Gandhi and Patel: “I have been receiving some news from England…I gather from all these that our statement and resolution have created some stir in political and journalist circles in London.” (SWJN, Vol. 10, NMML, p. 189.;Stafford Cripps‟ letter to Nehru, 11 October 1939, J.N. Papers, vol. 14, NMML, pp. 97-100. 7The Government of India Act of 1935 ushered in a number of important political and constitutional changes. These were accelerated when provincial elections took place two years later in 1937. The Indian National Congress had contested 1161 of the 1585 seats and won 716. It had a clear majority in 6 of the 11 provinces and was the largest single party in the other three provinces. The congress came to power in the United Provinces, Bihar, Orissa, the Central Provinces, Bombay, Madras, Assam, and the North West Frontier provinces. Its ministries in the provinces were more stable than the ones in the non-congress provinces, and they worked purposefully and effectively. The ministries functioned between 1937 and 1939. The head of the ministries were called „Prime Ministers‟. They were: G.B. Pant in the United Provinces, C. Rajagopalachari in Madras, B.G. Kher in Bombay, Srikrishna Sinha in Bihar, Gopinath Bardoloi in Assam, and R. S. Shukla in the Central Provinces. The important ministers included Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, K.N. Katju, Vijay Lakshmi Pandit, K.L. Nanda, K.M. Munshi, Dr. Subbanarayan, Anugrah Naryan Sinha, Jagjivan Ram, Fakkruddin Ali Ahmed, and a host of other stalwarts. Muslim League fared poorly especially in 1937 elections. It performed better in the non-Muslim provinces, but that could hardly indicate its claim of being the sole representative of the Muslim. The success of provincial parties like Krishak Praja Party in Bengal and Unionist Party in Punjab illustrated that the Muslim electorates were primarily concerned with „provincial‟ or „local‟ issues. They wanted to safeguard their interests at this level rather than turn to the rational arena where the British, the congress and the Muslim League wrestled with the intricacies of devolution of power. Mushirul Hasan, (ed.), Ibid. pp. XI-XII. 8Private Officer papers of S.S. The viceroy to the secretary of state, September 16, 1939, no. 1948-5, cf. Tara Chand, History of the Freedom Movement in India, volume IV, Publication Division, (New Delhi, 1972), p. 292. 9Coupland, II, p. 217. 10Bipan Chand, and others, Ibid. p. 449. 11S. Gopal, Jawaharlal Nehru – A Biography, vol. one, p. 263. 12Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 389-93. 120

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13The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, p. 394. 14Gandhi, CW, vol. 70, pp. 267-280. 15SWJN, vol. 10, p. 206. 16M.A. Jinnah, Presidential Address, Muslim Leagues session, December 1938 in S.D. Pandey, Select Documents of the Indian National movement, 1885-1947, 1976, p. 150. 17Ibid. 18Cf. Jinnah‟s speech, 22 December 1939, ibid, p. 153. 19National Herald, 1 November, 1939; SWJN, Vol. 10, pp. 215-17. 20Mushirul Hasan, ed. Ibid, p. 189. 21NAI, G.B. Pant to Haig, 30 Oct 1939, Haig Papers, Acc. No. 2068. 22Aaj, Hindi Daily, Banaras, 7 November 1939. 23Aaj, Ibid. 24Sangharsh, Hindi weekly, 5 November 1939. 25Nehru‟s speech at Allahabad, SWJN. Vol. 10 pp. 228-29. 26N.A.I. Haig Papers, Acc. No. 2068. 27Wint, Haig papers, Acc. No. 2068. 28AICC Papers, F. No. 20/1940, UPCC circular No. 139, pp. 317-19. 29Collected Works of Gandhi (here after (WG), Vol. 71. pp. 440-442. The Congress Socialist, 28 March 1940. 30Bipan Chandra and others, op.cit., p. 451. 31Ian S. Wood, British History in Perspective: Churchill, (London, 2000), p. 15. 32Stephen J. Lee, Aspect of British Political History 1914-1995, (London, 1996), p. 165. 33Samantha Heywood, Churchill, (London, 2003), p. 86. 34Leopold Charles M.S. Amery (1873-1955), British Statesman, Secretary of State for India, 1940-45. 35Nicholas Mansergh, and E.W.R. Lumby, The Transfer of Power 1942-7, Vol. I The Cripps Mission, January-April 1942, (London, 1970) p. 878. 36Ibid. 37D.A. Low, Britain and Indian Nationalism: The Imprint of Ambiguity 1929-1942, 1997, p. 310. 38Indian Annual Register, 1940, vol. II, pp. 16-19. 39NAI, Home political, F.No. 37/14/1941, 1941, p. 4. 40Jawaharlal Nehru, The Parting of the Ways, Proscribed literature, Allahabad, 1940, p. 7, 11-12. 41At Poona in early August the Delhi resolution was put to vote. Delhi resolution of July 3, 1940 offered Congress‟s services to the govt. At Poona resolution was passed by 91 votes in favour and 63 votes against it. Rajendra Prasad, Dr. Prafulla Ghosh. J.B. Kripalini and Hare Krishna Mehtab voted against the resolution (Sitaramayya, op.cit., vol. II) 42AICC, resolution of Bombay, 15 and 16 September 1940, A.M. Zaidi and S.G. Zaidi, The Encyclopedia of the INC, Vol. 12, p. 376.

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Sulh-kul

Dr. Ramchandra Prasad Yadav Associate professor, Satyawati college University of Delhi

In this paper an attempt has been turanis3. Sulh-kul came into being for made to trace out the sulh-kul and its political and humanitarian reasons. contribution to the stability of the Mughal In 1595, there were 17% Hindus in state. We have to examine how far the policy the Mughal nobility. Out of 8, 2 Hindus and of sulh-kul was followed by Akbar‟s 4 Iranis were given the mansab of 5000. Out successors, and whether there is its relevance of 13, 3 Hindus and 5 Iranis were given the in present time? mansab of 3000-4500. Out of 37, 6 Hindus The policy of sulh-kul was compl- and 6 Iranis were given the mansab of 1000- eted in October-November, 1580. The mea- 2500. Out of 63, 12 Hindus and 12 Iranis ning of sulh-kul is universal concord (peace were given the mansab of 1000-2500. Out of with all). According to Abul- Fazal, sulh-kul 63, 12 Hindus and 12 Iranis were given the emerges from a paternal love towards mansab of 500-900. Out of 159, 24 Hindus Akbar‟s subjects.1 Prior to sulh-kul, Akbar and 45 Iranis were given the mansab of 200- introduced Mahzar2, which brought about the 450. Thus, out of 280, 46 were Hindus and pre-dominance of Ulema to an end and 72 iranis.4 Even the mansab of 7000/7000 allowed all kinds of developments, the were given to Man Singh, who was conferred emperor wished to encourage. Even earlier, only to the Mirzakuka, the forster brother of Akbar developed a taste for the mansavi of the Emperor Akbar.5 Jalaluddin Rumi and the Diwan of Hafiz, A part from the mansab, other which moulded his thoughts into a matrix of important positions were open to the various humanitarianism. Early in the seventh year of Hindu . Bhagwan Das of Amber, who his reign, in March 1562, he abolished the earlier was given the mansab of 50006, was traditional practice of enslavement of the appointed the joint governor of Lahore.7 His families of those who were killed or taken son, Man Singh was appointed the governor captive in war. In august 1563, the pilgrim of Bihar and Bengal. Todarmal was given the tax was abolished. In March 1564, he took a post of Diwan. Birbal became the favourite more liberal step by abolishing the Jizya. of Akbar. RaiBikramjit, too, was patronized. The sulh-kul allowed the different HirviJaina was given the title of Jagat guru. sections of population to enjoy imperial A Shia Nuru‟llahShushtari was made the patronage. On the basis of sulh-kul Akbar Qazi of Lahore. Hindu rajas were also placed adopted the policy of religious tolerance. The in charge of strategic provinces, such as policy of sulh-kul gave the Mughal state a Agra, Ajmer and Gujrat at various times. rational philosophy on which the flaternity of They also were made the high grandee of the members of different faiths could be based. empire. Men of all faiths and creeds were given Efforts were made by Akbar to position in the nobility. Not only Hindus, but enforce the policy of sulh-kul. For instance, the men of other faiths such as Shias, Jains, MirzaFaulad, who killed a shia theologian Christians, too, were patronized as Akbar Ahmad Thattawi, was given capital punish- himself wrote to shah AbasSafavi about sulh- ment by the imperial order.8 AbdunNavi the kul, that he employed in his service men of chief of the sadr, had given the punishment all races – Firangies, Jews, Iranis and of death to the shia and the Brahmin of Mathura for their beliefs. He was dismissed 122

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 by Akbar and was ordered to proceed to Akbar, enthusiastically implemented the Mecca for Haj.9 Akbar‟s policy of sulh-kul by making rent In other ways, also, Akbar made free grants and awarding stipends.18 In efforts to enforce the policy of sulh-kul and granting madadi-ma‟ash to Hindus, he was the peace and harmony among the subjects of more liberal than AbulFazal. For instance, in different faiths. He set up a big translation 1593, AbulFazal proposed that only seventy department for translating works in Sanskrit, eight bighas of land be given to Udantnath Arabic and Greek into Persian.10 For Jogi, but on Miran Sadr-i-Jahan recommend- instance, Singhasanbattisi, Athervaveda and ation 100 bighas were awarded.19 Jesuits, too, the Bible were taken at first for translation. received free land to build churches.20 On the These were followed by the Mahabaharta, basis of the information given by Abulfazal Gita and Ramayana. In addition, Panchtantra about madadi-ma‟ash grant, it can be said and works of Geography, too, were that in awarding the rent free grant, the translated. For the first time, the Quran was government made no distinction between translated into Persian. Muslims and Non-Muslims. The word Akbar also revised the secular Mukhaodimformly used for Muslim religious subjects, such as agriculture, geometry, astr- classes only, came to be used for Non- onomy, logic and history. Poetry, medicine, Muslims also. The poets of Akbar, also, novels, philosophy, mathematics, too, was played important role to enforce the sulh-kul. cultivated and thought necessary.11 For instance, kahi played role for the To maintain communal harmony, furtherance of movement of sulh-kul.21 people were allowed to worship the God As we know, Akbar had introduced according to their own desire. They also were the „institute of discipleship‟ that also played allowed to convert themselves into other an important role in enforcing the policy of religion. In 1602, at the request of father sulh-kul. Both Jahangir and Abul Fazal give Anine Machado and Benoit Da Goes, Akbar us information that the disciples were urged issued the farman, by whichfather‟s were to follow the rules of universal concord.22 permitted to convert anyone to , Now, let us examine the impact of whosoever wished so.12 Cow slaughter was sulh-kul. S.A.A Rizvi, in his book Religious banned. For instance, it was banned in and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Punjab.13 Akbar‟s reign says that Akbar was hostile to To maintain communal harmony, orthodox Sunnis and they suffered. This view several Hindu customs were adopted. From has been refuted by M. Athar Ali. He opines the new years day of 25 years of his reign, that Shia theologians were by no means more the Emperor openly worshipped the Sun and liberal than the Sunni theologians in their the Fire. The custom of Rakhi became quite attitude to the Non-Muslims. Actually, it is common.14 Shaving, too, was introduced.15 difficult to agree with S.A.A. Rizvi, because After the death of khan-i-Azam‟s mother, as we know that after the discussion in the Jijianga, in May, 1600, Akbar saved his first phase of IbadatKhana, Akbar came to beard, moustache and eyebrows as a sign of the conclusion that Shia Ulema are as narrow grief.16 The ringing of bell was introduced.17 minded as Sunni Ulema. The policy of sulh-kul was As a result of the policy of sulh-kul, implemented in the award of madadi-ma‟ash grants of orthodox theologians were curta- grants to Non-Muslims also. Previously it iled, because new grants were given to the was held by Muslims only. After 1580, the Non-Muslims. Other imperial patronage, too, number of Non-Muslims grantee steadily was given to all. All lands previously held in increased. Miransadr-i-Jahan, from the time grant, were transferred to the specified of his appointment as shadr till the death of villages. A large number of Qazis were 123

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 deprived of their land. Both the theologians, The policy of sulh-kul was continued Shias as well as Sunnis, were the sufferers. by the successors of Akbar, such as Jahangir, Badauni, too, suffered and said that the Shahjahan and Aurangzeb. The policy of policy of sulh-kul was at the root of his Akbar to patronize Hindus was continued in financial difficulties and sufferings.23 the reign of Jahangir. Important positions Badauni has described how Akbar‟s were given to the rulers of Amber, Jaisalmer successive measures curtailed the grants and Bikaner. The mansab of 5000/- was made to the Muslim theologians. given to the rulers of Amber, Jodhpur and As a result of the policy of sulh-kul, Bikaner.28 Jahangir also entered into matrim- the people of different communities other onial alliance with the Hindus. Jahangir, than bigoted orthodox became the backbone whose mother was a princess, had of the Mughal administration and gave Akbar himself married a kachhwaha princess as unqualified support to override Akbar‟s well as a Jodhpur princess. Princess of opposition. The religion of sulh-kul secured Jaisalmer and Bikaner, too, were married to the Mughal Empire the series of bravest him. Rent-free grant continued to be made to warriors in India. It made the empire a state the Non-Muslims. For instance, sadri-jahan, of protective arms. It paved the way for the who implemented the policy of sulh-kul by consolidation, stabilization and expansion of making rent free grants to Non-Muslims and the Mughal state. It laid the essential foun- awarding stipends, carried on the same policy dation of the Mughal Empire based on equal till 1616-17, when he died. Jahangir also rights to all citizens irrespective of their continued the prohibition of cow slaughter. religious beliefs. It was designated to bring Shah Jahan also worked on the policy all matters affecting the life and well being of of Akbar. Akbar‟s policy of appointing Akbar‟s subjects, both Muslims and Non- Hindus to high positions was continued. Muslims, directly under his control. It Maharaja Jaswantsingh and Jai Singh were attempted to obviate the possibility of given themansab of 6000/6000. DayanandRai playing with the life of the people in the and RaiBharmal represented the revenue and name of orthodoxy and Islam. Now accounts departments.Raishabhona was the Hindustan had became the centre of security Diwan of Lahore in the 12th Year of his reign. and peace. After, 1580 onwards, saints and RaiMukund Das was made the Diwan-i-Tan. ascetics, who had no worldly desires became Beni Das served as the Diwan of Bihar. Rai the object of the attention of the Mughal Raghunath officiated for some time as government. They were now being given imperial finance minister. cash grants.24 In the time of Akbar daily, Hindu poets, too, were patronized. monthly and yearly cash allowances called For example, Sunder Das and Chintamani, Waza‟f were paid regularly.25 In 1583, were patronized. and langu- outside FatehpurSikri, two establishments age were developed. Several Sanskrit works were founded to feed poor Hindus and also were translated into Persian. For muslims.26 A third establishment to feed instance, Bhagwat Gita, Yoga Vashista, yogis, too,was constructed, which came to be Ramayana and Upnishad were translated into known as jogipura.27 Persian. The policy of sulh-kul brought about In certain other matters, also, shah dissatisfaction against Akbar. Akbar‟s Jahan continued the Akbar‟s liberal practices. encouragements of the Iranis provoked Unorthodox practice of raising hands in orthodox Sunnis, who accused him of being a salutation was continued at the court. Hindus Shia. Similarly Akbar‟s encouragements of were allowed to attend the court festivals. Hindus was misinterpreted as his being Shah Jahan considered it his duty to enable apostate and heretic. the Hindus to live in peace. Akbar‟s policy of 124

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 the prohibition of cow slaughter was remained the close friend and confident of continued. As we know that at the request of Aurangzeb till his death in 1667. Raja the citizens of Combay, Shah Jahan Raghunath Singh was made the Diwan in the prohibited cow slaughter there. Religious early years of Aurangzeb‟s reign. Later, he liberty to Hindus was continued. was promoted to 3000/700. Sahu, son of So far as the policy of Aurangzeb is Shambhaji, too, was given the mansab of concerned, there is a great controversy on 7000/. The title of raja also, was given to that. Here question arises whether Akbar‟s him. Decent allowances, too, were fixed policy of religious toleration was followed or upon him.32 RanaJagat Singh, son of Rana was there any reversal of the same. S.R. Raj Singh, was given the mansab of 5000. Sharma and J.N. Sarkar opine that Hindus In 1698, SatvajiDafle, an interme- were humiliated in the time of Aurangzeb. diary Zamindar of the Deccan, was given the According to S.R. Sharma higher offices mansab of 6000/5000. He also was given the were closed to Hindus. He further says that Deshmukhi of four Parganas in subaBijapur. the percentage of Hindus in the high ranks of This was the most important position, so far the state could not have been more than 50% as intermediary Zamindar is concerned. of what it was towards the end of shah Throughout the Mughal Empire, no interm- Jahan‟s reign. J.N. Sarkar also says that ediary was entrusted with this position.33 On Aurangzeb began to attack on Hinduism. one occasion, Aurangzeb observed on a Both the aforesaid writers mean to say that petition where a post was claimed on by reversing the policy of Akbar, Aurangzeb religious ground, as to, what connection and undermined the loyality of Hindus to the what rights have worldly affairs with Empire.29 religion. And what rights have matters of It is difficult to agree with the critics religion to enter into bigotry. For you is your of Aurangzeb, because in the time of religion, for me is mine. If this rule Aurangzeb the number of Hindus in the (suggested by you) were established it would nobility actually increased over what it was be my duty to extirpate all Hindu rajas and in the time of his predecessors.30 In the time their followers. of Akbar, 17% Hindus constituted the Aurangzeb did not hesitate to issue Mughal nobility. In the time of Shah Jahan, secular decrees, called zawabit.34 A comp- the percentage of Hindus in the Mughal endium of his decrees and government rules nobility was 24%. In the latter part of and regulations had been collected in a work Aurangzeb‟s reign, the percentage of Hindus called, Zawabit-i-Alamgiri. Aurangzeb never in the Mughal nobility was 33%. In the time allowed the Ulema to dictate the state policy. of Aurangzeb, Mirza Raja Jai Singh and He also took actions, which were Maharaja Jaswant Singh, in spite of latter‟s contradictory to shara. role in the battle of Dharmat and Khajwah, Akbar‟s practices of land grants to the were promoted to 7000/7000. After Hindu temples were continued by Mansingh‟srecall from Bengal in 1606, no Aurangzeb.35 Land grants to the temples of Hindu Nobel was given an important Vrindavan, Brahamputra and other parts of province apart from Jaswant Singh‟s the empire were given. Faruqui in his book, appointment to Malwah in 1658, Jaswant Aurangzeb and his times, also talks of the Singh was twice made the governor of land grants to Sadan Brahman. Gujrat.31 Mirza Raja Jai Singh was made the The policy of sulh-kul has its Vice-roy of Deccan in 1665 with full relevance even in the present time. Every authority, but not as an advisor to the prince. government and all political parties, whether This was the most important position with at the centre or state try to work on the path which only princess were entrusted. Jai Singh shown by the Mughal emperor Akbar. This is 125

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 absolutely undisputed that the policy of sulh- though do not declare themselves as a secular kul, as followed by the Mughal emperor state, but in principle, provide equal Akbar, is more relevant and desired, not only percentage and equal rights to their citizens, in India but in the whole contemporary world irrespective of their religions or faiths. This at large. The founders of Indian constitution is also an undisputed fact, that in a were far-sighted enough to realize this truth heterogeneous society of today, Akbar‟s and this is the reason that they incorporated policy of sulh-kul, or policy of state the term „secular‟ in the preamble of the secularism in today‟s terms, is the only way constitution. Most of the countries in the out to maintain peace and harmony in any world today follow the policy of sulh-kul. society. Some countries, like the United Kingdom,

Notes and References 1Quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, Munshi Ram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. P-364. 2Abdul QadirBadauni, Muntakhab-ut,Ttavarikh, vol.II,p-271. Badauni calls it Mahzar. khwajaNizamuddin Ahmed, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, vol.II, p-345. Nizamuddin Ahmed use the word Tirkira for Mahzar. Also see AbulFazal, Ain-I-Akbari, vol.I, translated by Blochmann, under the heading „Document‟ pp-195- 198.S.NurulHasan, the Mahzar of Akbar‟s reign, journal of U.P History Society. Vol. XVI. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, Munshi Ram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. Pp-141-174. V.A. Smith, Akbar the great, chapter- the „so called infallibility decree‟pp-241-243. IrfanHabib, Religious in Indian history, Aligarh Historian Society, New Delhi, 2007. Pp-158-166. 3S.A.A. Rizvi Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign. P-416. 4For details see M. Athar Ali, sulh-kul, Mughal empire, edt. By IrfanHabib. 5Satish Chandra, History of Medieval India, orient block swan Pvt. Ltd. P-243. Also see A.R. khan, chieftains under Akbar. 6ibid p-243. A.R. khan, chieftains under Akbar. 7ibid p-243. 8M.Athar Ali, sulh-kul, Mughal Empire edt. By Athar Ali. 9S.C. Chandra, History of Medieval India, Orient Block Swan Pvt. Ltd. P-254. 10For works of translation see BadauniMuntakhabat- Tawarikh, vol.II, pp-336-366. Also quoted in AbulFazal‟sAin-I-Akbari, tr. By Blochmann, vol.I, p-110-111. Blochmann p-209. S.C. Chandra, History of Medieval India Orient Block Swan, p- 257. S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign. MunshiRam Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. Chapter-6, translation bureau of Akbar (the MaktabKhana). 11AbulFazalAin-I-Akbarivol-I, tr. By Blochmann, p-205. 12S.A.A. Rizvi Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, Munshi Ram Manoharlal Pvt. Ltd. P- 428. 13M.Athar Ali, sulh-kul Mughal Empire edt. By IrfanHabib. 14AbulFazalAin-I-Akbari, vol.I, tr. By Blochmann, p-193. 15ibid, p-203. 16Quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, p-428. 17Ain-I-Akbari, vol-I, tr. By Blochmann, p-203. 18S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, pp-429-430. 19The Mughals and the Jagirs of Jokhbar, p-60. Also quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, pp-429-430. 20Jesuits and the great Mughals, pp-313-322. 21Quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, p-435. 22ibid,403. 23ibid,429. 24It was not a new step. Earlier sultans also had made cash grants on monthly or daily basis. But Akbar expanded the system vastly. 25Blochmann, p-14. Also quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign,p-170. 126

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26The establishment for Hindus was called Dharampura and for Muslims was called khairpura. 27AbulFazal, Ain-I-Akbari, vol-I, tr. By Blochmann, p- 278. Also quoted by S.A.A. Rizvi, Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar‟s reign, p-171. 28S.C. Chandra, History of Medieval India, Orient Block Swan 1/24, Asaf Ali Road, New Delhi, p-248. 29For details see S.R. Sharma‟s Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors, Munshi Ram Manoharlal, Pvt. Ltd. Chapter-6-11. J.N. Sarkar Aurangzeb edt. By Raghuvir Singh, chapter-8. Also see J.N. Sarkar, Short History of Aurangzeb. 30S.NurulHasan, thoughts, of agrarian relations in Muslim India. S. Nurul Hasan, Zamindars and the Mughals, Mughal Empire, edt. By IrfanHabib. S.C. Chandra, History of Medieval India, p-339. S.M. AzizuddinHussain, structure of politics under Aurangzeb, Krishna publishers, distributors, 4697/5-A, ansari road Dariyaganj, new delhi-110002. Chapter-4, p-86. M.Athar Ali Mughal nobility under Aurangzeb, oxford university press, YMCA library building Jai Singh road New Delhi-110001. 31For the first time he was the governor ofGujrat in 1659-61, second time in 1670-71. 32S.C. Chandra parties and politics at the Mughal court, peoples publishing house, chapter-introduction. 33S.NurulHasan aspects of Zamindari system in the Deccan, Indian economic and social history review. 34Theoretically Zawabit supplemented the shara. However in practice, sometimes it modified the shara, in view of the circumstances prevailing in India. 35S.M. Azizuddin Hussain, structure of politics under Aurangzeb, chapter-introduction, p-XIX. S.R. Sharma who accused Aurangzeb of being anti Hindus, opine in his book religious policy of the Mughal emperors, chapter-VII, p-122, that in the sixteen years of his reign Aurangzeb had resumed all the grants made to the Hindus.

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The Trade and Revenue Pattern of Central India in Colonial Period With Special Reference to Malwa Opium

Dr.Vinay Shrivastava Professor of History Chhatrasal Govt.P.G.College Panna, Madhya Pradesh

The Mughal emperor Akbar captured and holdings. Political power was exercised Malwa in 1562 A.D. and made it a Sabah from Neemuch.7 (Province) of his empire. The Malwa Sabah The region of Malwa is predomina-ntly existed from 1568 A.D. to 1743 A.D.1Malwa agricultural. Malwa is one of the world‟s was well-known for its Opium at least since major Opium producers. Opium is the inspis- the 16th century.2Rajput troops fighting for sated juice extracted from the capsules of the the Mughals introduce the habit of taking Poppy plant, which is grown in many parts of Opium to Assam. Opium was given daily to Europe, Turkey and India. The most impor- Raj put soldiers (1620s-1670s).3It would tant areas of manufacture in India are –1.The appear that the Opium sold as „Cambay- district of the united province of Agra and Opium‟ at markets along the west coast in Oudh lying alongside the Gang tic Valley the 16th and 17th centuries was in fact the and North of it the produce of which is produce of Malwa.4In 16th century Opium termed “Bengal Opium‟ and -2. Various was a considerable source of revenue to native states in Central India and Rajputana, successive governments.5 such as , Gwalior, Bhopal, Mewar and It was not until the 15th century that Baroda. The produce of which is termed residents of Persia and India began „Malwa Opium‟.8 consuming Opium mixtures as a purely Narsinghgarh State recreational euphoric, a practice that made The State of Narsinghgarh is one of Opium a major item in an expanding intra- the mediatized and guaranteed chief ships of Asian trade. Indeed, under the region of the Central India Agency under the Political Akbar (1556-1605A.D.) the Mughal state of Agent on Bhopal lying in the division of North India relied upon Opium land as a Malwa known as Umatwara.The chief town significant source of revenue .Although of Narsinghgarh which is the capital of the cultivation covered the whole Mughal State. The only important sources of Empire, it was concentrated in two main miscellaneous revenue are the “Sayar “duties areas up river from Calcutta along the Gangs and Excise or “Abkari.” For customs valley for Bengal Opium and up country arrangements the State is divided into 32 from Bombay in the west for Malwa Opium.6 Nakas or circles, each “Naka” being under a After 1818A.D. the British organized “Nakedar” who has generally from 12 to 15 the numerous princely States of central India villages in his charge. It is his duty to visit into the Central India Agency. The Malwa these villages daily and see that no dutiable Agency was a division of Central India, with articles escape duty, and to pay his collection an area of 23,100 km2(8,900 sq.mt) and a to the “Chabutra” or circles office to which population of 1,054,753 in 1901.It comprised he is attached every month. There are two the states of Dewas(Senior and Junior Chabutras in the States, one at Khujner, and branch), Jaora, Ratlam, Sitamou and Sailana, the other at Narsinghgarh.9 together with a large part of Gwalior, parts of A Nakadar at each Chabutra Indore and Tonk,and about 35 small states supervises the work of the Nakadars under

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 him and receives their monthly accounts, The Chick collected from the poppy while the muhatamim of “Sayar” is in charge plants is receives from the cultivator soaked of the whole department. One acre will in linseed oil to prevent its drying. This produce six seers (twelve lbs) of chick. The composition is kept for about six weeks in Chick or crude Opium produced is weighed bags of double sheeting in a dark room until by a weigh man in the presence of the “Patel the oil drains of .In the beginning of the “and “Patwari”, the amount being registered rains, the bags are emptied into large copper and reported by the latter to the” Tahsildar” vessels called chak in which it is pressed and and muhatamin of “Sayar” before it is kneaded, after which it is again kneaded in a exported.10 succession of flat Copper pans called Parats The average number of gunny bags till of sufficient consistency to be made into of Opium (each containing 100 seers) balls. Each ball weighs about 40 tolas (16 exported from the State, every is estimated at ozs). The ball is then dipped into some waste about 450, the gross average value being Opium liquor called Rubbaor jethapani and about rupees 2, 40,000/-.The State Levies an covered with pieces of dried poppy leaves. It export duty on crude Opium at the rate of is then placed on the Pathria, a shelf or rack, Rs.1-7-6 per dhari of 5 seers including the” also covered with poppy leaf to dry. The biai “or weighing tax. .The proceeds average balls are thus freed of all superfluous oil. Rs.10.000/- per annum. An important duty of After about a month the cakes are cut open Rs. twelve per “dhari” is also levied.11 and re-made so as to allow the interior The amount exported between 1890 portion to dry and the whole to become of –1900 averaged 1,200 a year, the uniform consistency. Opium before sale is actual figures being for 1900-01,912 maunds, tasted by being boiled with water for 10 1901-02, 1087 maunds, 1902-03, 1, 347 minutes, the solution being filtered through a maunds, 1903-04, 848 maunds,1904-05, 299 triple thickness of blotting paper; if it passes maunds, 1905-06,583 maunds and 1906-07 clear it is good, if it leaves sediment on the ,1024 maunds.About 30 maunds are consum- paper or in the vessel, it is not accepted. An ed locally. The cultivation of Opium and the Inferior Opium called Rubba is extracted is popular both with the State cultivator.12 from the old bags by boiling them. The Rajgarh State residual solution, after the boiling is over, is Poppy is extensively grown in the the jethapani mentioned above. This liquid is State. All Chicks is collected by the Durbar collected by soaking cloths in it which, when and sold to merchants who export it dried, bear a residuum of Opium. The to Indore and Bhopal, where it is made into process is called Jhob.The Rubba Opium Opium. A duty is levied of Rs.1 per dhari sales mostly in the Punjab.15 (10lbs) weight and 3 pies as biai of weighing Revenue tax on every rupee worth sold. The revenue The chief source of revenue from from this source is about Rs.15000/- a year.13 Opium is the import and export duties levied Dhār State upon the drug in its different forms. No land In the 10th Centuries, Dhār was one tax is charged, as although all poppy growing of the chief seats of leaning in India, and land is irrigated, the rates for irrigated land many Hindu and Jain scholars flourished at are fixed according to the nature of soil and the court of the Parmara Rajas. Of hands the mode of irrigation, irrespective of the industries in the State the only important one crops to be grown upon it, the cultivator is the manufacture of Opium, which gives being at liberty to grow poppy or any other employment to a large class of people. The crop he wishes. The average annual revenue system of manufacture is that usually during the first decade ending 1890 was followed in Malwa.14 Rs.20,234 in the next decade it was 129

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Rs.12,171.In the succeeding three years it MaharajaTukoji Rao (second), trade in was Rs.5,799(1901),Rs,5,579-8-9(1902) and Opium soon attained considerable importa- Rs.10,865-6-5(1903).16 nce, especially so, as the restricted poppy Duties on Opium cultivation in British India at the time meant A transit duty of eight annas is levied more of that in the Indian States for the next on every “dhari”or five seers of crude three or four decades. From 1880, however, Opium, when it leaves a village or town. owing to increased cultivation of the poppy Several classes of export duty are also in China and Persia, as also to the levied.17 1. Export of manufactured Opium to accumulated stock of Opium here consequent Bombay or other British districts- on over production in the past, and to a (a) The duty is fixed at Rs.20 per chest, succession of unfavorable seasons, the trade containing 66 seers of “battis”(balls)with the in Opium slowly declined, the more so, as addition of 1 anna and 9 Pies to cover State the cultivation, production and distribution of expenses. (b) On Rubba Opium it is levied Opium had come to be regulated by the state at Rs.7-8 per chest weighing 66 seers. to meet the altered conditions.21 2. Export to other Native States- (a) A duty In fact, under the circular of 1900 of Rs.2-8 is taken on every “dhari” of crude though the cultivation of poppy remained un- Opium. (b) A duty of Rs.3 on every restricted, yet, the cultivator was bound to “dhari”of manufactured or batti (ball) sell all the poppy juice to an Indore subject or Opium.18 to a”Tipdar” or “Ijaredar” of the Statewithin 3. Import duty a prescribed time, reserving only a reasona- This is the same as the export duty ble quantity for his own use. Further restrict- specified in the section, but hardly any tions were also imposed on the movement of instances occur of Opium being imported Opium within the State and on its export, a into the State.19 local “Mahal” duty being levied on the former and a State export duty on the latter. The excise revenue in the State is A definite system of transit passed and cash derived from the manufacture and sale of security (called Hadap) was likewise introd- Opium, hemp drugs and intoxicating liquors. uced and a check was thereby maint-ained The first of these was until lately, the most both on smuggling and the irres-pons-ible important of the three, andthis, for the reason handling of Opium by unauthorized per- that for more than a century past the poppy sons.22 had been grown in the State for the In 1904 licenses were for the first manufacture of Opium for export to China time issued for the manufacture of Opium $ a and other countries, as well as, for home duty of Rs.0/- was charged for every such consumption. license, possession of Opium over a pre- Formerly, however ,owing to the scribed quantity $the manufacture of the drug vicissitudes of war and the consequent without a license being altogether prohibited. unsettled conditions prevailing-round on the From the same date, monopoly of manufa- that account, there could be no continuity of cturing”Rabba”23 was also abolished and a purpose and no certainly of return, with the license system for its manufacture was intr- result that poppy cultivation languished for oduced, the fee charged being Rs.200/-per several decades after the Treaty of Man- year. The right to vend Opium throughout the dsore.20But with the advent of Peaceful State was sold yearly by auction to a conditions after 1843,owing to the introdu- contractor. It fetched about Rs.13, ooo/-per ction of a stable administration and the annum.The retail price of Opium was 5 tolas gradual extension of irrigation from the per rupee.24 numerous tanks and wells constructed by 130

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In 1907 the Government of India State by more than 50 p.c. A State factory on having entered into an agreement with China up-to-date lines was established in 1920 at gradually to restrict the export of Indian Indore for Opium manufacture under the Opium, the right of unlimited export to that supervision of the commissioner of Opium country came to be curtailed, which seriously and Abkari. Moreover ,to suit the spirit of the affected the Malwa Opium market, the times ,an Opium law27 was also enacted in number of chests to be exported from the 1922 with a view to remove the existing whole of Malwa during 1908 being fixed at anomalies, tocontrol the production, 15,100/- and at 12,100/- during 1910. manufacture, export,import and transport of Meanwhile, the Government of India had Opium, and to regulate its movement appointed a committee to visit Malwa to go through-out the State. into this question in consultation with the The aforesaid agreement for the supply Opium producing States and the dealers of crude Opium to the Government of India there, with the result that greater latitude was by this State was renewed in April 1923 for a allowed them and a larger, though gradually further period of six years, ending 30th diminishing, number of chests was fixed for September, 1928 on certain conditions. (su- export during the three succeeding years. As bject to termination in any intervening year a measure of future policy, therefore, the by notice to be given by either party not later State in 1910 decided to curtail Opium than the 31st of March of that year).The production by restricting the cultivation of principal terms thereof being that:- poppy to the two districts of Rampura- (1) The State would arrange to place under Bhanpura 25and Indore, and, as a partial set of poppy cultivation an area sufficient to against the heavy loss resulting to the State produce yearly as nearly as possible 140,000 from the curtailment in foreign export, to lbs.(approximately 1750 ma-unds) of crude revise its Opium tariff by raising the export Opium of consistency 70 (for an equivalent duty on crude Opium to Rs.7/-per “dhari„(5 amount of Opium of higher or lower consist- seers), and on manufactured Opium to ency),and deliver to the Government the Rs.110/-per chest. In 1912, as a further step, produce of the same at the then existing rate poppy cultivation was restricted to buy 1,200 of Rs.15 per seer provided that, should the acres in the Manasa of the Rampura- price paid to the cultivator in the United Bhanpura district or just sufficient to grow Provinces at any time be increased or the stuff required for local consumption only. reduced, the price paid to the State will also But the Government of India having entered be correspondingly affected.28 into a new agreement with the State in 1917 (2) The cultivation in question will be annually to purchase 500 chests of crude entirely confined to the main block of the Opium for the next 5 year, (the price paid to Rampura-Bhanpura District, including Sunel, cultivator being fixed at Rs.9 per seer at 70 Zirapur and Machalpur Pargana. It was consistency), there was again gradual further provided that the Agent to the Gover- expansionin poppy cultivation throughout nor General in Central India was to be kept Rampura–Bhanpura district (except the duly informed, from time to time, of the Pargana of Nandwai) and later on the acreage allotted to and actually placed under Mahidpur district as well.26 poppy ion ,and the cultivation ,and the About 1920; however there was an anticipated outturn every year, as also of any ad interim revision of the said agreement that serious damage to the crop from hail, frost forthwith raised the price paid to the ,blight or any other cause.29 Subject to these cultivator from Rs.9to Rs.15 per seer at 70 conditions the Government of India consistencies and also augmented the undertook to purchase the whole produce of quantity of Opium to be provided by the the areas mentioned above, whether it be 131

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 more or less than the quantity actually Government, from Rs.15 to Rs.13 a seer for stipulated for. But in the event of conside- Opium of consistency 70, and from Rs.16 to rable variations in quantity, the State, as far Rs.14 per seer for entirely oil-free Opium, as might be possible, was to adjust the with effect from the season of 1924-2531 cultivation for the following year in such These ups and downs into the Opium manner as may be necessary in order to trade and the consequent rise and fall in the secure the required reduction or increase.30 bazaar price of Opium promoted a spirit of This agreement continued unaltered for a speculation in the Indian Opium market, whi- year, but in consideration of the falling ch, in its turn brought into vogue a new form prices, the Government of India in the of business in this time called Sattaor time following year decided to reduce the price bargains which soon became the favorite paid to the State in Central India and hobby of traders in Indore residency and Rajputana, which produced Opium for elsewhere.32

References 1Abul-Fazl, „Ain-I-Akbari‟, Vol.2, (Englishtranslation by Blockman), Lpp, New Delhi, 2008, pp, 206-07. 2Irfan Habib, Atlas, p-38 and sheet 9B indicating Opium growing areas of Malwa during the Mughal period. 3Amar Farooqui, “Opium City”, p-21. 4Ibid, pp 21. 554threports, Estimates commission,1958-59,Ministry of finance(Department of Revenue), Narcotics Department, Govt. of India, P-234, Chopra and Chopra,Bulletin, Narcotics, 1955, & (3-4); Chopra,1958, 207. 6Alfred, W.McCoy,”Opium History up to 1858A.D.”P, 168. 77Malcolm,Sir John “A memoir of Central India including Malwa and adjoining provinces”, Calcutta, Spink,1880, Vol.2, p1129, ISBN,81-7305-199-2. 8Amar Farooqui, Op.Cit.pp21-25. 9C.E.Luard, Narsinghgarh State Gazetteer, British India Press, 1908, p-1, Dr.Vinay Shrivastava, Afeem Krishi Ka Itihas (Malwa Ke Vishesh Sandarbh Me), Chirag Prakashan, Udaipur, 2007, Pp-30, 40, 41. 10Western Malwa State Gazetteer, 1908, p-152. 11Ibid, p-153. 12Ibid,p-153. 13Western Malwa State Gazetteer, Rajgarh State, pp98-99. Dr.Vinay Shrivastava, Op. Cit. Pp, 45-46. 14C.E.Luard, Dhār State Gazetteer, British India Press, 1908, p 431; Dr. Vinay Shrivastava, Op.Cit. pp.46-48.s 15Ibid, p-431. 16Ibid, p-431. 17Ibid, p-432. 18Ibid, p-432. 19Ibid, 432-433. 20L.C.Dhariwal, Indore State Gazetteer, Vol.1, Superintendent Holkar Govt.Press, Indore, 1931, p-309, Dr.Vinay Shrivastava, Op.Cit.Pp, 52, 53, 54. 21Ibid, p-309. 22Ibid, 309. 23“Rubba”-Inferior Opium extracted from Opium bags and other receptacles. 24Op.Cit.Indoe State Gazetteer- 310. 25Ibid, p-310. 26Ibid, p-310. 27Dealings in Opium are regulated by the State Opium law and Regulations of 1922, and dealings in prepared Opium and allied intoxicants are altogether prohibited. Dealings in

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Medicinal Opium are also controlled by the same law. 28Op.Cit. , Indore State Gazetteer,p-311. 29Ibid, p-311. 30Ibid.p-312. 31Ibid, p-312. 32Ibid, p-313.

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Who are Sonowals and a brief flash of light of their Cultures

Dr. Dharmeswar Sonowal Director, State Achieve, Assam

Introduction and assimilate themselves with the societies Assam is a land of varied culture and of the caste Hindus. races, offering diversity in unity and unity in The Sonowal Kachari tribe is a part diversity. Assam is a state composed of and parcel of the Great Bodo race (Kirata) mainly two elements of race i.e. Aryans and and which is a historical truth. The great Mongolians the two races has their separate scholar and famous Archaeologist of Assam, identity in culture, education, language, Raj Mohan Nath said that they belong to the politics and economics spheres. The Aryans great Bodo Groups. But, the absence of being advanced in all above, while the later is documented history of the pre- historic stages backward mostly in these respects in general. of Assam, notwithstanding the anthropol- The tribals of Assam means the ogical and literary evidences, customs and tribes of the plains of Assam i.e. Kacharis, to traditions bear testimony that they had their which Bodos, Rabhas, Dimasas, the Saranias, own origin in the Tibeto-Burman Mongoloid the Rajbonshis (Barpeta, Goalpara) the stock, who had settled in Assam in the Pre- Lalungs, the Sonowals, Thengals, the Christian era and had migrated from Indo – Hazongs, Meches, Miris, Mikirs, Deoris, Tibetan Border who are basically similar to Khamtis and Karbis etc. the Dimasa- Kacharis of Assam. (Ref. Dr. All these tribes are enumerated in the Bhubon Mohan Das). census of 1914 as tribals with a view to make The kingdom of Sonowal Kacharis them separate groups of people in was preceded than the foundation of the consideration of their status of education, Chutia Kingdom in Sadiya. In the Folk-Lore wealth as well as history in order to enable of the Sonowal Kacharis, it is said that, them to have separate entity in the despite onslaught from the powerful tribes constitution of India under Govt. of India they could hold on the Sadiya country or Act, 1935 to the plain tribes of Assam. Hallali kingdom beyond 1260 A.D. without The language or dialects spoken by being subjugation by other power in the these people widely differ from the Assamese territory stretching from present day Dangori language and the other Sanskrit language, and Domdooma up to Kherem and though few of them speaks partly Assamese Tengapani of District, on the and partly of their own. Such as Sonowals, Southern Bank of in Saranias, Deoris, Thengals, Meches etc. upper Assam. So, that the Chutias were Their languages are derived from Mongolian settled in Sadiya in the part of Hallali origin and have similarities with the Indo- kingdom founded by the Sonowal Kacharis Chinese. Although, they mong themselves some times before 1000A.D. in Sadiya has a slight variation of expression according before Ahoms came to Assam in 1228 A.D. to the situation of the localities they inhabit On the other hand, it might be the two and who were converted into Hinduism and countries of Kacharis or Chutias, where wanted to merged in the caste Hindus such as Kacharis founded and preceded their country part of the Rajbonshis, Koches, Saranias, than the Chutias in Sadiyas. (Ref. Dr. Dam- Meches etc. they wanted to unite themselves barudhar Nath). to have a status of their own to live together 134

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Terminology of the word Sonowal independent identity of their own within the In the early history of Sonowal Kacharis, great Bodo race (tribe) of Assam before they had two main groups i.e. Ujani Kuchia Ahom came to Assam. and Namoni Kuchia. Those belong to the Moreover, what is actual significant, Ujani Kuchia ruled in the Upper Assam part that in this context is they derived their name and those of the Namoni Kuchia ruled in the Sonowal not from the division of works Lower Assam part of river Brahmaputra. But, given by the Ahom kings, but from the interestingly there are some views in regard designation of their dynastical chiefs, who to Ujani Kuchias about the origin of the headed their respective clan and Sub- clan. name Sonowal. First of all, it is generally These names had their corresponding terms believed that, during the time of Ahom king in Bodo language, had under gone the Pratap Singha in 17th century A.D some phonetic change while pronounced in Kacharies were given assignment of washing Assamese due to assimilation with the gold from the sands of the river Subansiri Assamese Society. In course of time, and its tributaries and consequently they especially in the region of Kachari King came to be called as Sonowal after their Mahamanikya in 17th century they had lost profession. But, the question generally arise their language. The Kachari King Maham- that the name Sonowal became generate to anikya favored Madhab Kandoli, poet- mean all the Kacharis subsequently, and even laureate to translate the Epic Ramayana to the tribe living in Upper Assam irrespective the Assamese language. So, it can be of knowledge of the process of gold-washing considered that a group of Kacharis had is also started to called Sonowal which is already been accepted and patronized the fond of susceptible. Assamese language as well as their own Secondly, one more historical views language and in course of time this group of that during the reign of Ahom king Godadhar Kacharis had lost their Mother Tongue and Singha (1681-96) the said groups of Saiyalia later on they became famous as Sonowal Kacharis took Hinduism under one Mahanta Kacharis of Assam. (Ref. Dr. Dambarudhar namely Kesob Deo Mahanta, who had Nath). spiritual and God power and resided near On the other hand, it should is also Sadiya near Tengapani River now under be mentioned that, during the time of Ahom . By show his God power reign, the people who were engaged for they took Hinduism in addition to their washing gold from rivers were all belong to traditional animistic religion and as a token Kachari people. So, it can be considered that, gift to their priest, they offered plenty of the Kachari people knows very well about golds to Kesob Deo Mahanta and Mahanta the washing gold from the rivers of kept these Sadiya Kacharis as Sonowal Brahmaputra Valley before the Ahom came Kacharis and now became the Sonowal to Assam. And it can be considered that in Kacharis of Assam. ancient Kamrup the families of tribal Thirdly, there is also an another kingship was expert in gold washing, so that views, that the term Sonowal owes its origin the Koutiliya in his book Arthasastra where from the Bodo word Sonolanya with suffix he mentioned about the word subarna- wal put at the ending of the word Sona as kundiya and where the gold particles were done in the case of other term to signify a founded easily. Hence, the term Sonowal was particular Dynasty as Badu-Sonolaya of the invariably be preceded before Ahom came to Kacharis in Assamese language. But, the fact Assam and also they were called as Sonowal remains that, it does not signify a family, or Sonowal-Kachari of Assam not from the group of profession among the Kacharis. So, assignment given for washing gold from the it is clear that, it is a separate tribes having river by the Ahom kings, but, it was from the 135

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 terms of dynastical group of Badu-Sonoloy Sadiyali Kachari or Sonowal-Kachari of from where the term Sonowal has been Assam. derived. The Hallali Ganarajya (Public Political history, Hallali Ganarajya/public Kingdom) was spread up-to the Southern kingdom of Sonowal-Kacharis of Assam Bank of Brahmaputra and present day The word Hallali denotes from the Bordumsa of Tinsukia District, where King Dimasa Kachari Language. The word Hallali Ganhibdhabja of Kundilya Narayana means HA means State and Llali means Dynasty was ruled till 1234 A.D. and bright. Thus, it means a bright state of East, followed by him the Kachari King Keshob or which is similar with that of the name of Fa, Prasanta Fa, Probhak Fa and Mongul Fa ancient Assam, i.e. Pragjyotishpur, the were respectively again established a modern Guwahati and the people lived were recognized Kachari Rajya called Dibrugarh descendants of mythological king of ancient Rajya and ruled in that Kingdom upto 1279 Kamrup i.e. and Ghatutkaccha A.D till the first occupation of Deori-Chutias (Jogini Tantra). Who were the Kratas‟s to the Sadiyaliya Rajya or Sadiya country. origins and Kacharis are Kiratas. They had twelve foids (Clans) such as According to Sir E.A. Gait, the Domosoy, Borohoy, Juholoy, Intuhojoy, Kacharis had their own state before the Iatuminokhoy, Intumechoy, Badusonoly, Ahom came to Assam in 1228 A.D. in upper Ravusoroy, Kusory, Intu, gosoy, Badu hojoy Assam. To some extent, due to expansion of and Daunoy. Hinduised high culture in Assam after the Contemporarily, in the North Bank advent of Ahoms, some groups of Kacharis of Brahmaputra i.e. in Lakhimpur District, abandoned their native tongue and adopted the Kachari King Janardan Fa Established an their captors language and as well as another Ganarajya called Hemali and at the supplanting Kachari and other tribal same time it was also known as Louhitya or languages and spread themselves in various Louhityapur. The word Hemali is still place of Assam. And after that, they became commonly used by the Sonowal Kacharis of separate groups with a separate identity, and Assam, in their Bihu folk song husori and accordingly, the groups of Sonowal - sings the songs during the month of Kacharis were fled away to Sadiya and Baisakh(April). In the Hemali Rajya there established there a Ganarajya or public were as many as 14959 nos. of Sonowal kingdom which was known as Hallali- Kachari people, who were the second largest Ganarajya of Sonowal Kacharis of Assam. populated community at that time and where This is how the philogical changes of Ahoms were ranked as the first by 43942 Kacharis took placed and displaced the racial nos. of populations in the first census. fusion of earlier generation. But, in the last part of 1279 A.D. the In 1000 A.D. the Kachari King Deori-Chutias again occupied this Kingdom Kundilya Narayana ruled in the North Bank with the help of Ahom King Suteupha and of Brahmaputra and the name of the Nagara Kachari King Janardan Fa flew away to was known as Kundilya and at present Nagaon and again established a new it is known as Sadiya. In the Kachari Ganarajya there in 1281 A.D. This Ganarajya language it was known as Hallali (Ref. was situated in between the Sadiya in the Kacharir Itibitra, p.-6, Upendra Chandra East and Dikhow and Kalong River in the Guha). But as per the views of Dr. S.K. West to which the Kachari King Bhupen- Bhuyan in his book the Kachari Buranji he dradhabja lost this country again in the hands named as Kachari Rajya which was in the of Ahom King Suteupha which is presently North Bank of Brahmaputra River and the known as Nagaon. inhabitants of this kingdom was known as 136

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Although, except a few, there was no and the capital city of the said kingdom was much written records about the Sonowa- Dimapur. Kachari Hallali Ganarajya yet the existing According to Dr. S.K. Bhuyan in his histories of Assam, says that from Sadiya to book The Kachari Buranji tries to locate the Dimapur in the South Bank of Brahmaputra geographical boundary of Sadiya Rajya was was called as Hallali Rajya and from Sadiya at Sadiya in the East, Dikhowmukh in the to Dillihor Kenduguri in the North Bank of west and Dillihar-Kenduguri (in the district Brahmaputra (in the district of Lakhimpur) it of Lakhimpur) in the south which was also in was called as Hemali or Hallali where the Deodhai Buranji. But, these integral parts Kacharis were ruled once before the advent of the great Bodo-Kacharis of Assam i.e. of Ahoms in 1228 A.D. Sonowal-Kacharis were respectively But, towards the last part of the 14th inhabited in the District of Lakhimpur, century A.D. the Kacharis had lost their Dibrugarh, Tinsukia , Sibsagar and in the easternmost part, i.e. their territory in Sadiya of Assam. to the Chutias. But, the people did not And this is how, a same group so followed their royal order and rewind in their clannish and was united as the Bodo- home land again at Sadiya. Because, the Kacharis of Assam; a well known Tibeto- Chutias were the inhabitants in the amidst Burma-Mongoloid Tribes would over of the kingdom made and ruled by the become spread so widely in course of time in Sadiyalia Kacharis, i.e. in the Hallali Rajya the West as Bodos ; in the South as Dimasas; in the 13th century A.D. of Sonowal-Kacharis in the East as Sonowals, Rabhas, Meches of Assam. (Ref. Dr. Dambarudhar Nath). But and Lalungs etc. of Assam due to powerful in the later phase of Ahom rule, the Kacharis political reasons and religious Sect-Violence had lost their Sadiyalia Kachari Kingdom to of Hinduised High Caste and speared in the Ahoms. So, it is proved that, Sadiya Rajya Hills and Plains of Assam. was in Sadiya in the East, Dikhowmukh in (i) The Social System the West, and Dillihar-Kenduguri in There is although twelve main clans among Lakhimpur District (at present in Sonitpur the Kirat-Kachari dynasty, which were District in the south (Ref. Dr. S.K. Bhuyan). founded in the Mantras and Puthis of Hence, Kacharis had a vast territory, Sonowal Kacharis as from the Domosoy especially in the upper Assam, under several Clan Dimasa ; from the Bodoloi Clan Bodo, Chiefs and finally they lost their Chiefdoms/ from the Juholoi Clan Lalungs; from Into- Kingdoms during the reign of Kachari King hojoi Clan Hojai ; from the Intominokhoi Gobind Chandra (1813-1830) to the Ahom as Clan Moran ; from the Dunoy Clan Deori, well as the reign of Kachari Kingdom also Chutia ; from the Intomechoi Clan Meches ; ended. from the Kuchoi Clan Koches (Goalpara Geographical Location District);and from the Badusonoloi Clan From the Ahom Buranji or from the Sonowals or Sonowal-Kacharis Sonowals of Assam History, the Kirat-Kacharis were Assam were appeared. inhabitants in the North Easternmost part of In this regard, Dr. S.K. Bhuyan also India. It is also learnt that the territory of prominently mentioned in his book “The Eastern Assam was bounded by the Kolong Kachari Buranji” that about the 12nos. of River of present day Nagaon. It is also Kachari family in the “Sadiyalia or Hadiyalia mentioned that in the South Bank of Kachari” Chapter, the Greek trveller Ptolemy Brahmaputra River was also under the sway also noted about the rule of 12 clans of the of the Kacharis. The Valley of the Dhansiri Kacharis and the name given by him to the River and the North Cachar Sub-Division Kingdom which was ruled by the Clans of were also included in the Kachari Kingdom 137

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Kiratas was as “Khirhadiya” or “Hadiya” Kachari Kingdom in 1830, with the Kingdom. assimilation and the initiation of Sri In course of time, as mentioned Shankardeva the “Nava Vaishnav-Aism” had earlier from the “Badusonoloy Dynasty” of spreaded among the people of Sonowal the Kirata-Kachari, the Sonowal Kachari clan Kacharis. On the other hand, due to cultural has been appearenced. At present the fusion and exchanges they started to use the Sonowal Kacharis have 14 nos. of major religion, language, socio- cultural virility and Clans and 7 nos. of Khels. The 14nos. of life style of other developed communities major Clans are Modonial, Manikial, and as a result the sonowal Kacharis became Dingial, Ahmal, Barhajual, Haruhajual, unaware and forgot their aborigine language Muktal, Formal, Kumral, Lathial, Dengral, & dialect. But, still following their own Chutial, Dhekial and Hoygral. And, the 7 social customs, traditions, religious faiths Khels are Ujani Kuchia, Namoni Kuchia, (ancestors wors-hip) amongst themselves. Dhulial, Balikhitarie, Amarabotia, Sipoporia They are still wor-shipping of “Bathow” and Tipoma respect-ively. Gazai, Monai, Piradia, Burha-Burhi, They also have as many as 114 nos. Swargodeo Puja etc. They still maintained of “Hoch” or “Sub-Clans” or “Progeny”. All “Hoydang Geet” which is the principal the above 14 Clans and 7 Khels were cultural wealth (folk song) Lessari Geet, exogamous and the marriage between the Puhari Geet, Phul-konwar-Moniknowar Geet same blood members of the same progeny is and Kulabu-rhi of Sonowal Kacharis of a taboo and always interdicted and some of Assam. the clans are dafilaree, Pedaree, Bhaktiaree, As per the census of 2003 at present Dakulee, Gokhowaree, Dharolee, the population of Sonowal Kacharis was 7 Chellengee, Nakor-ee, Fatoalee and Teparee lacs approx and the percentage of literacy is etc. The pattern of Clan system is as below: 26 % approx of more than 3 crores of the Clan Name Houch/ Sublan Khel name total population of Assam. Kumral Dhorolee- Dhulial The family oriented Sonowal Kac- Larangee Akalhoraree hari‟s social structure unfortunately started as Zingiree joint farming and patriarchal. The outdated mode of cultivation system and demand for Amongst the above Clan, Sub-Clan greater amount of manpower and co- and Khel cannot be a marriage or not at all operative affords is still too widespread. And permissioble and which will be social the family is the only principal productive extermination. unit and the only source of labour force. So The Sonowal Kacharies traditionally that, sometimes the pre- mature death of the are animistic in all religious practices. They head man results in ruin of the whole family. believed in supernatural power and worships Remarriage is sometimes possible. Almost, to their own “God” and “Goddesses”. Their all the families are nuclear in character. supreme God is “Khiring” or “Bathow” or The unique feature of Sonowal “Shiva” and they also believe in soul Kachari‟s Socio- Political structure is their substances and practices of ancestor‟s civil liberty and enjoyed by the individual in worship, who were originally their Deities. the co-operative life of the village In the Pre-Ahom periods, it is not community. Every individual have rights of known and there was also no sufficient social, political and religious justice. There written records of the history of the language is a custom for co-operation of work and man that they had used, but, if we look back to power called “Howuri”. The rights of women their past they might have used the Bodo were limited in some special cases to social stock of language. Still, after the fall of and religious matter. 138

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The traditional and rituals practices by non- tribal counter parts and accepted were performed as instructed by their priest. “VAISNAVISM” and several other Hindu The God and Goddess were Khiring, religious elements within their socio- Bathow, Gazai, Monai and Swargodeo etc. religious structure. As a result, they have the and these equated with Lord Shiva, religious sects among the people which are Kechakhaity (Female deity), Goddess Durga, Shankari, Nirgunia and Bhokotia etc. in Minuchi- Midura equated with Lakshmi addition to their original customs and Devi, Swaraswati, Apeswari, Kasu Knowari, religion. Surjya, Barun, Paban, Kuber, Burha-Burhi The changing life style and standard gatigiri, Thal Dangoria, Ranga Chamon, of living of Sonowal-Kacharis under modern Kola Chaman, Batualees, Jol Dangoria etc. condition are resulting in occupational and etc. and so on. Besides, they have the incoming mobility. This is because, after customs and rituals child birth, naming cradel independence, the education has made a few songs of child, Hoydang, Hogra and Bohwa progresses among other developed commu- dance, marriage system, polygamy, widow- nity and as a result they are able to produce a remarriage, divorce, adoption, death few qualified people for their community in ceremony, Pujas, bachelors dormitories, such all categories of jobs like technical, as Deka Chang, Missong is still Hasong vocational and administrative service etc. existing. But, due to poor economic condition, Lack of But with the extensive influence of good environment and compulsory Hindu religion and religious atmosphere, the agricultural works the Sonowal-Kacharis are Sonowal Kachari found themselves some still in under developing stage. what congenial in social spheres surrounded

Notes & References

1Endle. S. Rev, Outline Grammar of Kachari Language, 1884. 2J.D Anderson, Kachari Folk Tales and Rhymes, 1895. 3Linguistic Survey of India Vol-II, Part-II, 1899. 4District Gazetteer of Kachar Part-I, 1905. 5F.C. Henniker, Gold and Silver Wares of Assam, 1905. 6Note on the North East Frontier of Assam, E.A, Gait,1906 7Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol-XVII,1923. 8Assam District Gazetteer, Vol-XI & Vol-XII of Sadiya,1925 & 1928 . 9History of Assam, E. A. Gait,1962. 10Journal of Assam Research Society,1962. 11India in Kacharis, Dimasas and Tripuras language J.B. Rajkhowa,1971. 12Journal of Sonowal Kacharis Jatiya Parikhod, S. Sonowal,1981. 13Sonowal Kachari Sanskriti L. Saikia,1981. 14Mongual Kachari Gupta Hihash, Rajani ,1985. 15Sonowalee (Dibrugarh),1888. 16Sonowalee, Journal of AASKSU 6th Edition,1999. 17Sonowal Kachari Samaj and Sanskriti Mohan Sonowal, 2001. 18Hallali, Journal Sonowal Kachari Sarbabongsawalee T. Saikia, 2002. 19Sonowalee All Assam Sonowal Kachari Student Union (Journal), 2008 .

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Social Reformation by the Sultans of Malwa with Special reference to Central India Malwa

Dr.Asha Shrivastava Assistant Professor (Guest Faculty, History) Govt.College, Gunour Madhya Pradesh

The state of Malwa was situated on of his reign revived the spirit of Malwa and the high plateau between the rivers Narmada gave it a new life. and Tapti. During the fifteenth century, the To increase the Glory of his kingdom, kingdom of Malwa remained at the height of he extended his patronage to scholars and the its glory. From the beginning the kingdom of existence of the Madarsa in Mandu indicates Malwa was torn by internal dissensions. that he had taken positive steps for the Malwa was a preponderantly Hindu pro- promotion of learning. The royal patronage vince, with a sturdy Rajput population. The attracted scholars and Masharkh from ruler of Malwa has taken care of their states different parts to come and settle in Malwa.3 very well. They were independent and During the short reign, Dilawar khan powerful rulers. Their ideals were based on had fully realized the importance of gaining the ritual policies and religious Granth.The local support for maintaining the indepen- Present research Paper is an attempt to study dence of Malwa, and for this purpose he and highlights the various welfare works observed a policy of toleration towards Hin- done by Delhi Sultans for the social dus in general and Rajputs in particular. reformation and also explains the politics Hosangshah also was conscious of the need behind the welfare work. of toleration. All Malwa sultans' policy of Dilawar khan not only laid the toleration was not confined to social and foundation of an Independent kingdom but cultural matters. In his politically and Admi- he also gave new shape to the culture of nistrative machinery too he allowed the Malwa, particularly to Architecture.He Hindus to occupy such position for which started a process of synthesis of Hindu and they were found efficient. In his all welfare Muslim styles of architecture in his mosques works or social reform was a policy and was at Dhar and Mandu, a process which was dictated by political need and not coloured by never checked in Malwa and succeeded in religious zeal.4 In Malwa a large section of producing a distinctive style of its own the population was Hindu and unless this marked by a close synthesis and assimilation section felt safe and secure the house that of the two styles, which are mostly found Hosangshah was building could never elsewhere at their best in juxtaposition.1 acquire an enduring character. Anyone He also laid the foundation of Mandu contemporary historians mentioning the de- as a cultural centre and started well by giving molition of temple or forceful conversion, on it the name of Sahadiabad.2 Tarapur gate the contrary, the epigraphically evidence inscription leaves that the name was given to found at Lalitpur5 dated v.s.1481 the city during Dilawar khan's reign, and the 1346/A.D. 1424 clearly indicates that coins of Hoshang shah period bear Hoshangshah had placed no restriction on the Sahadiabad as the mint name. By his policy construction of temples by the Jains.6 He of peace, friendship matrimony and tole- founded the city of Hoshangabad on the ration, not only founding the Independent ki- banks of the Narbada as an out-post to guard ngdom of Malwa, but even in the brief period the south-eastern frontiers of his kingdom. 140

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Sultan Hoshangshah had a large progeny sultan deputed a large number of persons which proved to be the cause of the ruin of who could identify the herbs which were the Ghuri dynasty in Malwa. After the Ghuri used in the Hindu Ayurvedic system18 and dynasty was raised the Khalji dynasty in yunnani Tibb system for collection of the Malwa. The Khalji of Malwa had a close herbs from different parts of the country. relationship with the Ghuries of Malwa. In Overall charge of this big establishment of 1436 A.D. Mahmud khan ascended the the hospital and the laboratory was given to throne of Malwa,the title of Mahmud shah -ud-Hukamaqudwat-ul-Atibba maulana khalji.7The reign of Mahmud khalji the Fazalullah,19 who was also the personal Hindus and Muslims lived peacefully and physician of the sultan. Mahmud khalji did maintained friendly relations with each not overlook their mental development. He other.8The Mahmud followed a policy of certainly encouraged by state patronage the perfect toleration is also borne out by the promotion of learning. He founded a college presence of Jain Kalpsutra which was (Madrasa) 20 in Sahadiabad with a grand transcribed in Mandu under the royal building in which residential arrangements patronage.9The Jain Kalpsutra was a for students and teachers were provided. The religiousbook and for a Muslim sultans to teachers and students were provided with have encouraged its transcription with food and other necessities free of illustrations under his own patronage. One charge.21The educational activity was not another example of sultan Mahmud's confined to the capital alone. Mahmud built toleration found in an inscription dated 1516 colleges in his territories and encouraged V.S. on a Jain temple in Bawaniganj.10 The education so much that Malwa soon acquired inscription clearly mentions the name of a reputation for learning. sultans Mahmud as the sovereign in whose At Sahadiabad on the other side of reign the repair to the temple was done.11 the Madrasa, Mahmud constructed a Mahmud's conception of government was Khanqah which was to serve as a residential based on the welfare of the people.12 So and resting place for the travelers and Fuqra keeping such a view in his mind, Mahmud and Masakin.Here to the provisions and established a hospital (Shifakhana) in requirements were provided from the charity Shadiabad Mandu in 1442-43 A.D. which find of the sultan.22 Mahmud khalji paid a was to be run entirely at state expense.13 The good deal of attention to maintenance of law establishment of the hospital and Sultan's and order in his kingdom. To prevent theft patronage at once attracted physicians and robbery taking place he had made (Tabibs)to Shadiabad.14 adequate arrangements. He immediately All these physicians were paid by the made good the loss and recovered the amount sultan and were attached to the hospital. The from the village where the crime was hospital was provided with arrangement for committed.23 the treatment of diseases and also for the stay The highways of Malwa suffered of the patient during the period of from another danger. These roads at many convalescence,15 and for all this the patient places passed through regions where wild had to pay nothing. The hospital was also animals lived in abundance. The tigers and provided with a section for the treatment of leopards were habitual way-layers and the insane.16 A spacious Hamam with good Mahmud issued orders to all his officers that arrangement for nature-cure was also they should make efforts to kill these beasts provided for the cure of many diseases.17 and also imposed a penalty that after issue of A medieval laboratory (Darukhana) the orders if ever a tiger or a leopard was was also attached to this hospital for found in the jurisdiction of any officer, he preparation and storage of medicines. The would be awarded capital punishment. The 141

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 result of the ordinance was that during his of Hafizahs among his slave-girls. To have reign and for a long time after his reign, the greater knowledge and control over the roads became safe.24 Mahmud's attention was administ-rative affairs of the state, he set up not confined to agriculture alone. He fully an office in his seraglio, where the appointed recognized the importance of trade and a selected number of slave-girls to check up commerce. The emissaries of the khalifa of the affairs of the state. Thus that his seraglio Egypt and the embassy of Abu said Mirza are consisted of officers of court, courtiers, clear indications that Malwa had an teachers, musicians, dancers, prayer- readers, established reputation outside India.The embroil-derers, soldiers and followers of all cause of sending prince Ghiyath shah crafts and callings.29Nasir shah, the successor towards Surat was the information received of Gyath shah ascended the throne on 1500 by sultan Mahmud that a number of traders A.D. He ruled eleven years.His addictions to who were coming towards Malwa had been wine and drugs had produced serious plundered by the Muqaddams living on the effects.After the Nasir shah, Mahmud khalji route of surat.25 The instructions to Prince (II) ascended the throne. Mahmud was perso- Ghiyath shah were to chastise these nally brave and courageous but no wonder, merchants and to teach them a lesson so that he carried with him to his grave, the glory in future they might not trouble the traders and grandeur of Malwa, and left the country and travelers. Such a measure certainty was a in the pangs of death which lasted for about source of encouragement to the merchant thirty years from which it was relieved by its community.26 final adsorption into the Mughal Empire. Prince Muhammad ascended the With the death of sultan Mahmud khalji (III) throne of Malwa on June 1469A.D. the title in 1531 A.D. came not only the end of the of Ghiyath shah.27Ghiyath shah established khalji dynasty but also the end of the his reputation as a soldier and as a general. independent kingdom of Malwa.30 Ghiyath shah endeavored to consolidate and Conclusion increase the material prosperity of Malwa, The paper account the welfare works and Malwa under Ghiyathshah reached the in Medieval Malwa under the rule of Muslim zenith of its cultural development, which is sultans. The period of Ghuri rule was truly always associated with peace and plenty.28 formative period. Dilawar khanand Ghuri After succeeding Ghiyath shah declared that established the kingdom and laid down he would wage no more wars, and give all certain principals to serve as the basis for it. time and energy for peaceful pursuits. He His successor Hoshang shah to achieve a organized now a new college for Fine Arts, well- protected boundary, and established and Home Science mostly comprising of his some welfare work. With the coming of seraglio, at one time 15,000 in number, to Mahmud khalji on the throne Malwa reached train in different arts and professions the zenith. Under his rule Malwa acquired a according to their aptitude and talent, and prominent place amongst the kingdom of employed according to their proficiency. India.Malwa under Ghiyath shah remained Some of the slave girls were taught the art of peaceful and enjoyed no doubt made the singing and dancing and playing on the people in dolente but it led to increased instruments. Education was also imparted to cultural activities. The reign of Nasir shah them and some were employed in reading saw deterioration in the internal condition of and recitation. Some of the slave girls were Malwa.With the accession of Mahmud (II) taught the art of wrestling and a quite a large Malwa entered into the third phase, the number of them were employed as personal period of decay. body guards of the sultan.He had a thousand

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References 1Epigraphica Indo-Muslika, 1909-10,p.20 and Gulam Yazdani,Mandu: The city of joy, (Hindi trans.-Prakash Parihar),B.R. Publishing corp. Delhi,pp. 29. 2Firista, Tarikh-i-Firista,(trans.-Briggs, under the history of the rise of the Muhammadan Power in India, Vol.-IV,ip.191) and G. Yazdani, op. cit.p.30. 3Upendra Nath Day,Mideval Malwa(1401-1562),Munshi Ram Manohar Lal Oriental Pub., New Delhi,1965,p.65. 4ibid, p.63 5Archaeological Survey of India, Reports (new series).Vol.II, p.120, U.N.Day,p.63. 6Archaeological survey of India Reports (New Series) Vol.II, p.120.and Day, p.64. 7TheCambridge History of India, Vol.III, p.353, gives 13th may1436A.D.as the date of Mahmud khalji's accession, WrightVol.II, p.242. 8Briggs, Vol.IV, p.234. 9Marg, Vol.XII, No.3, (Pramod Chandra Notes on Mandu Kalpsutra) and U.N.Day, p.199. 10Imperial Gaz. Of India, Vol. III, P.93. 11Jain Shilalekha Sangraha, Vol.III pp 490-91. 12Briggs, op. cit. Vol.IV, p.214. 13Maathir-i-Mahmudshahi, fol.176b, and U.N.day, op. cit. p.203, and Briggs, Vol.IV, p.214. 14Ibid, fol.155a, and U.N.Day, p.203.and Briggs.ibid, p.214. 15Ibid, 136a, Day, p.203, and Briggs, ibid, p.214. 16Abul Fazal, Tabaqat-Akbari, p.329.and Day, p.203.and Briggs, ibid, p.214 17Maathir-i-Mahmudshahi,op.cit.f.155b.quoted,Day,p.203.and Briggs,ibid,p.214, 18Ibid, f.155b, quoted, Day, p.204. 19Ibid, f.155b, quoted, Day, p.204, and Briggs, Vol.IV, p.214. 20Abul Fazal, op. cit.Vol. III, p.326.and Day, op. cit. p. 204. 21Maathir-i Mahmudshahi, f.11oa, quoted, Day, p.204. 22Ibid, f.110a, quoted, Day, p.204. 23Firista,(trans.Briggs)Vol.II,p.503,and Day,p.205. 24Ibid, p.503. 25Maathir -i-Mahmudshahi, f.176b, quoted, Day, p.206. 26Day, p.203. 27His full title as found from his coins is; Abul fath Ghiyath shah Al- khalji, and Write, Vol.II, p.250. And Briggs, Vol-IV p.236. 28Briggs,p.206, 217-18 and 224and Rodger and BeverageMemoirs of Jahangeer, Vol.II, P.366. 29Ibid, pp.236-37.and Rogers and Beveridge, op.cit. pp.366-67. 30U.N. Day, op. cit. p.394.

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The Demand of the Mizo: From Hill state to Independence (Political background of Mizo Independence movement)

Dr Malsawmliana Assistant Professor, Department of History Govt. T. Romana College,

Introduction: 1946.2 Thus, the leaders and prominent During the colonial period, the Briti- citizens of the Mizo felt the need to formulate sh administrators acquired many of the Mizo for future administration of the Mizo district chief‟s rights and privileges which later redu- and provided concrete ideas to the authority ced the position of the Mizo chiefs. There- for this purpose. To them, the prevailing fore, the Mizo Chiefs only acts as an agency District Conference is not enough for their of the British in their own village and all the future administration. powers were vested in the hands of the In view of the disadvantageous of the British. Meanwhile, the Govt. of India Act, District Conference, the Mizo leaders felt the 1935 has excluded the from need of greater autonomy for the district.3 Indian Union which alienated the Mizo Accordingly, a number of petitions on this people from the mainstream of India. Thus regard were submitted to the authority. For many of the Mizo began to feel that „we are instance, when the Bordoloi Committee not Indian‟. Mizo has different distinct visited Aizawl during April 17-18, 1947, the cultures, traditions etc. which was far demand of greater autonomy was submitted different from Indian culture. So there was a by the Mizo Union leaders. To them, it was need to formulate the future of the Mizo hills an autonomy in which the rights, customs, in respect of administration. and traditions of the Mizo should be protect- Thus, there was political conscious- ted and granting of protection against ness among the Mizo which resulted the exploitation from outsides. They also formation of political parties in Mizoram. demanded that the Mizo in living in Lushai Political Background: Demand of Greater Hills, Manipur, Cachar and Chittagong Autonomy districts should be put under one administ- On the eve of the independence of ration i.e. under Assam.4 India from Britain, there rose a question over Apart from Mizo Union party, the the future administration of the country and demand of political autonomy was also made particularly the excluded areas, which were by some individuals before the Bordoloi declared by the Government of India Act, Committee. For instance, Rev adv- 1935, in north east India.1 The Act excluded ocated the local autonomy with full self- such areas in all legislations and executions determination within the Assam province5 meaning which such excluded areas should and he was the first person to use the term have no representatives in all Federal and „autonomy‟ in the case of Mizoram6while R. Provincial Legislative Assem-blies of the Thanhlira demanded much autonomy as British India. Being located in the remotest possible for the Lushai hills.7 The autonomy area of Assam province, the Mizo district of the hills as advocated by Rev Zairema, was economically and politically backward would have National Council with supreme when comparing with other districts of As- power to make laws and executive authority sam. Politically, many of the educated Mizo for enforcement of the laws. He suggests that began to think and interest in politics and the Mizo should be given full self-determina- initiate for the formation of political party in tion within the province of Assam; and there 144

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 should division of powers and functions bet- for their own sustenance, became unapp- ween the province of Assam and Mizoram. reciative of the workings of the Mizo District He also suggests that the form of government Council, which they were running, the shall be the purest form of democracy. Mean- emergent elites then came up and joined the while, HK Bawihchh- uaka8 also advocated Hill State Movement in the early fifties. that the Lushai Hills should be given a widest Again, the hill state movement also did not possible self-determination and his proposal very well suit their attempt to hold power includes the amalgamation of the Mizo territ- because such movement was highly broad- ories (all areas inhabited by the Mizo) into based and their power equations with the one administrative unit under Assam prov- other hill leaders were poor.”10 ince. He also said that there should be a clear The Mizo leaders then actively inv- division of powers and functions between the olved in the movement and joined All Party Government of Assam and the Mizo National Hill Leader Conference (APHLC), which Council. was formed in 1960 following the introdu- Thus, in view of the demand of the ction of official language bill in the Assam and the political situation of the Legislative Assembly on June 22, 1960. Mizo hills, the Bordoloi Committee Meanwhile, a contrasting view on the hill (Committee of North East Frontier Tribal state movement among the Mizo Union Areas and Assam Excluded and partially leaders was witnessed in one of the secret Excluded Areas, a Sub-Committee of the meetings of the party councilor in which the Advisory Committee of the Constituent party policy on whether to choose separate Assembly, finally recommended the forma- hill state or separate Mizo state was to tion of autonomous district council in finalise. It is said that Ch.Saprawnga was in Mizoram. Accordingly, the Mizo District Co- favour of a separate hill state while uncil was inaugurated on April 25, 1952 by Ch.Chhunga spoke in favour of Mizo state. Bishnu Ram Medhi, then Chief Minister of Likewise, R. Thanhlira, Chairman of the Assam. APHLC Council of Action expressed in Hill state to Mizo State favour of forming separate Administrative Soon after, while working of the Region with Mizo District, North Council was in progress, there arose District, Manipur and Tripura states. unsatisfactory among the hill leaders on the However after a long deliberation, they could powers granted to them by the government as not arrive at any concrete decision on this it was not consistent with provisions of the regards.11 Sixth Schedule. Meanwhile the demand for However, a procession was held at separate hill state from Assam was Aizawl observing „Protest Day‟ against the underway, some of the Mizo political leaders passing of the official Language Bill of the began to took keen interest in the movement. Assam Legislative Assembly on October 14, But some, particularly the leaders of Mizo 1960 where the Mizo Union party and EITU Union party were divided on these issues. were participated where they express their Later, the Mizo Union decided to support the unwillingness to accept Assamese as official Eastern India Tribal Union (EITU) for language and demanded a separate hill state. separate hill state without liquidating the Meanwhile, the Mizo Union proposed Fe- party or merge with other party.9 In this deral Hill state in which equal numbers of connection, T. Raatan highlights the situation MLA from each hill district but rejected by of how the Mizo leaders turned their the APHLC in its third meeting at Haflong. attention towards hill state, below: Furthermore, officially the Mizo Union “…but when they felt that the Assam resolved to support the Hill state movement Government, whom they had been looking to in its Special Assembly during November 2- 145

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3, 1960. At the same time the EITU Unit of Accordingly, the Mizo Union has Mizo District gave its all efforts for separate submitted a petition to the then Prime hill state and fully cooperates with the Minister Jawaharlal Nehru regarding the APHLC as it was formed for this purpose formation of Mizo state.15 In view of the only. They also contact the leaders of the PL adoption of the policy of Mizo state by the Regional Council to get support of the people Mizo Union, Ch. Saprawnga says that to their demand for a separate state.12 „we(pro-hill state) are much beaten by the Although the Mizo Union party was supporters of the „Mizo state‟ in the seen actively participated in the hill state assembly, so it is difficult to estimate that the movement, it was only in name in the true Mizo state was surely attain. So, we feel very sense. This is indicating that some of the despair… ‟ 16 leaders of the Union were not interest in the Thus the Mizo Union leaders decided hill state but the Mizo state. At last, the that „Direct Action may be launch unless Special assembly of the Mizo Union held on Mizo State is given by the Government of June 10, 1963 discussed about the hill state Assam before the end of 1964‟. But the movement which was attended by some of issues of Direct Action create disunity among the APHLC leaders to negotiate with the them which later resulted the resig-nation of Union leaders for their continuing support of Ch.Saprawnga from Chief Exec-utive the movement. In this assembly, particularly Member (CEM) of the Mizo Dist-rict Cou- Ch.Saprawnga, then Chief Executive ncil. Thus, the Mizo Union could freely lau- Member(CEM) of Mizo District Council and nch the movement for „Mizo state‟ and is HK Bawihchhuaka, then President of Mizo interesting to note that a song has been Union and Chairman of MDC, stands in composed for this purpose.17 favour of a hill state by saying the following Mizo Independence movement points 13 As cited earlier, there arose divergent (a) Reservation of post in Police service in views among the Mizo political leaders on the Hill state would be mean for the the future of Mizo hills. Some preferred to Mizo as other hill peoples were not join Burma instead of India18 while others interest in the service. prefer to remain as a part of India Union.19 (b) It may be easy to have hill state than Meanwhile, some sections of the Mizo feel Mizo state self-determination rather than remaining a But the pro-state movement could part of Indian union. For instance, it was easily tackle the above points in the when the public meeting was held at Aizawl assembly. Then, finally the Assembly (at Bengali Theatre Hall) on February 21, resolved to adopt the Mizo state as a new 1947, that the motion for independent of the policy of the Union which automatically Mizo hills was passed, as follows – closed the chapter of the hill state movement „mi tam fe in ngaihdan hrang hrang an sawi and cut its connection with the AHPLC by hnuin leh hriatthiam loh zawng in zawhna leh passing the resolution as below: in hrilhfiahna te a awm hnu in ban phara “Indian Government not conceded to our Vote lakna a awm a, he ti ang hian thu a tlu a demand for a separate Hill State, though we ni. “Keini Mizote chu mahni a ro in relin had been fighting so long. Therefore, this mahni ke ngei in ding tur a ni” tih a ni. Special Assembly of Mizo Union, after a (chu chu Independent tihna a ni).”(after a prolong deliberations on the issue of the long deliberations, the meeting unanimously party policy, unanimously resolved to adopt resolved that „we, the Mizo should stand on „MIZORAM STATE‟ as party policy. Party our own feet and we should have self- Headquarters will please find out ways and determination i.e. independently).20 means to materialize it.”14 146

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The meeting was attended by about „it was chiefly because this small 200 peoples from various walks of life Lushai hills was not the only Mizo settle- including church worker, teachers, prominent ment, but also in Burma, whose kinship and citizen etc. The meeting was chaired by Pu appearance of these people were more similar Sainghinga, Assistant Superintendent and to the Mizo besides the other Mizo convened by Pu Pachhunga, Pu PS Dahrawka settlements of Manipur, Tripura and East Be- and Pu Hmartawnphunga.21 It discussed ngal of India. They also once again hoped the about the future of the Mizo hills after the old same policy to unify the whole Mizo withdrawal of the British and is indicated that settlements under one administration. The the meeting desires for self-government i.e. party therefore evidently aimed to join independent which would be the only Burma, which they believed to be the nearest safeguard from annihilation by the larger solutions‟.24 communities, instead of putting the Mizo Therefore, the UMFO party prefers hills under Indian Union. Burma to India as they were convinced that „tin, a reng reng thu an keini Mizote they should be comfortable more in Burma chu Kumpinu Sorkar hnuaiah chauh lo chuan than India due to their(Mizo) closer affinity tu Sorkar hnuaiah mah kan la awm ngai si with the Burmese people.25 lova, eng vangin nge Kumpinu Sorkar a kal In case of Mizo Union party, when avanga India Sorkar lo ding thar tur hnuaiah Assam Congress leaders such as Gopinath chuan kan kuna kan luh mai ang ? Keini chu Bordoloi, Sir BN Rao and JJM Nichols Roy Vai nen chuan hnam hrang daih, in an na nei arrived in Aizawl on the eve of India hlek lo, hnam hlawmkhat fel hlak, tawngkhat Independence in 1946, to discuss the future hmang thei ngat leh pian chhuahna lam pawh of Lushai Hills. They consulted political thuhmun vek kan ni si a, eng vang mahin Vai leaders of Mizoram and persuaded them to Sorkar hnuaiah kan in barh mai tur a ni lo. join India which later resulted convinced the Mahni ngeiin kan inti hrangin kan in bawk Mizo Union leaders to join India26and then hrang tur a ni. Kan hnam zalenna leh the party decided to have „full self- thawvenna te kan Mizo nihna te hi chelh tlata determination within the province of humhalh kan duh phawt chuan tu bawih ah Assam‟27 instead of independence or joining mah kan in tulut tur a ni lo.”22 (the Mizo Burma. Though the political leaders of never submit themselves except only the Assam advised the Mizo leaders to join British, what reasons shall the Mizo submit India, they also gave alternatives other than into the Indian government after the British joining India. For instance, Sir BN Rao when regime ends. The Mizo are quite different addressing the public at Kulikawn (Aizawl) from Indian peoples in respect of culture, says that ‟the Mizo people would also choose habits, customs, language etc. They should independence if they wish‟28 be given independence and separate from the In case of the questions on administration of India Union.) independence, though the Mizo Union was Meanwhile, the United Mizo against independence, but there were Freedom Organization (UMFO) party which differences of opinion among the leaders on was founded on July 5,1947 have an this regard. For instance, R. Vanlawma, the objectives of joining Burma instead of Indian founder of Mizo Union party, favours Union.23 To them, the Mizo would have Independence by saying that „we must better and bright future if they opt out of govern ourselves. We have enough supplies; India and join Burma. C. Lalthlengliana we will be able to produce a sufficiency of makes a few highlights the reasons which things. Now is the time to fight for later steered the party to opt for Burma as independence.‟29 On the other hand, Vanthu- follows - 147

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 ama, who was against independence, said as district to be a disturbed area under the follows- Assam Disturbed Area Act, 1955 and „it is impossible to fight for counter-insurgency measure were soon ta- independence now. If we look around us we ken.35 see the „Darwin Theory‟, the more powerful Factors for the declaration swallowing up the less powerful. If and when of independence we are more powerful, we will swallow the As cited earlier, many of the Mizo Indians, and if they are more powerful than feel that they are very strange to Indian and us they will swallow us. Besides, if we are never accept themselves as Indian. The MNF independence, where will we get , and believed that „the Mizo people had not been iron ore to make our farming equipment, and able to feel at home with Indians or in India how are we going to make money?”.30 nor have they been able to feel that their joys Thus, it is indicated that the leaders and sorrows have really ever been shared by of Mizo Union were divided on the subject of India. They do not therefore, feel Indian.‟36 independence, in which majority of them are a) Different political ideology –Hill state, in favour of joining India while others favou- Mizo state, Independence.-transition per- red independence. Interestingly, C. Pahlira, iod. The idea of attaining independ-ence once the leader of the party also revealed his from India was possesses by many of the ideas that „God will give us independence at political leaders of the Mizo hills instead the right time; we cannot have it by means of of joining India or Burma, violence/fighting.‟31 Likewise, many of them b) Poor developmental works of the believed that „after a numbers of years, we government failed to satisfy the people may have a chance to attain independence which led maximum support of MNF‟s from Indian Union‟. So they decided to join independence policy India first for the betterment of Mizoram. c) Nationalism and patriotism inspired by Formation of MNF and Declaration of the political consciousness led the cry for Independence political self-determination among some The (MNF) with section of the Mizo having „For God and our Country”32 as its Concluding remarks preamble, was formed on October 22, 1961 Thus, there is indication that the with Laldenga as Chairman and R. ideas of independence or political self- Vanlawma as Secretary General.33 The party determination or separation from Indian chooses „self-determination‟ as its aim.34 Union was possessed by most of the political Soon after, the MNF party gained immense leaders of the Mizo hills, but the way they popularity within a short span of time and wish to achieve was vary from party to party. were confident enough to contest the It is also evident that there is a „desire for elections of District council and Assam more political autonomy or self-govern/rule‟ Legislative Assembly. In short, the MNF among the political leaders of the Mizo hills. Party has submitted memorandum to the For instance, they demand greater autonomy Prime Minister on October 30, 1965 from District Conference, District council demanding „self –determination of the Mizo‟. from Hill state, then separate Mizo state to Finally, the Mizo National Front then independence/self-determination. In view of declared independence for Mizoram against the political situation of the Mizo hills, the Indian Union on March 1, 1966 appealing to period when MNF declare/fought indepen- all independent states to recognize dence may be appropriate as there was a independent Mizoram. As a result, the thirst for more political autonomy among the Government of Assam declared the Mizo Mizo leaders during those days.

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Notes and References 1The excluded areas declared by the Government of India Act, 1935 are - The North East Frontier (Sadya, Balipara and Lakhimpur) Tracts, The Naga Hills District, The Lushai Hills District, The North Cachar Hills Sub-Division of the Cachar District. Partially Execluded areas are – Khasi Hills, Garo Hills, Mikir Hills. 2With the initiation of R.Vanlawma, the first political party in Mizoram i.e. Mizo Commoners Union‟ Party was established on April 9, 1946 at Aizawl. It was later renamed as Mizo Union party. 3The Block Officers Conference of the Mizo Union held at Sialsuk during April 4-5, 1947 resolved that „Mizoram may have District Autonomy and attached to Assam Province‟ along with other resolutions. See P.Lalnithanga, Political Developments in Mizoram, Aizawl, 2006, p.23. 4HC Thanhranga, District Councils in the Mizo Hills, p.36. Also, see the resolutions passed by the Lakhipur Conference of the Mizo Union during November 21-22, 1946 at Lakhipur, Cachar District, Assam. 5HC Thanhranga, op.cit, pp.76-77. 6V.Venkata Rao, “Autonomy Movements in Mizoram‟ in RN Prasad (ed) Autonomy Movements in Mizoram, New Delhi, 1994, p.6. 7ibid, p.79. 8ibid. 9 Chaltuahkhuma, Political , Aizawl, 2001, p.203. 10T.Raatan, Encyclopaedia of North East India : Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Mizoram, Delhi, 2004, p.242. 11Lalngurliana Sailo, „All Party Hill Leaders Conference and the Mizo Politics‟ in Sangkima (eds) Historical Journal Mizoram, Vol-V, No.1, Aizawl, 2004, p.65. 12Ibid., p.66. 13Ch.Saprawnga, Ka Zin Kawng, Aizawl, 2007., pp.135-136. 14ibid, p.68. 15KL Chhuanvawra, Mizo Union kha, Aizawl, 2008, p.80. 16Ch.Saprawnga, op.cit, p.136. 17 Chaltuahkhuma, op.cit., p.219. 18 C. Lalthlengliana, „United Mizo Freedom Organisation(UMFO)‟ in Sangkima (eds) Historical Journal Mizo, Vol-V. No.1, Aizawl, 2004, p.8. 19The Mizo Union party demanded full self-determination with the province of Assam, see Memorandum submitted to His Majesty Government, Government of India and its Constituent Assembly through the Advisory Sub-Committee by the Mizo Union party in 1947. 20„Mizo ram din dan tur ngaihtuah hona Vantlang Inkhawm‟ Resolution, February 21, 1947 at Bengali Theatre Hall, Aijal. 21ibid. 22ibid. 23Lalmawia, „Reminiscence of Gopinath Bordoloi‟ in Lily Mazinder Baruah, Lokopriya Gopinath Bordoloi, New Delhi, 1992, p.195. 24C. Lalthlengliana, op.cit., p.8. 25Keihawla Sailo, Golden History of Lushai Hills, Aizawl, 2010, p.246. Also see, Lalmawia, „Reminiscence of Gopinath Bordoloi‟ in Lily Mazinder Baruah, Lokopriya Gopinath Bordoloi, New Delhi, 1992, p.195. 26Lalmawia, op.cit. 27Memorandum submitted to His Majesty‟s Government of India and its Constituent Assembly through the Advisory Committee by the Mizo Union Party in 1947. 28 Biakchhunga, Hnam Kalsiam, Aizawl, 1996, p.61. 29 Vumson, Zo History, p.254. 30Ibid, p.254 31„C. Pahlira thuhnuhnung‟, Zozam Weekly, Vol-VII, No.35, August 4-10, 2011, Aizawl, p.12 32Constitution of MNF Party, Published by MNF General Headquarters, Aizawl, 2004p.6. 149

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33The other members of Office Bearers were – A. Rohnuna(Joint Secretary), Vanlalliana(Treasurer), Kailianchhunga (Executive members),H.Zirliana(Executive Members), C.Hermana(Executive Members and Lairokunga (Executive members). See R. Zamawia, Zofate Zinkawngah,Aizawl, 2007,pp.169-170. 34Ibid, p.169. 35JV Hluna, „The Role of Mizo National Front in Mizoram politics upto 1986‟ in Sangkima(ed) HistoricalJournal Mizoram, Vol-V, No.1, Aizawl, 2004, p.78. 36Memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister of India by Mizo National Front on October 30, 1965.

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History and development of indigenous industry in Assam: Promotion and Entrepreneurship in Lakhimpur District

Dr. Sona Ram Kalita Associate Professor, Department of History O.P.D. College, Panigaon, Lakhimpur, Assam

The overall development of a nation showed their performance of the working of is closely depends on economy but remain poverty alleviation programmes, the type of unchanged and have not been able to spreads beneficiaries that have been occurred, the of benefits to every nook and corner of the impact of the programmes on income and society, especially in Lakhimpur district of employment of the target groups and Assam. The importance of the discourse is difficulties that are faced by the government felt very much needful, because of without officials in implementing the programmes. play positive effort to recover the indigenous The main objectives of this topic are industries by implementing new ideas; the as to give attention on the major development development to be arrested in the hands of programmes on worker section of the society, riches. Transforming an individual entrepren- to examine the impact of the programmes on eur to entrepreneurship concept is a prime the socio-economic conditions of the people importance whereas it is found that many in rural areas, to examine the details of the predecessors among the tribal and non-tribal performance of the working of poverty alie- population tried to form concentration of nation programmes, the type of benefic- own production according to social fabrics. iaries, the extent of benefits that have been The professional groups who are coming to occurred, the impact of the programmes on very depress way to produce their income and employment of the target groups livelihoods, community habits and habitats of and difficulties that are faced by the have made it difficult for them to keep pace government officials in implementing the with modern society; they are not well placed programmes, promotion of the SHGs to economically, politically, educationally or Entrepreneurship concept and increase of industrially but they are trying hard to catch leadership quality, formation of the Clusters up with the rest of India. It is widely of homogeneous SHGs to serve their accepted that the main focus of the poverty common interest on a large platform. In alleviation programme i.e. development of modern times, different people, according to the backward areas and the improvement in their own convenience, produce some goods socio-economic conditions of the weaker and in many cases, they supply their labour sections through raising their employment and other resources to another producer or and income opportunities. The main priority some producing organization. In this way, of this topic is to give attention on the they earn money and buy necessary goods. indigenous industry by conceptualizing As a producers sell their produced goods in entrepreneurship development programmes the market, so different people, according to for the worker section of the society. that needs and capability buy them and use or Secondly, the ruler of the Assam in different consume them. In this way, goods produced time can provide to fulfill the socio- by different persons and organizations and economic conditions of the people and 151

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 distributed among people in the society of Nearly 50% people were engaging as modern economics. entrepreneur in industrial sector in Assam. The existing situation of employment The professional class of people belonged to and income for the entrepreneur does not different communities traditionally entrusted provide adequate scope to raise the economic in entrepreneurship development. They could life of the entrepreneurs in Assam. Several be mainly put under two divisions (a) Those small industries have turned sick because who engaged in homogeneous need-based they have to approach several departments to work (b) Those who engaged in community- attain no-objection certificate from the State based supplier. Their struggle for existence Governments for electricity, water, etc. made them for consuming and surplus Despite talk of collateral-free loans, MSME became the most important and interesting face difficulties in availing loans. It is also work. Even now as labour intensive and found in the Ministry records that there is capital saving industry, commonly handi- scarcity of land, and labour laws are crafts, handloom, vegetables, horticultural complicated, so they are preparing a plan to items, and domestic pastoral has a great imp- simplify process and accord single-window ortance. There is no dispute among econ- clearance. They will get a time line to say 15 omists and social thinkers about the urgent days, one month for entrepreneurs to acquire need for the emergence of an entrepreneurial necessary clearances and to get loans within society as a forerunner of accelerated deve- a specified timeframe. The authority says that lopment of the economy in an integrated they will design the policies to enable the manner. Entrepreneurship can be defined as a youth to attain self-employment through purposeful activity indulging in initiating, pr- entrepreneurship and creates jobs. Historical omoting and maintaining economic activet- evidence bearing on Assamese old time ies for the production and distribution of we- industries are not scanty and references that alth and service. It requires relentlessly purs- we have in historical and other literature of uing new opportunities, commitment to inno- Assam are sufficient to point to a high vation and challenging traditional boundaries standard of industrial efficiency that the of through. In other words, it is a risk taking people obtained in Assam in early times. activity and a challenging task which needs Assam produced almost all that was hard work and utmost devotion, systematic necessary for life in the light of the standard planning, total commitment and greater of living prevalent in those days. It is stated sincerity with fullest involvement for his that the industry was highly developed in personal growth and prosperity. At the same Ahom period. There are references to time, a true entrepreneur must take care of weavers, spinners, goldsmiths, potters and his/her people, natural resources, the ecology workers in ivory, bamboo, wood, hides and and assure that his/her enterprise becomes a cane. According to the Mohammedan catalytic agent of development. historians, the people were very skilful in The need for a broad-based entrepr- weaving of embroidered silk cloths. Acco- eneurial class in India arises from the need to rding to records, Momai Tamuli Barbarua, a peed up the process of activating the factors minister of King Pratap Singha, made it of production leading to a higher economic compulsory for every adult able bodied growth, dispersal of economic activities, im- female to spin a certain quantity of yarn provement in the standards of living of the every evening. The Assamese were excellent weaker section of the society by developing carpenters who made their boxes, trays, backward and tribal areas creation of massive stools and chairs by carving these out of a employment opportu-nities and finally to single block of wood. create involvement of all section of the Entrepreneur in indigenous industry society in the process of economic growth. 152

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Several factors go into the making of an preservation industries like jam, jelly etc. entrepreneur. Being a dynamic and challe- Etc. nging task, the requirements of an 4. Cottage industries: Cottage industries entrepreneur to become successful in his field have a scope in the district too. These are many. Become entrepreneurs is about will include handloom, cane and bamboo more than just starting a business or two, It is and handcrafts etc. about having attitude and the drive to 5. Plantation Development industries: Such succeed in business. All successful Entrepre- as rubber, coffee, small tea gardens, neurs have a similar way of thinking and flowers etc. can also be developed process several key personal qualities that 6. Animal husbandry resource based: make them so successful in business. Succe- Animal husbandry resource based indust- ssful entrepreneurs are ambitious and have an ries such as dairy farming, piggery, inner drive to succeed and grow their poultry, farming etc. Etc. Have the poten- business, rather than having a business tiallity for the development of industries degree or technical knowledge in a particular in the district. field. 7. Bee-keeping industries: Bee-keeping Prospect of industrialization in the industries can also be developed. Lakhimpur District 8. We can develop packet freezing fish, dry The industrial atmosphere and the fish industries, fish nursery etc. infrastructural facilities do not allow this Major findings district for the development of large and 1. The infrastructural facilities have to be medium scale industries. But at the same improved in order to reduce the cost of time, availability of waste land, local production and raise the margin of profit. available resources and enough manpower Power facilities and wide networks of indicate that Lakhimpur can fairly be adopted transport and communication should be for the development of industries as provided as a basic prerequisite. adumbrated above lead us to think that the 2. Education and training should be district has the enough potentiality for setting extended to the workers. Such program- up of the following kinds of industries. es should be drawn simultaneously for 1. Agro based Industries: About 90% total the entrepreneurs and also for these of population in the district live in rural the existing ones. areas. Most of them are paddy farmers 3. The artisans have to be acquired with the and hence it can be expected that based economical methods of producing on locally available raw-materials maximum output with minimum cost. different kinds of agro-based industries Consequently services relating to (i.e. Rice-mill, Chira mill, oil mill, spice knowledge on management skill and mill) can be developed. small technical guidance should be 2. Forest Based Industries: This district has provided to the small entrepreneurs at 84,321,26 sq. K.m. of reserved forest their door steep. areas . The reserved forest have the 4. That market for khadi and village valuable frees like sal, segun, chafa, industries product can be much widened simolu, cane and bamboo etc. Based on if the design and patterns are made to suit these resources match, furniture the fashion of the day. There should be industries can be developed. some agencies to encourage the 3. Food processing Industries: The district entrepreneurs to keep to the latest design has also the greater potentiality is and patterns. established food processing and 5. Without remaining financial hardship of the small enterprise, no amount of effort 153

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can develop the sector. The role of Conclusion village money lenders should be climate At last we may referred by top for this purpose, credit facilities on easy management institution it is vital that every terms inadequate quantity should be entrepreneur plan to include the mission, made available from banking institutions analysis of strengths, weaknesses, oppor- and cooperative societies. tunities and threats and state the marketing 6. Marketing of the products should be and financial goals for the plan period. It is remunerative to the entrepreneurs. The essential for marketers to develop a service role of middleman and commission strategy while developing their intangible agents must be eliminated and exploita- products needs to consider the art of tion of the entrepreneurs in marketing of managing customer expectations and the product removed. satisfaction. Pricing is a critical factor in 7. Research and development should be every step of marketing plan. Effective organized on a much wider scale. pricing strategies must take into account Innovation of new technology which costs and customer perceptions and facilities product with minimum cost can competitor‟s reactions. The manufacturers help raising the competitive strength and should pay sincere attention to their profit level of the industries. marketing channels, while they can be 8. National Bank for KVI sector and a available when and where customers desire National Rural Industries Marketing to buy. Today everybody needs money for Cooperation are recommended. Another their improvement in the living standard. But suggestion is thet KVIC should remain some of the entrepreneurs are still searching an apex body for KVI sector, and set for that financial requirement to cope up with involved in direct financing of registered their problem. The rural females should be institutions. brought to participate into the main stream of 9. Cluster approach as emphasized by development activities and this would various committees needs to be perused necessitate extension of education and train- vigorously. Development of infrastruc- ing facilities. However the tentative aspects ture, common service and other require- are as well as simplification of products, ements needs to be planned cluster wise. encouraging support to be given by Govern- Margin money, capital equipment grant, mental and other intuitional quarters for the subsidy and rebate need to be continued entrepreneurship sector of various stages and and strengthened by emphasizing the integration of KVI activities with other self repayment culture among artisans/co- employment and rural development program- operatives. mmes at state and district levels.

References 1Awais Mohammad, Alam Tosib & Asif Mohd. (2009), “Socio-economic empowerment of tribal women:an Indian perspective”, International Journal of Rural Studies (IJRS),vol. 16 no. 1 October, pp. Article 5 Page 2 of 11. 2Surekharao, K. And Rajanananna, J., (1999), “Empowerment of rural women through DWCRA programme”, National Conference on Empowerment of Women for National Development, Dhole, pp. 101-107. 3Arora R.C. (1990), “Integrated Rural Development”, S Chand and Company, New Delhi. 4Bera S.K. (2011), “A study of SHG-Microfinance Initiative in Purbo Midnapore District of West Bengal”, Economic Affairs, Vol. 56, No. 2, June, pp. 107-116. 5Bhai L.T, Karuppiah C and Geetha B (2004), “Micro credit and social capitalism in rural Tamil Nadu”, Social Welfare, Vol. 50, no. 10, pp.30-35. 6Census data 2011 of Lakhimpur District, Country Focus: India: Assam: Lakhimpur District: District 154

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Profile, http://lakhimpur.nic.in/profile.htm , on 20th August 2011. 7Joseph E. Imhanlahimi, (2010), “Poverty Alleviation through Micro financing in Nigeria- Prospects and challenges”, Journal of Financial Management and Analysis, No. 23(1), January, pp. 66-82. 8K. Sivachithappa, (2008), “Success story of Poverty Alliviation Through Self-Help Groups”, Kurukshetra, Journal on Rural Development, Ministry of Rural Development, New Delhi, vol. 57 No. 2, December, pp.35-38. 9Kannan K. P. and Pillai N. Vijayamohanan, (2009), “Basic Socio-economic security in rural India and China-a comparative study of selected villages”, Indian Journal of Human Development, vol. 3, no. 2, July, pp.239-263. 10Khan Ashfaq (2008), “Tackling the Failure of Microfinance Efforts through Amalgamating Microfinance with Charity: Two Viable Alternatives in the Context of Pakistan”, The Australasian Accounting Business & Finance Journal, Vol. 2, No.2, June, pp. 19-33. 11Ledgerwood, J (1999), Microfinance Handbook: An Institutional and Financial Perspective, The World Bank, Washington, D.C. 12Ahmed A, the Anatomy of rural poverty in Assam, acase study of Dibrugarh sub Division, Mittal Publication, New Delhi, 1987. 13Bhatt Anil, Development and Social justice, Micro Action by weaker section, 14Assam Economic journal, published by Department of Economic, Dibrugarh University. 15Dey, S.K. ,community Development, Abird‟s Eye view. 16Prasad, Kamta, planning for poverty Alleviation. Mittal publication, New Delhi.

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Abbas Uddin Ahmed: The Legendary King of Bhawaiya

Amzad Hussain Assistant Professor Department of History Pankura Barnamali College Purba-Medipur, West Bengal

Introduction sphere of progress. She obtained Doctoral Abbas Uddin Ahmed is one of the Degree from London in Bhawaiya song. prominent singers of India as well as Bengal. Another son of Abbas, Mustofa Kamal was able to become the chief justice of Bangla He was the son of the soil of the native state 5 Koch Behar.1 His father wanted to make him Desh Supreme Court. a high level lawyer; but his genius made him By the effort of Abbas Uddin, the a legendary king in the field of musical great poet Qazi Najrul achieved versatile world. In his early life as a singer though he character as a song composer. Inspiration of Abbas made Najrul the composer of Islamic had been doing to and fro in the different 6 section of music but his genius in Bhawaiya song. By his melodious voice Abbas made song made him the legend of Bhawaiya. popular the Islamic song of Najrul among the Before Abbas, Bhawaiya also prevailed in Muslim people of Bengal. Before this, Najrul regarded as Qaferamong the conservative the region but it was regarded the song of 7 workers and cultivators of the field. Abbas Muslims. Abbas Uddin was the contem- Uddin was the first man; by his tireless effort porary of famous poets Gulam Mustofa and he was able to spread the melody of .He also recorded their songs by Bhawaiya in every door of the people of his voice. Abbas Uddin was the embodiment Bengal. For the improvement of Bhawaiya, of communal harmony, during the time of he left Kochbehar for Kolkata. Without some communal riots either in colonial India or in independent Pakistan he holds the song in break he had been staying in Kolkata till the 8 date of independence of India.2When in 1947 loud voice against communalism. He like to India bifurcated in communal basis he left travel, in his whole life he travelled different Kolkata for Dhaka. Till the last breath he was parts of the world. Some times for tour, the inhabitant of old polton area of Dhaka.3 sometimes for the purpose of music, he went During the time of his death he left two sons to the different corner of the world. Abbas and one daughter in this planet. Though he was not only a singer but was a writer also. was a music lover person in his whole life, He composed good quality of songs and inspite of it, he never propagated his child to poetries. Apart from this he was a high profile actor; he acted in some films and in learn music. But when they wanted to learn 9 that then he arranged to learn that and kept theaters. In his whole life he able to achieved teachers to improve the skill of the child. His many awards. This famous personality of son Mustofa Jaman Abbasi and daughter Bengal who popularly known as the „‟Bird of Song of Bengal „‟at last left his breath at Ferdousi Rehman was able to become th 10 prominent singer of Bangladesh.4 Ferdousi Dhaka in 30 December 1959. Though, he Rehman, the prominent and versatile is no more with us yet his song is immortal personality of music who was able to spread among the people of Bengal. the melody of Bhawaiya in its top most Bhawaiya as folk song

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Bhawaiya is one of the important house, it had been become the most pathetic folk song of India as well as Bengal. time for the both, as well as the buffalo man Northern part of integral Bengal, speciallythe and for female who fell on love. In this way surrounding area of Koch Behar kingdom is their love and aversion rendered into the birth land of Bhawaiya song. It is said estrangement from love. When the buffalo that the word „‟Bhawaiya „‟ originated from man started to coming back from the river the Bengali word „‟Bhab‟‟ [passion]. Many bank to his own village house, his lover scholars are of the opinions that the word started to sing O‟ muinashonongnashonong „‟Bhawaiya‟‟ derived from the Bengali word tor boi-deshiyark-othare O „‟bhawya‟‟ [garden of tall grass]. Actually mokchhariyagelukane(I don‟t be-lieve you, I Bhawaiya song related with open boundless don‟t listen your word, oh my out sider field, sandy bank of river, bullock cart, gang friend, because you leaving me). But after of cow [herd], gang of buffalo [herd], field of some months when something else arise in tall grass, cattle grazing boy [grazier] and her mind about her friend , then she hold also with coachman.11 Before Abbas Uddin song in her voice Bondhu geichhedurodeshe Bhawaiya regarded as the song of illiterate re tai aaijokenbanaaaise (My friend has gone people, no one composed Bhawaiya in the far away , why he not come till now). script like other songs. Most of the composer As its features, Bhawaiya mainly of Bhawaiya in that time composed the song, two types –Chotka [rapid] and Doriya [slow sang the song and kept it in their mind. In and long]. As above mentioned song one is this way singers had been singing the songs Chotka and another is Doriya. The first one for the years. This type of songs regarded as isChotka and the later one is Doriya.The existing and traditional songs. Famous breaking of voice isanother feature of bhawaiya song Fandeporiyabogakandere is Bhawaiya song. Though in ancient times- the example of traditional Bhawaiya song, no Bhawaiya was not composed in script but composer had been found of this song in any nowadays like other songs Bhawaiya have history of song.12 been composing in script and singing based Bhawaiya song always was related upon the ragas. Though Dotara [two chord or with passion, love, aversion, estrangement poly-chord instrument is the main instrument from love etc. Bhawaiya was also the for Bhawaiya song but nowadays dram, inspiration of work of the workers of the guitar and other instruments have been field. Even till today, if anybody goes to the usingduring the time of Bhawaiya song. deep rural area of Northern Bengal he could Indian song mainly divided into two easily enjoy the Bhawaiya from the workers groups-one is cultivated and the other is of the field. In ancient times the buffalo man uncultivated.14 Tribal song situated within usually had taken his gang of buffalo from uncultivated group, when the classical song long distance to the bank of any river for based upon the ragas stand inside the grazing for some months. So they had to cultivated group. But the folk song situated make shelter on the bank of the river for the between the both groups. The famous same purpose. In that time there was scarcity ethnomusicologist Bruno Nettle expressed of drinking water in everywhere in rural his view about this matter. According to Bengal. So to fill up the demand of drinking Bruno Nettle, “folk music occupies a kind of water wives and daughters of every house of middle group between the primitive and the river bank usually go to river. In this way cultivated.” Bhawaiya is one of the important between the buffalo grazing boy and the rural folk song of India. It is now the question is female rendered their passion into love.13 But that, what is folk music [song]. There are after some months when the buffalo man left different opinions about it among the the river bank with his buffalo for his village ethnomusicologists. The famous ethnom- 157

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 usicologist Cecil sharp stated his view about his father‟s illness he had to give up every folk music [in 1907],-“the sponta-neous sort of activities of his academic life. So it music of the unspoiled, unlettered classes and had not been possible for him to achieved created out of their pure natural instinct.” On B.A degree in his future life.18 It was a the basis of Cecil sharp‟s expression the tragedy in his whole enlightened life. But it International Folk Music Council has given was the benediction for youth Abbas and for the definition of folk music in its Shawpawlo the Bhawaiyal over people of Bengal. If he summit in Brazil in 1954. According to achieved the degree of B.A, perhaps he International Folk Music Council- “folk would have engaged himself as a high class music is the product of musical tradition that official of the govt. But when his dream had has been evolved through the process of oral broken in academic level, he fully involved transmission.”15 his mind in the music world and he able to Bhawaiya is the song of folk become the bird of music of Bengal. community of North Bengal. It is the song of Turning Point in the Life ofAbbas the soul of the people of integral North From his childhood, actually when Bengal. It is the song of men and soil. Before he was at five he had a massive tendency to Abbas, Bhawaiya also was prevailed in the control the tune, tone and rhythm of any song region but not as large scale. But by the from gramophone or sang by the cultivators tireless effort of Abbas Uddin, the legendary in the field. He tried to seeking tune and tone king of Bhawaiya, Bhawaiyaemerged as the even in the evening sound of crickets and song of mass people and adopted global collective voice of Jackals [yell]. In his characteristics. boyhood he was not send in any time to any Early Life of Abbas Uddin music teacher. Yet, he sings any kind of song Abbas Uddin Ahmed is the son of as its original form. When he was studying in the soil of the native state Koch Behar. He N.N.M High School several times he was was born in 27th October 1901 in Balarampur awarded for his melodious song in the annual Village of Tufanganj Subdivision in cultural meet. He never tried to loss any Kochbehar. His father jafarali Ahmed was a chance to stage performs nearby his shelter. prominent lawyer and famous personality of Listeninghis song every one asked him to go Tufanganj. Jafar Ali was a renowned Joddar to Kolkata for farther experiment and to [Jamindar] of Tufanganj Subdivision.His record his song. But when his dream had Mother HeeramanNesha was a kind hearted broken in academic stage, he had have to and pious personality of the village.16From engaged his mind to look after his father‟s his early life Abbas Uddin was very business .Due to watch the different types of intelligent and sharp knowledge boy. He activities of Jamindary he had to go to completed his primary education from the Krishnapur hat regularly. In this source he village Pathsala. After this he was admitted able to meet with many prominent persona- to Tufanganj N. N. M High School, from lities of Kochbehar. Surrendra Nath Roy, where he completed his degree of matric with advocate RajenRoy, Sunil Roy, Satya first division in 1919.17Though he wanted to Narayan Sukul, Ram Ratan Agrwal and admit in LaxmiMorish Musical College but Professor Chunilal Mukherjee those who met the conservative environment of that time with him every one asked him to go to made a barrier between Abbas and his hope. Kolkata to record his song as Abbas was a So he compelled to admit in Victoria College melodious boy. Chunilal Mukherjee, the in Kochbehar. From where, he was able to professor of Economics of Victoria College achieve I.A. degree in 1921. When he was always inspired him to carry on farther studying in B, A and he was the student of 3rd experiment in music and asked him to go to year his father become seriously ill. Due to Kolkata to record his song.19 158

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In this context one thing is most Radheshyam take Abbas with him and soon memorable that Abbas was a fortune boy reached to the office of Mr. Lesser, the S.P of able to meet with QaziNajrul Islam in Kochbehar. Radheshyamreturned the appoin- Kochbehar. When Abbas was studying in tment letter to the S.P and requested him to Victoria College and also had been staying in cancel it.21 In this way Abbas was saved from College Hostel, during that time the Muslim that type of job and which also was another students of the college had arranged Milad- important turning point in the life of Abbas. un-Nabiand invited Qazi Najrul as their chief City Life of Abbas in Kolkata guest. Without any asking the moon comes One day in 1931 Abbas left Koch out in his room. The committee of the Behar for Kolkata. More or less Abbas had function arrangedlodging for Najrul in the been staying in Kolkata till 1947.22Any way hostel room of Abbas. In this source Abbas when Abbas reached in Kolkata it was very become familiar with Najrul. Najrul become hot due to Civil Disobedient Movement. In astonished after listen the song of Abbas. this situation it was too tough to get a shelter Najrulsaid to Abbas, you have golden future, in Kolkata like Abbas a countryside boy. But you no more spend your timein Kochbehar, Abbas always a fortune boy, like in Koch very soon welcome to Kolkata. This was the Behar many kindhearted persons come to big turning point in the life of Abbas.20 Abbas to help him. With the help of Another important thing should be JitenMaitra Abbas had gotten a shelter in the expressed in this context that when Abbas house of Taskin Ahmed as a home was the student of Victoria College he tutor.23Taskin Ahmed was a prominent adv- applied for the post of Daroga [O.C] and had ocate and public procurator had been staying gotten the appointment letter for the job. in Kolkata but originated from Dhaka.After After received the appointment letter he this Abbas had gotten a job of Rs.45 Per become very glad and ran to the quarter of month in D.p.I, with the help of SafiqulIslam RadheshyamChakrovorty, one of the impor- the P.S of D.P.I. But Abbas was a creative tant Daroga [O.C] of Koch Behar city. boy, by his creative activities he able to get a Radheshyam was the prominent friend of job in agriculture department. During the Jafar Ahmed [Father of Abbas]. When time of A.K FajlulHoque the prim-minister Radheshyam was at Tufanganj as a Daroga of Bengal, Abbas was appointed in publicity of that police station, then Jafar Ahmed was department. the prominent lawyer of that time at Before permanently settled in Tufanganj. Gradually, a cordial friendship Kolkata in 1931, Abbas had gotten a chance between the both families began to develop. to record his song with the help of Vimal Das Jafar also offered his son to Radheshyam Gupta a prominent personality of Koch Chakravorty and asked him to look after Behar. In 1930, when Abbas was 29 years Abbas like his son. From that time old he recorded his first song-„‟sworonpa- Radheshyam become another guardian of rerogopriya‟‟ and „‟konbiroheern- oyonjo- Abbas. Radheshyam like very much to Abbas lebadoljhore go‟‟. The both songs were the and Abbas also obey his second guardian like Bengali modern song composed by Shailen his father. Any way when Abbas went to Roy.24 Abbas was the native of Koch Behar, RadheshyamChokrovorty then Radheshyam so his mother tongue was a Kamrupi dialect, become very angry, because he did not want not pure Bengali. So, during the times of Abbas would be appointed as Daroga. In that voice recording of Abbas linguistic time the job of Daroga was not honorable Job amendment had done by K. Mallik. K. in the society. Abbas was intelligent, so Mallik was a famous personality of that time Radheshyam wanted, Abbas would be in music world.But during his city life Abbas appointed in high level job. In this situation got lot of advantage to improve his quality. 159

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Some- times, Abbas tried to imitate the tune Najrulgeeti, Bhawaiya, Bhatiyali, Kawali, and tone of other prominent singers like Jari, Sari, Marsiya, Urdu song etc. Yet in a Krishna Chandra Dey. But when it has stage of his career he offered himself to folk appeared in the eyes of Najrul, Najrul asked song, especially for Bhawaiya and Islamic him to ban it. After that Abbas never song. This change made him famous and practiced such type of imitation. Though authentic in the music world. Abbas in his first life had been doing to and Abbas Uddinrecorded many songs in fro of the different section of music and he his whole life. But now we able to get only recorded different types of song. He recorded 37 recorded Bhawaiya songs of Abbas in the Bengali modern song, Rabindrasangeet, museum of Dhaka Radio center.25 Out of 37, the most popular songs of Abbas are given below. 26

Year of the No Lyrics Composer Music Record No Record Kunch-boron Konyare tor Abbas Abbas Uddin, 22227 December, 1932 Uddin Nodiramsoionjona Qazi Najrul Qazi Najrul, 78 Rpm December, 1932 Ki bondhukajolbhomorare traditional 17006 December, 1937 Bao-kunta batasjemon Traditional 27436 December, 1939 Aaganaoyedubodubo Traditional 17332 December, 1939 Premjanenarosikkalachand Traditional 19725 January, 1941 Fandeporiyabogakande re Traditional 17332 February, 1942 Jamojamojamojamokoinya he A.Karim Abbas Uddin, 27111 April, 1941

O-Kigariyalbhai Traditional 17006 December, 1937 Aabonae-daritammoriya Traditional 27055 November, 1940

Abbas Uddin was the contemporary of Qafer among the conservative Muslims. Only famous poet Jasimuddin and GolamMustofa, by the request of Abbas, Najrul started to he become familiar with them. The songs compose Islamic song and Gazol. The songs– “feerechaobarek fire chao, hey nithurpriya..” “Aallahtejar purnoimmankotha se musal- composed by GolamMustofa and this song man” “Aallahnamerbijbunechhirosulname- was recorded by Abbas. Another famous rmathe.”; “tribhubonerpriyo Muh-ammad song–“O aamardorodiaagejanle tor bhang- eloreduniyay was composed by Najrul and anoukaychortamna.‟‟ was composed by Jasi- recorded by Abbas.28 Within few months muddin and the song was recorded by Abbas. Islamic song become very popular towards Apart from this many other songs of both the Muslim people. The conservative poets recorded by Abbas.27 Muslims those who kept their finger into Abbas has a great contribution in the their ears during the time of song and music, field of Islamic song and Bangla Gazol. they brought gramophone into their drawing Famous poet QaziNajrul composed more room. Najrul composed many Islamic songs than 3000 thousand songs. He also has in this time which become very popular composed songs related with goddesses Kali within short time. In this way Najrul and which known as shyamasongeet. But till that Abbas brought a radical change among the time Najrul had not any contribution in the conservative Muslim society. And Islamic field of Islamic song. So Najrul regarded as songs helped Najrul and Abbas to become 160

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 popular within the Islamic society. We can in Namaj [prayer] in every times of the day. easily realize the popularity of Abbas in the He was an honest and pious personality. He words of A.K FajlulHoque the prim-minister always extended his hand for improvement of Bengal of that time. Once FajlulHoque of the people. When he was in Kolkata he said, I could easily win the mind of the realized if I able to produce more Bhawaiya people of Bengal within few days, if I go out artists from my locality, it would be for campaign with Abbas and Najrul. It is the profitable forBhawaiya. So he had taken great achievement for Abbas as well as many persons from Koch Behar to Kolkata. Najrul. Out of them Nayeb Ali [Tepu], Keshab Abbas as a man of variety Barman, Dhirendra Chandra, Surendra Nath Abbas was a versatile boy, he was Bosuniya were very famous.32 Abdul Karim not only a singer but also performed in the brother of Abbas was a famous lyric different section of culture. His life as actor composer, who provided lyrics to Abbas for started with the acting in the theatre. He had sing. Abbas had been staying in Kolkata acted in the dramas –“Devla Devi”, from 1931 to 1947. But in leisure time he “MishorKumar”, Rijia “Shahjahan”etc., In never forgot to visit his mother land Koch his acting life once he had gotten chance in Behar. It was very pathetic for him when he film. He acted in the films like – „‟Bishnu had to leave Kolkata for Dhaka. Though now Maya” (1932), “Mahanisha” (1936), “Ekti in west Bengal a large number of Muslims Kotha” and “Thikadar” (1940). Abbas also are remains. Yet, as India bifurcated on wrote few poetries and a book entitled „‟ communal basis, the communal situation of AamarShilpiJeevaner Kotha.”29 The book that time was very disastrous .So Abbas left was published by his son Mustofa Jaman Kolkata in 1947 for Dhaka with his whole Abbasi in 1960, immediate after the death of family. In Dhaka he took shelter in old Abbas. Abbas went to the different parts of Polton are and he spend there the last 12 the world as the ambassador of music for his years of his life. He never spoiled any time, own country. In this way he had spread the always served for music. At last this melody of Bhawaiyain the different corners legendary king of Bhawaiya left his last of the world. Abbas had participated more breath at Dhaka in the morning of 30th than five thousand Jalsa stage for music and December in 1959.33 conference.He was awarded in many times.30 At the timeof death, Abbas left two He was awarded “pride of performance” in sons and one daughter in this planet .His son 1960, “Shilpokola Acade-my Award” in Mustofa Kamal is a high level intellectual of 1979, “Swadhinota Dibos Puroskar” in 1981. Bangladesh and he able to become the chief But every award was given after his death justice of Bangladesh Supreme Court. and it was given him either in Pakistan Mustofa Jaman Abbasiand Ferdausi Rehman period or in the times of independent are the A grade artist and celebrity of Ban- Bangladesh. Nowadays Bangla-desh govt. gladesh. FerdausiRehman is the bright star has taken various program and activities to of music world who achieved Ph.D from keep him memorable. London on Bhawaiya music.34 Abbas was the Personal Life of Abbas pioneer father of Bhawaiya and where he Abbas married LutfunnesaSarrkar, finished his activities about the progress of the daughter of FajiluddinSarkar in 1929. Bhawaiya, his son and daughter have taken Fajiluddin Sarkar was the inhabitant of the charge to develop it. And by their effort Chikon Maati village of Nilfamari of Bhawaiya reached it to most sphere of Rangpur District.31 ThoughAbbas was an progress and achieved global character. artist yet he maintained his personal life according to Shoriyat. He always participated 161

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Conclusion also have faced many communal situation. The boy who was born in a deep Abbas sang many songs for communal rural area in a native state during the colonial harmony during his city life in Kolkata.As an rule in India, by his own effort able to artist he never had jealousy to other become a famous personality of the music artists.Bhawaiya was the song of illiterate world. By the melody of his songhe had people before Abbas. But Abbas by his own gotten place in the mind of music lover effort able to send the melody of Bhawaiya people of Bengal. Without any teacher of in the drawing room of the urban people of music very few artists in the world able to Bengal irrespective of cast and creed. reached in such position like Abbas. He was Friendship with Najrul, Jasimuddin and with famous singer but individually strict in his GolamMustofawas become the massive religious activities.35 Yet, he was highly inspiration for his rapid progress. In any- secular minded. When he left Kolkata for where Abbas was not alone; people Dhaka in that time Dhaka was very hot due spontaneously come to help him. So, one day to communal riots. In this situation, Abbas he became the artist of the people. hold the song in his voice loudly against communalism.36 When he was in Kolkata he

References 1Information given by FerdausiRehman, the daughter of AbbasUddin Ahmed and famous singer of Bangladesh ,the writer met with her in Siliguri in the RajyaBhawaiyaProtijogitaand the visit of the writer to the birth place and native village of Abbas ; from where the writer collected information about it. 2Faruk, Omor: BhawaiyaGanerJanak Abbas Uddin Ahmed , main book: Kamruptheke Koch Behar, edited by Hussain, Amzad , Kolkata 2014, p 253. 3Chawdhury, MajirHossain: Koch BeharerKokilBanglar Bulbul , main book : KamrupTheke Koch Behar , edited by Hussain , Amzad , Kolkata 2014 , p 294. 4Information given by FerdausiRehman. 5Information given by FerdausiRehman. 6Ahmed, Abbas Uddin : Dinolipi O Aamar ShilpiJeevanerKotha , Dhaka 1960, p 135. 7Ibid , Faruk , Omor ; p 262. 8Ibid , Chawdhury , MajirHossain; p 294. 9Ibid , Faruk, Omor ; p 276. 10Ibid , Faruk, Omor; pp 281-82. 11Barma, Dr. Sukhbilas: KochbeharJelarLoko-Songeet; main book : Kamruptheke Koch Behar, edited by Hussain , Amzad , Kolkata 2014, p 238 and Faruk, Omor , p 264. 12Ibid, Dr. Sukhbilas, p 237. 13Information given by ProtimaBaruaPandey, The famouse singer of Assam, the writer met with Her in sitai , Koch Behar. 14Ibid, Dr. Sukhbilas , p 237. 15Ibid , pp 236-37. 16Ibid , Chawdhury, MajirHossain;pp 292-94. 17Ibid, Faruk, Omor , p 255. 18Ibid, Faruk, Omor ; p254. 19Ibid , Chawdhury, MajirHossain, P 293 and Faruk, Omor , p 255. 20Nag, Hiten: Kamtapurtheke Koch Behar; Kolkata, 2010, p 146 and Ahmed, Abbas , pp 20-100. 21Ibid, Nag , Hiten, pp146-48. 22Ibid, Chawdhury , majirHossain, p 294. 23Ibid, Ahmed, Abbas, PP 20-100 and Faruk, Omor , p256. 24Ibid, Ahmed , Abbas; pp 20-100 and Faruk, Omor , p 256. 25Information collected by the writer from Betar Bangladesh Dhaka. 162

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26Ibid, Betar Bangladesh Dhaka. 27Ibid , Chawdhury, MajirHossain, p 296. 28Ibid, Ahmed, Abbas, pppp 20-150. 29Ibid, Ahmed, Abbas, pp 15- 150 and Faruk , Omor , pp 276. 30Ibid , Faruk , Omor ;pp 277. 31Ibid, Chawdhury, MajirHossain, p 294. 32Ibid , p 297. 33Ibid, Faruk, Omor, pp 81-82. 34Information collected by the writer from the news analysis of Bangladesh Betar. 35Rehman, Ferdausi: ShilpiNoyPeeta, p 143. 36Information given by Ferdausi Rehman.

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A study of Sansi Tribe in Punjab (1871-1952)

Sukhveer Kaur Research Scholar Department of History Punjabi University, Patiala

Punjab is the western gateway of many Rajput tribes from Rajasthan. Most of India which witnessed people and the expelled tribes of Bhatti Rajputs communities of various racial stocks and wandered towards Punjab. Out of these cultural traits who visited and inhabitated in tribes, there was one known as the Sansi tribe this part of the Indian sub-continent. As a which was named after its leader, „Raja result of it, the people of Punjab have diverse Sansmal or Sansi‟ about whom many legends demographic and cultural characteristics and historical traditions are prevalent. The including all the dominant Indian religion, wandering Bhatti Tribes kept roaming for a numerous communities, castes and tribes.1 very long time. After some centuries, some This research paper is an attempt to study of of them settled in the territories of Hissar, Sansi tribe in Punjab (1871-1952) comprising Ferozepur, Bathinda and some other parts of its historical background, social, economic, Punjab.4 political and religious aspects in Punjab. Sansis were divided into two major Both primary and secondary sources are groups known as Mahla and Baindu. Both consulted regarding this tribe in above these groups used to intermarry and were mentioned context. further divided into 23 gots (clans). It is The Sansis of Punjab were one of the believed that Mahla was the elder son of most ancient people of the Indo-Aryan stock, Sansmal who had 12 sons (from whom 12 who entered the land of five rivers, thousands gots originated) and the younger one Baindu of years ago. The name or the title „Sansi‟ had 11 sons from whom emerged 11 gots.5 came into being many centuries after the All the persons observed brown complexion immigration of the Aryans into India.2 This of one shade or the other, but none has black tribe was found in 1891 in 26 districts, but in complexion.6 Sansis wore tragi, a cotton cord 1901, it was reported that there were none round the loins, and it was prohibited to be then in 6 districts in which small numbers used by any other class. Punjabi Sansis used had been recorded at the census.3 to wear the hair long and keep twisted, within As far the historical background is its coils a small sharp knife, called kapu, concerned the ancestors of Sansis were once used for purse-cutting. The nails of the right called the „Sursenas‟ and Yadu Rajputs of thumb and index finger was kept long for Mathura. From the Yadus, descended a race similar purposes. Sansi women used to dress which was called Bhatti Rajputs. The Bhatti up elaborately for festive occasions, but the Rajputs flourished in Rajasthan for some usual attire of both sexes was rarely anything centuries before the attack of Muslims and more than a langoti.7 particularly before the invasion of Allauddin Traditionally they lived in joint Khilji, who destroyed Chittor and expelled families where the father or the elder brother

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The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 was the head. If the male member of the occupation opted by them. In their nomadic family was executed or jailed then the past, the men used to hunt or steal and the women folk would take over the women were there to help them. But after responsibility of the family. They command their settlement the men turned to be laboures equal respect. No case of female infanticide in agriculture or other sectors but they failed has been reported among them.8 So as per the to develop a large scale enterprise. Thus, gender issue is concerned it is observed that their mainstay was labour or petty crime. both men and women were better treated in With the settlement women took to house- this tribe. Owing to the constant absences of keeping, collecting fuel wood, cooking food the man on thieving excursions and in jail, or doing light agriculture work. They the women had gained a position of unusal however, preferred to work collectively as a influence in the tribe.9The Sansis were under team rather individually.14The Sansis were the influence of their aged women.10Their traditional hunters who caught and used to system of marriages was also unique as the eat all sorts of wild animals. Cleanliness of Sansis were endogamous so no one was flesh did not matter them. At the time of allowed to marry outside the tribe. If marriage both the bridegroom and bride were someone did it then he had to face given specific parts of goat, which was excommunication from the community. In sacrificed and cooked on this occasion. Both Punjab it was known as Huqa pani band. In meat and liquor were inseparable part of their certain cases cousin marriage was allowed functions as no rite of their community was and there was custom of levirate form of considered complete without it. Sansis marriage also. Dowry was always small, developed special techniques to distil and sell comprising of articles of domestic use, but it liquor. However, their young women-folk, was never demanded. Polyandry was were not allowed to take liquor or other absent.11 intoxicants but some older women used Sansi dialect may be categorized as naswar or bidis (cigarettes). Both men and the main dialect and the criminal variation. women had special liking for fried and spicy The former is used by all Sansis in ordinary food. In this concern they were very conversation. It closely resembled Punjabi, particular.15 though it was sometimes more or less like The Sansis have always headed the Urdu language. The later one namely list as the chief of criminal tribes of the criminal variation was absolutely Punjab and they contributed very largely, in unintelligible except to the initiated.12 1870, to furnishing the object and reasons for If we analyse the economic condition the passing of the act XXVII the following of this tribe it is observed that this tribe was year.16By this Act of 1871, number of economically weak. They had either little or communities in Punjab mainly the Bauria, null sources for their survival. They lived on , Barad, Bangala, Gandhila, and small scale animal husbandry like rearing Sansi including their numerous sub-groups sheep and goat.13They kept dogs for hunting were declared „criminals‟.17 According to and donkeys for transportation in their early David Arnold, the Criminal Tribes act was nomadic life. Traditionally, the gender divis- used against “wandering groups, nomadic ion of labour was based on the type of the petty traders and pastoralists, gypsy types, 165

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 hilly and forest dwelling tribe‟s, in short, conclusively proved that they had no other against a wide variety of marginal who did means of livelihood except Dakaiti, road not conform to the colonial pattern of settled robbery, thefts from vehicles, threshing agricultural and wage labour.”18 floors and persons sleeping in the fields.23 According to the Act of 1871 the In 1908, the first Criminal Tribes number of Sansis on the register was 571, all Settlement Act was passed to make males out of the total population of 1,902. arrangements for those members of criminal They were scattered all over the district of tribes included Sansis who were convicted. Sialkot but were chiefly confined to six kots, In these settlements they were taught to which were reformatories in the shape of work. Instructions were given to lead an small walled villages, standing apart from honest life. Their children were sent to any other habitation and under the control of schools. Settlements were created for the a jamadar paid by Government and assisted reformation of the criminals. Although an by a small staff of police.19 effort was made but it could not achieve The organization of separate gangs much, again in 1911 an amendment was was made for practicing a sort of rule of made to this effort.24 Besides the settlement exogamy among themselves. The Sansis programmes of the British government some were used to be divided into seven gangs religious and social organizations like (gol), of which the leaders of five were Salvation Army made efforts to uplift tribal women and two were men because so many population. The Salvation Army founded in of the sansi males were in jail.20 London in 1865 by the late William Booth. It The Sansis were one of the extremely was first of all reached Bombay on 19th bold and fearless criminal tribe in the September 1882, in the same year they province. It was admitted by the British started their work in India under the government and stringent proceedings were supervision of commissioner Booth Tucker. taken against them. In the year 1890, they The head- quarters of this army in Punjab were all simultaneously arrested.21 In 1891, was on Ferozepore road, Lahore. It was Sansi Tribe was found in 26 districts, but in establish to provide training to the members 1901 they were found in six districts in of criminal tribes included Sansis. There was which small numbers had been recorded. The also one settlement known as „Danepur‟, tribe was proclaimed criminal but orders for where some members of the Sansi tribe were its registration were issued only on the Sansis kept after their released from the jail.25 They, of Hoshiarpur, Jullundur, Ludhiana, Lahore, with the assistance of local government, Gurdaspur, Sialkot, Gujranwala and Gujrat. established four settlements for members of The Sansis of Amritsar, Karnal and Ambala these tribes.26 were not registered under this Act.22 The Three classes of settlements were younger members were removed to a recommended.27 reformatory, and the elders were distributed throughout the province in the hope that they (1) Reformatory Settlement (2) Industrial Settlement would adopt an honest course of livelihood. (3) Agricultural Settlement An expectation was made but it was not been The features of these settlements were-28: realized. In the Upper Doab careful enquiry 166

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(a) The settlement shall be under the settlements. They were kept under the charge of some officer or non- surveillance of the local police.32 official who will enforce the By the year 1920, there were six prescribed discipline. settlements for sansis in the District of (b) Men shall ordinarily be joined in Sialkot only-Mandianwala, Goindke, Jhandu, settlements by their wives and Nangal, Ahdiau and Dhingranwali. The families. Sansis settlement at Kot Ahdian was set up (c) Every adult male shall be compelled by the Salvation Army in 1915. The Sansis to work for his living and the females settlement at Kot Jhandu and Goindke were given the opportunity of working. established by the Deo Samaj in the year (d) Boys shall receive literary and 1918. A considerable number of Sansis with industrial education, and their families had been transferred to these (e) Work shall be provided for all able settlements where they were provided with bodied workers on payment of wages facilities for earning an honest livelihood.33 sufficiently large to maintain them. The settlement proved efficacious as a In 1928 a Reformatory school was means of reformation, the most hopeful established at Amritsar where the boys of measure of reform was the education of the criminal tribes included Sansis were given children of criminal tribes included the vocational training and ordinary education up children of Sansis which was over 3000. to the lower middle standard. Tailoring, Even the girls were taught the elements of carpentry, shoe-making and weaving was domestic economy. There was a weaving taught to them.29The industrial settlements school for boys at Palampur and the were all self-Supporting. Remunerative occu- Moghulpura settlement had established a pation was provided for all settlers in the night school for youths who were employed Railways workshops, forest plantations and during the day. It is interesting to learn that Tea Gardens where majority of the men the children of these tribes were usually worked well. Where as in Agricultural settle- above the average in intelligence and showed ments sometimes difficulties were faced due extra-ordinary keenness to learn.34 to crop failure. Even then there was a marked Whenever a dispute arose between improvement in the administration and Sansis, the parties called a gathering of their control of criminal tribes included Sansis set brotherhoods and appointed chiefs from in during the year 1928.30 Agricultural them. They used to submit their appeals education was introduced into all agricultural before this assembly and they were required settlements. Schools set of books and to accept it. The punishments were also of pamphlets containing relevant information in different kinds. The man held to be at fault regard to plants and seeds etc. were was punished with a dand (a fine imposed by supplied.31 the brotherhood), its amount being fixed by The scheme framed by the government the chiefs. In case of parties opposed the classified the members of the tribes included decision then, another custom, called paun Sansis in different categories in order to bhutti, was observed.35Each party used to exercise control over them. The worst give a rupee to the chiefs who send for two characters were put into reformatory settle- divers. A bamboo was planted in a well and ment, hopeful were kept in industrial the divers were sent down into it. They dive settlement and well-behaved were shifted to into the water, and the man whose diver agricultural settlement. These three classes of comes up last, was considered to be truthful. settlements were to form stages in the They believed that water would not allow a reformation of the criminal tribes. All the wrong man to remain below its surface. This members of these tribes were not sent to the decision was final. There were many such 167

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 methods to test genuineness of claims and God, whom they used to call Bhagwan, counter claims of the parties but generally the Parameswar or Narayan39 They also decision used to depend on the judgement of worshiped many saints, faqirs and devis such lambardars36 The punishment inflicted upon as Malang Shah and Fatha Shaheed.40 The offending parties generally was in monetary real vagrant Sansi after the death often form like fines varying from Rs. 5 to Rs.30. merely exposed their dead bodies in the It was imposed according to the seriousness jungle.41They observed the Shraddh of the offence committed. It was a significant ceremony, and they first made two offerings fact that burglaries and thefts were not to spirits of ancestors who had died a violent covered under this category of an offence.37 death or had committed a suicide and to As a community, the Sansis had a those who had died unmarried.42 practical approach towards religion. In 1881 So we can say that Sansi tribe Muslim Sansis comprised 11% of their functioned on its own rules and regulations. population. There were a few Sikhs and the Prevailing circumstances transformed it as a rest were Hindus.38 They followed their own criminal tribe. Although India got indepen- religious practices and worshiped their dence on 15 August 1947 but all the criminal ancestors. On various occasions Sansmal, his tribes including sansi tribe had to struggle two sons namely Baindu and Mahla and his hard for their freedom. At last, after 5 years twenty three grandsons were worshiped. A and 15 days they tasted the fruit of their long feast was organized for the community in fight in the form of freedom (De-notified) case the wish come true or realized dated 30 August 1952 and the tag of crim- practically. They had a vague idea of a great inality was removed from them.43

Notes & References 1Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab: A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, New Delhi, 2010, p.xii. 2Sher Sing „Sher‟, The Sansis of Punjab, Delhi, 1965, p.318. 3Report on the Working of the Criminal Tribes Act (Act XVII of 1871), Lahore, 1902, p.2. 4Sher Singh „Sher‟, The Sansis of Punjab, p.318. 5Ibbetson and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Caste of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, Lahore, 1883, p.363. 6Sher Singh „Sher‟, The Sansis of Punjab, p.319. 7Ibbetson and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Caste of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, p.379. 8Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, pp.120-121. 9W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, Calcutta, 1896, p.284. 10Ibbetson and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Caste of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, p.366. 11Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, pp.119-120. 12Census of India, Vol.XVII, Simla, 1902, p.288. 13Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, p.124. 14Ibid, p.121. 15Ibid, p.117. 16Repot on the Administration of Criminal and wandering tribes in Punjab, Lahore, 1914, p.5. 17Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab: A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, p.xv. 18Ibid, p.xiv. 19Gazetteer of the Sialkot District, 1894-95, Lahore, 1895, 20W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, p.283. 21W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, p.283. 22Report on the working of Criminal Tribes Act (Act XVII of 1871), 1901, Lahore 1902, p.2. 168

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23W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, p.283. 24Y.C. Simhadri, The Ex-Criminal Tribes of India, p.31. 25Punjab District Gazetteer, Lahore, 1916, Vol-XXX A, Lahore, 1916, p.78. 26Report on the Administration of the Punjab and its Dependencies, 1911-1912, Lahore, 1912, p.97. 27Hari Krishan Kaul, Report on Question Relating to the Administration of Criminal and Wandering Tribes in the Punjab, Lahore, 1914, p.72. 28Ibid. 29Punjab District Gazetteers Amritsar District, Chandigarh, July 1947, p.250. 30Report on the Administration of the Punjab and its Dependencies, 1928-1929, Lahore, 1929, pp.32-33. 31Report on the Progress of Education in the Punjab, 1932-1933, Lahore, 1934, p.89. 32Report on the Administration of the Punjab and its Dependencies, 1928-1929, pp.32-33. 33Gazetteers of the Sialkot District, 1920, Lahore, 1921, pp.200-201. 34Report on the Administration of Criminal Tribes in the Punjab, 1922, Lahore, 1923.p.3. 35Ibbeston and H.A., Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Caste of the Punjab and North- West Frontier Province, p.367. 36Ibid, p.367. 37Ibid. 38Ibid. 39W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, p.281. 40Ibbeston and H.A. Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Caste of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, p.367. 41W. Crooke, Tribes and Castes of North Western Provinces and Oude, p.280. 42R.V.Russell and Hira Lal, Tribes and castes of Central Provinces of India, Delhi, 1916.p.498. 43Dr. Barinderpal Singh, „Criminal‟ Tribes of Punjab: A Social- Anthropological Inquiry, p.xvii.

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The Right of Way: A Landmark Legal Case of Colonial Assam

Avinibesh Sharma Post-Graduate Student University of Delhi

British colonial rule has been tea plantations were established. Among the described as a „crucial watershed‟ in the British adventurers were tea planters as well ecological history of India. Colonial rule as speculators in raw rubber who tried to enabled the global expansion of the resource enclose as many tracts as they could. The base of industrial societies as land and Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation of 1877 natural resources earlier controlled by therefore empowered the colonial gatherer and peasant societies came under the government to „prescribe, and from time to control of new rules of property that created time, alter by notification…a line to be called the legal foundation for the industrial mode the Inner Line.‟ of resources use.1Assam was gradually The line was drawn along the incorporated into this new global resource foothills and the peoples living beyond this use regime. The land settlement project line were supposedly left to manage their resulted in significant dispossession of the own affairs.The colonial government laid Assamese peasantry and of the shifting down rules to bring „under more stringent cultivators and hunter-gatherers of the control the commercial relations of our own Brahmaputra Valley and the surrounding subjects with frontier tribes living on the hills. As, Sanjib Baruah points out,the most borders of our jurisdiction.‟ These rules dramatic aspect of the colonial land governed activities by British subjects settlement project in nineteenth century beyond the Inner Line; no British subject or Assam was the allocation of vast tracts of foreign citizens could cross the line without a land to tea plantations. According to license, and trade or possession of land Percivial Griffiths,‟a madness comparable in beyond the line was severely restricted.4Even intensity with that of the South Sea Bubble‟ communication between villages was hit the Landon stock exchange as „normally disrupted as parts of public roads were level-headed financiers and speculators fenced off and villagers were denied access. began to scramble wildly for tea shares in tea Even many weekly bazaars and hats, where lands‟2Land was given to tea plantations the villagers brought their farm products for under the Waste Land Grant Rule of 1838.In sale came within the limits of tea gardens. 1854 new rules were introduced to give Planters exercised exclusive control over ninety-nine years‟ lease and to raise the these markets. Indeed the right of way minimum area of a grant to five hundred through tea plantation became a major issue acres. By 1901 tea gardens enclosed „some during the anti-colonial struggle in the one fourth of the total settled area (or five twentieth century. In many parts of Assam, a percent of the total area) of Assam proper villager had to walk many miles around tea under their exclusive property rights‟3 gardens. The use of roads that went through Sanjib Baruah argues that it led to a the tea gardens was restricted. For instance, disruption of the old order.The land grab by Indians could not go through a tea plantation tea planters had profoundly disrupted the on a bicycle or on horseback,or with hunting and gathering economies of the Naga umbrella open.When the automobiles arrived peoples who live on the hills that border the on the scene there were cases when bullock Assamese plains where the first generation of carts were not allowed on these roads for 170

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 they might damage the roads and make them and even driving automobiles. Previously, he unfit for the automobile.5 never had to seek permission to travel One such incident involved an through that road. Assamese tea planter, C.K. Bezbaruah whose This case which started on Nov bullock cart was detained as it had taken the 15,1927 ended on Jan 28, 1929when the stretch of road that went through two tea District judge ruled the judgment in favor of plantations owned by the Conan Dewan Hills the petitioner Bezbaruah.There were about Produce Company and under the 300 witnesses. There was even a witness management of a British tea planter named aged 100 years old. Special bamboo huts Sydney Cartier Dutton who was the were built to house the witnesses coming to Superintendent of the Nakachari/Kakojan support Bezbaruah and bungalows of sub-division.6The trial of Bezbaruah is a prominen tAssamese tea planterslike Somes- historic event considering the fact that it hwar Baruah, and Rameshwar presented the first major challenge to the land Sarma acted as rest houses.7 enclosure policy of the colonial government. Counsels on the side of the petitioner A landmark legal case in the colonial period were Mr. Tarun Ram Phukan Bar-at-Law, of Assamits significance can be gauged from Mr. Nabin Chandra Bordoloi, Mr. its impact on the anti-colonial struggle in Debeshwar Sarma B.L. and Mr. Krishna Assam.The court eventually ruled in favour Nath Sarma. Counsels on the side of the of Bezbaruah, thus a colonial subject winning defendant were Mr. N. Mukherjee, Mr. E.S. the case against the colonial master Mr. Rafi, Mr. Buckingham Jones, Mr. Lalit Dutton. Kumar Ghosh and Maulvi Keramat Ali.8 Bezbaruah was a resident of Two notable witnesses on the side of Boloma(then under the District). the defendant, the 75 year old former Deputy He was the owner of the Boloma Tea Estate Inspector Gulap Chandra Baruah and which he had bought in 1906.He had also Maheshwar Sarma Kataki stated that they bought the Baidiha tea estate from the had travelled through that road without any Satradhikar of the Auniati in difficulty and did not require permission or a 1917.Bebaruah travelled from Boloma to pass to do so. Baidiha viaKakojanTea Estate taking There was a sudden turn of events theMeleng-Nakachari Road also known as when a witness on the side of the defendant the Nagadera Road.In the month of February Mohammad Abdullah who worked as the 1924,the bullock cart owned by Bezbaruah manager of the Times of Assam newspaper had taken this particular stretch of road to (about 1500 readers) showed a notice from transport tea leaves,bamboo and wood from the Conan Hills Produce Company published Boloma to Baidiha.To his utter in the issue of May 23, 1925.It stated that the bewilderment,the rider found a barrier on the roads to all the tea gardens owned by them Kakojan Bridge.Bezbaruah was later would blocked.But there was no mention of informed by his Daroga that the bullock cart Nakachari and Meleng tea gardens but of rider has been detained near the Nakachari Kakajan, Bheleuguri and Rajoi. Post Office. In the month of May, Bezbaruah According to the statement of the received a letter from Mr. Dutton formally defendant Dutton, the way through Rajoi and informing him about the detention. the way through Nakachari tea estate were Bezbaruah filed a case in the Jorhat shut down thrice a year. People travelling on District Court demanding the “Right of Way” foot could go through taking special and its reinstatement for public use. permission on those particular days. No According to Bezbaruah, he had met people vehicles could pass through without a pass. treading that path by foot, riding elephants When the weekly bazaar sits in the place 171

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 between Gakhirkuwa and Lahdoigarh, people carts used to pass without any interference take the disputed way but are never stopped. from the defendants9Admittedly carts were Every year the road is blocked by bamboo allowed without any pass on the hat days. gates. Dutton claimed that way as private Budhboria hat is near Gakhirkhuwa and the because it was repaired not using public Debrapar hat near Nagadara(the disputed money but garden money (since 1912).He way) are Government hats and there is no also claimed another way (from Kalio Paani reason why carts would be allowed on these to Dihajan) and the land beside it(which was paths to go to Government hats. Mr. a part of Bezbarua‟s Baidiha tea garden). Barnwell (a witness under obligation to the Dutton stated that even during the days when defendants) however, say that carts cannot the way was closed, all traffic was allowed pass indiscriminately even on hat days. The except for automobiles. About 10/14 days witnesses who have used carts deny that they prior to the closure, notices were sent to the ever had to ask for a pass. newspapers, namely, ”Englishman”, ”States- When some documents relevant to man” and “Times of Assam”. He was aware the case were sought from the chairman of of the setting up of the Baidiha Estate and the Local board,the chairman replied that he knew its owner Bezbaruah personally. cannot do that within 2/3 days.At this Nabin According to Dutton statement, Bezbaruah Chandra Bordoloi,another counsel for the took his permission to carry wood and tea petitioner retorted angrily,“ Papers are not to leaves to Boloma. Initially, about 114 men be brought from Mecca,the local Board carried the load and later took a pass from office is at a stone‟s throw.” Everyone in the him to carry it by cart. It went on till audience burs into laughter. 1922.Once,the cart was turned back but Bordoloi argued that neither there is Bezbaruah did not object to it.It was only on any evidence that prior to 1922 carts carrying 7th May, 1923 that Bezbaruah wrote a letter timber from Baidiha to Boloma was turned asking him about the reason for turning back back nor there is evidence that the petitioner the cart.Thereafter, letters were exchanged used the pathway with permission of between the two. “We had mutual respect for defendant. The manager of Boloma said that each other.Although it does not seem to be so the letter written by him on 7th may 1923 in the courtroom.” said Dutton. On hearing refers to a shorter route through Tali garden this audience burst into laughter. as that that time the wooden bridge at It appeared after cross examination Nakachari was under repairs. that some public highways which run Mr. Dutton denied that the letter through tea garden are repaired with garden could refer to any other path than the money and some of with Local Board disputed one and that the bridge at Nakachari money. Garden authorities seemed to do was not under repairs. However, the counsel repairs with their money for their own for Bezbaruah argued that Mr. Bezbaruah advantage.Tarun Ram Phukan, counsel for never admitted the disputed pathway as a the petitioner argued that there is evidence to private pathway of the defendants. Mr. show that several people went in carts and Dulton failed to show that Bezbaruah over passed through without any opposition from acknowledged the path as private path of the defendants. Even marriage processions his(defendant).No letter of Mr. Bezbaruah passes by without any permission of the was forthcoming to show that he applied for defendants. Instances in these were cited by a pass. There was also no record to show that some of the witnesses. There was also no any pass(either foot traffic or for cart traffic) advertisement in newspapers to the effect. was ever issued. From the statements of Carts came into use after Mr. Toddcame to Bezbaruah, it appeared that the attitude taken Meleng (1862) and there is evidence that by him was that of a man who was using the 172

The Mirror (Vol-2) ISSN-2348-9596 pathway as of right or as a public highway. and to apply for a pass for its use. Moreover, From the correspondence that passed the pathway has been a significant way for between Mr. Bezbaruah and Mr. Dutton, it communication. The Nagas used this path to appeared that the former knew of Mr. go to Naga Khat, near Rongdoi. Tarun Ram Dutton‟s claiming the pathway as a private Phukan shouted, “If there be Naga Khat, pathway for the first time only in there must be Naga bat.” 1923.Letter(Exb. 3) dated March 20th,1923 Taking all the evidences into consideration, shows that Mr. Dutton acknowledged that the District judge Jogen Baruah ruled the Boloma carts were stopped through mistake. case in favor of Mr. Chandra Kamal Until 6th July, when Bezbaruah Bezbaruah in this historic judgment. Dutton resumed correspondence there was no later made an appeal to the High Court but exchange of letters. Mr. Bezbaruah was away lost the case once again. He had to pay in Calcutta then. Upon return, Bezbaruah remuneration to Mr. Bezbaruah and the wrote a letter which would show that he Nagadera road was opened for public use. would not recognize the disputed road as This case played a major role in influencing private. From the correspondence between public opinion during the Civil Dis- them, it appeared that Mr. Bezbaruah did not Obedience Movement. A colonial subject admit the road as private. Mr. Dutton also winning a case against the colonial master said that when Mr. Bezbaruah saw him for did give a huge boost to the Freedom the first time at his bungalow on 10th August, Movement in Assam which hitherto lacked 1923 he refused to acknowledge the disputed popular support. pathway as a private path of the defendant

Notes & References Madhav Gadgil and Ramachandra Guha, This Fissured Land: An Ecological History of India,Delhi,1993 2Percival Griffiths,The History of the Indian Tea Industry,London,1967 3Amalendu Guha, Planter Raj to Swaraj:Freedom Struggle and Electoral Politics in Assam 1826-1947, New Delhi,1977. 4Alexander Mackenzie,The North-East Frontier of India. Delhi: Mittal Publications [Originally published as History of the Relations of the Government with the Hill Tribes of the North-East Frontier of Bengal. Calcutta: Home Department Press. 5On the colonial land settlement policy in Assam and its consequences, see, Sanjib Baruah, Durable Disorder: Understanding the Politics of Northeast India,New Delhi,2005,p 83-97 6Under Dutton‟smanagement were four tea gardens, namely- Kakojan, Bheleuguri, Rajoi and Lahing. He started working for the Conal Dewan Hills Produce Company in 1897. 7Quoted from an obituary published during the centenary of Bezbaruah (1968) written by a prominent resident of the village named Majkuri(which lie adjacent to the Boloma Tea Estate), Late Indrananth Sharma(1908-1974) who was a close acquaintance of C.K. Bezbaruah. 8Benudhar Sharma,Buronjir Xophura, Guwahati,1987. 9Mr. Todd established the Meleng and Nakachari tea estates.

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