DOCSLIB.ORG

Revolutionary Networks

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Revolutionary Networks Edinburgh Research Explorer Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945-1957) Citation for published version: Bonfiglioli, C 2012, 'Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945-1957)', Ph.D., Universiteit Utrecht. <http://www.uu.nl/faculty/humanities/EN/Current/agenda/Pages/20120914-promotie-bonfiglioli.aspx> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publisher Rights Statement: © Bonfiglioli, C. (2012). Revolutionary Networks. Women's Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945-1957) Utrecht University (PhD dissertation) General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 09. Oct. 2021 REVOLUTIONARY NETWORKS Women’s Political and Social Activism in Cold War Italy and Yugoslavia (1945-1957) REVOLUTIONAIRE NETWERKEN Politieke en Sociaal Activisme van Vrouwen in Italie en Joegoslavie tijdens de Koude Oorlog (1945-1957) (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. G.J. van der Zwaan, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op vrijdag 14 september 2012 des middags te 12.45 uur door Chiara Bonfiglioli geboren op 24 januari 1983 te Bologna, Italie Promotor: Prof. dr. R. Braidotti A mia nonna Linda, Una ragazza degli anni Quaranta To my grandmother Linda, A girl of the 1940s Contents Acknowledgements. .9 Introduction. .12 Chapter 1 Theoretical and methodological framework of the research. 22 Introduction. 22 1 Women’s history in Italy, Yugoslavia and the Italo-Yugoslav border area. 24 1.1 Temporalities: the antifascist foremothers and the feminist generation. 24 1.2 Women’s political history across time and across national borders. 27 2 Women’s history during the Cold War: uncovering agency . 30 3 Trans-European feminist genealogies: challenging the East-West divide. 33 4 Reading the cultural Cold War through a gender lens. 36 5 Cold War Orientalism and post-Cold War ethnography. 37 6 Research methodology . 40 6.1 Designing a research method . 41 6.2 Visits to archives in Italy and the former Yugoslavia . 43 6.3 Archival sources . 46 6.4 Autobiographies, biographies and oral history interviews. 49 6.5 Lost and found in translation: language and narrative. 52 6.6 Across Europe: traveling locations. 53 6.7 Across generations: subjectivity and agency. 55 Chapter 2 Women’s antifascist Resistance in Italy and Yugoslavia . 60 Introduction. 60 1 The Second World War in Italy and Yugoslavia. 6. 2 1.1 The beginnings of the antifascist struggle. 62 1.2 Italian and Yugoslav women’s encounters across borders during the war. 65 2 The foundation of the afž and the udi during the antifascist Resistance. .68 2.1 Women’s resistance in Yugoslavia: the Antifascist Women’s Front (afž). 6. 9 2.2 Women’s resistance in Italy: the Groups for the Defense of Women (gdd) and the Union of Italian Women (udi). 72 3 Assessing the impact of women’s participation in the Resistance. 76 3.1 Images of female fighters in Yugoslavia and Italy. 77 3.2 Motherhood, “women” and femininity as consensual signifiers. .79 3.3 Beyond representation: women’s agency in feminist historiography. 82 Conclusion . 85 Chapter 3 The afž, the udi and the task of postwar reconstruction . 87 Introduction . 87 1 Women’s social work of national reconstruction . 89 1.1 The first postwar afž congress (Belgrade, June 1945). 91 1.2 The first postwar udi Congress (Florence, October 1945) . 93 1 .3 udi and afž engagements in social work in the postwar years . 96 1.4 The paradigm of social motherhood after 1945. 98 2 The 1946 Italian and Yugoslav Constitutions: formulating women’s rights . 100 2.1 Overcoming women’s inferiority as a legacy of previous regimes. 100 2.2 Women’s equality as citizens and workers, women’s difference as mothers. 101 2.3 Women’s equality as a “prize” or as a “natural outcome” of the Resistance. 104 3 The pedagogic character of antifascist women’s organizations. 106 3.1 The udi and the afž as avant-gardes: educating the feminine masses. 106 3.2 “Wearing trousers”: udi and afž leaders rejecting “work among women”. 109 Conclusion. 111 Chapter 4 Women’s internationalism after 1945. 113 Introduction. 113 1 The Women’s International Democratic Federation (widf) . 117 1.1 The widf founding congress (November 1945, Paris) and the initial activities of the widf . 118 2 Transnational encounters in the postwar period: the Yugoslav example. 123 2.1 Yugoslav women’s international recognition and the claim over Trieste. 124 2.2 Italian women abroad: the uncoupling of Italian identity from Fascism. 128 2.3 The ambivalence of the Yugoslav model for Italian militants. 131 3 The Italo-Yugoslav border area as a microcosm of Cold War battles. 135 3.1 For a Yugoslav Trieste: the Union of Italo-Slovene Antifascist Women (udais).136 3.2 “Let’s learn how to talk”: women’s class-based activism in a multi-ethnic city. 142 Conclusion. 147 Chapter 5 From comrades to traitors: the Cominform Resolution of 1948. 149 Introduction. 149 1 The Soviet-Yugoslav split and its consequences on women’s internationalism. 151 1.1 The First and Second Cominform Resolutions (June 1948 – November 1949). 151 1.2 The isolation of Yugoslav delegates at the Women’s International Exhibition .155 1.3 “Sisterhood was no longer innocent”: the second widf Congress in Budapest. 159 1.4 The break of udi-afž relations and the exclusion of the afž from the widf. 163 2 Intra-communist wars in Yugoslavia, Italy and the Italo-Yugoslav border area. 170 2.1 The making of Yugoslav “Cominformists” . 170 2.2 Enemy making: The afž and the udi amidst Cold War struggles. 174 2.3 The effects of the Cominform Resolution in the Italo-Yugoslav border area. 179 Conclusion. 183 Chapter 6 Into the field: the afž, the udi and the practice of emancipation . .186 Introduction. 186 1 The afž in the early Cold War era . 189 1 .1 afž campaigns in 1948–1953: women’s equality as a modernization project . 189 1.2 From darkness to enlightenment: the campaign against feređže. 192 1.3 Feminist historiography and the dissolution of the afž in 1953 . 196 1.4 The women’s question as a social question: the iv and last afž Congress. 199 2 The udi in the early Cold War era. 205 2 .1 udi campaigns in 1948-53: class conflicts and solidarity networks. 205 2.2 Peasant movements in Southern Italy: a “woman with no name”. 208 2.3 The udi support of of war rape victims in Cassino province . 211 2.4 Feminist historiography and the debate on the autonomy of the udi . 214 Conclusion. 220 Chapter 7 After 1956: national ways to women’s emancipation . 224 1 The impact of 1956 on Italian and Yugoslav women’s organizations. 228 1.1 A new climate within the udi: redefining emancipation and autonomy . 228 1.2 Critical observers: Yugoslav sdž leaders and the widf. 232 2 Women’s internationalism and its discontents. 235 2.1 The widf and the geopolitical crises of 1956 in Suez and Hungary . 235 2.2 Contesting Soviet hegemony: the widf Helsinki Plenum . 237 2.3 The 1957 Ljubljana meeting between Italian and Yugoslav leaders. 241 2.4 Women’s questions: autonomy, contraception and abortion . 246 3 The difficult reconciliation in the Italo-Yugoslav border area . 249 Conclusion. 252 Concluding remarks and suggestions for future research. 255 1 Women’s transnational activism in Cold War Europe . 256 2 Gendering Cold War politics. 261 3 Post-Cold War feminist narratives. 263 List of abbreviations . 267 Bibliography . 269 Summary . .289 Samenvatting . .292 Biography . 296 Acknowledgements Writing a doctoral dissertation is definitely more about the journey than about the destination. Although I am solely responsible for the final contents of the disserta- tion, and thus for its destination, I would like to thank the many fellow travelers who made this journey possible. First of all, I am immensely grateful to the extraordinary women who agreed to be interviewed and to share with me their personal stories. A heartfelt thank you to Gordana Bosanac, Marisa Rodano, Ester Pacor, Luciana Viviani and Vinka Kitarović, whose storytelling allowed me to travel in time and to under- stand the degree of political passion involved in women’s politics. I am immensely grateful to my PhD supervisor Rosi Braidotti. Your generosity, energy and deeply inspiring intellectual support sustained me along the way. Thank you for believing in this project from the start – even when it wasn’t there yet – and for encouraging me to be open to discoveries, while at the same time keeping in check my Pindaric flights with a healthy dose of realism. Theogc Institute at Utrecht University provided me with generous financial and educational support, for which I am deeply grateful. Thank you to José van Aelst for her warm support. The Graduate Gender Programme has been a wonderful academic community, both for a master student and a PhD researcher.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Health Systems in Transition: Slovenia (Vol. 18 No. 3 2016)
    Health Systems in Transition Vol. 18 No. 3 2016 Slovenia Health system review Tit Albreht • Radivoje Pribakovic´ Brinovec Dušan Jošar • Mircha Poldrugovac Tatja Kostnapfel • Metka Zaletel Dimitra Panteli • Anna Maresso Anna Maresso and Dimitra Panteli (Editors) and Ewout van Ginneken (Series editor) were responsible for this HiT Editorial Board Series editors Reinhard Busse, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Josep Figueras, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Martin McKee, London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine, United Kingdom Elias Mossialos, London School of Economics and Political Science, United Kingdom Ellen Nolte, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Ewout van Ginneken, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Series coordinator Gabriele Pastorino, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Editorial team Jonathan Cylus, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Cristina Hernández-Quevedo, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Marina Karanikolos, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Anna Maresso, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies David McDaid, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Sherry Merkur, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Dimitra Panteli, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Wilm Quentin, Berlin University of Technology, Germany Bernd Rechel, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Erica Richardson, European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies Anna Sagan, European
    [Show full text]
  • 'Truth': Representations of Intercultural 'Translations'
    eScholarship California Italian Studies Title Sleights of Hand: Black Skin and Curzio Malaparte's La pelle Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/0xr9d2gm Journal California Italian Studies, 3(1) Author Escolar, Marisa Publication Date 2012 DOI 10.5070/C331012084 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Sleights of Hand: Black Fingers and Curzio Malaparte’s La pelle Marisa Escolar La pelle [1949], written towards the end of Curzio Malaparte’s rather colorful political career,1 has long been used as a litmus test for its author, helping critics confirm their belief in a range of divergent and often contradictory interpretations. At one end of the spectrum is the view that he was an unscrupulous “chameleon” who distorted the reality of the Allies’ Liberation of Italy to suit his own interests.2 At the other is the claim that he was a true artist whose representations of the horrors of war absorb historical details into what is a consummately literary work.3 In other words, La pelle has been read either as a vulgar deformation or a poetic transcendence of the historical moment it purports to represent.4 And yet Malaparte’s narrative of the myriad social transformations following the Armistice actually combines concrete historical events (the Allies’ arrival in Naples and in Rome, the eruption of Vesuvius on March 22, 1944, and the battle of 1 Malaparte, born Kurt Erich Suckert, joined the Partito Nazionale Fascista in September 1922 and resigned in January, 1931 just before moving to France. Upon his return to Italy in October 1931, he was expelled from the party (despite having already left it) and sentenced to political exile on Lipari for five years of which he served less than two (Martellini Opere scelte xcii-xciv).
    [Show full text]
  • “Marocchinate” Denunciano La Francia. Andrea Cionci
    Le vittime delle “marocchinate” denunciano la Francia. Andrea Cionci Furono 300.000 gli stupri di donne, uomini e bambini italiani compiuti dal 1943 al ‘44 dalle truppe coloniali del Corp Expeditionnaire Français. Quella pagina si storia di riapre. Reparto di goumiers marocchini accampati Il nostro giornale lo aveva annunciato il 6 marzo scorso e l’Associazione Vittime delle Marocchinate presieduta da Emiliano Ciotti ha depositato, tramite lo studio legale dell’Avv. Luciano Randazzo, formale denuncia contro la Francia per le atrocità compiute dalle truppe coloniali francesi ai danni dei civili italiani durante l’ultima guerra. L’atto è stato presentato presso la Procure di Frosinone e Latina, presso la Procura Militare di Roma, il Comando Generale dei Carabinieri e l’Ambasciata di Francia. Furono 300.000 gli stupri di donne, uomini e bambini italiani compiuti dal 1943 al ‘44 dalle truppe coloniali del Cef (Corp Expeditionnaire Français) costituito per il 60% da marocchini, algerini e senegalesi e per il restante da francesi europei, per un totale di 111.380 uomini. A tali violenze seguirono spesso torture inimmaginabili e brutali omicidi, sia delle vittime, sia di tutti coloro che tentavano di opporvisi. Furono poi moltissimi i casi di malattie e infezioni veneree tanto da costituire una vera e propria emergenza sanitaria, come risulta dall’interpellanza parlamentare della deputata comunista Maria Maddalena Rossi dell’aprile 1952. La prime violenze si verificarono dopo lo sbarco in Sicilia, dove i magrebini del 4° tabor stuprarono donne e bambini presso Capizzi. Dopo lo sfondamento della Linea Gustav, in Ciociaria si toccò il culmine dell’aberrazione, ma le violenze proseguirono fino in Toscana.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • A State of the Art Report on the Italo-Slovene Border
    EUROREG Changing interests and identities in European border regions: A state of the art report on the Italo-Slovene border Jeremy Faro Kingston University United Kingdom INTERREG IIIA ITALY/SLOVENIA PROGRAMMING REGION 6th Framework Programme Priority 7: Citizens and Governance in Knowledge Based Society Contract no. FP6-506019 Table of Contents 1.0 The Italo-Slovene borderland: an introduction to the frontier, its population, and EU-led cross-border cooperation 1 2.0 An overview of Italo-Slovene borderland and minority relations, 1918-2004 2 2.1.1 The ethnicity and geography of the Italo-Slovene borderland, 1918-1945 2 2.1.2 The ethnicity and geography of the Italo-Slovene borderland, 1945-2004 6 2.1.3 Ethno-linguistic minority issues in the Italo-Slovene frontier, 1994-2005 12 2.2 Socio-economic development and EU regional policy in the Italo-Slovene borderland 14 2.3 The institutional geography of Italo-Slovene cross-border cooperation 17 2.4 Overall assessment 19 3.0 Literature review 20 3.1 An overview of the political economy and anthropology of borderlands 20 3.2 Ethnic-national identities and the politics of culture and identity: Typologies of borderland identity and development 23 3.3 Minority-majority relations in the borderland: Toward a theoretical context for cross-border cooperation 26 4.0 Conclusion 29 Bibliography 31 Annex I: Policy report 41 Annex II: Research competence mapping 50 1.0 The Italo-Slovene borderland: an introduction to the frontier, its population, and EU- led cross-border cooperation The ‘natural’ boundary between Italy and Slovenia—the summit line of the Julian Alps— arrives suddenly, just north of metropolitan Trieste, amidst the morphologically non-linear Karst: those classical, jagged limestone hills, caves, and pits created over millennia by underground rivers which have given their name to similar geological formations around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
    UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Taking a stand in times of violent societal changes: Belgrade and Zagreb feminists’ positionings on the (post-)Yugoslav wars and each other (1991-2000) Miškovska Kajevska, A. Publication date 2014 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Miškovska Kajevska, A. (2014). Taking a stand in times of violent societal changes: Belgrade and Zagreb feminists’ positionings on the (post-)Yugoslav wars and each other (1991-2000). General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:25 Sep 2021 Historical background CHAPTER THREE Historical background The social, political and economic contexts in which the Belgrade and Zagreb feminists have become feminists and produced an impressive legacy of feminist activism are briefly sketched in the first part of this chapter.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
    University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U.
    [Show full text]
  • PROOF Contents
    PROOF Contents Acknowledgements viii 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s 1 2 Regroupment: Establishing a European Movement 29 3 The Party of the European Left 46 4 Diverse Trends: An Overview 66 5 A Successful Model? Die Linke (the Left Party – Germany) 83 6 How Have the Mighty Fallen: Partito della Rifondazione Comunista (Party of Communist Refoundation – Italy) 99 7 Back from the Brink: French Communism (Parti Communiste Français) Re-orientates 116 8 Communism Renewed and Supported: The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (the Czech Republic) 132 9 The Scandinavian Left 147 10 The European Left and the Global Left: 1999–2009 163 Notes 192 Index 204 vii PROOF 1 Survival and Renewal: The 1990s Almost two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, on the occasion of the German federal elections in September 2009, the International Herald Tribune marked the electoral victory of the German right with the headline, ‘Is socialism dying?’1 The German Social Democratic Party or the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) took 23% of the votes – its lowest poll since the Second World War – just months after the European elections registered a poor performance from left- wing candidates across the European Union (EU). As the article went on to observe, ‘Even in the midst of one of the greatest challenges to capitalism in 75 years, involving a breakdown of the financial sys- tem because of “irrational exuberance”, greed and the weakness of regulatory systems, European socialists and their leftist cousins have not found a compelling response, let alone taken advantage of the failures of the right.’ There is no doubt that across Europe the failure of the social demo- cratic parties to present a ‘compelling response’ to the economic crisis has led to a wave of electoral setbacks.
    [Show full text]
  • Uef-Spinelli Group
    UEF-SPINELLI GROUP MANIFESTO 9 MAY 2021 At watershed moments in history, communities need to adapt their institutions to avoid sliding into irreversible decline, thus equipping themselves to govern new circumstances. After the end of the Cold War the European Union, with the creation of the monetary Union, took a first crucial step towards adapting its institutions; but it was unable to agree on a true fiscal and social policy for the Euro. Later, the Lisbon Treaty strengthened the legislative role of the European Parliament, but again failed to create a strong economic and political union in order to complete the Euro. Resulting from that, the EU was not equipped to react effectively to the first major challenges and crises of the XXI century: the financial crash of 2008, the migration flows of 2015- 2016, the rise of national populism, and the 2016 Brexit referendum. This failure also resulted in a strengthening of the role of national governments — as shown, for example, by the current excessive concentration of power within the European Council, whose actions are blocked by opposing national vetoes —, and in the EU’s chronic inability to develop a common foreign policy capable of promoting Europe’s common strategic interests. Now, however, the tune has changed. In the face of an unprecedented public health crisis and the corresponding collapse of its economies, Europe has reacted with unity and resolve, indicating the way forward for the future of European integration: it laid the foundations by starting with an unprecedented common vaccination strategy, for a “Europe of Health”, and unveiled a recovery plan which will be financed by shared borrowing and repaid by revenue from new EU taxes levied on the digital and financial giants and on polluting industries.
    [Show full text]
  • Amendola: Mobilitazione Unitaria E Vigilanza Dimassa Perche Gli Organi
    s dI n ANNO XIX / NUOVA SERIE / N. 12 pcital< '* e"° grupp« '"o •"»"""1 bis/70•) ic Luntdi 22 mtrzo 1971 / Lire 80 (.rr.tr.ti L. IM) Tito in Italia: Casa: il governo nuove prospettive nei chiamato al rispetto rapporti jugo-italiani degli impegni (A PAGINA 12) ORGANO DEL PARTITO COMUNISTA ITALIANO (A PAGINA 2) A Bologna una possente dimostrazione antifascista ha concluso il Congresso nazionale dei partigiani CENTOMILA IN PIAZZA CONTRO LA REAZIONE Amendola: mobilitazione unitaria e vigilanza dimassa perche gli organi dello Stato facciano il loro dovere Un grande corteo riafferma gii ideali della Resistenza e li collega ai compiti presenti - Numerosissimi i giovani nella fiumana di popolo - I discorsi di Vecchi, vice-presi- dente del Consiglio regionale, e del senatore Arialdo Banfi: il governo colpisca senza esitazione i responsabili e i mandan*' dei piani eversivi - Le richieste dell'ANPI SEQUESTRATE NUOVE LISTE DI NOMI SU CUI CONTAVANO I SEDIZIOSI DALL'INVIATO BOLOGNA, 21 marzo Con una grande, appassionante, indimenticabile manifestazione popolare si e con­ cluso questa mattina a Bologna il VII Congresso nazionale dell'ANPI. Non meno di Borghese centomila cittadini hanno sfilato per oltre due ore per le vie del centro per riaffer* mare la decisa volonta di sbarrare la strada al fascismo, sotto qualsiasi forma esso .si manifesti. Preceduti dai gonfaloni delle citta-martiri di Marzabotto e di Boves e e in Grecio? da quello del Comune di Bologna, medaglia d'oro della Resistenza, il corteo dei centomiUi si e poi portato in piazza Maggiore, dove hanno parlato i compagni Banfl, ROMA, 21 marzo vice presidente dell'ANPI, e Giorgio Amendola.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Communist Party and The
    CENTRAL EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Italian Communist Party and the Hungarian crisis of 1956 History one-year M. A. In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Candidate: Aniello Verde Supervisor: Prof. Marsha Siefert Second reader: Prof. Alfred Rieber CEU eTD Collection June 4th, 2012 A. Y. 2011/2012 Budapest, Hungary Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection Acknowledgements I would like to express my frank gratitude to professors Marsha Siefert and Alfred Rieber for their indispensible support, guidance and corrections. Additionally, I would like to thank my Department staff. Particularly, I would like to thank Anikó Molnar for her continuous help and suggestions. CEU eTD Collection III ABSTRACT Despite a vast research about the impact of the Hungarian crisis of 1956 on the legacy of Communism in Italy, the controversial choices of the Italian Communist Party (PCI) have been often considered to be a sort of negative exception in the progressive path of Italian Communism toward modern European socialism. Instead, the main idea of this research is to reconstruct the PCI’s decision-making within the context of the enduring strategic patterns that shaped the political action of the party: can the communist reaction to the impact in Italy of the Hungarian uprising be interpreted as a coherent implication of the communist preexisting and persisting strategy? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to reconstruct how the news coming from Hungary left an imprint on the “permanent interests” of the PCI, and how the communist apparatus reacted to the crisis.
    [Show full text]
  • The Italian Resistance in Piedmont: Motives and Aspirations
    DOI: 10.7763/IPEDR. 2012. V51. 18 The Italian Resistance in Piedmont: Motives and Aspirations + Michael C. Kelly School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Nazarbayev University Abstract. At the end of May, 1945, the forces of the Italian Resistance were in a seemingly impregnable position of power: they had emerged victoriously from an eighteen-month-long armed struggle against the German occupying army and Fascist Republic of Salò; they had liberated the major towns and cities of northern Italy before the arrival of the victorious Allied troops; they had installed Committees of National Liberation (CLN) throughout the north which controlled civil administration and the management of the major industrial enterprises; and their leaders had been installed in power to head a government of national unity under the leadership of the Action Party's (PdA) FerruccioParri.Yet how had this seemingly victorious movement begun? What type of Italians had joined the forces of the Resistance, and equally importantly why? What had motivated the participants in what was an essentially minority, northern Italian phenomenon, and what did they want to achieve? This paper will examine the diverse motives for joining the Resistance struggle during 1943-45, as well as examining the political aspirations of the participants. Through a series of interviews, ex-partisans from the Garibaldi, Justice and Liberty, Matteotti and Autonomi Brigades give fascinating - and varied - responses to these questions. Keywords: Italian Resistance, Partisan Warfare, Guerrilla Warfare, Italian Anti-Fascism. 1. Introduction Italy!! The belpaese – the beautiful country. The imagination runs wild. Images of the rolling hills of Tuscany, the classical cities of Venice, Florence, and the eternal city itself – Rome – come to mind.
    [Show full text]