The Science of : Schreibkalender, Natural Philosophy, and Everyday Life in the Seventeenth-Century German Lands

A dissertation submitted to the

Graduate School

of the University of Cincinnati

in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

in the Department of History

of the College of Arts and Sciences

by

Kelly Marie Smith

M.A. University of Cincinnati, December 2003

B.S. Eastern Michigan University, December 2000

Committee Chair: Sigrun Haude, Ph.D.

Abstract

This dissertation explores the use of Schreibkalender, or writing-calendars, and their accompanying prognostica astrologica to evaluate how ideas about seventeenth-century natural philosophy – particularly the relationship between and astrology – changed throughout the period. These calendars contain a wealth of information that demonstrates the thirst early modern readers had for knowledge of the world around them. Because

Schreibkalender and prognostica were written annually for the general populace and incorporated contemporary ideas regarding natural philosophy, they provide a means to assess the roles of both astronomical and astrological ideas during this period and how these changes were conveyed to the average person. Not only did authors present practical information related to the natural world, but they also explained basic philosophical principles and new discoveries to their audience. This research examines how changing ideas about the role of natural philosophy and its direct influence on everyday life developed over the course of the seventeenth century.

An examination of the Schreibkalender and prognostica reveals a shift in emphasis throughout the period. Early calendars (approximately 1600-30) presented direct astronomical and astrological information related to the daily life of the average person, whereas those from the middle of the century (~1630-70) added helpful details explaining astronomical and astrological concepts. Authors also engaged in debates about new discoveries and methodologies in these calendars, which gave readers access to the dynamic and complex field of mid-century natural philosophy. Late-century (~1670-1700) calendar-makers continued the tradition of their predecessors, but they made fewer astrological predictions. Instead, they listed basic

ii astronomical data – such as the locations of the or the phases of the – and added new subject matter that was still firmly rooted in readers’ practical needs.

The calendars reveal a deep connection between people and the natural world.

Meteorological forecasts and predictions about planting and harvesting crops enabled users to plan their days, months, and seasons. Authors also relied on major events like eclipses to make special predictions about the world around them. Portents like comets could also signify the possibility of increased warfare. Chapters on the prospect for war or peace, on the fruitfulness of the Earth, or the possibility for disease and epidemics also helped readers understand the events and calamities occurring around them. As the century progressed, however, authors adapted their calendars to include fewer predictions and instead focused on new topics like biblical stories, histories, or household tips. These accounts enabled the calendars to remain competitive with new media, such as newspapers or travel accounts, even as interest in astrology decreased.

A thorough assessment of Schreibkalender and prognostica astrologica uncovers valuable information about how a general audience learned about and understood natural philosophy throughout the seventeenth century. Furthermore, this research provides a clearer understanding of the role that astronomy and astrology played within the development of the physical sciences.

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Acknowledgements

I would first like to express my appreciation to my advisor, Dr. Sigrun Haude, for her constant support from the very first class. Her expertise and encouragement made it possible for me to learn and grow as a scholar. The countless hours she spent reading my work and meeting with me to discuss it improved my drafts exponentially. She provided valuable and thought- provoking insights and motivated me to strive continually to improve the quality of my work.

Without her direction, I would not have been able to achieve my goal of completing this dissertation.

Being Dr. Hilda Smith’s research assistant enabled me to pursue my doctorate. The knowledge I gained working on the Nation, Family, State project was invaluable and I am grateful for her assistance. Dr. Tracy Teslow’s coursework provided the inspiration and background information so I could write a dissertation on the history of science. I appreciate her guidance. I have long admired the scholarship of Dr. Gerhild Scholz Williams of Washington

University in St. Louis and am honored she agreed to be on this committee. I would also like to thank my professors in the History Department, as well as Hope Earls, Ashley Bone, and Anita

Swillinger.

I first conducted my exploratory research at the Staatsarchiv Nürnberg where Ursula

Schmidt-Fölkersamb found calendars to bring me every day. It was in Nuremberg where I first met Dr. Klaus-Dieter Herbst, whose work has uncovered thousands of Schreibkalender in archives throughout . Dr. Herbst graciously volunteered to send me articles he had written and information about his research. He also invited me to publish a short description of my dissertation in one of his collections and to give a talk at a conference dedicated to

Schreibkalender in November, 2011 in Altenburg, Germany. My conference paper in his edited

v collection became my second publication. I am indebted to his support at this early stage in my career.

The generous funding from the Rolf und Ursula Schneider-Stiftung at the Herzog August

Bibliothek in Wolfenbüttel and a fellowship at the Institut für Europäische Geschichte in Mainz allowed me to spend time in Germany, where I was able to access my sources and conduct my research. I appreciate the advice and help from Dr. Jill Bepler, Dr. Volker Bauer, Herr Christian

Hogrefe, Frau Gerlinde Strauß, and Dr. Cornelia Moore in Wolfenbüttel and Dr. Irene Dingel,

Dr. Heinz Durchhardt, Dr. Johannes Wischmeyer, Dr. Henning Jürgens, Frau Ulrike Moritz, and

Herr Winfried Koch in Mainz.

I am fortunate that there were people and organizations who believed in my research and contributed the funding that was necessary to pursue it. The University of Cincinnati and the

Department of History provided me not just with a Graduate Assistantship Award, but also the

Charles Phelps Taft Graduate Enrichment Award, the Henry Winkler Scholarship, and financial support from the Werner E. Von Rosentiel Fund and the History Memorial Fund. I also received a scholarship from the German Academic Exchange Service so that I could travel to Marburg,

Germany to spend the summer studying German.

Last but not least, I am thankful for the unwavering support of my friends and family.

My friends in Cincinnati, Wolfenbüttel, Mainz, and Marburg encouraged me and provided welcome distractions when necessary. My family – especially my mother, Rosemarie Delikta

Smith and my brother and sister-in-law, Douglas and Erin Smith – has fostered my education since my earliest years. I am most grateful for their reassurances and confidence in me. This dissertation is dedicated to my mother and to the memories of my father, Ralph H. Smith, and grandmother, Veronika Delikta.

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Table of Contents

Abstract…………………………………………..………………………………………..ii

Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..v

List of Figures………………………………………………………………………..….viii

Chapter One: Introduction………………………………………………………….……..1 1.1 Terminology…………………………………………………………………...2 1.2 Literature on Astronomy and Astrology………………………………….……5 1.3 Literature on Calendars………………………………………………………..8 1.4 Schreibkalender and Prognostica Astrologica………………………….……17 1.5 Methodology and Chapter Outlines…………………………….……….……25

Chapter Two: Authorities, Evidence, and Audience………………………………..……28 2.1 Authors and their Resources………………………………………….………29 2.2 Reception of the Schreibkalender and Prognostica………….……………….51 2.3 Mediums of Information Transfer…………………………….……………...64 2.4 Conclusion…………………………………………………….……………...68

Chapter Three: Calendars, Weather, and Climate………………………..………………70 3.1 Practical Understandings of the Weather and Climate………..………………73 3.2 Interpretations of the Natural World………………………….……………....78 3.3 Planetary Tables…………………………………………………………...…93 3.4 Climate Change………………………………………………………….….109 3.5 Conclusion…………………………………………………….…………….125

Chapter Four: Early Modern in Schreibkalender and Prognostica…..……....128 4.1 Early Modern Medicine………………………………………….………….131 4.2 Iatromathematics in the Schreibkalender and Prognostica…………..……...139 4.3 Conclusion…………………………………………………………….….....157

Chapter Five: Schreibkalender, Society, Culture, and Religion……………..………….160 5.1 Religion and the Natural World………………………………….………….162 5.2 Apocalypticism…………………………………………………………..…167 5.3 War and Peace………………………………………………………………182 5.4 Education……………………………………………………….…………...191 5.5 Household Tips……………………………………………………….…..…197 5.6 Histories…………………………………………………………………….204

Chapter Six: Conclusion………………………………………………….…….………215

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………....221

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List of Figures

Figure 1: Listing for March in Expertus Rupertus Argutissimus’ 1686 Schreibkalender……....16 Figure 2: Page of Important Dates from Israel Hiebner’s 1656 Schreibkalender……………….19 Figure 3: Excerpt from Kepler’s 1627 Rudolphine Tables……………………………………...32 Figure 4: A Schreibkalender page with symbol key………………………………………….…56 Figure 5: Weather based on the moon’s phases for the month of January in Gottfried Gütner’s 1687 Schreibkalender……………………...…………..…………………………………57 Figure 6: Example of a chart detailing auspicious times when to build based on the moon’s phases from Johann Meyer’s 1701 prognosticon………………………………………..58 Figure 7: A typical Schreibkalender page, showing the month of April, 1651…………………63 Figure 8: Schreibkalender, 1680: “Explanation of the Symbols that are needed in this Calendar.”………………………………………………………………………………..72 Figure 9: List of locations of the planets in winter 1686…………..……………………………77 Figure 10: Table from Johann Magirus’ 1647 Schreibkalender…………………………………94 Figure 11: Table from Johann Magirus’ 1647 prognosticon……………………………………95 Figure 12: Chart Listing Good Days to Plant and Sow Crops in Krzystof Krzikowsky’s 1694 Calendar………………………………………………………………………………...105 Figure 13: Medical Table with Aderlassmann from a 1687 Schreibkalender by Johann Heinrich Voigt……………………………………………………………………………………130 Figure 14: Planetenlauff from Crügner’s 1651 Schreibkalender……………………………...145 Figure 15: Calendar page for the month of April 1651 from a Schreibkalender by Michael Crügner…………………………………………………………………………………146 Figure 16: Blood-Letting Table from a Schreibkalender from 1694…………………………..151 Figure 17: List of “useful rules” from Marcus Antonius Zimmet-Rinde’s 1681 Böser Weiber Calendar………………………………………………………………………………..202

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Chapter I Introduction

In his Schreibkalender (or writing-calendar) from 1651, mathematician Abdias Trew explained how to make astrological predictions to his readers.1 Trew asserted that the methodology involved came from a long tradition of prognostications dating back to the ancients. He then launched into a discussion of Paracelsus’ contributions to the field, explaining that “(t)he object of Paracelsian astrology, that is, what it deals with, is the Astra,”2 a term early modern scholars used to denote both astronomy and astrology. Conversely, by 1684, fellow mathematician Johann-Heinrich Voigt confidently proclaimed, “(i)nstead of more predictions, I want to introduce a history here,”3 before proceeding to recount a story about the First Crusade.

While Trew situated his calendar within the long history of astronomical observation and astrological prediction, Voigt’s calendar depicts a late-century example of the changes that had been occurring within the world of natural philosophy throughout the seventeenth century.

Schreibkalender, or writing-calendars, and their accompanying prognostica astrologica serve as examples of both the continuities and transformations present in astronomy and astrology during this period. Authors of calendars used astronomy and astrology to convey information about the

1 Abdias Trew, PRACTICA Oder PROGNOSTICON, Das ist/ Astrologische und Philosophische Muhtmasung vom Gewitter/ Frucht= o=der Unfruchtbarkeit/ Gesund= oder Kranckheiten/ sambt dero=selben Præservation und Cur/ auch etlichen Welthändeln/ deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs gemeiner Rechnung nach Christi Geburt. So ferne solches durch tägliche Constitution deß Gestirns/ auch Fisternisse und andere sonder=bare Constellationes Theils verursachet/ Theils nach Gottes Willen bedeutet wird. Auß natürlichem Grund und eigner dessen Be=trachtung und Erfahrung/ mehr als auß den gemeinen Regulis, gestellt Durch M. ABDIAM TREW, bey der Universitet Altdorff Mathem. Prof. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgan Endter, 1649).

2 Ibid. “Das Objectum Paracelsischer Astrologiæ, daß ist/ womit sie umbgehet/ sind die Astra.”

3 An statt aber vieles Prognosticirens, wil ich hier die Historia einführen.” Johann-Heinrich Voigt, Johann=Heinrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden Nützlicher Hauß= ünd Schreib=Calender/ Auf das 1684. Jahr Christi/ Darinnen Viel Raum zum Schreiben/ und viel gutes zu lesen. In Verlegung des Autoris Jena: Johann Heinrich Voigt, 1683). 1 natural world to their readers. Schreibkalender and prognostica existed since the mid-sixteenth century, but it was not until the 1600s that their popularity began to expand significantly.

This study concentrates on the factors shaping science or natural philosophy in the seventeenth-century German lands. In particular, it examines the roles of astronomy, astrology, religious ideas, and their dynamic and complex interrelationship in the transformation of natural philosophy into a distinct academic discipline. My work explores how the concepts of astronomy and astrology, as well as their relationship to each other, were transformed in the seventeenth century and secondly how that transformation was communicated to society. An excellent, but as yet under-used, resource for understanding this transformation and transmission of ideas and concepts are the Schreibkalender and prognostica, which provide insights into the evolving astronomical, astrological, and philosophical ideas of the period.

Terminology

The very understanding of natural philosophy and what it meant to be a natural philosopher changed over the course of the seventeenth century. Before one can begin an analysis of the development of astronomy and astrology in the 1600s, one must first understand the terminology used with respect to natural philosophy. Early-modern natural philosophy itself was transforming from 1500 – 1700, moving beyond the realm of medieval Aristotelian philosophy to the study of the natural world.4 During the , university-trained

Aristotelian philosophers “responded to new scientific observations and practices in such areas as astronomy, natural history, or magnetism” thus facilitating the evolution of the field away

4 Ann Blair, “Natural Philosophy,” in The Cambridge History of Science: Volume 3: Early Modern Science, eds. Katharine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 365, 406. 2 from traditional Aristotelianism and toward a more empirically-based methodology.5 By 1700, the study of electricity and magnetism dominated the field.6

Scholars commonly use the term “natural philosophy” as a broad umbrella term to circumvent any anachronistic problems that might arise with the term “science” before the definition of the latter word had developed its present-day meaning in the nineteenth century.7 I employ the term “natural philosophy” in this broad sense, with the understanding that the field itself was in transition during the seventeenth century. One of the primary occupations of the seventeenth-century natural philosopher was the study of the observable universe to develop astrological predictions with the help of mathematical calculations. Therefore, natural philosophy in the seventeenth century encompassed the view that astronomy and astrology were important subjects from which philosophers could gain knowledge of the natural world.

The 1600s witnessed astronomy and astrology branching off into separate, distinct fields of inquiry, one remaining in the empirical sphere of natural philosophy, the other experiencing increasing criticism of its validity. From the earliest days of the study of the heavens, astronomy and astrology were linked as two halves of the same concept. One of the main objectives of this study is to use calendars to gain insight into the changing relationship between astronomy and astrology in the seventeenth century. The part of astra that was to become astronomy consisted of the observable, mathematical calculations from which astronomers/astrologers obtained information about the motions of the stars and planets in the skies. Early modern astronomy was rather limited in its scope, employed “only to describe the apparent positions of the heavenly

5 Ibid., 384.

6 Ibid., 406.

7 Ibid., 365-66. 3 bodies for the purposes of timekeeping, calendar making, and prediction of celestial influences.”8

Furthermore the role of astronomy, which was “ancillary to the practice of astrology” at the end of the Middle Ages, was altered and advanced through the work of early modern scholars, primarily Galileo Galilei and .9

Through the elevation of astronomy, astrology became what was left of astra after the empirically-deduced planetary tables and calculations were removed, that is, the interpretation of the ’s motions and locations and what these configurations meant for life on Earth.

Tracing these astrological developments through the early modern period, Jim Tester describes astrology as an art form from its earliest days with the ancient Greeks. Tester contends that astrology is what lifted astronomy from “its magic and mumbo-jumbo” by adding “philosophy . .

. geometry . . . and rational thought.”10 Without astrology, astra as a whole would not have emerged as a fundamental aspect of natural philosophy. Still, he argues, both the Renaissance and the Enlightenment transformed the field of astrology to the point that, by the eighteenth century, “astrology died,” only surviving as long as it did through the use of “lowly” and “base” almanacs.11 The aim of my research is to illuminate the complex working relationship between astronomical calculations and astrological interpretations and the factors at work in the seventeenth century that separated astronomy and astrology by the end of the period, exalting one and shunning the other.

8 William Donahue, “Astronomy,” in The Cambridge History of Science: Volume 3: Early Modern Science, eds. Katharine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 562.

9 Ibid., 563.

10 S. J. Tester, A History of (Wolfeboro, NH: The Boydell Press, 1987), 1.

11 Ibid., 238-39.

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Literature on Astronomy and Astrology

During the early modern period, the “Scientific Revolution” manifested itself in an abundance of experimental research into the workings of the natural world. Scholars across

Europe, such as Galileo Galilei, Johannes Kepler, and Isaac Newton, used new techniques to acquire a greater understanding of natural events. While these scientists and their discoveries are well known, it is less apparent exactly how this information was conveyed to the general population. My study examines how medieval philosophy was transformed by natural philosophy, and how the rise of natural philosophy itself evolved into what is today considered modern science. In particular I focus on the fields of astronomy and astrology to provide insights into these transformative and evolutionary developments. Since astronomy was at the cutting edge of early modern science, and because developments in this field have an obvious and enormous impact on astrology, the interaction of these two related fields provides a lens for examining the broader connections between natural philosophy and the emergence of modern science.

Historians have only recently begun to explore in detail some of these relationships. The effects of religious ideas on early modern natural philosophy, such as the connections between theology and the practice of magic, have received considerable attention. Lynn Thorndike’s pioneering work on magic and experimental science was among the first to tackle this subject.

His research considers the changes seen in the intellectual world as academics moved beyond

Aristotelian philosophy and into the new Copernican understanding of the universe. Thorndike reveals that scholars attempted to change traditional astrology and make it more “natural and

5 scientific” from the 1550s onward.12 Keith Thomas expanded this analysis and argued that, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, people accepted at face value that the activities of the stars and planets had meaning for events on Earth.13 By the seventeenth century, however,

English astrologers were defensive and received criticism regarding the validity of their craft.

Thomas credits the work of early modern scholars with the undoing of astrology: the “Ptolemaic picture of the universe began to crumble under the pressure of the astronomical discoveries of the century and a half between Copernicus and Newton.”14 Thus, in Thomas’ analysis, astrology had lost favor amongst the educated elite by the mid-seventeenth century.

Other historians move beyond explanations from the intellectual world and look to popular literature to determine astronomy and astrology’s role in the early modern period. In his research of English almanacs (which were similar to the Schreibkalender and prognostica found in the German lands), Bernard Capp found a correlation between the decline of the popularity of the yearly almanac and the “reduced intellectual and . . . social standing of astrology,” a change that occurred by the end of the seventeenth century.15

Capp’s work was pioneering in that it addressed the topic of change within the almanacs.

While his interest was to determine astrology’s role in the development of the almanacs, my research considers the relationship between astronomy and astrology by looking at the content of

12 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. 4 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 99.

13 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Scribner’s, 1971), 284.

14 Ibid., 285.

15 Bernard Capp, Astrology and the Popular Press: English Almanacs, 1500-1800 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1979), 238. See also Louise Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Astrology and Popular Medicine: 1550-1700 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007) for a more detailed discussion of the iatromathematical information found in English almanacs.

6 the Schreibkalender and prognostica themselves to ascertain how their astronomical and astrological information gradually grew apart from each other. In analyzing what the calendars reveal about seventeenth-century understandings of the natural world, I demonstrate how astrology interacted with philosophical ideas. This relationship has its roots in late medieval philosophy and extends to the changes experienced in the intellectual world with the onset of

Enlightenment thinking.16 Wolfgang Hübner situates astrological knowledge within the broader context of Renaissance study, stressing the relationship between astrological information and natural philosophy, while at the same time signifying an emerging distinction between the two.17

Although compelling arguments exist for the creation of divisions between astronomy and astrology, the genesis of the separation between them remains obscure.

Existing historiography has also been constrained by a focus on the most prominent philosophers and scientists. Recently, however, scholars have turned their attention to how non- elites used these ideas about the relationship between religion, science, and metaphysics to understand the world around them. Stephan Füssel’s edited collection on the relationship between astronomy and astrology offers insight not only into how early modern natural philosophers understood and used astrological concepts, but also into the ways in which others were incorporating the new “scientific” findings of the period.18 Additionally, Gerhild Scholz

16 James A. Weisheipl, O.P., “Nature, Scope, and Classification of the Science,” in Science in the Middle Ages, ed. David C. Lindberg (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978); Bert Hanson, “Science and Magic,” in ibid., and William Monter, Ritual Myth and Magic in Early Modern Europe (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1984).

17 Wolfgang Hübner, “Astrologie in der Renaissance,” in Zukunftsvoraussagen in der Renaissance, eds. Klaus Bergdolt and Walther Ludwig (Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005).

18 Stephan Füssel, ed. “Astronomie und Astrologie in der Frühen Neuzeit: Akten des interdisziplinären Symposions 21./22. April 1989 in Nürnberg,” in Pirckheimer-Jahrbuch 1989/90, vol. 5 (Nürnberg, Hans Carl, 1990), 7-11.

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Williams’ study on Johannes Praetorius examines how this seventeenth-century author and calendar-maker understood his world and the events occurring within it.19 Still, as evidenced in

Barbara Bauer’s assessment of early modern science,20 much of the focus remains on the philosophers themselves. To determine how these ideas influenced, and were influenced by, the broader spectrum of society, my research explores how those outside of the intellectual community understood the role of astronomical events in their lives.

Literature on Calendars

Schreibkalender were the third most popular printed source in the seventeenth century.

Along with the accompanying prognosticon that typically followed,21 they were outsold only by the Bible and the catechism.22 Because the appeal of Schreibkalender extended broadly across all social groups, they can be used to gain a better understanding not only of how calendar- makers relayed astronomical and astrological information to their audience, but also which information their readers found immediately relevant to their own lives. Therefore, it is

19 Gerhild Scholz Williams, Ways of Knowing in Early Modern Germany: Johannes Praetorius as a Witness to his Time (Aldershot, England: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2006).

20 Barbara Bauer, “Nicht-teleologische Geschichte der Wissenschaften und ihre Vermittlung in den Medien und Künsten. Ein Forschungsbericht,” in Wolfenbütteler Barock-Nachrichten, vol. 26, ed. Jill Bepler and Petra Feuerstein-Herz (Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1999). For more on Bauer’s work on this subject, see also idem, “‘Es bleibt doch bey dem alten Brauch: M(undus) V(ult) D(ecipi).’ Veraltete Astrologie in Grimmelshausens Ewig-währendem Calender,” Simpliciana, 16 (1994): 81-115, and also her extensive edited collection: Barbara Bauer, ed., Scientia et artes: die Vermittlung alten und neuen Wissens in Literatur, Kunst und Musik (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2004).

21 Schreibkalender and prognostica were usually bound together to create one complete calendar. The Schreibkalender contained the months of the year and other information that could be relayed using symbols or similar notations, such as the man. The prognosticon expanded upon the details from the Schreibkalender and was organized into written chapters. I refer to Schreibkalender and prognostica by their names when discussing them separately and simply as calendars when referring to them both.

22 Helga Meise, Das archivierte Ich: Schreibkalender und höfische Repräsentation in Hessen-Darmstadt 1624 – 1790 (Darmstadt: Hessische Historische Kommission, 2002), 37.

8 important to delineate the calendars’ basic format and the information contained within them to assess how astrological and astronomical information was conveyed in these calendars.

In spite of the importance of the Schreibkalender and prognostica, a surprisingly small number of historians have made use of them and related calendars and almanacs from the early modern period. In the most comprehensive study to date, Helga Meise examines

Schreibkalender for the language and method of writing the calendars’ owners employed.23 In her study of the landgraves of Hessen-Darmstadt, Meise explores how the readers of the calendars understood themselves and their relation to courtly life. Her analysis centers on the handwritten notes of the owners of the Schreibkalender on the right-hand pages of the monthly calendar sections and is the most precise description of Schreibkalender as seen to date.24

Schreibkalender are just now being examined in-depth for the changing concepts about the natural world, or what they could reveal about the early modern person’s perception of the function of astrology in their world. Since Klaus Matthäus wrote one of the first analyses of printed calendars in 1968,25 historians have used Schreibkalender for localized studies or to more fully understand the production of the calendars themselves.26 So far the studies of

23 Ibid., passim.

24 Ibid., 35-82. There will be more on these handwritten notes later.

25 Klaus Matthäus, Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Kalenderwesens: Die Entwicklung der Nürnberg gedruckten Jahreskalendar in Buchform (Frankfurt am Main: Buchhändler-Vereinigung, 1968).

26 For examples, see Hartmut Sührig, “Göttinger ‘Schreibkalender mit Practica’ aus der zweiten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhundert: Struktur und Inhalt eines populären Kommunikationsmedium,” in Göttinger Jahrbuch, 1979, 83- 96; idem, “Andreas Hugius und seine von Christian Trabeth im Osterode gedruckten historischen Jahrskalender im Heftform: Ein traditioneller ‘Volkslesestoff’ des 17. Jahrhundert,” in Harz-Zeitschrift 32 (1980): 93-120; idem, “Niedersächsische Schreibkalender im 17. Jahrhundert: Zur Kulturgeschichte eines populären Lesestoffes” in ed. Paul Raabe, Bücher und Bibliotheken im 17. Jahrhundert in Deutschland (Stuttgart: Hauswedell Verlag. 1980), 145- 71; idem, “Niedersächsische Volkskalender im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert – Entwicklung der Hildesheimer Kalender, Bischofskalender und Ratskalender” in ed. Felicitas Marwinski, Almanache, Taschenbücher, Taschenkalender (Weimar: Thüringische Landesbibliothek, 1967), 219-41; Jörg-Ulrich Fechner, “Armbrusters Lesefreuden: Zur buchgeschichtlichen Auswertung der durchschossenen Schreibkalender 1739 – 1789 eines Homburger Hoffaktotums” in Buch und Sammler: Private und öffentliche Bibliotheken im 18. Jahrhundert. Colloquium der Arbeitsstelle 18. Jahrhundert, Gesamthochschule Wuppertal/Universität Münster (Heidelberg, 1979), 159-67; Jan 9

Schreibkalender, because of their subject matter, have been quite limited in their scope. For questions on the relationship between science and the broader populace, they remain a vast untapped source of historical records.

Scholars who do study Schreibkalender fall into two major historiographical camps. The first group introduced the documents to the academic world. The second is the pioneering group, which uses the calendars as primary sources in their research. As the first publication about

Schreibkalender, Matthäus’ account falls into this first category and is purely descriptive, a presentation of a previously-unused source base, whose introduction added a new dimension to the development of calendars as a published genre. In his account, Matthäus describes both

Schreibkalender and prognostica as examples in the broader development of calendar-making, carefully listing each chapter and explaining the evolution of the calendar’s format.27

Similarly, Hartmut Sührig details the collection of Schreibkalender in existence from

Lower Saxony in the seventeenth century.28 After listing the various types of calendars that could be found in the area at this time, Sührig presents the names of the most prominent authors and calendar-makers, whose works were printed in the important publishing houses in Lower

Saxony. Sührig’s intent is to introduce the calendars as a novel source, not to present an in-depth analysis of their contents. The article concludes with a compilation of all the Schreibkalender from Lower Saxony he discovered, descriptions of certain aspects and elements of these works,

Knopf, Die deutsche Kalendergeschichte (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1983). See also: Manfred Hanisch, “Politik in und mit Kalendern (1500 – 1800): Eine Studie zur Endterschen Kalendersammlung in Nürnberg” in Jahrbuch für fränkische Landesforschung 49 (1989): 56-76; Paul Raabe, ed., Bücher und Bibliotheken im 17. Jahrhundert in Deutschland (Stuttgart: Hauswedell Verlag, 1980); Jill Bepler and Thomas Bürger, “Alte und neue Schreibkalender: Katalog zur Kabinettausstellung in der Herzog August Bibliothek” in Simpliciana XVI (1994): 211-53.

27 Matthäus, Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Kalenderwesens, 996-1168.

28 Sührig, “Niedersächsische Schreibkalender im 17. Jahrhundert,” 145-70.

10 and with suggestions as to how these calendars and their prognostica could be used for future study.29

Expanding upon these earlier accounts, Josef Seethaler explores the idea of printed calendars as a mass medium from the fifteenth to seventeenth century.30 Concentrating on over

453 different Viennese calendars and almanacs, Seethaler defines the major characteristics typical to calendars from the mid-fifteenth through the seventeenth centuries, dividing them into three chronological categories. Seethaler’s main interest lies in the proliferation of calendars as a mass medium. He traces their development and their increasing popularity, which peaked in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. In the same collection that featured Seethaler’s local study on calendars from Vienna, Ágnes Dukkon presents her corresponding research on seventeenth-century calendars from Hungary.31 Dukkon accumulates a large body of calendars, which demonstrate the rise of printing and typography in Hungary at this time, and argues that the interest in calendars serves as evidence for the development and spread of printing throughout the seventeenth century. She then selects a few examples of Schreibkalender to show the typical content and functions of the calendars themselves, concentrating on their usage as documents that relay historical events and astronomical information. Dukkon, however, does not consider how this content varied in calendars based on geographic locale or by individual author.

29 Ibid., 152-64.

30 Joseph Seethaler, “Die Kalenderdrucke – ein frühes ‘Massenmedium’? Anmerkungen zu einigen Charakteristika der Wiener Kalenderproduktion des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts,” in Zeitung, Zeitschrift, Intelligenzblatt und Kalender: Beiträge zur historischen Presseforschung, ed. Astrid Blome (Bremen: Edition Lumiére, 2000), 223- 36.

31 Ágnes Dukkon, “Historische deutschsprachige Kalender in Regionen von Ungarn im 17. Jahrhundert Zeitung, Zeitschrift, Intelligenzblatt und Kalender: Beiträge zur historischen Presseforschung, ed. Astrid Blome (Bremen: Edition Lumiére, 2000), 237-44.

11

Nor does she consider how historical or astronomical information changed over time throughout the century.

Helmut E. Landsberg moves away from studying what content was included in calendars, but rather explores how the information in Schreibkalender could be used. In his article, “Past

Climates from Unexploited Written Sources,” Helmut E. Landsberg maintains that

Schreibkalender can be useful in studying the history of meteorology, climate, and weather patterns.32 With regard to determining weather patterns on a day-to-day basis, Landsberg notes

“[t]he keeping of . . . systematic weather records was greatly facilitated by printing of so-called writing calendars (Schreibkalender) in which weather records were kept in juxtaposition to the printed planetary, lunar, and zodiacal constellations so as to relate weather to celestial configurations. These early meteorological efforts were strongly influenced by astrology.”33

This study explores the ways in which astrological predictions reflected popular notions of changing weather patterns throughout the course of the seventeenth century.

Two authors pioneered the use of Schreibkalender as a primary source. Hartmut Sührig and Gerhardt Petrat examine the calendars to explore how early modern people used them.34

Sührig investigates the entertainment value found in the calendars, arguing that they served a larger purpose than as mere educational tools. Consumers also bought these books for the

32 Helmut E. Landsberg, “Past Climates from Unexploited Written Sources,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, vol. 4 (1980): 631-42.

33 Ibid., 633-34.

34 Hartmut Sührig, “Zur Unterhaltungsfunktion des Kalenders im Barock,” in Literatur und Volk im 17. Jahrhundert: Probleme populärer Kultur in Deutschland, eds. Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Wolfenbüttel: Herzog August Bibliothek, 1985), 727-40; Gerhardt Petrat, “Der Kalender im Hause des Illiteraten und Analphabeten: seine Inanspruchnahme als Lebenshilfe vor Beginn der Aufklärung,” in Literatur und Volk im 17. Jahrhundert: Probleme populärer Kultur in Deutschland, eds. Wolfgang Brückner et al. (Wolfenbüttel: Herzog August Bibliothek, 1985), 701-25.

12 lascivious stories calendar-makers included within them.35 Petrat’s article focuses on how illiterate people were able to use the texts and what information they got out of them. He stresses that, for those who found reading difficult, the self-help and advice sections were the important aspects of the Schreibkalender. Petrat examines calendars for their use as a social tool, and, as such, how authors attempted to reach both learned and unlearned audiences.36

Robin B. Barnes continues this trend of using calendars as primary source materials in his research on prophecy and religious belief, particularly apocalypticism in the early seventeenth century.37

Barnes also focuses his attention on the prognostica that accompanied the

Schreibkalender.38 His account contains an in-depth description of the calendars, how they were used, and who wrote them. Concentrating on the sixteenth century, Barnes is one of the first to employ Schreibkalender to determine how an early modern audience understood the emotional climate of the German lands. From this point, he can then trace the spread of ideas during the

Reformation.39 In his latest work, Astrology and Reformation, he uses Schreibkalender and practica to analyze the roles the stars played in understanding the relationship between religion and astrology in the sixteenth-century German lands.40 Barnes argues that a culture that already

35 Sührig, “Zur Unterhaltungsfunktion des Kalenders im Barock,” 736.

36 Petrat, “Der Kalender im Hause des Illiteraten und Analphabeten”, 716.

37 Robin B. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988); and idem, “Astrology and the Confessions in the Empire, c. 1550 – 1620” in Confessionalization in Europe, 1555 – 1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischan, eds. John M. Headley et. al. (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 131-53.

38 Robin B. Barnes, “Hope and Despair in Sixteenth-Century German Almanacs,” in The Reformation in Germany and Europe: Interpretations and Issues, eds. Hans R. Guggisberg and Gottfried G. Krodel (Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1993), 440-61.

39 Ibid., 460.

40 Robin B. Barnes, Astrology and Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). 13 believed in astrology facilitated the Lutheran Reformation.41 Ending his study in 1620, Barnes centers his analysis on the interplay between astrology and the Reformation.

A variety of scholars in recent years have turned to Schreibkalender as valuable and fruitful resources.42 The current state of the historiography does not directly address the roles played by astronomy and astrology as witnessed in the Schreibkalender and prognostica.

However, the work of Klaus-Dieter Herbst has been invaluable to those seeking previously unearthed documents and by using the calendars to provide new insights on the ideas of the early

Enlightenment. Not only has Herbst uncovered more than 6000 Schreibkalender in archives across Germany,43 but his work on the explanations of eclipses in the calendars brings

Schreibkalender research into the arena of seventeenth-century natural philosophy. Other scholars elaborate on his work, including Richard L. Kremer, whose study of calendars in

Gdańsk focuses on the mathematical components used by calendar-makers.44

My research continues these explorations into the connections between astronomical data and astrological information through an analysis of the scientific worldview presented in

Schreibkalender. The Schreibkalender and its accompanying prognosticon illustrate that the public had a practical understanding of natural philosophy and planetary events. Although the authors often took time to explain their qualifications and background, whose planetary tables

41 Ibid., 3.

42 For more information on current research on Schreibkalender, see ed. Klaus-Dieter Herbst, Acta Calendariographica – Forschungsberichte: Verzeichnis der Schreibkalender des 17. Jahrhunderts (Jena: Verlag HKD, 2008).

43 Klaus-Dieter Herbst, “Galilei’s astronomical discoveries using the telescope and their evaluation found in a writing-calendar from 1611,” Astronomische Nachrichten 330, no. 6 (2012): 536.

44 Richard L. Kremer, “Mathematical Astronomy and Calendar-Making in Gdańsk from 1540 – 1700,” in Astronomie Literatur Volksaufklärung: Der Schreibkalender der Frühen Neuzeit mit seinen Text- und Bildbeigaben, ed. Klaus-Dieter Herbst (Jena: Verlag HKD, 2012), 477-92. 14 they were using, and whether or not they agreed with leading scholars, the calendars contain a paucity of mathematically-based or empirically-derived explanations, thus rendering the calendars more easily accessible to a broader spectrum of society. Moreover, when authors tackled complex or mathematical topics, they often included explanations for how they derived their findings. Calendar-makers ensured that the calendars were organized in a simple, logical, and easy to understand manner. (See Figure 1) At the beginning of each Schreibkalender, days were listed individually within the corresponding month with the planetary positions, moon phases, and the daily activities one should or should not carry out that day given as symbols.

Readers struggling with literacy needed only learn these symbols in order to understand the information presented.

The Schreibkalender’s popularity is evidence of their wide-ranging mass-market appeal.

Even the most cursory glance reveals that the calendars’ contents incorporate information of vital interest to members of diverse social groups. Everyone could take an active interest in the relevant meteorological information or descriptions about future wars or famines; in the

Schreibkalender and prognostica this information meshed with details about farming, mining, medicine, etc. Specific information about the various types of wind, coupled with predictions specifically geared towards sailors and shipping, served not only the sailors themselves, but also merchants and consumers who were interested in determining whether or not their goods would safely reach their intended destinations. Miners would be interested in which metals it was appropriate to mine on a given day. Wine-makers and beer-brewers could easily establish the days when they would find it most beneficial not only to plant and harvest the relevant crops, but also to make their crops into their respective beverages. In short, the Schreibkalender’s appeal

15

Figure 1: Listing for March in Expertus Rupertus Argutissimus’ 1686 Schreibkalender.45

45 Rupertus Argutissimus Expertus, Alt= und Neuer Lust=erweckender Zeit=Vertreibungs= und Zeit=bertreibender Lust=Erweckungs=Calender. Mit allerley seltzamen Würmen/Grillen und Schnacken durchspicket; Auch Mit spitzfindigen Klug=Reden/ subtilen/ Kurtzweiligen Rätzeln/ Fragen und Antworten abgewürtzet. Darinnen nicht weniger/ Vermög accurater und fleissiger Calculation, der Planeten und Aspecten Lauff/ deß Gewitters Muthmassung/ Finsternussen/ und andere besorglich=vorfal=lende Welt=händel/ ordentlich 16

reached far beyond those who would be interested in meteorological forecasts and farming information.

None of this is to say that, because of the diversity of information presented in

Schreibkalender, the general public had to pick and choose the information that was directly relevant to their own lives. The calendars also included general information applicable to everyone. Encoded with symbols for every month were listings for days when it was deemed good or bad to visit the doctor, have one’s hair cut, chop wood, be bled by leeches, and even bathe. The calendars also noted lucky and unlucky days in general. Schreibkalender provided readers with both information for trades or professions and general information about daily life.

Schreibkalender and Prognostica Astrologica

Schreibkalender earned their name from their particular format, which differed from previous styles of calendars, such as Jahrbuchkalender (annual calendars) or Wandkalender

(wall calendars.)46 This new genre was constructed in a way that allowed their users to write their own notes on the right-hand page next to the corresponding day. The left-hand pages contained the individual dates from both the Julian and Gregorian calendar systems47 for each of the months of the year, the names of the saints’ days, the path of the moon throughout the course

und deutlich zu finden. Auf das frohe Friedens= und Wunder=Jahr nach der helig??tigen Geburt JESU CHRISTI/ M DC LXXXVI Mit Fleiß und Schweiß/ Kunst und Gunst/ nüchtern und berauscht ausgfertigt Durch Expertum Rupertum Argutisimum, deß Simplicis=simi Stieff=Brudern. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlege durch Johann Andrae Endters Sel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1680).

46 Klaus Matthäus, Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Kalenderwesens, 999.

47 The Julian calendar, implemented by Julius Caesar, had been the standard calendar in the German lands until 1582, when Pope Gregory XIII instituted the Gregorian calendar. This “new” calendar made adjustments for how to calculate leap years to correct errors that had arisen in the “old” calendar over the course of centuries. By the seventeenth century there was a ten-day difference in the dates between the two calendars. Schreibkalender and prognostica list the dates from both systems from 1582 through 1699. From 1700 the “Improved” calendar listed only the Gregorian dates. 17 of that particular month, the location of the and planets, what these planetary configurations meant for those on Earth, and the expected weather forecast for that day. Often included on either the right or left pages were short descriptions of planetary phenomena, historical events, or useful household tips. At the bottom of the pages, space was devoted each month to rhymed verses about farming, medical issues, and self-care. The majority of calendars included a

Planetenlauf, or list of the motions of the planets, from the beginning through the end of every month.

Each Schreibkalender began with a timeline indicating important dates in world and biblical history. The first listed date was always the calendar year itself, or the number of years since the birth of Christ. Also included were the number of years since the creation of the world, the biblical flood, from the death of Christ, the beginnings of the Julian and Gregorian calendars, the numbers of years the current Holy Roman emperor and pope had reigned, the dates since the beginning and end of significant wars or famines, and various local events. Directly following these dates was a list indicating the year’s corresponding sun cycle, Roman indiction, golden number, Sunday letter, and the number of weeks between Christmas and Easter for both the

Julian and Gregorian calendars. (See Figure 2.)

Following these details about chronology was the key list of symbols or pictures that were used in the monthly calendar pages. The calendars’ symbols depended upon how much information in particular calendar, but many of these characters were standardized. The common symbols for the seven planets and the zodiac signs can be found in every Schreibkalender, as well as those for the various phases of the moon. Authors also always included planetary configurations such as conjugations and oppositions. When calendar-makers devoted more

18

Figure 2: Page of Important Dates from Israel Hiebner’s 1656 Schreibkalender.48

48 Israel Hiebner, Astrologischer Reichs-Calender/ auff das wunderbare M DC LVI Jahr nach Christi Geburt/ (Alte Zeit vor.) Worinnen neben denen sonst gewöhnlichen Dingen auch zu befinden 5. Finsternüsse/ Jtem allerhand Astrologische Raritäten/ sonderlich aber die Muthmassung der Monatlichen Wirckung des Cometen, der 19 space to planetary events within their sections, they included the symbols for daily life as well.

In these calendars, symbols assisted those who had difficulty reading to know the auspicious and inauspicious days to go about one’s daily life. More rare, but still sometimes incorporated into the key, were additional planetary events, such as triangulations.

As part of the standard format, calendars also included detailed chapters on the solar and lunar eclipses for that year, including not only the time when the eclipse would occur, but also the place where one could see the eclipse, making careful note of whether or not the eclipse could be seen from the readers’ location(s), and chapters on health and medicine, oftentimes including the traditional diagram of the (Aderlassmann). The Aderlassmann was a pictorial description of which zodiac signs ruled which parts of the body. Accompanying this figure was a list of rules for when people of certain temperaments should bathe, be bled, visit the doctor, etc. These rules were determined by the position of the moon and how that position affected people according to the four humors: melancholy, sanguine, choleric, or phlegmatic conditions. In addition, chapters on war, peace, general sickness and disease, and the condition of the harvest were included in every calendar that presented more in-depth information than merely the monthly charts.

Although the general format of the Schreibkalender and prognostica had been developed by the mid-sixteenth century,49 the decision of what topics to include beyond the standardized lists and monthly calendar pages was left up to their various authors. For example, not all calendars included information about the yearly markets or the dates of mail delivery, but the

im Ende des 1652. Jahrs sich sehen lassen/ wie auch anderer Sternen nachdencklichen Zusammenkunfften Bedeutung. (Leipzig: Timotheus Ritzsch, 1655).

49 Matthäus, Zur Geschichte des Nürnberger Kalenderwesens, 998.

20 large majority of calendar-makers included one or both sections, particularly by the end of the seventeenth century. Information for miners, sailors, or merchants was featured at first, but the inclusion of these chapters decreased as the century progressed. Instead, calendars began to feature stories from the Bible or general or local histories on the monthly pages. Oftentimes, these histories stretched over the course of several years, encouraging the reader to buy that particular author’s calendars in sequence.

Following the Schreibkalender came the prognostica astrologica (or practica), in which the calendar-makers expounded on topics already covered in the calendar and included new sections on new subjects. Each prognosticon included clarifications of the symbols listed in its corresponding Schreibkalender. For example, a calendar by Johann Magirus for the year 1651 uses symbols in the monthly calendar section to demonstrate that, on March 7 (Gregorian calendar; February 25, Julian Calendar), the moon was full at 9:57 that morning and that it was not a good day to be bled by leeches. The corresponding entry in the prognosticon details the same technical information, but adds that stormy, windy, snowy, and erratic weather was likely until the moon reached its last quarter.50 These two entries show how the information from the prognosticon enhanced and complimented the data presented in the Schreibkalender.

50 “[Der Mond] tritt aber derselbe ein den 7. dito (25. Febr.) umb 9. Uhr/ 57. Min. vorm. vnd zwar mit zimlich vngestümmer und Windiger Schneelufft/ vnstetes Wetter vnd zu Stürmen geneiget/ damit es biß an das letzte Viertel anhält.” in Johann Magirus, Newer vnd Alter Schreibkalender/ auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Geburt vnsers HERRN JEsu Christi M. DC. LI. Nebenst einem nützlichen Bericht vom Haushalten, wolgestelltem außführlichen Prognostico oder Practick/ mit allerhand anmutigen Historien gezieret vnd besonderm Fleiß auß den besten/ gewissesten vnd newesten Gründen zu jedermänniglichen erheblichen Nützen gestellet vnd heraußgegeben (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650), 8. http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/xb-1998/start.htm?image=00008. Johann Magirus, New vnd alt Prognosticon Astrologicum, Das ist/ Vernünfftige vnd auß dem Himmelslauf genommene Mutmassung Vom Gewitter/ Frucht= vnd Unfruchtbarkeit/ Gesund= oder Kranckheit/ Krieg vnd Frieden Deß M. DC. LI. Jahres nach Christi vnsers HErrn Geburt. Nicht ohne sonderbare Müh vnd hohem Fleiß/ auß den besten/ newsten vnd gewissesten Gründen zu jedes Standes Personen erheblichen Nutzen außführlich gestellet (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

21

In addition to further explaining the information from the Schreibkalender, prognostica presented the reader with new material not contained in the first half of the book. Each prognosticon contained detailed descriptions of weather patterns based on the planetary alignments for the four seasons. Since they were organized by month, the Schreibkalender did not provide a suitable format for such descriptions. The prognostica, however, were divided into individual chapters, allowing them to cover a broader range of material than their calendars.

Here, the calendar-makers could go into detail about a range of subjects, including any significant planetary events for the given year. In a prognostica for 1620, Nicolaus Joly added a chapter on a comet that was visible that year, plotting its course throughout the sky and describing its significance for people on Earth as it passed through each of the signs of the zodiac.51 Lorenz Eichstaedt devoted a considerable portion of his 1643 prognosticon to the between and which occurred that year.52 Eichstaedt began with providing the basic information to his readers in a mixture of Latin and German before explaining the significance of the conjunction in greater detail in German, at first describing the previous times Jupiter and Saturn were in such a configuration and focusing on the ancient

51 Nicolaus Joly, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM. Bedencken uber die Jars=Reuolution/ Nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt Jesu Christ/ auß der Himlischen Constitution vnd Figuren nach dem Lauff/ stand vnd Qualiteten deß irrenden vnd etlichen gehefften Gestirns/ sampt der Witterung vnd andern Astrologischen Erwöhlungen. M. DC. XX. Gestelt durch Nicolaum Joly Claurensem, propè S. Nicolai Por-tam Lotharingum Astrophilum. Psalm: LIX TV DeVs sVsCeptor MeVs, Getruckt zu Augspurg, durch Johann Ulrich Schönigk, vorm Barfusser Thor (Johann-Ulrich Schönig, 1619).

52 “Ehe wir zur Betrachtung der grossen Zusammenkunfft (Saturn) und (Jupiter)/ welche in diß Jahr felt/ schreiten/ so wol=len wir/ wegen besserer ordnung/ unnd Verstand/ erstlich hier in specie von diesen beyden Obern Plane=ten/ von ihrer Natur/ eigenschafft/ unnd bedeutung meldung thun.” In Lorenz Eichstaedt, Prognosticon Astrologicum Auff das Jahr nach der Gna=denreichen Menschwerdung unsers HErren und Erlösers Jesu Christi M. DC. XLIII. Darinnen dieses Jahres Eigen=schafften nach den vier Quartalzeiten/ die grosse zusammenkunfft der Obern Planeten/ under der Fewrigen Triplicitet/ ihre wirckung/ die sichtbahre Mondfinsternis/ unnd zufälle von Kranckheiten aus Natürlichen Gründen erkläret werden. Mit allem Fleiß gestellet und verfertiget Durch LAURENTIUM EICHSTADIUM, Medicinæ Doctorem und Physicum Ordinarium in Alten Stettin. Gedruckt zu Alten Stettin/ durch und in Verlegung Georg Rheten (Altin Stettin: Georg Rhete, 1642). “Before we proceed to the consideration of the great conjunctions of Jupiter and Saturn, which falls in this year, first we want to make a report here in its actual form of these two outer planets, of their nature, characteristics, and significance.”

22 world. Eichstaedt embellished with references to the first monarch of the Babylonian Empire,

“(t)hus, the first monarch of the Babylonian Empire, Nimrod, who was called Belus and Saturn, had also reigned after the flood almost as long as it took Jupiter and Saturn to carry out an entire cycle of the of the zodiac.”53 These details are not found in his Schreibkalender, highlighting the role the prognostica played in further elaborating the data provided in the

Schreibkalender.

As the seventeenth century progressed, the total content within prognostica expanded, and then contracted, and topics covered within the individual chapters varied throughout the century. In addition to a change in content, the overall size of the prognostica fluctuated as well.

Readers from mid-century witnessed the calendars at their most expansive. At this time, authors used the prognostica to provide lengthy explanations about the details and meanings behind planetary events, while presenting only technical details in the calendars. For example, many

Schreibkalender and prognostica sections of a single calendar include chapters on eclipses.

However, authors presented similar, but still significantly different types of information about the eclipses. In a calendar from 1643, astronomer Hermann de Werve explains the details of the four eclipses visible in that year with respect to the locations of the various planets and the duration of the eclipse. He describes the eclipses, writing that there were four eclipses, two solar and two lunar, but his readers would only be able to view the last lunar eclipse, which would occur in the evening on September 27 (Gregorian calendar; September 17, Julian calendar.) He continued by giving exact details of the time the eclipse would begin and its duration. After relaying the technical data of the last eclipse to his audience, he finished by explaining that

53 “Also auch hat der erste Monarch im Babylonischen Reich/ der Nimrod/ welcher Belus und Saturnus genennet worden/ nach der Sündfluth fast so lange Zeit/ als (Saturn) mit (Jupiter) einen gantzen umblauff der Triplicitet der Zeichen verichtet/ geregieret...” Ibid.

23 predictions about the other three eclipses were not necessary, since they would only be relevant to merchants and sailors who would travel to the areas where they would be visible.54

De Werve included the same information almost word-for-word in his corresponding prognosticon, but he explained each of the eclipses in detail, not just the sole eclipse visible from the German lands. For example, he described the first eclipse of the year, specifying where in the world it would have been visible, particularly in Japan and other eastern lands.55 Clearly, from his explanation in the Schreibkalender, de Werve intended his prognosticon to relay information about subjects in full, rather than merely addressing the most essential needs of his audience. Prognostica then served as both a compliment and an extension to the

Schreibkalender.

54 “In diesem 1643. Jahr werden seyn vier Finsternussen an deß Himmels Liechtern/ zwo an der Sonnen/ und zwo an dem Mond/ davon wir die letzte an dem Mond werden zu sehen bekommen/ welche geschehen wird den 27. September New 17. Alt/ Calender/ auff den Abend. Der Anfang wird seyn 55. minuten nach 6. Uhrn/ das Mittel oder recht vollkommen Finsternuß 19. minut. nach 8. Uhr/ das Ende 22. min. nach 9. Uhr/ dauret 2. Stund 47. min. die Grösse wird seyn 6. Fingerbreit 59. sec. Weil wir aber die andern Fin=sternussen in unserm Horizont nicht werden zu sehen bekommen/ so ist unnötig davon weitläufftig zu schreiben/ aber zu End deß grossen prognostici, wird außführlich umb der Kauff= und Schiffleute willen geschrieben werden/ rc.” in Hermann de Werve, Newer und Alter Schreib Kalender/ Auff derer (vieler Menschen Gedan=cken/ Meinung und Hoffnung zuwidern) bißhero Elenden/ Bedrangten/ Betrübten/ Verjagten unnd Geplagten Jubel= Jahr/ nach der Gnadenreichen Geburts unswers Friedenfür=sten/ Erlösers unnd Seligmachers JEsu Christi/ M. DC. XXXXIII. Mit dem Stand/ Lauff und Aspecten der Planeten/ (Sun) und (Moon)s finsternussen/ sampt natürlichen Er=wehlungen und der Witterung/ gestellet von Hermanno de Werve Eseno Frisio. p. t. Chur Mäyntzischen Astronomo. Mit Röm Kais. Maj. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg/ in verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1642).

55 “Die erste geschicht 9 alten und den 19 Martii newen Calenders/ desselbigen Mo=nats/ deß Morgens Glock 1. 46 min. und seynd beyde Himmelsliechter nicht weit vom Drachenschwantz im 28 grad 32 min. der Fische/ die Grösse wird seyn 12 Finger breit und gantz bedecket und verfinstert werden/ wird dawren 3 Stund 7 min. wird nicht von vns/ sondern von denen in Königreich Chinarum, groß Chams/ und angrentzenden Insulen/ als Japonia, Xicoca, Xima, Lequeo, Luconia vnnd andern anliegenden Oertern rc. gesehen werden.” in Hermann de Werve, PROGNOSIS ASTROMANTICA, Das ist: Gründlicher Bericht unnd außführliche Beschreibung von den Himmlischen Constitutionen unnd Contingentischen Sachen/ so nechst Göttlicher Allmacht/ auß dem Lauff/ Stand und Qualiteten der Planeten und andern Gestirns/ wie auch Finsternissen (tanquam Causis secundis) natürlicher Weise zu ge=warten. Auff das (wieder vieler Menschen Gedan=cken/ Meinung und Hoffnung/ derer bißhero Elen=den/ Bedrängten/ Verjagten und Geplagten Jubel=Jahr/ Nach der Gnaden= und Frewdenreichen Geburt/ vnsers HErrn/ Erlösers/ Heilands und Frieden Fürstens JESU CHRISTI M. DC. XLIII. Mit Fleiß gestellet und beschreiben/ Durch Hermannum der Werve Esensem Frisium p.t. Chur Mäyntzischen Astronomum. GratIâ nos eXVI es LiberaVIt Ipse DeVs, & posItI SVMVs In patrIa. Psalm 77. Ich muß das leiden/ die Hand deß HErrn kan alles andern/ rc. Invidia Virtutis Comes. Mit Röm Käis. Majest. sonderlicher Freiheit. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters. (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1642).

24

Methodology and Chapter Outlines

This study centers on a textual analysis of underutilized documents to study how scientific results were communicated to a wide range of people. As such, evaluating the

Schreibkalender and prognostica within this framework situates them within the field of the history of science and focuses on the spread of emerging ideas about the natural world in the seventeenth century. By focusing on one of the most popular genres of the period, it is possible to make connections between the new discoveries of the “Scientific Revolution” and popular understandings about the world. Thus, this research situates the calendars within the larger discourse of the history of ideas and how it merges into the social history of everyday life.

The following uses a chronological approach to fully examine the changes occurring within the calendars and within natural philosophy throughout the seventeenth century. This period was also one in which scientific ideas about the natural world began to coalesce into what is considered the “Scientific Revolution.” The calendars are an underrepresented genre that contained a plethora of information about natural occurrences, whether they were planetary, meteorological, or ecological events. The Schreibkalender and prognostica were intended for a wide audience, whose depth and breadth ranged from the affluent to commoners, who were not scholars themselves. Authors adapted their content to satisfy the public’s thirst for new and different types of information throughout the century. Because the readership of

Schreibkalender and prognostica was so wide-ranging, a broad populace was able to access and understand scientific ideas in general. Furthermore, calendar-makers immersed themselves in the academic debates about controversial topics, such as the validity of astrological predictions, and engaged with their peers in the pages of the calendars. Because of the convergence of these

25 factors, the calendars are useful resources to understand changing scientific ideas over the course of the seventeenth century.

Three distinct phases of the calendars emerge in the seventeenth century: early

(approximately 1600 – 1630), middle (approximately 1630 – 1670), and late (approximately

1670-1700). The content of the early calendars was sparse compared to those from the other two periods. Still, they contain a wealth of practical information necessary to the daily lives of their readers. They enable us to understand how the average person became aware of new knowledge as relayed through the calendars. Schreibkalender and prognostica from the middle of the century expanded their contents to include a plethora of information derived from the motions and positions of the stars and planets. Furthermore, new events, such as the Thirty Years’ War, influenced authors to include longer chapters on a variety of topics, such as war, famine, health, and disease. In the last third of the century (1670 – 1700) changes in the intellectual world led to more criticism of astrological predictions, the incorporation of new topics, and the transformation of the Schreibkalender and prognostica into documents that reveal the increasing divisions between empirically-derived astronomical data and astrology. Calendars became increasingly less about prediction, and grew more into generalized and educational guides for their readers.

Chapter Two explores the authors and readers of the calendars, including who they were and their backgrounds. Most calendar-makers received traditional university training, but also incorporated new knowledge about the world into their calendars, immersing themselves in current epistemological debates. Readers were mainly interested in the practical information they could obtain from the calendars about their daily lives. This chapter considers the readership of the Schreibkalender and prognostica and includes a discussion of literacy in the

26 seventeenth century. Chapters Three and Four investigate how authors presented information about the natural world to their audience, including meteorological predictions, medical advice, and observations about the changing climate. Chapter Five explores the changing nature of the calendars especially in the latter third of the seventeenth century, noting shifting trends away from astronomical and astrological information and toward other subjects such as historical accounts or household tips.

27

Chapter II Authorities, Evidence, and Audience

The second-century Greek philosopher, Claudius Ptolemaeus (ca. 100 – 175 CE), opened the , his quintessential four-volume work on astrology, with his description of the function of astrology and astronomy:

Of the means of prediction through astronomy, O Syrus, two are the most important and valid. One, which is first both in order and in effectiveness, is that whereby we apprehend the aspects of the movements of sun, moon, and stars in relation to each other and to the earth, as they occur from time to time; the second is that in which by means of the natural character of these aspects themselves we investigate the changes which they bring about in that which they surround.1

To seventeenth-century calendar makers, ’s work represented the guidebook by which they formulated their astrological predictions. The Tetrabiblos laid the groundwork for the basic methodologies authors used by clarifying the roles for the standard relationship between planetary positions and astronomical phenomena, and their relevance and meaning for events on

Earth.

Ptolemy designated the first category to be the process by which humans extracted information from the heavens. The second category he reserved for the influence of this information on events on Earth. He devoted the rest of his four books to the discussion of this second classification, since the first had been covered in his previous work, the Mathematike

Syntaxis, better known by the Latinized version of its Arabic name, the Almagest. Ptolemy considered this dual understanding of the functions of what today would be called “astronomy” and “astrology” respectively as separate aspects of the same concept, the second being an extension of the first.

1 Claudius Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, F. E. Robbins, trans. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980), 3. 28

Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos was the astrological guide that calendar-makers used more than any other and was the standard upon which all other guides were based. Authors of

Schreibkalender and prognostica were proficient in both ancient and current theories of natural philosophy. They used their skills and training in natural philosophy and astrological principles to present their interpretations of this information in the calendars. Their education and background enabled them to impart the most up-to-date theories about the natural world to their audience. Thus, the general public was made aware of the newest ideas in the world of natural philosophy, astronomy, and astrology, and in turn used this knowledge to structure their day-to- day activities.

Schreibkalender and prognostica connected the worlds of the natural philosopher and the average person. In the prefaces to their prognostica, they justified their authority to educate readers about a variety of topics relating to calendars, calculating time, the criteria used in making predictions, or to explain their own particular knowledge of the field. An examination of the ways in which authors argued for the veracity of their predictions in these prefaces sheds light not only on how much the average person was aware of contemporary philosophical ideas about the natural world, but also the debate surrounding these ideas.

Authors and their Resources

One of the most important facets of the Schreibkalender and prognostica was their inclusion of the most current natural philosophy in their work. Authors strove to legitimize their efforts by lauding their own education and understanding of the field. They used the calendars to explain how and why they arrived at their results. Calendar-makers did not always agree with the traditional methods and advertised when their interpretations deviated from the standard

29 formulas. This chapter explores how authors determined the information to include within the calendars and showcases the ways in which they formulated their predictions.

Calendar-makers were eager to explain which “astronomical” processes and tables they used to draw their conclusions. The vast majority prioritized sixteenth-century Danish astronomer ’s planetary tables (after 1627 called the Rudolphine Tables and compiled by Johannes Kepler) over Ptolemy’s – the second-century Greek mathematician who developed the most widely-used geocentric model of the solar system – and over sixteenth- century Polish astronomer Nicholas Copernicus’ heliocentric system, explaining that they found

Brahe’s planetary data to be the most accurate. Indeed, Brahe’s data was considered to be the most precise of the period. His tables derived from careful observations in his own observatory and maintained a different geocentric solar system. It should be noted though that authors sometimes did not hesitate to disagree with Brahe’s data if they believed the data was not an accurate reflection of actual planetary phenomena. To justify this action, they referred to their credentials, which, they argued, enabled them to draw such conclusions in the first place.

Ptolemy’s tables were originally compiled in his Almagest. However, these tables were not necessarily the ones utilized by those following the Ptolemaic system in the pre-Copernican and

Copernican era. According to Lloyd Motz and Jefferson Hane Weaver, the most common

Ptolemaic tables during this period were the . They were no longer as accurate as they could have been. Motz and Weaver explain, “[t]he most important planetary tables used at that time, known as the Alfonsine tables, were some 300 years old and had been prepared at the time of King Alfonso X of Castille [sic] . . . When Copernicus began his great synthesis, the

Alfonsine tables were in error to the extent of 20 minutes of arc.”2 These inaccuracies were

2 Lloyd Motz and Jefferson Hane Weaver, The Story of Astronomy (New York: Plenum Press, 1995), 70.

30 ultimately what spurred Tycho Brahe to create a more accurate system than both Ptolemy’s and

Copernicus’ and what made him recognize the need for precise astronomical observations.3 The result of his endeavors was the Tychonic system, still geocentric, but whose planets revolved around the sun, which revolved around the Earth.

Brahe’s observations were codified by Johannes Kepler in the Rudolphine tables. Prior to their publication in 1627, however, calendar-makers still routinely used Brahe’s data. The publication of the tables rendered them more manageable and accessible to the authors of the

Schreibkalender and prognostica. Figure Three is an example of a page from the tables of

Saturn denoting its latitude, inclination, mesologarithm, reduction, and curtation. The tables provided the mathematical bases for astrological interpretation and were used as far away as

England and China. They remain a foundational instrument in astronomical data collecting today. 4

Although calendar makers eschewed the planetary tables from the Almagest – instead favoring the more accurate calculations of Brahe – they still employed Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos to draw their astrological conclusions from the planetary data. Together, these four books comprised the basis for astrological interpretation from its inception through the seventeenth century. Ptolemy’s goal in the Tetrabiblos was to outline the effects of planetary events on “that which they surround.”5 Not only does Ptolemy define astronomical terms, he also describes what heavenly occurrences portended for people on Earth. For example, “[i]f [the] colours or hues [displayed during an eclipse] appear black or livid they signify the effects which were

3 Ibid., 73.

4 Ibid., “Nachbericht”, 85-88.

5 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 3. 31

Figure 3: Excerpt from Kepler’s 1627 Rudolphine Tables.6

6 Johannes Kepler, TABULÆ RUDOLPHINÆ, QUIBUS ASTRONOMICÆ SCIENTIÆ (Ulmae: Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 1629), 209. 32 mentioned in connection with Saturn’s nature; if white, those of Jupiter; if reddish, those of

Mars; if yellow, those of ; and if variegated, those of Mercury.”7 Thus, the Tetrabiblos provided the calendar-maker with a guide for determining the meaning of celestial events. The combined use of astronomical data and astrological references enabled the calendar-maker to legitimize his interpretations of these events.

After presenting the necessary and relevant data, calendar-makers turned to the interpretation aspect of the Schreibkalender and prognostica. As noted, by and large, they drew on the essential text of astrological understanding, the Tetrabiblos. The first book detailed a standard definition of general astrology, described what it was, and how one should conduct the practice. The second delved into an explanation of what was possible to divine, using astrological principles and “natural method[s].”8 The focus of the third and fourth books was genethlialogical astrology, or , the former outlining its basic principles and the latter illustrating how astrology affected the personality and characteristics of a person.

In the introduction to the Tetrabiblos, F. E. Robbins, Ptolemy’s translator, remarks that the Greeks had one word for both astronomy and astrology, “[t]he book is a systematic treatise on astrology, but it should be remembered that in Ptolemy’s time the two words . . . meant much the same thing, ‘astronomy,’ and that he called what we mean by astrology . . . ‘prognostication through astronomy,’ which indeed it was in his estimation.”9 To be sure, Ptolemy considered the astrological portion of his practice as an extension of his astronomical knowledge. Furthermore,

7 Ibid., 193.

8 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 117.

9 F. E. Robbins, “Introduction” in Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, xi.

33 as he explained in his first book of the Tetrabiblos, the astronomical influence of heavenly bodies could be easily proven using the understanding of the natural world of his time.

A very few considerations would make it apparent to all that a certain power emanating from the eternal ethereal substance is dispersed through and permeates the whole region about the earth, which throughout is subject to change, since, of the primary sublunar elements, and air are encompassed and changed by the motions in the ether, and in turn encompass and change all else, earth and water and the plants and animals therein.10

In this excerpt, Ptolemy described how the fifth element, ether, which was only found in the heavens and not on Earth, influenced the remaining four earthly elements. Due to the effect of ether on two of the four elements (fire and air) and the effect of these elements on the two remaining (earth and water) and the plants and animals, these objects could, by extension, also feel the influence of the ether. Thus, the ether was the key to the direct cause of astronomical phenomena on sublunary bodies and life on Earth.

His second book was devoted to describing the “natural” sources of astrological prognostication and differentiated between the two main schools of astrology, general and natal.

General astrology, the type featured in the seventeenth-century Schreibkalender and prognostica, concerned the effects of the planets on everyday events and “relate[d] to whole races, countries, and cities,”11 and not individuals. “Of the general inquiry itself,” wrote Ptolemy,

a part . . . is found to concern whole countries, and a part to concern cities; and further, a part deals with the greater and more periodic conditions, such as wars, famines, pestilences, earthquakes, deluges, and the like; and another with the lesser and more occasional, as for example the changes in temperature in the seasons of the year, and the variations of the intensity of storms, heat, and winds, or of good and bad crops, and so on.12

10 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 5-7.

11 Ibid., 119.

12 Ibid. 34

General astrology was important, argued Ptolemy, because the general always encompassed the specific, and, before one could learn about individuals, one must learn about how the world itself was under the influence of the heavens.13

Ptolemy then describes the genethlialogical practice of astrology, stressing its similarities between the two different categories of astrology, particularly that they were both based on the astronomical study of the stars and planets: “For the cause of both universal [i.e. general] and of particular events is the motion of the planets, sun, and moon; and the prognostic art is the scientific observation of precisely the change in the subject natures which corresponds to parallel movements of the heavenly bodies through the surrounding heavens.”14 He again underscored that his ideas were simply an extension of astronomical observations, that astrological interpretation found its roots in the legitimate relationship between the movements of the stars and planets, and their effects on subjects on Earth.

According to Ptolemy, certain aspects of an earthly phenomenon or person were under the influence of the stars, but that individual differences always occurred based upon the accidental properties of the object or subject. For example, weather conditions of a particular place on Earth were also influenced by the geographical location of the area. Furthermore, two people conceived at the same time but in a different place of birth or of differing ranks would exhibit individual differences based upon these circumstances. Concerning individual differences in people, he wrote, “[a]mong external accidentals, which should be treated next in order, the discussion of the fortune of both riches and honour comes first; and as material fortune

13 Ibid.

14 Ibid., 221. 35 is associated with the properties of the body, so honour belongs to the soul.”15 With regard to the methodology of making the predictions themselves, he explained,

[t]he first and most potent cause of such events lies in the conjunctions of the sun and moon at eclipse and the movements of the stars at the time. Of the prediction itself, one portion is regional; therein we must foresee for what countries or cities there is significance in the various eclipses or in the occasional regular stations of the planets . . . whenever they halt, for then they are significant. Another division of the prediction is chronological; therein the need will be to foretell the time of the portents and their duration.16

Thus, Ptolemy explained the individual and regional differences in people, places, and events as not derived from the heavens or as superseding their effects, but rather as a collaborative accidental that the astrologer could use along with the planetary positions to best determine the events on earth or the life of an individual.

After the general definitions of the various types of astrology and the ways in which they function according to scientific principles, the Tetrabiblos contained an array of information calendar-makers used to outline their general predictions about the world. First, Ptolemy described the properties of the planets with respect to the scientific understanding of the time.

Planets were either beneficent, maleficent, or both; masculine, feminine (or in the case of

Mercury, both); diurnal, nocturnal, or varying based on whether the planet appeared in the morning or evening sky.17 The constellations of the zodiac and the individual stars within also bore these properties.18 For example, Ptolemy described the attributes of the stars in the constellation thusly, “[t]he stars in the head of Aries, then, have an effect like the power of

15 Ibid., 373.

16 Ibid., 161-63.

17 Ibid., 39-43.

18 Ibid., 47-59. 36

Mars and Saturn, mingled; those in the mouth like Mercury’s power and moderately like

Saturn’s; those in the hind foot like that of Mars, and those in the tail like that of Venus.”19 In this way, Ptolemy laid out the groundwork regarding the properties of the planets and stars.

However, one should note that Ptolemy’s writing on the qualities of these objects was merely descriptive. He did not attempt to explain the origin of these astrological theories.

The second book of the Tetrabiblos, the one covering general astrology, expanded upon the basic principles outlined in the first book. First, Ptolemy listed the principles governing the various cities of the world, a list that was commonly found in many of the seventeenth-century

Schreibkalender and prognostica.20 Next, he concerned himself with the planets, zodiac, and how one should interpret their influence on Earth. He emphasized that not all configurations portended negative events. Some movements of the planets could be quite good. One must determine the nature of the alignment by paying attention to the constellations and planets involved. He explained that the positive or negative effects were “apprehended from the nature of the activity of the planets which rule the dominant places and from their combination both with one another and with the places in which they happen to be.”21 Determination of the meaning of a planetary alignment was not uncomplicated, involving understanding the relationships and balance between the relevant planets and their locations.22

19 Ibid., 47.

20 Ibid., 157-59.

21 Ibid., 177.

22 Later in the same section, he wrote: “[L]et us remember that in the combinations, again, we must consider not only the mixture of the planets one with another, but also in their combination with the others that share in the same nature, whether they be fixed stars or signs of the zodiac, by virtue of their affinities with the planets, already set forth.” Ibid., 179.

37

He stressed that his information was derived from previous sources, namely Chaldean and Egyptian astrology, and compared how the two structured and organized their understanding of astrological principles. Ptolemy proclaimed the superiority of the Egyptian system, while praising the simplicity of the Chaldean.23 The Egyptian system, he wrote, was at first not very well understood by astrologers, because of the lack of reference material explaining their craft.

He continued “[r]ecently, however, we have come upon an ancient manuscript, much damaged, which contains a natural and consistent explanation of their order and number, and at the same time the degrees reported in the aforesaid nativities and the numbers given in the summations were found to agree with the tabulation of the ancients.”24 Henceforth, Ptolemy’s method of astrological interpretation was developed from the Egyptian method over the Chaldean.

Each planet had its own properties, which, when carefully combined and analyzed, afforded the astrologer the ability to determine events on Earth. For example, regarding the planet Jupiter, Ptolemy instructed his audience that,

[w]hen Jupiter rules alone he produces increase in general, and, in particular, when the prediction is concerned with men, he makes fame and prosperity, abundance, peaceful existence, the increase of the necessities of life, bodily and spiritual health, and, furthermore, benefits and gifts from rulers, and the increase, greatness, and magnanimity of these latter; and in general he is the cause of happiness. With reference to dumb animals he causes a multitude and abundance of those that are useful to men and the diminution and destruction of the opposite kind. He makes the condition of the air temperate and healthful, windy, moist, and favorable to the growth of what the earth bears; he brings about the fortunate sailing of fleets, the moderate rise of rivers, abundance of crops, and everything similar.25

23 Ibid., 91-107.

24 Ibid., 101-03.

25 Ibid., 183. 38

In short, Ptolemy asserted that, certain planets not only influence specific areas of the globe, but also had a direct and individual relationship with events on Earth, particularly in their ability to influence climate and weather.

Ptolemy also devoted a chapter to the effect of the zodiac on the weather, discussing how each sign influenced weather events on Earth. Each sign was not uniform; rather, various segments possessed different properties: “The sign of as a whole is moist and marked by thunder-storm; but, taken part by part, its leading portion is rather warm and destructive, its middle temperate, and its following part watery. Its northern parts are windy and its southern parts temperate.”26 After this illustration, Ptolemy turned to the effect of the planets on the weather in general. He outlined several basic steps necessary to accurately predict the weather.27

First, one must take into account the phase of the moon. Next, the month of the year, and the moon’s location and in the sky, factored into the prediction. Third, “detailed indications of relaxation and intensification” of the event or weather condition must be taken into account.28

Still, he cautioned, “[i]n every case, however, one should draw his conclusions on the principle that the universal and primary underlying cause takes precedence and that the cause of particular events is secondary to it, and that the force is most ensured and strengthened when the stars which are the lords of the universal natures are configured with the particular causes.”29 Ptolemy believed, for example, that the main, underlying cause determining the weather was the geographic area’s dominant zodiac sign. In other words, the sign that determined the area’s

26 Ibid., 203.

27 Ibid., 207-13.

28 Ibid., 211.

29 Ibid., 213.

39 climate dominated over the configuration of signs determining the weather. Therefore, it would be incorrect to predict snowfall in a desert region in the summer.

Seventeenth-century astrologers were well-versed in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos. This guidebook served as a means of crafting their Schreibkalender and prognostica. As such, many authors devoted space in their calendars to relaying the information contained in this work to their readers. Hermann de Werve’s 1647 prognosticon presented not only a justification of his work, but an explanation of his methods. In his description of the workings of his field, de

Werve included references to the Tetrabiblos to demonstrate how astrology was not at odds with

Christian beliefs. He noted that Ptolemy explained astrological predictions, did not necessarily portend catastrophic events, and reminded his readers that things did not occur from the coercion of the heavens, but were God’s work.30 Ptolemy, of course, was not arguing from such a

Christian perspective. However, the portion of the Tetrabiblos cited by de Werve – Book One,

Chapter Three – stated,

[f]or if these distinctions [between natural and individual influence over events] are thus made, it is clear that both in general and in particular whatever events depend upon a first cause, which is irresistible and more powerful than anything that opposes it, must by all means take place; on the contrary of events that are not of this character, those which are provided with resistant forces are easily averted, while those that are not follow the primary natural causes, to be sure, but this is due to ignorance and not to the necessity of almighty power.31

30 “[A]uch Ptolomeus uberein kombt/ in Gentiloquio propositione primæ, und lib. 1. qua-drip. cap. 3. da er sagt: Non cogitemus ea, quæ accidunt, ex cœlo esse necessaria, ut quæ sunt à Deo. Das ist/ Man soll nicht gedencken/ daß die Dinge/ so geschehen/ auß ei=nem solchen Nohtzwang deß Himmels geschehen/ dann sie sind Gottes Werck.” Hermann de Werve, PROGNOSIS ASTRONOMICA, Das ist: Gründlicher Bericht und außführliche Beschreibung von den Himmlischen Constitution unnd contiegentischen Sachen/ so nechst Gättlicher Allmacht auß dem Lauff/ Stand un Qualiteten der Planeten und andern Gestirns wie auch Finsternissen/ (tanquam causis secundis) natürlcher Weise zuge=warten. Auff das grosse Veränderung= und hundert und drey und achtzig mal neundte Jahr (Annus En-neaticus) genant/ unnd für eine Engelische Zahl gehalten) nach der Gnaden= und Frewdenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilands/ Erlösers und Seligmachers JESU CHRISTI: M. DC. XLVII. Mit Fleiß gestellet und beschreiben Durch Hermannum de Werve Esensem Frisium, p. t. Chur Mayntzischen Astronomum. Psalm. 77. Ich muß das leiden/ die Hand deß HErrn kan alles ändern/ rc. Invidia Virtutis Comes. Mit Röm. Käis. Majest. sonderlicher Freiheit. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters. (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1646).

31 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, 25. 40

Although Ptolemy’s argument was not religious in meaning, de Werve interpreted his writing in this way; the “first cause” to de Werve was God. He was able to confront his critics and

Augustine, who questioned whether prognostication was an admissible service provided by the astrologer. De Werve translated Ptolemy’s “primal causes” and “almighty power” through a

Christian lens. From this perspective, de Werve armed himself with a religious justification of astrology that enabled him to counter those who criticized its soundness.

After establishing the legitimacy of astrology from a Christian perspective, de Werve turned his attention to advocating the proper astrological methods. The author continually referred to Ptolemy’s work in order to make his points, even going so far as to criticize medieval astrologers for not following Ptolemy’s writings to the letter. De Werve disagreed with the ninth-century astrologer Albumazar, who claimed that an unlucky conjunction of stars occurred at both the births of Muhammad and Jesus.32 Because Ptolemy cautioned against astrologers assuming such particularities, de Werve stressed the importance of the proper understanding of astrological positions. Ptolemy was his guide, and de Werve considered his writings to be the fundamental explanation of his craft.

De Werve used Ptolemy again to further his evaluation of proper astrology, explaining that the often-cited criticism that those born at the same time should have matching destinies was false according to Ptolemaic principles. He also cautioned against the astronomer making arrogant predictions, asserting that certitudes, e.g. the claim that someone born with Mercury in the sixth would convert to another religious faith, be avoided because such questions were

32 “Daß die Warheit zu sagen/ Albumazar hierinnen viel zu frech gewesen/ und auß den Schran=cken getretten/ wider die Lehre Ptolomæi in centil. prop. 1. und lib. quadr. cap. 3. allda er nicht will/ daß sich ein Astrologus solcher particulariteten soll anmassen.” De Werve, PROGNOSIS ASTRONOMICA. 41 not for the stars to answer. For support he cited Ptolemy, who wrote (according to de Werve) that events of such nature were better determined by the person’s own will. Furthermore, he noted that, according to both Ptolemy and Hermes Trimegistus, the sixth house was not the house that governed religious concerns, but rather the ninth house.33

Abdias Trew also referenced the works of Claudius Ptolemy, specifically his planetary tables. Trew used these tables to critique Ptolemy’s observations to contrast information presented by Paracelsus in his discourse on the equinox and the determination thereof with data supplied by Ptolemy’s planetary tables and proved the inaccuracy of the Ptolemaic tables.34 One can learn from this passage several important factors. First, although Trew critiqued Paracelsus’ astrology (see below), he used his astronomical tables over both Ptolemy’s and the Rudolphine

33 “Daß/ obschon solche imagines von Menschen erdichtet worden/ so hat man doch derselbi=gen Sternen/ so in ihnen begriffen/ Wirckung/ vielfältige Experientz und Erfahrung/ wie den derselbige Albumazar auch in seinem introductorio cap. 1. zeuget: Und Thomas Aquinas lib. 7. Metaph. ihm beypflichtet. Deßgleichen verkehren sie auch/ daß Hermes in seine centiloquio propositione 66. sagt/ daß welcher in seiner Geburt Mercurium im sechsten Hauß habe/ der wird von seinem Glauben auff einen andern fallen: Welches dann eine vermessene Weissagung oder Rede sey Dann solche Dinge nicht am Himmel zuerkundigen/ und müsse derohalben auch die Astrologia eitel/ oder voller Vermessenheit seyn. Darauff die Antwort: Daß zwar nicht ohn/ es könne kein Astrologus solche Ding für eigentlich und gewiß sagen/ wie auch in allen andern/ die in deß Menschen Willen stehen/ wie Ptolomæus proposition. 1. centiloquii sagt: Daß aber auch Hermes sich verstossen/ oder dieses in seinem centiloquio möchte eingestickt seyn worden/ ist darauß etlicher massen abzunemen/ daß/ wie Alcabilius zeuget/ das sech=ste Hauß ist domus servitutis & infirmitatum, der Dienstbarkeit und Schwachheit Hauß/ und nicht zur Religion geneigt/ wie das neundte Hauß thut.” Ibid.

34 “Sein Discurs von dem Æquinoctio, welchen er hat in seinem Buch despeculi constellationi, lautet also: man solle sehen/ rc. daß man die rechten æquinoctia hab/ doch nicht nach den Tafeln Ptolemæi (dieses hat man vor Paracelso gewust, daß die Tafeln Ptolemæi einer Verbesserung bedürffen/ aber was desiderirt er seines Theils daran) denn die Ursach ist die/ deß Ptolemæi Tafeln sind gemacht worden Anno à nato Christo 140. Ist damals das æquinoctium gewesen am 31. Martii umb zwey Uhren/ 4. min. nachm. (falsum: Ptolemæus hat es observirt Anno 140. den 22. Martii h.1. p.m.) derhalb es jetzt zu unsern (Paracelsi) Zeiten nemlich 1537. fast fünfft Tag/ sieben stund unnd sechs und dreissig Minuten verfallen (eitel Lapperey. Das æquinoctium anticipirt freilich, aber nicht nur fünff, sonden zu Paracelsi Zeiten allbereit neun/ jetzo zehen Tag.” Abdias Trew, PRACTICA Oder PROGNOSTICON, Das ist/ Astrologische und Philosophische Muhtmasung vom Gewitter/ Frucht= o=der Unfruchtbarkeit/ Gesund= oder Kranckheiten/ sambt dero=selben Præservation und Cur/ auch etlichen Welthändeln/ deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs gemeiner Rechnung nach Christi Geburt. So ferne solches durch tägliche Constitution deß Gestirns/ auch Fisternisse und andere sonder=bare Constellationes Theils verursachet/ Theils nach Gottes Willen bedeutet wird. Auß natürlichem Grund und eigner dessen Be=trachtung und Erfahrung/ mehr als auß den gemeinen Regulis, gestellt Durch M. ABDIAM TREW, bey der Universitet Altdorff Mathem. Prof. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters. (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650). 42 tables, although they had been published twenty-three years earlier.35 Next, the author juxtaposed the astronomical data of Ptolemy and Paracelsus to stress the precision of one over the other. In this way, Trew conveyed to his audience information about the intellectual debate involved in the determination of the accuracy of planetary tables. Third, through the presentation of exact data from the tables of both Paracelsus and Ptolemy, Trew was able to demonstrate that the data often conflicted with each other. Finally, when this happened, Trew used the

Paracelsian system as evidence to discredit the accuracy and legitimacy of the established authority (Ptolemy).

Trew and de Werve are just two of many who accepted Ptolemy’s chief astrological work as a means of understanding how to interpret planetary arrangements and make astrological predictions, even while they and others moved away from using his ancient planetary tables.

These examples demonstrate that not only did authors use this work as a basis for the information relayed in their calendars, but also as an influential source from which calendar- makers could argue for the validity of their craft. In that sense, the Tetrabiblos was an authoritative treatise to which astrologers turned when confronted with defending the legitimacy of their work.

Calendar-makers were eager to support the claims made in their Schreibkalender and prognostica. Title pages proclaimed their educational credentials, ranging from medical doctor, to astrologer, philosopher, and mathematician. Georg Galgemair’s 1602 Schreibkalender described the author as a minister.36 Konstantin Waremund identified himself as a medical

35 Although this is his prognosticon from 1651, he would have written and compiled the information in 1650, before the next calendar year began.

36 Georg Galgenmair, Newer Alter. Schreibkalender/ auff dz Jar nach der Geburt Jesu Christi. M. DC II. Gestellet und zu Glückseliger Regie=rung Dediciert. Dem Durchleuchtigen Hoch=gebornen Fürsten und HERRN/ HERREN/ Philipps Ludwig Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein/ Hertzog in Bayrn/ Graffen zu Veldentz und Spanheim rc. meinem 43 astrologer, or an iatromathematician.37 In both his 1626 Schreibkalender and its accompanying prognosticon, Albin Moller stressed that he was both a theologian and an astronomer.38 Other authors continued this practice in the later seventeenth century. In 1663 Marcus Freund called himself a “friend of astronomy.”39 Gottfried Gütner identified himself as a “friend of the

Gnädigen Fürsten und Herrn. Durch M. Georgium Galgenmayr Da-nuvverdanum Pfaltzgräfischen Pfarrekn. Zu Augsburg/ bey Joh. Schultes. Cum Pri. Cæsario. (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650).

37 See, for example, his 1611 Schreibkalender: Konstantin Waremund, Allmanach/ oder Schreib Calen=der/ sampt den Sontags Euangelien und kurtzen Progno=stico auff das Jahr M. DC. XI. Authore Constantino Waremundo Iatro Mathematico. Gedruckt in der Churfürstlichen Stadt Meyntz bey Johann Albin. Zu Ehrendem Gestrengen/ Edlen und Vesten/ asparn Herrn zu Elß/ ChurF. Meintzischen Groß Hoffmeistern und Raht/ meinem G. Junckern underthänig dedicirt/ Johann Albin Buchtrucker. (Mainz: Johann Albin, 1610).

38 Albin Moller, New und Alt Schreib=Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der hei=ligen Geburt Jesu Christi 1612. Jederman zu nutz/ vorab denen so da umbgehen mit dem Ackerbaw und Jaget/ Auch zu Wasser und zu Lande reisen und handeln/ rc. Fleissig gestellet durch M. Albinum Mollerum von Scraupitz/ Theolog. und Astron. Mit Röm Keys. May. Freyheit (Leipzig: n.p., 1611). and, Albin Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica, Das ist: Prognositcon von dem Gewitter der vier zeiten/ Krebsgange und sichtbarer erscheinung der 5. Planetensternen am Him=mel/ von Finsternissen/ Krieg/ Reysefarten/ Kranckheiten/ Berg=werck/ und von den Früchten der Erden und Bäumen/ auffs Jahr nach der heiligen und Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn Jesu Christi 1612. Zu hinden stehen die Länder und Städte unter den 12 Him=lischen Zeichen/ zu besserem verstande der Practica/ und des glücks und unglücks in den Reysefarten und Kauffhandel zu Lande und zu Wasser/ gegen dem Abende und Mitternacht/ und sonsten zu nutze allen fromen und verstendigen Christen in Lansitz und Schlesien/ und in den benachtbarten Län=dern und Städten des Deutschlands/ nach beyden zahlen in das 43. Jahr fleissig gestellet und publiciret/ Durch Magistrum Albinum Mollerum von Straupitz/ alten Theologum und Astronomum/ in dem Marggraff=thumb Niderlansitz/ etc. Leipzig/ Mit Römischer Keys. May. Freiheit (Leipzig: n.p., 1611).

39 Marcus Freund, Neuer und Alter Schreib=Calender/ mit den fürnemsten Aspecten aller Planeten/ ihrer und anderer Fixstern Lauff/ Orientalität und Occi-dentalität, sambt vemutlicher Gewittes Veänderung und Erwehlung/ rc. Auff das Jahr M DC LXIII. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß gestellet von Marco Freund/ Schüpff: Rotenburgico Parocho in Oberstetten/ Astron: Cultore. Mit Röm: Käiserl: Majest: und Chur Sächs. Freyheit. Nürnberg/ in Verlag Christoph und Paul Endtern (Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endter, 1662). And, Marcus Freund, PROGNOSTICON, Oder Gründliche Anzeigung/ Was/ nechst Göttlicher/ Allmächtiger/ sonderba=rer Wirckung aus dem Lauff und Stand der Planeten und andern Gestirns/ der Finsternissen Wirckungen (tanquam causis secundis) für Gewitter und andere Zufäll natüli=cher Weiß zu gewarten. Auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt un=sers HErrn und Heilands JEsu Christi. M. DC. LXIII. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß gestellet und geschrieben von Marco Freund/ Schüpff-Rotenburgico, Parocho in Oberstetten/ Astronomiæ Cultore, &c. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. und Chur. Sächs. besonderer Freyheit. Gedruckt und verlegt in Nürnberg/ durch Christoph und Paul Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endter, 1662). 44 mathematical arts.”40 Krzysztof Krzikowsky was an “Academia Phil,” a doctor of astrology, and professor of .41

Clearly, calendar-makers’ expertise stemmed from diverse and specialized educational backgrounds. Besides stating their intellectual credentials that enabled them to elaborate on astrological and astronomical topics, they used the prefaces to explain their methods and how they arrived at their astrological interpretations. In addition to using their calendars as informative tools to educate their general audience about the processes behind astronomical events and astrological prediction, authors also presented justifications for their crafts within these prefaces. Their intention was to enmesh themselves in the contemporary debate about the validity of divining earthly information from heavenly events.

Prefaces appeared in both Schreibkalender and prognostica fairly early in the century. In the preface to his Instrumenti Horarum Planetariarum, a guide used by calendar-makers to formulate their theories, Christophorus Sarcephalus wrote a concise account of how he determined the tables that followed in his manual.42 His opening words emphasized the

40 Gottfried Gütner, Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit außgefertigte Artzney= und Schreib=Kalender/ Auff das Jahr Christi M. DC. LXXXVII. Worinnen nebenst denen gewöhnlihcen Kalender=Sachen viel denckwürdige Historien mit ein=geführet werden/ GOTT zu Ehren und dem Nächsten in Druck gegeben Von Gottfried Gütnern/ von Freyberg in Meissen/ Art. Mathem. Cultore zu Altenburg. ZWICKAU/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Christian Bittorffen (Zwickau: Christian Bittorff, 1686).

41 Krzystof Krzikowsky, Krackawer Schreib=Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der Geburt Un=sers Heylands und Seeligmachers JESU CHRISTI, M. DC. XCIV. Welches ist das 2. nach dem Schalt=Jahr/ und das 1. nachm Einkomlingschein forder ist auf das Margg=raffthumb Mähren/ dan auch andere angräntzende Länder : als Hungarn/ Böheimb/ Oesterreich/ Schle=sien/ rc. nicht allein mit allen Aspecten Erwöhl= und Himlischen bewegnungen/ wie auch täglicher witterung/ und Planetischen Einflüß/ so Oeconomisch als Politi=schen Zuneigungen Astrologisch fleissig beschriben. Von M. CHRISTOPHORO KRZIKAWSKY, in der Hochlöbl: Krackawischen Academia Phil: Do-ctore, Astrolog: & Matheseos Professore. Cum Gratia & speciali Privilegio S. C. Reg: Majestatis. Gedruckt zu Ollmütz/ bey Johann Joseph Kylian (Olmütz: Johann Joseph Kylian, 1693).

42 Christoph Sarcephalus, Instrumenti Ho-rarum Planeta-rium, Oder New Planetenstunden=Zeygers Bericht: Mit angehengter Taffel/ durch welche man itzt und künfftig/ die gesetzte grad und zeichen im Bresslischen Schreib=Kalender/ ad Asterismos Zodiaci octavi Orbis reduciren, unnd also die Signa Stellata, entweder durch den Monden/ oder sonst ein andern bekandten Planeten/ zu Nacht am Himmel ausgenscheinlich kennen lernen mag; sonsten auch leichtlichen abnemen und verstehen/ in und aus welchem/ Asterismo oder Gestirnterr Himslischen 45 agreement of other astrologers in his field regarding the proper functioning of astrological constructions that“[a]lmost all astrologers share in common…”43 His calculations thus had the weight of scholarly consensus. The remainder of his preface explained the process by which astrologers developed their craft, describing in detail to critics how key components of astrology were developed, ranging from how the day was divided into hours to how the planets moved in the sky. He began with a clarification on the hours of the day and how such an understanding of time related to the planets in the heavens. Sarcephalus claimed that not only were the hours of the day and the division of night and day dependent upon the sun’s rising and setting, but also that the names of the days of the week were determined by the planet, which dominated the first hour of each day. In short, he employed his preface to explain some of the basic phenomena of the natural world, including why time was divided into days and hours, and how those days and hours were determined by the heavens.44

In 1659, Johannes Meyer approached the justification of his trade from a different angle.

Focusing on the need for astronomical and astrological assistance due to humanity’s inherent sinful nature, he advanced a religious justification of his work.45 Explaining that everyone is

Zei=chen/ eine oder die andere im Kalender mit fleiß gesetzte Conjunction und Aspect der Planeten unter sich selb=sten/ oder alleine der Planeten mit dem Monden/ sich begeben und zutragen werde. Gestellet durch Christophorum Sarcephalum, zu S. Maria Magdalena in Bresslaw Bibliothecarium. Gedruckt zu Breslaw/ durch Georgium Bawman. Im Jahr 1611 (Breslau: Georg Baumann, 1611).

43 “Es theilen fast alle Astrologi in gemein…” Ibid. “Bericht von heygelegtem Instrument, zu den Rechten nicht gemeinen Planetenstunden.”

44 “Es theilen fast alle Astrologi in gemein/ die in-tercapedinem temporis diurnam oder Tageszeit/ so da ist von Auffgang biß zu Nidergang der Sonnen/ in zwölff gleiche Theil/ welche sie zwölff Stunden deß Tages nennen ; Darnach folgende Zeit von Unter=gang der Sonnen biß zu ihrem Auffgage/ theilen sie ebener massen in zwölff gleich Theil/ und nenenns Nachtstunden ; Ge=ben und schreiben endlich solche Stunden ordentlich/ nach der Planeten ordnung und succession, den Planeten zu ; In dem sie allezeit die erste Stunde deß Tages dem Planeten zueignen/ von welchem der Tag genennet wird ; ferner wie die ordnung der Planeten biß in vier unnd zwantzig Stunden folget.” Ibid.

45 Johannes Meyer, Alter und Neuer Schreib=Ca=lender/ Auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers lieben HERRN und Hey=landes Jesu Christi M. DC. LIX Mit Fleiß gestellet/ Durch JOHANNEM MEYERUM Quedlinb. Saxo. Quedlinburg/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Johann Ockeln. And PROGNOSTICON 46 afraid of death and dying, Meyer launched into an allegorical account focused on showcasing that belief and trust in God are ways to avoid death and gain everlasting life. He claimed that his own Schreibkalender and prognosticon were tools one could use in order to live a godly life, and stressed that he wrote his calendar in good faith.46 Later, in his explanation of the negative astrological aspects and their relation to finite time, he argued from a religious perspective that the practice of astrology was acceptable, and asserted that the early Church Father, Gregory the

Great, had argued that the practice could not be discredited. Meyer contended that the motions of the sun and planets were not miracles, but found their origin in nature, and he emphasized their impact on the sublunary world. People and other inferior creatures marveled at these portents and were sometimes horrified by them.47

In his 1651 prognosticon, Abdias Trew devoted his preface to the discussion of all manners of astronomical and astrological practices.48 Trew confronted his critics by

ASTRO-PHŒNOMENOLOGICUM, Das ist: Natürliche Beschreibung des Gewitters und anderer Zufälle dieses jetzt gelienden Calenders/ wie die durch himlische Influentz angetrieben werden/ und nach dem Lauffe der Natur sich erzeigen und erweisen dürffte. Auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenrei=chen Menschwerdung und heilsamen Geburt unsers einigen Erlösers und Seligma=chers JEsu CHristi M. DC. LIX. Mit sondern Fleiß jedermänniglichen zu nütz=lichem Brauch beschrieben Durch JOHANNEM MEYERUM Quedlinb. Saxon. Quedlinburg/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Johan Ockeln (Quedlinburg: Johann Ockel, 1658).

46 Ibid.

47 “Miracula divina consideranda sunt non discutienda saget und lehret der H. Kirchen=Lehrer Grægorius. Nun seyn zwar Stralwürffe und Gegenscheine oder Zusammenkunfften der Sterne/ wie auch (Sun) und (Moon) Finsternüß/ nicht Miracul noch Wunder/ sondern Wercke der Natur/ herrührende auß den ordent=lichen Lauffe des Gestirns/ dennoch aber geschehen sie nicht ver=gebens/ sondern haben ihre nachtruckende Wirckung un Influentz in Sublunariubus, wie man siehet daß die Menschen und alle mindere Creaturen/ darob gleichsam sich verwundern/ ja bißweilen gar hefftig wenn sie geschehen/ dafür entsetzen/ und gleich wie man ein Brausen höret/ wenn ein groß und schwer Wet=ter fürhanden ist/ also gehen traurige und betrübte Zeichen vorher/ wenn ein Unglück und Plag der Welt übergehen sol. Wie denn derengleichen dieses Jahr seyn.” Ibid., “De Syderum Aspectibus & Signis rerum. Von bösen Aspecten und enderlichen Zeiten.”

48 Abdias Trew, PRACTICA Oder PROGNOSTICON, Das ist, Astrologische und Philosophische Muhtmasung vom Gewitter, Frucht- oder Unfruchtbarkeit, Gesund- oder Kranckheiten, sambt deroselben Præservation und Cur, auch etlichen Welthändeln, deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs gemeiner Rechnung nahc Christi Geburt. So ferne solches durch tägliche Constitution deß Gestirns, auch Eisternisse und andere sonderbae Constellationes Theils verursachet, Theils nach Gottes Willen bedeutet wird. Auß natürlichem Grund und eigner dessen Betrachtung und Erfahrung, mehr als auß den gemeinen Regulis, gestellt Durch M. ABDIAM TREW, bey der Universitet Altdorff Mathem. Prof. Nürnberg, In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650). 47 acknowledging that many learned people did not give any credit to astrological predictions.

However, Trew claimed that hard work done in good faith would produce some good kernels of

(astronomically-based) knowledge, provided one combined the use of the right principles of physics and one’s own expertise. With these good intentions in mind, Trew turned to the writings of Paracelsus to make his predictions.49 In focusing his critique of Paracelsian astrology, Trew criticized Paracelsus’ supporters, including Valentin Weigel (1533 – 88), and offered his readers an explanation as to why Paracelsus’ philosophy was problematic when it came to making predictions about the natural world. According to Trew, astrology could serve natural philosophy, but did not agree with Paracelsus that drawing nativities was a valid practice.50

Authors added to the display of their credentials a discussion of how they arrived at their interpretations. Relying on mathematically-based astronomical tables and ancient astrological writings enabled them to claim that their conclusions were valid. Therefore, some calendar- makers included references to the sources they used in order to understand their craft. Following the introduction in his preface, Abdias Trew continued his assessment of the problems he had with Paracelsian metaphysics, explaining that some unlearned people may not be able to

49 “[W]enn man sie recht durchsuchet und nicht nur auff ihre Principia sihet/ sondern ob und wie sich eines oder das andere mit den rechten Principiis Physicis unnd der Erfahrung reime/ fleissig acht hat/ so findet man viel guter Körnlein und Perlein/ welche sehr nutz und zu Erläuterung vieler schweren Fragen in der Philosophia dienstlich sind/ ja gleichwie die Astrologia, wenn man sie recht gründlich erforschet/ andern Stücken der Philosophiæ gleichsam die Hand beut/ also muß ich bekennen/ daß mir die jenige Bücher/ welche nicht eben ex professo von Astrologicis handeln/ offt besser Anlei=tung in solchen Sachen gegeben als eben die Astrologische selbsten/ und in solchem Intent bin ich auch auff etliche Schrifften Theophrasti Paracelsi gerahten.” Ibid., “Denen Edlen/ Ehrnvesten/ Fürsichtigen und Hochweisen Herren Burgermeistern und Raht deß heiligen Römischen Reichs=stadt Nürnberg/ meinen Großgünstig gebietenden Herren.”

50 “Damit ich nun mit meinem exempel, da ich solche Bücher in etwas durchsuchet/ desto weniger Ergerniß gebe/ so will ich für dieses mal an statt eines gewöhnlichen Thematis sumariter fürstellen ASTROLOGIAM PARACELSI, damit man sehe/ wie der Geist der Enthusiasten und Weigelianer der Verachtung dieser Kunst zu seinem Vortheil und Verführungen mißbrauche/ und man desto besser sich dafür hüten lerne.” Ibid. 48 distinguish between Paracelsus’ astrology and magic.51 Trew continued to stress his earlier point that “astra,” the Latin word early modern scholars employed to denote both astronomy and astrology, was quite accurate when using precise calculations and conducting the practice in good faith.52

Hermann de Werve also presented a justification of his work in the preface to his 1647 prognosticon. Juxtaposing Latin citations with German explanations and biblical passages, de

Werve relayed a history of the field.53 By listing the arguments, both biblical and from other historical, religious figures, against astrology, de Werve took the opportunity to refute each of these arguments and present his case for astrological interpretations. De Werve essentially maintained that many important leaders of the past, such as Augustine, did not endorse astrology because they simply did not understand how it functioned.54 After several examples of how the positions of those against astrology were misguided due to a simple misunderstanding, de Werve concluded that although judicial astrology – the making of predictions related to one’s daily life

– did not necessitate a particular outcome, its findings were not as uncertain as its opponents claimed.55

51 Ibid.

52 Ibid.

53 De Werve, PROGNOSIS ASTRONOMICA, Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1646).

54 “Das ist: Ich unterließ nicht die Planeta-rios, welche man Mathematicos nennet/ mit Fleiß zu fragen/ welche gleichwol die Christliche Pietät verwirfft und verdamet. Darauff aber auch die Antwort ist/ wie zu=vor/ daß Augustinus nur die verstehe/ welche einen Nohtzwang darauß machen wollen.” Ibid.

55 “Also bestehet die Astrologia judiciaria wider alle Argumenta und Einreden de=ren/ so sie vermeinet in Verdacht zu bringen/ sintemal deroselbigen fürnembsten Schein genugsam widerleget. Und obschon unsere Astrologia judiciaria keinen Nohtzwang statuire, so sey sie doch nicht so gar ungewiß/ wie die/ so ihr zuwider seynd/ vorgeben.” Ibid. 49

In the preface to his 1643 prognosticon, Lorenz Eichstaedt described the year’s conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter.56 Using this celestial event as a medium allowed him to support his methods more fully. Eichstaedt not only explained his usage of certain astronomical tables, but also demonstrated why they were important. He stressed that his information about such planetary configurations derived from treatises by Johannes Kepler from 1604 and Johannes

Wolf.57 After recounting a history of negative effects from similar conjugations of Saturn and

Jupiter in the constellation , Eichstaedt ended his preface with another reference to Kepler, citing his Novâ Dissertatiunculâ de Fundamentis Astrologiæ regarding the role of Saturn and

Jupiter in astrology. Stating that he could not determine what the effects of this conjunction would be, he argued that the nature of the person determined whether the effects of the planetary alignment would be positive or negative, and that God wants to reward the good and punish the bad.58 Accordingly, he ended his preface with an appeal to God and implored his readers to pray to ensure good fortune.59 With this example, Eichstaedt carefully explained to his readers that,

56 Lorenz Eichstaedt, Prognosticon Astrologicum Auff das Jahr nach der Gna=denreichen Menschwerdung unsers HErren und Erlösers Jesu Christi M. DC. XLIII. Darinnen dieses Jahres Eigen=schafften nach den vier Quartalzeiten/ die grosse zusammenkunfft der Obern Planeten/ under der Fewrigen Triplicitet/ ihre wirckung/ die sichtbahre Mondfinsternis/ unnd zufälle von Kranckheiten aus Natürlichen Gründen erkläret werden. Mit allem Fleiß gestellet und verfertiget Durch LAURENTIUM EICHSTADIUM, Medicinæ Doctorem und Physicum Ordinarium in Alten Stettin. Gedruckt zu Alten Stettin/ durch und in Verlegung Georg Rheten (Altin Stettin: Georg Rhete, 1642).

57 “Ebenmässig hat auch da=von der tieff gehehrte unnd sinnreiche Astronomus Johannes Kepplerus einen Lateinschen Tractat de Trigonô igneô Annô 1604. ans licht gebracht. Der H. D. VVolffius hat in seinem Centenariô XVI memorabilium lectionum pag. 951 etliche prognostica derselben eingeführet/ welche von der grossen Zusammenfügung der Obern Planeten geschrieben.” Ibid., “ Vorrede an alle liebhaber der Edlen Sternkunst/ wegen der grossen zuammenkunfft der Obern Planeten Saturni unnd Jovis zum dritten=mahl/ im Fewrigen Trigonô, so in das Vorstehende 1643. Jahr fället.”

58 “Aber in specie kan man nicht sagen noch wissen/ welchen Theil solche grosse Zusammenkunfft favorisiren/ oder adversiren wen=de. Denn solche grosser versamlung der Obern Planeten in einem Zeichen ist nicht auff dieses/ oder jenes Part gewiedmet/ sondern treibet so wol eins/ als das ander fort/ eines oder beyde zu glück oder unglück/ nach dem die Natur der Leute geartet und Gott das gute belohnen/ unnd das böse straffen wil.” Ibid.

59 Ibid. 50 although the stars could forecast their own fate, it was the behavior of human beings that ultimately swayed God’s hand. If they heeded the warnings God had placed in the heavens, the outcome of the planetary configurations would be beneficial; if they ignored the signs, they would be maleficent. In short, it was not a failure of astrology when certain predicted events did not come to pass; but rather, God could change his plans based on humans’ behaviors.

This demonstration of the validity of their field was a fundamental device authors used to defend themselves against attacks, earn credibility, and gain the trust of their audiences. Readers could know for certain that the author of their calendar was well-versed in the area of expertise he proclaimed to have mastered. Furthermore, authors did not necessarily only use the work of important historical figures and contemporary philosophers. They also directly explained to their audience what these tables were and how they were developed. Therefore, readers would have been able to determine exactly how calendar makers determined their findings.

Reception of the Schreibkalender and Prognostica

As mentioned previously, in the seventeenth century, Schreibkalender were widely popular across all spectra of society. However, several factors must align in order to deduce whether or not the public was able to obtain the calendars and if they could interpret the information they contained. First, did the average reader possess a sufficient level of literacy to understand the calendars’ content? Next, how did the authors account for the fact that some readers’ literacy levels may not be adequate for full comprehension of the material? Third, were there options available to the audience themselves which would help facilitate their access to the information contained in the Schreibkalender and prognostica? Last, were the calendars produced in sufficient qualities to maximize their reach to the average audience? This section

51 outlines the likelihood of how the public could obtain and understand the information in these documents.

Literacy rates in the seventeenth century are notoriously hard to determine, particularly since formal records of such data do not exist. Demographic historians have laboriously researched this period to best approximate the numbers of people across the various social spectra who could read, read well, and/or read and write. The primary work for this period is R.

A. Houston’s Literacy in Early Modern Europe: Culture and Education 1500 – 1800. Houston discovered that differences between the literate and illiterate were most determined by a person’s social standing. Not surprisingly, landlords and the mercantile and professional classes had higher rates of literacy than the peasantry.60 However, “[f]or England, lowland Scotland, the

Netherlands, northern Germany and north-eastern France, sharp divisions in achievements between upper and lower orders had been tempered into a more evenly graded curve by the end of the seventeenth century.”61 Nevertheless, Houston stresses that change or increase in literacy rates occurred slowly in the German lands, referring to it as an “almost glacial progress.” 62 Only ten percent of people could read and write with ease by 1750 and that number had only increased to fifteen percent by 1770 and by twenty-five percent by 1800.63 Andreas Würgler followed

Houston’s foundational study with a clear and concise summary of his own work and the work of others as well as the most current statistical data of the period. He explains regional studies estimate that those who could make out some letters in the early sixteenth century numbered

60 R. A. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe: Culture and Education 1500 – 1800 (London: Longman Group Unlimited, 1988), 133.

61 Ibid., 133.

62 Ibid., 151.

63 Ibid., 151.

52 between ten and thirty percent, but could reach fifty percent in cities. In the early eighteenth century, after the setback from the Thirty Years’ War, the percentage ranged from ten to twenty percent. In contrast, the number of regular readers had increased to a maximum of four percent around 1600, but only slightly more by 1700.64

With respect to the literacy of differing social groups, Johannes Arndt and Esther-Beate

Körber studied the middle-class, the educated elites and nobility, and the average person.65 The elites demonstrated a higher ability to read than the other two groups, which also exhibited reading skills that gradually increased over time.66 Their research on the “average person” revealed previously unknown statistical data. Studying the numbers of those who read newspapers (considered a type of “infotainment” by Arndt and Körber), they determined that primary and secondary readers numbered 250,000 in 1700.67 Arndt and Körber stressed that no one forced the average person to purchase these newspapers and concluded that the public bought these media because they chose to do so.68 Clearly, the public would not spend money on a written document whose information they had no means of accessing. In that sense, a reading public existed in such numbers as to justify the production of a significant quantity of newspapers and other types of mass media.

By 1800, literacy had increased to twenty-five percent of the population of the German lands. However, some estimates put the rate at a much smaller two percent.69 The reasons for

64 Andreas Würgler, Medien in der frühen Neuzeit (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 2009), 93-94.

65 Johannes Arndt and Esther-Beate Körber, eds., Das Mediensystem im Alten Reich der Frühen Neuzeit (1600 – 1750) (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010).

66 Ibid., 14.

67 Ibid., 18.

68 Ibid., 19.

53 this discrepancy are varied. As Houston’s study indicated, literacy rates differed based upon location, social status, age, sex, regional factors, and sources used.70 Furthermore, a significant distinction exists between those who could read and write well and those who could read very little and possibly sign their name if necessary. For the purposes of this research, the latter group provides the relevant categorization. Authors structured the calendars in a way that facilitated the understanding of as many readers as possible.

Würgler problematizes the concept of literacy by asking how much one needed to be able to read and how often they read to be considered sufficiently literate, thus making an important distinction between the need to read every day and the ability to infrequently read short passages of text, highlighting that one need not use the calendars daily to find them useful.71 Therefore, readers with only rudimentary skills could utilize the Schreibkalender and prognostica.

Furthermore, James Brophy warns that even though someone may be illiterate, it did not prevent her/him from accessing the information in the calendars. The early modern person who could not read well enough to read the calendars him/herself, could still listen as a more proficient reader read the work aloud. The inability to read the text did not necessarily prevent the audience from understanding its content.72 In his study of Volkskalender in the early nineteenth century, Brophy writes: “It is . . . necessary to qualify the low literacy rate ascribed to commoners, which implies an inability to acquire new ideas, let alone endorse them. First, literacy studies do not usually address reading aloud in the home, tavern, and marketplace, a

69 James M. Brophy, Popular Culture in the Public Sphere in the Rhineland, 1800 – 1850 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 20.

70 Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe, 131-50.

71 Würgler, Medien in der frühen Neuzeit, 96.

72 Brophy, Popular Culture and the Public Sphere, 22.

54 practice that has enormous implications for connecting the unlettered to the public sphere.”73 In short, contemporary life had the social foundations to enable the transfer of information from the

Schreibkalender and prognostica to both the literate and illiterate public. The community could aid those who could not read on their own, whether by reading to them or by helping them learn the calendars’ symbols over time.

Calendar-makers also facilitated the process of understanding the calendars. The heavy use of symbols necessitated that one only learn which symbols represented a particular planet, zodiac sign, weather pattern, etc. Figure Four depicts a typical calendar page in which the symbols are explained to the average reader. Here, readers could see not only the common terms of the calendar represented as symbols, but also that the advice derived from planetary movement was also shortened into single characters for easy representation on the main pages of the Schreibkalender.74 Oftentimes, these figures were also used in the text-based prognostica, which demonstrates that authors also used the standard symbols – even in sections that would

73 Ibid.

74 Bonifacius Haussman, Alt- und Neuer Wein- Bau- Bier- und Meth- Brau- Auch Essig- Zubereitungs- Calender. nen/ Monds/ auch anderer Planeten/ die Universal- Witterung/ Kriegs- und Welt-Begebenheiten/ Sonn- und Monds-Finsternussen/ Fruchtbarkeit/ Krankheit/ sambt andern gemeinen Astrologi-schen Muhtmassungen vorstellig machet. Deme mit eingemenget/ Ein hoch-nützlich und nohtwendiger Bericht von dem Wein-Bau und dessen Natur/ Eigenschafft/ Erfindung/ Gebrauch und Mißbrauch/ wie derselbe bequem zu pflantzen/ zu warten/ zu lesen/ zu kaltern/ zu fassen und gut zu erhalten seye rc. Von deß Biers Erfindung/ Eigenschafft/ mancherley Art und Brauung/ Gebrauch und Mißbrauch/ Probierung und Erkäntnuß Hopffen und Maltzes/ rc. Von deß Wein- und Bier- Essigs Tugend/ Krafft/ Würkung und sonderlichen Nutzen/ wo und wie er zu machen/ rc. Dann auch/ wie allerhand Medicinalische Wein/ Bier und Essig zubereitet/ angestellet und angesetzet/ auch zum hochnohtwendigen Gebrauch der Würthschafft beobachtet und erhalten werden allen. Sambt derselben Gebrauch/ Tugend/ Krafft und Artzney- Nutzen. Alles aus berühmten und beglaubten Scribenten zusammen gezogen/ Also verfasset/ daß sich dessen Männiglich/ Gelehrte und Ungelehrte/ sonderlich aber/ Weinhändler/ Bier- und Meth-Brauer/ Wein- und Bier- Schencken/ Häffner oder Essigmacher/ Ambtleuthe/ Vögte/ Verwalter/ Wein-Herren/ Wein- und Höpffen-Gart-ner/ u. a. m. Vornehmlich aber Haus-Vatter und Haus-Mutter/ so zur Lust als Nutzen/ vielfältig bedienen können. Auf das erste nach dem Schalt-Jahr CHRISTI unsers Erlösers/ M DC LXXXI mit sonderbaren Fleiß verfertiget/ durch Bonifacium Hausmann/ Mathm. & Historia Cultoriem. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg/ bey Christoph Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1680).

55

Figure 4: A Schreibkalender page with symbol key.

56 naturally be more difficult to read. This symbol page included another figure that was represented quite often in the calendars, the Aderlassmann or Aderlassmännchen – commonly referred to in English as the “zodiac man” – who detailed which parts of the body were appropriate for bleeding based on zodiac signs. These signs were also given as symbols and arrows pointed from the symbol to the corresponding part of the body.

As the seventeenth century progressed, more and more authors started devoting extra space in the Schreibkalender to the construction of charts and graphs. In addition, calendar- makers also split chapters (or subchapters) in the prognostica by inserting charts that covered an array of topics between them. For example, Gottfried Gütner’s 1687 Schreibkalender is mostly tabular, even sections not traditionally outlined in this fashion. Specifically, the parts of the

Witterung der Monds=Viertel. Etliche Artzney=Mittel/ Vor unterschiedliche Kranckheiten. Der neue Mond hat beständig kalt We=tter/ in der ersten Helffte viel Gewölck 1. Für hitzig Haupt=Wehe. und et=was Wind/ hernach klaren Himmel. Wann sich bey dem Haupt=Wehe Das erste Viertel giebt Anfangs grose Hitze findet/ so netze die Stirne offt mit etliche TageWind u. Schnee mit Nachlassung Nacht=schatten=Wasser/ denn dieses Kraut der Kälte/ hernach wird es wiederumb kuhlet wohl. Und ruhre ein neu gelegt Ey in trocken und meistentheils klar seyn. so viel Spring=Wasser/ trincks auff dreymal in einer Stun=de aus. Ist das Haupt=Wehe Der Volle Mond hat erst etliche Tage groß/ so binde des Abends Sauerteig umb das noch kalt und unbestän=dig Wetter/ hernach Haupt/ und schlaffe drauf. Kanst du aber wirds stille und gelinde seyn. wegen der Wehetagen nicht schlalffen/ so mache ein Fußbad von Wein=laub/ Das Letzte Viertel bringt Tau=Wetter/ Weidenlaub und Seeblattern/ wasche die mit unbeständigem Sonnenschein/ also daß es Beine darinnen biß an die Knie/ und die Arme gar liebliche Ta=ge geben möchte/ aber der biß an die Ellenboge/ das befordert den Winter ist noch nicht zum Ende. Schlaff.

Figure 5: Weather based on the moon’s phases for the month of January in Gottfried Gütner’s 1687 Schreibkalender. In this case, the calendar offers advice on how to treat a headache.

57 calendar related to each month’s weather based upon the phase of the moon are relayed alongside monthly household tips in two columns:75

Although heavily focused on text, prognostica also gradually included more tables and charts, particularly when conveying advice or household tips. Johann Meyer’s prognostica from

1701 contains graphs on a variety of topics, covering the proper time of day to bathe (based on the moon’s phase), when to build,76 the proper time to plant certain seeds, and when to see a doctor.77 Meyer also listed tables on the yearly markets and mail delivery (standard in almost all

Schreibkalender and prognostica), an explanation about different coins, weights and measures, and numerical figures.78

Zum Bauen.

Daß es bald austrockne/ und nicht leicht wurmstichig werde/ soll gut seyn: Wenn abnimmet/ am besten im Letzten Viertel. der unter der Erden stehet/ ist Morgens biß Mittags. Mond im irrdischen Zeichen/ Stier/ Jungfrau/ Steinbock. Und der Zeit nach im September/ October/ besser im November/ und allerbesten im December. Figure 6: Example of a chart detailing auspicious times when to build based on the moon’s phases from Johann Meyer’s 1701 prognosticon.

Another means that authors used to convey their meaning to a wider audience was to include a German translation for text in other languages (most commonly Latin or Greek.) For example, Hermann de Werve wrote in a 1642 prognosticon, “Da man spricht: Omne promissum

75 Gottfried Gütner, Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit außgefertigte Artzney= und Schreib=Kalender (Zwickau, Christian Bittorff, 1686).

76 See Figure 4.

77 Johann Meyer, Verbesserter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ Aufs Jahr nach unsers HErrn und Seligmachers JEsu Christi Gebuhrt M DCCI. Nebenst vielen Regulen und Historien/ wie auch Römischen und einem besondern Hauß=Calender/ Mit Fleiß gestellet druch JOHANNEM MEYERUM, Quedl. Saxon, Mit hochfürstl. Braunschweig. Lüneburg. gnädigster Freyheit. Braunschweig/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Christoph Fiederich Zilligers sehl. nachgel. Wittib und Erben. (Braunschweig: Christoph Friedrich Zilliger Witwe & Erben, 1700).

78 Ibid. 58 cadit in debitum, Belobnuß und Zusage machet Schuld…”79 First, he gave the phrase in Latin,

“Each promise falls into debt.” Then he followed with a rough paraphrase in German, “Reward and promise make debt.” De Werve thus conveyed to his unlearned readers the meaning of the phrase. These passages could also immediately be followed by the phrase “das ist:” or “that is” and a German translation or paraphrase. In short, calendar-makers ensured the readability of their documents through the organization of their Schreibkalender and prognostica and clarification to readers via their language, word choice, and use of symbols, thereby guaranteeing that their target audience needed not be limited to the most elite, the most educated, or the most proficient readers.

Indeed, the calendars were widely popular and had huge print runs. Schreibkalender have their origin in the early sixteenth-century broadsheets. Würgler numbers their count at around two hundred calendars of 10,000 apiece.80 R. A. Houston notes that, in the 1660s,

400,000 almanacs (the English equivalent of Schreibkalender) and chapbooks were sold every year in England.81 Harald Tersch supports Houston’s number regarding England, specifying that at the time, one calendar was sold per every third family;82 however, Houston stresses that

79 De Werve, PROGNOSIS ASTROMANTICA; Das ist: Gründlicher Bericht unnd außführliche Beschreibung von den Himmlischen Constitutionen unnd Contigentischen Sachen, so nechst Göttlicher Allmacht, auß dem Lauff, Stand und Qualitet der Planeten, und andern Gestirns, wie auch Finsternissen (tanquam Causis secundis) natürlicher Weise zu gewarten. Auff deß H. Römischen Reichs, mit Zähren hertzbrechenden Seufftzen, langgewünschtes, und vielen Exulanten Frewdenreiches und Friedengetroffenes Jahr, nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Erlösers, Seligmachers und Frieden- Fürstens JESU CHRISTI, M. DC. XLII. Mit Fleiß gestellet und beschreiben, Durch Hermannum der Werve Esensem Frisium p. t. Chur Mäyntzischen Astronomum. Invidia Virtutis Comes. Psalm 77. Ich muß das leiden, die Hand deß HErrn kan alles andern, rc. Mit Röm. Käis. Majest. sonderlicher Freiheit. Nürnberg, In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1641).

80 Würgler, Medien in der frühen Neuzeit, 49.

81 Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe, 117.

82 Harald Tersch, Schreibkalender und Schreibkultur: Zur Rezeptionsgeschichte eines frühen Massenmediums (Feldkirch, Austria: Wolfgang Neugebauer Verlag, 2008), 18. 59 although this would spread the range of almanacs to a wide audience, it is impossible to know whether one family bought one almanac or whether fewer families bought several almanacs and chapbooks apiece.83 On the other hand, Tersch also points out that the popular “Krakauer

Schreibkalender” in Vienna saw a print run of 250,000, equal to that of the calendars in France from both the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.84 These large print runs speak to the calendars’ popularity in the German-speaking lands. Calendars gained in popularity over time so that James Brophy, writing about the mid-nineteenth century Rhineland, can assert that nearly every household bought a Volkskalender, so-called because they were written with the intent of being sold to the average person.85

The historian who devotes the most time to understanding the popularity of almanacs and calendars based on the amounts printed and purchased by consumers is Bernard Capp. In his groundbreaking study of English almanacs, he argues not only that they were popular, but that their popularity was derived from the belief that the information contained within them was of vital importance. Indeed “in 1437 the University of Paris decreed that every physician and surgeon should possess a copy of the current almanac, as a necessary aid to medical practice.”86

Collectively, English almanacs annually outsold all other types of books during the 1660s, including the Bible and the New Testament.87 Their popularity was largely due to the practical

83 Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe. 117.

84 Tersch, Schreibkalender und Schreibkultur, 18.

85 Brophy, Popular Culture and the Public Sphere, 21, 45.

86 Bernard Capp, Astrology and the Popular Press: English Almanacs 1500 – 1800 (London: Faber and Faber, 1979), 17.

87 Ibid., 393, fn2. Capp maintains that this phenomenon is the result of both the Bible and the New Testament being made of higher quality materials and having a longer lifespan than the yearly almanac. 60 information contain within them, such as details about fairs and mail delivery, medical advice, and information related to farming.88

Furthermore, the most popular almanacs and calendars sold quite rapidly. According to

Capp, the most successful English almanac-maker in the seventeenth century, William Lilly, saw his 1644 almanac sold out within a week.89 Additionally, Capp specifically references the

German calendars’ popularity and observes that calendars from the German lands and the

Netherlands were so popular during the early sixteenth century that they were even imported to

England, before the market for locally produced calendars expanded. This trend continued through the mid-sixteenth century.90

Writing a popular calendar could be a profitable exploit for the average astrologer; it could also bring him fame and a place amongst the educated elites of the time.91 Capp writes,

“[i]deally the almanac would bring the author both popular fame and the protection [from hostile magistrates who might compare astrology to witchcraft], and perhaps even the patronage of the wealthy.”92 Astrologers who wrote almanacs, therefore, had the opportunity to become very successful with a fan base eager for new editions published every year and the support of patrons who encouraged their work.

The actual number of Schreibkalender and prognostica that remain in archives also testifies to their seventeenth-century popularity. In the first volume of his series, Acta

88 Ibid., 24.

89 Ibid. Capp does not list how many copies of the almanac were printed.

90 Ibid., 27-28.

91 Ibid. 53-54.

92 Ibid., 55.

61

Calendariographica, Klaus-Dieter Herbst lists the archives containing collections of calendars and the Schreibkalender within them. Herbst found 166 archives in Germany, Austria, and

Poland that hold 6,278 surviving Schreibkalender published between 1600 and 1700.93 His precise categorization of these documents not only helps to facilitate their use as historical sources, but also illuminates the seventeenth-century market for the calendars. First, he found books in the archives from three different countries, which in the seventeenth century consisted of the bulk of the German-speaking lands, which demonstrates that the calendars had a massive appeal in all geographic markets of the time. Second, the repetition of the same calendar in one or more archives demonstrates that the calendars were not simply produced and sold on the local level. Although calendars did sometimes contain references to local events near the city of the

Schreibkalender’s publication, this facet did not hinder the calendars from having a wider appeal than the area of their production.

The reading and the non-reading public were still able to access the information in the calendars and to apply it for their benefit. Authors explained themselves in ways that were accessible to those without perfect reading skills, whether it was by using symbols or through translations of passages in foreign languages. Illiterate people could also glean details from the calendars through the tradition of oral communication. Literate family members and neighbors needed only to explain the content of the calendars on a weekly basis to those who could not read them themselves to understand the information for that week. Clearly, the period’s low rate of literacy did not diminish the appeal of the calendars to an enormous number of people, whether it was through the purchase of the calendar, the reading of the calendar, or the learning of the

93 Klaus-Dieter Herbst, Verzeichnis der Schreibkalender des 17. Jahrhunderts in Acta Calendariographica, vol. 1 (Jena, Germany: Verlag HKD, 2008), 52-61. 62

Figure 7: A typical Schreibkalender page, showing the month of April, 1651.

63 calendar’s contents through the assistance of someone who could read the information her/himself.

Mediums of Information Transfer

The ways in which authors chose to present their information facilitated the transfer of information from calendar-makers to readers. Authors organized their data and their predictions to advance their readers’ understanding of the various topics included in the documents.

Therefore, a meticulous study of the construction of the calendars is necessary to determine how authors chose to transmit information about the natural world to the public.

The explanations offered by the authors in the prefaces to the prognostica were not the only means by which authors tried to introduce information that was easy for the reader to understand. The Schreibkalender listed pertinent information in charts and graphs. Seasonal and monthly advice were also offered as rhymes, which provided readers with an easy way to remember the authors’ suggestions with respect to how to take care of oneself, the household, and which foods were in season. In Figure Seven, one can see a clear example of how a typical

Schreibkalender page was organized.94 The planetary configurations (Planetenlauff) and their accompanying weather patterns were buttressed on both sides by the dates, including the saint’s day, from the Julian and Gregorian calendars. Within the column listing the course of the planets were the symbols used to describe the locations of the planets and the daily weather one could

94 David Frölich, Newer und Alter Schreib=Calender/auffs Jahr deß erworbenen Heils. M. DC. LI. Darinn die Monat/ Wochen= und Feyer=tage/ Planeten Lauff/ Aspecten/ Witterung/ na=türliche Erwehlungen/ Tag= und Nachtlänge/ Sonnen Auff= und Untergang/ rc. Begriffen. Darzu abseitlich die Chronic dieses Teutschen Kriegs continuiret, und etliche nützliche Fragen erörtert werden. Verfertiget von DAVIDE FROELICH, deß Kö=Königreichs Ungarn Astronomo. Neben allen Jahr= und Viehmärckten deß gan=tzen R. Reichs/ und dessen an= gräntzenden Ländern/ rc. Nürnberg/ Bey Wolff Endtern (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

64 expect based upon these positions. For example, on April 12, 1651 in the Gregorian calendar

(April 22, 1651, Julian) the moon would be in , in triangulation with Mars, and in to Jupiter. This alignment would result in clear, dry weather conditions.95 The format of every Schreibkalender followed this pattern. This layout enabled the reader to easily assess the days’ weather patterns and plan his/her schedules accordingly. In the example above, it would have been one thing to list only that the weather should be dry and clear, but it was another thing entirely to tell the reader how he arrived at this result. Thus, Schreibkalender not only assisted people with their day-to-day activities, but also provided them with an explanation of how the natural world functioned. In this case the path to understanding was simple:

Configuration “A” led to Weather Condition “B.” Users learned to pair the two phenomena, thus assisting their rudimentary knowledge of how to apply astronomical and astrological knowledge to their daily lives.

Authors also educated their readers about astrology. Albin Moller used his 1612 prognosticon to expand beyond the mere explanation of planetary locations and explain the retrograde motion and visible phenomena of the individual planets that year.96 He described the planets in traditional astrological terms,97 referring to Mars as “evil” (böse) in accordance with customary astrological practice.98 At first, Moller described the location of Mars when it began

95 Ibid.

96 Albin Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica.

97 “Traditional, in this case, refers to the terms designated by ancient astrology, as exemplified in Ptolemy’s astrological work, Tetrabiblos, in which he divided the planets into their positive and negative qualities, concluding that Jupiter, Venus, and the moon were ‘benefic’ whereas Saturn and Mars were ‘malefic.’ The sun and Mercury were neither good nor evil, but rather they behaved in accordance with whichever planets they were ‘connected with.’” J. M. Ashmand, trans., Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos, or Quadripartite: Being Four Books of the Influence of the Stars. Newly Translated from the Greek Paraphrase of Proclus. With a Preface, Explanatory Notes, and An Appendix, Containing Extracts from the Almagest of Ptolemy, And the whole of his Centiloquy; together with A short Notice of Mr. Ranger’s Zodiacal Planisphere, and an Explanatory Plate (London: Davis and Dickson, 1822), 21.

65 its retrograde motion and then explained exactly what that meant in terms of weather. (In this case, a clammy southwest wind would create unpredictable weather.) These conditions would have negative effects (unglück) for certain people, particularly warlike rulers, counts, nobles,

Junkers, and others (Martialischen Fürsten/ Graffen/ Herren/ Junckern/ Amptß=leuten.)

Furthermore, negative effects increased when the moon moved near Mars. Moller warned of tragedies comprising, but not limited to, strife, quarrels, murder, prison, robbery, and fire.99 He repeats this format for the other four planets, first describing them in astrological terms, then including astronomical data on their positions and important dates, and, finally, elaborating on the meanings of these celestial configurations.

Mid-century calendars went into even greater detail. After an in-depth explanation of the yearly weather and eclipses, David Herlitz’s 1651 prognosticon contains a section in which he described four special celestial events of the year, the sextile of Jupiter and Mars, the quadrature of Saturn and Mars, the triangulation of Saturn and Mars, and the conjunction of Jupiter and

Mars.100 For the first, Herlitz described the location of the planets (Jupiter in , Mars in

Libra), then listed the period when they would be seen in these locations (April 9, Gregorian

98 Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica, “Von dem Krebßgange und sichbaren Er=scheinungen der fünff Planetensternen am Himmels des 1612. Jahrs.”

99 “Der böse Planetenstern Mars gehet hinder sich in den him=lischen Zwillingen von dem 21. Tag alten Octob. biß uber das Jahr hinaus/ bedeut feuchten Wind Sudwest/ unstetes Wetter/ verhindernis in den Kriegßleufften/ mancherley unglück der Martialischen Fürsten/ Graffen/ Herren/ Junckern/ Amptß=leuten und andern mehr vorab in den bösen Martialischen Ta=gen/ wann der Mond mit dem Mars zusammen kömmet/ unnd denselben zu erkennen gibt in klarer nach den 19. tag alten Januarii, den 17. Febr. den 17. Mart. den 15. April. den 14. Maij, den 12. Junij, den 11. Julij, den 9. Augusti¸ den 6. Septembris, den 4. Octob. den 1. und 27. Novemb. und den 24. tag alten Decemb. darinnen sich auch zu hüten vor zanck/ hadder/ mord/ gefengnis/ raub/ brand/ und vor andern Martialischen zufällen und Unglück.” Ibid.

100 David Herlitz, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTRO-LOGICUM, Oder Practica auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen/ Heilsamen und Seligmachenden Geburt unsers lieben HErrn und Heilandes JEsu Christi M. DC. LI. Mit besonderm Fleiß gestellet nach den alten Astrologischen Regeln/ wie solche practiciret Durch D. Davidem Herlicium von Zeitz/ MEDI.CUM in der löblischen Fürstlichen Pomerischen Stadt Stargard an der Ihna. Mit Churfürstlichem Sächsischen Privilegio und sonder=licher Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg/ in Verlegung Wolff=gang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

66 calendar, March 30, Julian and May 19 and 29, respectively.) Rather than give a general interpretation of such a configuration, he presented other years in which such a similar configuration occurred and described the political events of those prior years. He followed the same structure for the quadrature, triangulation, and conjunction. For example, regarding the latter, he wrote, “[i]n 1580, King Henry died in Portugal at the end of January, which was his birthday. Whereupon there were great disagreements and disturbances in his kingdom, until they finally reached the King in Spain.”101 In these accounts, Herlitz maintained a matter-of-fact approach to the information – listing the astronomical data first and following with historical reports to demonstrate the effect of the configuration on earthly events. These occurrences served as a reminder that the stars wielded considerable power over life on earth, even to the point where they had the ability to control the political arena and the lives and deaths of important nobles and monarchs. Herlitz thus portrayed the power of astrological and astronomical knowledge to his audience.

Although the content of late-seventeenth-century Schreibkalender and prognostica shifted away from such a heavy focus on astrological prediction, authors still sometimes included descriptions of astrological aspects for their readers in years when these configurations occurred.

In his 1686 prognosticon Marcus Freund interrupted his monthly accounts of the moon’s phases and weather to describe the conjugation between the sun and Saturn.102 After describing the

101 “Von andern fürnemen und Haubtaspecten.” “Anno 1580 starb Heinrich König in Portugall den letzten Januar. welches sein Geburtstag war. Warauff grosse Mißhelligkeit und Unruhe in selbigem Königreich erfolg/ biß es endlich an den König in Hispanien gelanget ist.” Ibid.

102 Marcus Freund, PROGNOSTICON, Oder Gründliche Anzeigung/ Was/ nächst Göttlicher/ Allmächtiger/ sonderba=rer Wirckung/ aus dem Lauff oder Stande der Planeten und andern Gestirne/ der Finsternissen Wirckungen (tanquam causis secundis) für Gewitter und andere Zufälle natürlicher Weis zu gewarten. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilands JEsu Christi M DC LXXXVI. Mit sonderbarem Fleis gestellet und geschrieben von Marco Freund/ Astronomiæ Cultore, &c. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. und Chur. Sächs. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Joh. Andreæ Endters Seel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1685). 67 astronomical details regarding the pair’s locations, he listed fifty-two different results of such an alignment, giving the effects in a numbered list, such as “18. Buy public coins from imperial cities and make money that has hardly half the value.”103 As evident from these examples,

Freund concerned himself with giving his readers practical (albeit tongue-in-cheek) advice that would be directly applicable to their everyday lives. This entry on economic concerns regarding coinage demonstrates that the celestial configurations were ones that guided the average person when s/he was determining his/her everyday behavior.

Conclusion

Because calendar-makers used more current tables, not all of which adhered to the traditional geocentric system, readers had the opportunity to learn that the philosophical understanding of the organization of the universe was a matter of debate at the time.

Additionally, the format of the Schreibkalender was uniquely composed in a way that facilitated the direct listing of planetary information for the calendars’ users. The authors of the

Schreibkalender and prognostica were trained to interpret these tables and announced their credentials on the title pages of their works which allowed seventeenth-century and present day readers of the calendars to understand the academic backgrounds of the individual authors and how they chose to present themselves to their readers. Calendar-makers stressed their knowledge as astronomers, astrologers, iatromathematicians, philosophers, and theologians.

The direct aim of the Schreibkalender and prognostica were to reach as wide an audience as possible. Calendar-makers worked hard to facilitate the readers’ comprehension of the

103 “18. Offentliche Müntzen von Reichs=Ständen erkauffen/ und Geld machen/ das kaum halben Werth hat.” “September. Herbstmonat.” in ibid. 68 calendars. They presented information in a way that was easily accessible and easy to understand. During a period when the vast majority of the population struggled with proficient literacy, symbols, charts, graphs, and language highlighted the ways in which authors attempted to simplify their presentation for the reader. The popularity of the Schreibkalender and prognostica attested to the fact that the public desired to use them. Furthermore, the information included in the Schreibkalender and prognostica was immediately relevant to the everyday life of the average person. Whether a particular chapter of the calendar covered topics that were directly derived from astronomical information or not was secondary to the fact that the information proffered fulfilled some general or specific need of its reader/listener. The public responded to authors’ efforts by annually buying the calendars in droves and using whatever means they could to read and decipher the Schreibkalender and prognostica.

After noting the precise astronomical details in their calendars, authors used this information to advise readers about activities and events in their daily lives. The next chapter on

Schreibkalender, prognostica, and the natural world addresses iatromathematical advice and meteorological and special celestial events, including eclipses. Calendar-makers distinctly spelled out for their audience that the planets and their alignments held sway over particular areas of the Earth. Once readers were versed in the calendars’ notation and symbology, they were then able to access and understand information about the current states of natural philosophy, astronomy, and astrology in the seventeenth century.

69

Chapter III Calendars, Weather, and Climate

In a Schreibkalender from the year 1643, Lorenz Eichstaedt enclosed a supplement on its structure: “This calendar is officially divided into two Latera. The first Latus, or the first page, includes five different panels…”1 Per usual, the first column in his calendar listed the dates according to the Julian calendar, the second, descriptions of the moon’s phases and planetary locations. The third was the same as the first, but featured the new, Gregorian calendar; the fourth, the times of the month’s sunrises and sunsets, etc.2 He ended his supplement with a description of the astrological principles that dictate when one should visit the doctor or be bled with leeches. The decision by Eichstaedt and other authors to explain the Schreibkalender’s structure provides the modern researcher with a comprehensible means of understanding exactly how the calendar-maker relayed astronomical and astrological knowledge to his readers.

Eichstaedt incorporated the typical details found in every calendar. These components were practical in nature, and were developed for a general audience and those engaged in specific professions or activities.

From the beginning of the century, Schreibkalender and prognostica presented standardized topics regarding the weather and climate in particular. Mostly, authors intended the calendars to inform their audiences of events that were directly relevant to their own lives.

Schreibkalender and prognostica thus became tools through which readers could access materials to assist them in their day-to-day living. Calendar-makers used these two sections of

1 “Dieser Calender ist förmlich in zwo Latera außgetheilet. Das erste Latus oder die erste Seite begreiffet sich in fünff unterschiedliche Felder…” Lorenz Eichstaedt, Alt und New Schreibcalender Auff das Jahr/ nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HERRN und Heylandes JESU CHRISTI. M. DC. XLIII. Auff den Horizont zu Alten Stettin und umbliegender örter von 53. Und 54. Gr. Latit. Gerichtet und gerechnet Durch Laurentium Eischstadium Medicinæ D. und Physicum zu A. Stettin. Cum gratia & Privilegio, Zu Alten Stettin/ Gedruckt und Verlegt durch Georg Rheten (Alten Stettin: Georg Rhete, 1642).

2 “Anhang/ darinnen die disposition und Ordnung dieses Calenders gewiesen wird.” Ibid. 70 the calendars to convey information in distinctly different styles; the Schreibkalender were organized around charts, symbols, and short sentences, whereas prognostica centered on sometimes lengthy paragraphs describing celestial events and their effects on Earth. Although the construction of the Schreibkalender did not vary, the prognostica expanded and then contracted over the course of the seventeenth century. Indeed, the examination of the content of these calendars, with respect to the length devoted to each topic, reveals both the changing manner in which authors communicated knowledge about the natural world and the information they reported.

Organizing their chapters around the months and seasons of the year allowed authors to bring statistical data about the positions of the stars and planets to the front and center of each calendar. Lists of relevant dates and a symbol key were incorporated into each calendar, along with monthly rhymes on the pages of the Schreibkalender’s monthly charts. The second decade of the century saw the inclusion of detailed prognostica, which highlighted the monthly and seasonal weather predictions made in the Schreibkalender. Unlike later calendars, the explanations of topics in early Schreibkalender and prognostica were comparatively straightforward.

The middle third of the seventeenth century witnessed the growth of content in both

Schreibkalender and prognostica. The incorporation of new topics and details in traditional chapters afforded the reader the ability to learn much more than celestial cause and effect details based on the natural world and the immediate needs of one’s daily life. Although the calendars still provided readers with traditional information about the weather, important dates, eclipses,

71

Figure 8: Schreibkalender, 1680: “Explanation of the Symbols that are needed in this Calendar.”

72 medical advice, etc., they also expanded this traditional information with the addition of new chapters on important astronomical events. Indeed, mid-century Schreibkalender and prognostica provided readers with details far beyond the essentials necessary to understand how the heavens influenced everyday life.

Schreibkalender and prognostica from later in the century continued to feature astronomical and astrological information as it related to daily life. However, the ways authors imparted this information shifted from the mid-century onwards. Indeed, these later calendars resembled those of the early century in the sense that calendar-makers focused on conveying minimal, bare-bones details as they related to practical matters. Authors moved away from writing comprehensive chapters about how celestial configurations influenced the weather and other aspects of daily life. Instead, they filled their calendars with sensible information about the best ways to conduct general activities.

When astronomically and astrologically based chapters about the natural world expanded in the middle of the seventeenth century, they added much more than just basic planetary information. By the latter third of the century, these chapters began to revert to earlier formats and once again utilized a more straightforward approach to the presentation of astronomical data and its astrological effects. This chapter analyzes the ways in which calendar-makers presented information about weather and climate throughout the century and the methods involved in this presentation.

Practical Understandings of the Weather and Climate

The early modern individual maintained close ties to the natural world. Farmers, artisans, and craft workers alike relied on the Schreibkalender and prognostica to not only keep track of

73 accounts and day-to-day events, but also to organize their schedules according to the daily, monthly, or yearly timelines provided in the calendars. The information presented by the calendar-maker then became an important resource with respect to the early modern person’s understanding of and relationship to the world around her/him. The information in the calendars was at times prescriptive, at times educational, but always presented as practical knowledge to its audience, and contained tips readers could use in their daily lives. Because calendar-makers derived their knowledge of these guidelines from celestial configurations and phenomena, the calendars became a direct link to access the most current ideas of natural philosophy. Therefore, the Schreibkalender and the prognostica reveal not only the methods the author utilized to convey information comprehensively and concisely, but also the various particulars of the details developed to address both the general and specific and which strove to address the practical needs of his audience.

Schreibkalender and prognostica became standard examples of how the early modern person acquired knowledge about the natural world. Advance knowledge of meteorological events enabled readers to plan their days, months, seasons, and years. Astrological predictions derived from astronomical data that pertained to agricultural circumstances and meteorological phenomena. These chapters were combined with biblical and historical stories, everyday household tips, and listings about the locations and timing of the yearly markets and delivery of the mail (See Chapter V). Establishing which details were imparted in the calendars and how they were presented are keys to determining how the early modern person learned about and understood the world around him/her. The Schreibkalender and prognostica contained many kinds of information about how the early modern individual understood the astronomically and astrologically derived content of the calendars. This information took the form of locations and

74 phases of the moon, planetary data and tables devoted to noting their positions. Oftentimes, the dates of the various moon phases would accompany every month in the Schreibkalender and were in the monthly chapters in the prognostica. For example, in his 1612 prognosticon Albin

Moller clearly explained that he was deriving his weather predictions from the location of the moon and planets. In his seasonal description for autumn, he relayed the scientific data for the transition of summer to fall, stating the precise date and time for the beginning of the new season. Next, he gave the locations of the moon and planets with respect to their positions on the celestial sphere. Last came the interpretation of this data, the practical aspect relating the information to the average person’s daily life. In this case, the particular alignment of the planets at this time of year indicated that autumn would be partly pleasant, partly it would turn for the worse with storms, frost, hoarfrost, snow clouds, rain, and a strong southwest wind. A lunar eclipse in would also bring cold, wet, windy weather.3

Listing the weather as related to the moon’s phases was also a common practice in the

Schreibkalender. Johannes Meyer’s 1659 calendar focused extensively on this information, including for the month of January, where he used his Schreibkalender to convey the numerical

3 “Der Herbst gehet recht an den 13. alten/ 23. tag newen Septembris umb 3. stund 4. minut. vor mittage/ gleich wann da zu lauffen der Mond und Jupiter in dem 1. die Sonne und Venus retrograda in dem 2. Mercurius in dem 3. Saturnus in dem 7. Pleiades, Hyades unnd Mars in dem 10. und das Glückrad in dem 12. Hause des Himmels. Hierauff wird angezeiget eins theils ein schöner Herbst/ des andern theils mit ungewitter/ unbestendig/ auch mit eingemischten Frost/ Reyff/ Schneewolcken/ grossen winden Westen unnd Sud=westen/ zu zeiten auch mit vielen Regen/ angesehen allda die wirckende Monfinsternis in dem kalten/ nassen windigen Scorpion/ rc.”Albin Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica, Das ist: Prognositcon von dem Gewitter der vier zeiten, Krebsgange vnd sichtbarer erscheinung der 5. Planetensternen am Himmel, von Finsternissen, Krieg, Reysefarten, Kranckheiten, Bergwerck, vnd von den Früchten der Erden vnd Bäumen, auffs Jahr nach der heiligen vnd Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn Jesu Christi 1612. Zu hinden stehen die Länder vnd Städte unter den 12 Himlischen Zeichen, zu besserem verstande der Practica, vnd des glücks vnd unglücks in den Reysefarten vnd Kauffhandel zu Lande vnd zu Wasser, gegen dem Abende vnd Mitternacht, vnd sonsten zu nutze allen fromen vnd verstendigen Christen in Lansitz vnd Schlesien, vnd in den benachtbarten Ländern vnd Städten des Deutschlands, nach beyden zahlen in das 43. Jahr fleissig gestellet vnd publiciret, Durch Magistrum Albinum Mollerum von Straupitz, alten Theologum vnd Astronomum, in dem Marggraffthumb Niderlansitz, etc. Leipzig, Mit Römischer Keys. May. Freiheit (Leipzig: n.p., 1611).

75 data regarding the moon’s location and the effects on that month’s weather. The last quarter moon would bring frost and cold temperatures, the new moon similar results, the first quarter moon snow, and the full moon more frost, but also a slight thawing.4

Calendar-makers also introduced planetary tables within the pages of their calendars. As was typical of late-century calendars, Marcus Freund’s 1686 Schreibkalender featured this information each month and little other data aside from the standard table and symbols. Each month, such as this listing for the month of August, contained mathematical data on the planets location: “(Saturn) 28. 28. (Virgo). dir. (Jupiter) 14. 24. (Scorpio). (Mars)14. 46. (Leo). (Sun)

18. 53. (Leo). (Venus) 8. 29. (). (Mercury) 7. 58. (Virgo). (Moon’s Ascending Node) 6.

10. (Gemini).”5 Unlike the listings of the moon’s phases, this information was presented solely as technical data, with no direct meaning for the influence of the planets in these locations. This information was reiterated in the tabular calendar sections, which also explained the relevance these positions had in relation to weather or daily activities.

4 “(Last Quarter Moon) Letzte Viertel in den Monat Jan: dieses neuen Jahres tritt ein/ auff den H drey König Tag Alt/ Neues aber den 6 Januar vormittages ümb 6 uhr. Bringet harten Frost und strenge Kälte mit sich. (New Moon) Der neue fallende Schein des Monds nach der Wechselung in diesen Monat Januar stellet sich ein den 12. A. 22. N. nach mittag oder Abends umb 9. uhr Wil sich auch strenge und kalt erzeigen. (First Quarter Moon) Den 20. Alt 30. Neu dieses kompt heran ümb 6. uhr vorm das erste Viertel Dräuet viel Schnee und Kälte. (Full Moon) Voll wird der Mond auch im Scheine den 28. dieses Jan A. N. den 7. Febr. vorm. ümb 9. uhr. Durffte unstett verfahren mit kaltem schlackerigem Tau Wetter und wieder Frost.” Johannes Meyer, Alter und Neuer Schreib=Ca=lender/ Auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers lieben HERRN und Hey=landes Jesu Christi M. DC. LIX Mit Fleiß gestellet/ Durch JOHANNEM MEYERUM Quedlinb. Saxo. Quedlinburg/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Johann Ockeln (Quedlinburg: Johann Ockel, 1658).

5 When the calendar uses symbols for the planets, constellations, etc. I have chosen to represent them with the word in parentheses. Marcus Freund, Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ In welchem Die fürnehmste Aspecten aller Pla=neten/ ihrer und anderer Fixsternen Lauff/ Orien=talität und Occidentalität/ samt vermuthlicher Gewitters=Veränderung und Erwählung/ rc. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilandes JESU CHRISTI. M DC LXXXVI. Welches ist ein gemein Jahr von 365 Tagen. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß verfertiget von MARCO Freunden. Mit Röm. Käyserl. Majestät und Chur=Sächischer Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt duch Johann Andræ Endters sel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1685).

76

Freund continued this feature in his prognosticon, which accompanied the

Schreibkalender. He listed the planetary positions for 1686 as a table in the section regarding the

seasonal weather in winter thusly:6

X. House/ 16 Gr. (Leo) II. House/ 29 (Scorpio) V. House/ 20 () XI. House/ 20 Gr. (Virgo) (D. Node) 18 (Sagit.) VI. 14 (Aries) House/ (Saturn) 0 Gr. () (Sun) 0 (Capri.) VII. 4 () House/ XII. House/ 14 Gr. (Libra) III. House/ 3 (Capri.) VIII. 29 (Aries) House/ (Moon) 26 Gr. (Libra) (Mercury) 13 (Capri.) (Leo) 18 (Gemini) I. House/ 4 Gr. (Scorpio) (Venus) 12 (Aquar.) IX. 3 (Cancer) House/ (Jupiter) 14 Gr. (Scorpio) IV. House/ 16 (Aquar.) (Mars) 4 (Pisces) Figure 9: List of locations of the planets in winter 1686.

Following this table, he summarized that winter’s expected weather, and stated that he derived

his predictions from the table. Clarifying the sources of his information to his readers, Freund

explained that the weather was dependent upon these planetary positions. Because of the

influence of the planets upon Earth, the end of the year (1685) would be sunny and dry.

However, January would take a swift turn towards winter and become quite cold and dreary, or

there would be a significant amount of snow that would be like “a warm fur covering the dear

seeds.” Temperatures in February would be moderate, causing the ice to break, and heavy and

6 Marcus Freund, PROGNOSTICON, Oder Gründliche Anzeigung/ Was/ nächst Göttlicher/ Allmächtiger/ sonderba=rer Wirckung/ aus dem Lauff oder Stande der Planeten und andern Gestirne/ der Finsternissen Wirckungen (tanquam causis secundis) für Gewitter und andere Zufälle natürlicher Weis zu gewarten. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilands JEsu Christi M DC LXXXVI. Mit sonderbarem Fleis gestellet und geschrieben von Marco Freund/ Astronomiæ Cultore, &c. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. und Chur. Sächs. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Joh. Andreæ Endters Seel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1685).

77 dangerous rains to fall. March would be more temperate and fresh and would witness a return of sunshine.7

“Scientific” information as presented in the calendars did not necessarily need to be presented as strict mathematical data. Authors oftentimes wove this information into the text, while they concentrated on some other theme. Since the tables on the moon’s phases or planetary positions were located elsewhere in the calendar, it was not essential that they repeat the information. Still, this imparted information was based upon the author’s knowledge and observation of astronomical phenomena.

Interpretations of the Natural World

Seventeenth-century conceptualizations of the natural world were grounded partly in the long tradition of medieval natural philosophy and partly in new ideas and methods taking hold in the intellectual arena. Scholars traditionally centered their perceptions of the natural world on biblical interpretation and the writings of the ancient Greeks, particularly the views of Aristotle.8

However, by the seventeenth century, this approach found a new competitor in contemporary philosophies and approaches. Furthermore, the advent of Protestantism brought new interpretations of biblical, ancient, and medieval perspectives. Protestants extolled the valuable

7 “Aus dieser Himmels=Figur/ wie auch denen mit einfallenden Constellationibus ist beyläuftig abzunehmen/ daß sich dieses Winters Anfang und Eingang gar feucht und windstürmisch anlassen werde/ aber der Austritt deß Christmonats verspricht hell und trockene Sonnen=Tage. Der Jenner drohet anfänglich auff etliche Tage scharpffe Winter=Kält/ welche rohte Nasen und silberne Bauern=Bärt verursachen dörffte. In der Mitte und Abfluß ein heßlich Pfudelwetter/ oder ein tieffen Schnee/ so wie ein war=mer Beltz die liebe Saamen bedecken/ auch den Obs=Bäumen zuträglich und behäglich seyn wird. Der Hornung wird sich noch mittelmässiger Gestalt verhalten/ gegen Mat=thias aber das Eys brechen/ und grosse Regengüsse ausjagen/ dardurch die Wasser hoch steigen und viel Schaden thun werden. Der Mertz lässt sich frisch an/ und schicket dieses Quartal fort bey resolutem Sonnen=Glantz.” Ibid.

8 Margaret J. Osler, Reconfiguring the World: Nature, God, and Human Understanding from the Middle Ages to Early Modern Europe (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), 1.

78 findings that could be derived from the “Book of Nature” (in conjunction with the Bible as the

“Word of God”).9 Protestant emphasis on the study of the natural world enabled scholars to move beyond the limits of biblical understandings of the world around them.10

The seventeenth century was indeed a time of change with respect to how humans viewed the natural world. Old methods and theories mingled with new ideas and institutions to create novel philosophical environments and discourses. Edward Grant contends that modern science finds its roots in medieval philosophy.11 Three pre-conditions (which occurred in the middle ages) were necessary for the early modern Scientific Revolution to take hold: the translation of

Greek and Arabic scientific and philosophical treatises into Latin; the advent of medieval universities with their common language (Latin), which created the environment for scholars to discuss and debate new ideas; and “theologian-natural philosophers.” The scholars in this last category received university educations, earning their doctorates in theology while also completing masters’ degrees in natural philosophy.12 These preconditions created the environment in which it was possible to study science and that many of the questions early modern scholars answered found their roots in the middle ages.13

9 The concept of the “Book of Nature” has its roots in Aristotelian philosophy and became increasingly popular in the late medieval and early modern periods. See Arjo Vanderjagt and Klaas van Berkel, “Introduction,” in The Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Arjo Vanderjagt and Klaas van Berkel, eds. (Leuven, Netherlands: Peeters, 2005), ix-xi. Ruth Groh explains, “God has revealed himself to man not only in his word, i.e. the Scriptures, but also in his creation, i.e., the natural world . . .This function in the Bible of referring to the Creator and translating this into nature, thus relating Scripture to creation, forms the basis of the normative content of the metaphor ‘Book of Nature’.” Ruth Groh, “Theological and Philosophical Prerequisites for the Teaching of the ‘Book of Nature’,” in The Book of Nature in Antiquity and the Middle Ages, Arjo Vanderjagt and Klaas van Berkel, eds. (Leuven, Netherlands: Peeters, 2005), 49.

10 Klaas van Berkel and Arjo Vanderjagt, “Introduction,” in The Book of Nature in Early Modern and Modern History, eds. Klaas van Berkel and Arjo Vanderjagt (Leuven, Netherlands: Peeters, 2005), 1-26.

11 Edward Grant, The Foundations of Modern Science in the Middle Ages: Their Religious, Institutional, and Intellectual Contexts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).

12 Ibid., 170-76.

13 Ibid., 176. 79

Although students obtaining the traditional education in the trivium and quadrivium did not receive advanced training in Aristotelian natural philosophy until they reached the master’s level, by the sixteenth century innovations in the field of natural philosophy began to emerge outside the university system.14 By the mid-seventeenth century, new institutions of knowledge in the Holy Roman Empire, e.g. scientific academies, had risen in competition to universities, and these societies challenged the traditional Aristotelian positions there.15 It was within this fluctuating environment that calendar-makers received their educations and subsequently participated in the intellectual debates.

Not unlike their Renaissance predecessors, the members of scientific academies were dependent upon the patronage and good favor of a noble benefactor. Although scholars might find themselves engaged in debate with one another, because the societies were founded with courtly ideals in mind, members largely followed the dictates of courtly etiquette, and oftentimes prided themselves on their ability to remain above the fray of scholastic debate frequently found at universities.16 An unwillingness to participate in these theoretical disputes, coupled with a focus on experimentation, led to the societies’ direct engagement with practical matters involving the natural world. For example, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) explained that the scientific academies in Vienna and Berlin could be powerful vehicles for social reform.

Bruce T. Moran underlines that the knowledge discovered and developed within the academies could help “bring about rational social change,” thereby making “science the servant of the state”

14 Ann Blair, “Natural Philosophy,” in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 3, eds. Katherine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 367, 384.

15 Ibid., 393-95. Blair notes that the societies arose to counteract the political and societal fragmenting that had occurred during the Thirty Years’ War. The first society, the Societas Ereunetica was founded in 1652.

16 Bruce T. Moran, “Courts and Academies,” in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 3, eds. Katherine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 267. 80 working for the betterment of society.17 Steven Shapin stresses that the rise of scientific academies in this period was facilitated by the desire to create a peaceful and mentally stimulating atmosphere that existed in stark contrast to the competitive nature of the university system.18 In short, by the seventeenth century, the university environment was no longer the foremost arena with respect to fostering new ideas and discoveries.

Furthermore, many scholars moved away from the medieval Aristotelianism they learned at universities. In this period, Aristotelianism mixed with Renaissance humanism and mechanics, which had its origins in the writings of the Greek philosopher, Epicurus (341 – 271

BCE). Epicureanism had lost favor in the middle ages and was rediscovered once his writings were published in the fifteenth century.19 This new emphasis on Epicureanism and mechanics led to the rise in importance of empirical investigations of the natural world.20 Philosophers such as Francis Bacon moved away from strict Aristotelianism and towards a new mechanical understanding of the world.21 Followers of Bacon endeavored to create a philosophy grounded in experimentation and observation and to understand a world based solely on what they derived from these efforts.22

17 Ibid., 269-71.

18 Steven Shapin, “The Man of Science,” in The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 3, eds. Katherine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 183-85. Shapin specifically points out that Andreas Vesalius, Galileo Galilei, and Isaac Newton worked for universities at some point, but other well-known figures did not, including Nicholas Copernicus, Johannes Kepler, Francis Bacon, and Tycho Brahe.

19 Osler, Reconfiguring the World, 77-78.

20 Ibid., 90.

21 Rob Iliffe, “’Meteorologies and Extravagant Speculations:’ The Future Legends of Early Modern English Natural Philosophy, in The Uses of the Future in Early Modern Europe, eds. Andrea Brady and Emily Butterworth (New York: Routledge, 2010), 218.

22 Ibid. 81

Still, the role of the university did not fade into irrelevance in the early modern period.

University curricula stressed mathematical sciences, simply because there was a practical need for students to learn those skills.23 Natural philosophy, however, was something different, particularly astronomy and astrology. Astronomy was based on observation about the stars and planets, and astrology was the analyses of their findings.24

It was within this transforming system that calendar-maker Abdias Trew (1597-1669) began his study at the University of Wittenberg in 1618, under the tutelage of Ambrosius

Rhodius (1577-1633), lecturer of mathematics.25 Here, Trew received an education in mathematics, philosophy, physics, and theology. Rhodius not only taught his students Euclid’s works, published by Philipp Melanchthon, but also showed them how to apply geometry and trigonometry to the astronomical data of Tycho Brahe.26 At the same time, Trew’s instruction in natural philosophy was deeply rooted in religious understandings of the natural world. His teacher, Jakob Martini (1570-1649), considered the Bible to be the ultimate source in understanding the natural world and believed that God’s hand was directly responsible for inscribing the truth into nature.27 Lutheran ministers, whose focus was on training their students in Lutheran theology to be future ministers themselves, guided Trew’s theological studies. In addition to his formal education, Trew’s own writings reveal that he had independently read the

23 Charlotte Methuen, “Science and Medicine,” in The Reformation World, ed. Andrew Pettegree (New York: Routledge, 2000), 526.

24 Ibid., 528-29.

25 Hans Gaab, Der Altdorfer Mathematik- und Physikdozent Abdias Trew (1597 – 1669): Astronom, Astrologe, Kalendermacher and Theologe (Frankfurt am Main: Verlag Harri, 2011), 32.

26 Ibid., 34-36.

27 Ibid., 37. 82 work of the Wittenberg physician, Daniel Sennert (1572-1637), to strengthen his understanding of astrology.28

Upon graduation, Trew became a vicar, director of a Latin school, and faculty member – and eventually rector – at the University of Altdorf, before ultimately becoming a professor of mathematics at that university.29 Trew’s education gave him the background to write

Schreibkalender and prognostica, and to clarify for his readers the principles behind the information in his calendars. Trew was well-versed not only in the mathematical principles required to understand the heavens, but also in the theological and philosophical perspectives necessary to interpret the information gleaned from them. Philosophically and theologically,

Trew believed that God’s hand was at work in the natural world, ready for humans to discover and decode. Furthermore, as a Lutheran minister, Trew knew how to convey his perspective and interpretations to the general public. In addition to explaining the advantages and disadvantages of various astronomical methods in his calendars (see Chapter II), he also described different astrological configurations in his chapters on the months and seasons of the year.30

Like Trew, calendar-makers in general used their yearly calendars not only to popularize information about long-standing astronomical principles, but also to convey and critique the latest astronomical discoveries. For example, a 1611 Schriebkalender uncovered by Klaus-

28 Ibid., 38-41.

29 Ibid., 32-80.

30 Abdias Trew, PRACTICA Oder PROGNOSTICON, Das ist/ Astrologische und Philosophische Muhtmasung vom Gewitter/ Frucht= o=der Unfruchtbarkeit/ Gesund= oder Kranckheiten/ sambt dero=selben Præservation und Cur/ auch etlichen Welthändeln/ deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs gemeiner Rechnung nach Christi Geburt. So ferne solches durch tägliche Constitution deß Gestirns/ auch Fisternisse und andere sonder=bare Constellationes Theils verursachet/ Theils nach Gottes Willen bedeutet wird. Auß natürlichem Grund und eigner dessen Be=trachtung und Erfahrung/ mehr als auß den gemeinen Regulis, gestellt Durch M. ABDIAM TREW, bey der Universitet Altdorff Mathem. Prof. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

83

Dieter Herbst commented on Galileo Galilei’s Siderius Nuncius from the year before.31 Because calendars for the following year needed to be completed before that year and indications are that he wrote his calendar in August 1610,32 Nagel wrote about this information very soon after the publication of Galilei’s discovery in March of that year. In addition to conveying the most current information to his readers, Nagel also positioned himself within the academic debate regarding this breakthrough. He expressed skepticism about Galilei’s conclusions, noting that he was unsure that Galilei had discovered new , but that he simply might be seeing double or triple images of Jupiter itself: “I don’t doubt that he has recognized through his Specillum or optical instrument the resplendence of Jupiter for the new planets, since through a simple glass I can see one light for three . . . Nevertheless, I do not wish to reverse his opinion because I didn’t observe this through the same instrument. But I grant the scholars who are more experienced in optics to further pursue these observations.”33 Here, Nagel engaged current debate about the new discovery of the Medicean planets and indicated that there was still some discussion about

Galilei’s findings. One senses the excitement in this scientific debate as well as its openness and fluidity. Nagel was eager to share the latest hypotheses and experiments but also, in the spirit of the new scientific communities, considered himself empowered to exercise critical judgment and call for more observational data.

While authors detailed the latest advancements in natural philosophy, their objective was largely to provide practical information that had some resonance in the day-to-day lives of their readers. This emphasis on practicality – on physics and the study of the natural world over

31 Klaus-Dieter Herbst, “Galilei’s astronomical discoveries using the telescope and their evaluation found in a writing-calendar from 1611,” Astronomische Nachrichten 330, no. 4 (2009): 537.

32 Ibid., 538.

33 Ibid., 537-38. Translation: Klaus-Dieter Herbst. 84 metaphysics – is reflective of the changing characteristics of natural philosophy in the seventeenth century. On one hand, calendar-makers received a scholarly education within the traditional university system. On the other, their work in practice revealed the influence of the scientific academies’ emphasis on dialogue and experimentation or observation. Thus, an important focus of their scholarly ideas lay in whether they were relevant for their readers’ daily lives. The planetary tables in the Schreibkalender and prognostica were the most obvious places to recognize the functional nature of the calendars. Planetary tables and their interpretation provide astronomical details about the locations of the planets and the astrological relevance for people and places on Earth.

Planetary tables first appeared in both the Schreibkalender and prognosticon sections of the calendars in the mid-seventeenth century. Prior to that, most of the information listed in the tables was in the text or in the monthly sections of the Schreibkalender. Throughout the century, each calendar also incorporated monthly and seasonal descriptions of meteorological patterns and expected weather. In these sections, authors could list the astronomical data that led them to drawing certain conclusions. However, like most early-century calendars, the presentation of the information was straightforward and to the point. For example, it is clear from Georg

Galgemair’s 1602 Schreibkalender that he is basing his predictions on the phases of the moon and the positions of the planets. “By the last quarter/ the 14th of April nevertheless shows the

(opposition Jupiter Venus) a balmy/ hazy weather/ but in general temperate and warm.”34

34 “Bey dem letzten viertel/ den 14. Aprillis zeigt der (Gegenschein Jupiter Venus) gleich wol ein lind/ trübwetter/ doch in gemein temperirt vnd warm” Georg Galgemair, Newer Alter. Schreibkalender, auff dz Jar nach der Geburt Jesu Christi. M. DC II. Gestellet vnd zu Glückseliger Regierung Dediciert. Dem Durchleuchtigen Hochgebornen Fürsten vnd HERRN, HERREN, Philipps Ludwig Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein, Hertzog in Bayrn, Graffen zu Veldentz vnd Spanheim rc. meinem Gnädigen Fürsten vnd Herrn. Durch M. Georgium Galgenmayr Danuvverdanum Pfaltzgräfischen Pfarrekn. Zu Augsburg, bey joh. Schultes. Cum Pri. Cæsario (Augsburg: Hans Schultes, 1601).

85

Early-century calendars followed this same pattern in both their Schreibkalender and prognostica. The intent was to provide basic astronomical details along with their astrological analysis. Chapters on months and seasons of the year explained to readers that the positions of the planets and the phases of the moon had direct effects on their lives. Authors could either list the seasons and months separately, or, as Albin Moller did in his 1626 calendar, merge the two.35

Moller first recorded the planetary positions and their interpretations in two paragraphs for each season, before specifying the various weather patterns that would occur in each month. His second chapter, “On Lent and Spring,” describes when the season would begin (on March 11,

Julian calendar; March 21, Gregorian, at 6:26 a.m.) and explains where the planets would be at that time: Mars would be by the “damaging” star Aldebaran in Taurus. Saturn and Jupiter were both in retrograde and in Virgo and Libra, respectively. The moon’s descending node was in

Capricorn, while Mercury, Venus, and the sun were in Pisces. Moller clarified why these locations were important: This configuration meant “a cold, snowy, windy spring with frost, hoarfrost, snow clouds, bad fog, brisk rain, winds from the west and southwest, and cold and erratic thunderstorms, like those that will be experienced at the middle and end of March, as well as the beginning of April.”36 Moller then delved into a description of the individual months of

35 Albin Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica. Das ist: Prognosticon von dem Gewitter der vier Zeiten, vnd anderen gebreuchlichen natürlichen Zufällen, Auff das Jahr nach der heiligen vnd Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers lieben HErrn vnd Heylandes Jesu Christi 1626. Zu hin den stehen die Länder vnd Städt unter den 12. Himlischen Zeichen zu, besserm verstande der Practica. Jederman zu nutze, vorab den frommen vnd verstendigen Christen in Meissen, Sachsen vnd Marcken, auch in dne benachbarten Ländern vnd Städten des Deutschlandes, nach beyden Zahlen fleisig vnd trewlich gestellet Durch M. Albinum Mollerum von Straupitz, alten Theologum vnd Astronomum in dem Marggraffthumb Niederlausitz. Mit Römischer Keyerlicher Majestät Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken (Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1625).

36 “Der Lentz fehet an den 11. alten, 21 Tag newen Martij, umb 6. Stvnd. 26. Minut. vor Mittage, gleich wann allda zu lauffen der Planet Mars nahe bey schädlichen Aldebaran in 2. der Krebsgengige Saturnus in 6. Jupiter retrogradus im 7. Monde umb das 10. der böse Drachenschwantz Mercurius, Venus, vnd die Sonne in den 12. Hause des Himmels. Hierauff wird gedeutet ein kalter, schneyichter, windiger Lentz, mit Frost, Reyff, Schneewolcken bösen Nebeln, frischen Regen, Winden, Westen vnd Sudwesten, kalten unbestendigen Gewittern, wie dann solches zu erfahren zu mittel vnd ende des alen Martii, auch zu anfange des newen Aprilis…” Ibid. 86 spring starting with April, a month that, according to Moller, would see unpredictable weather.

Rather than list the location of the planets each month, Moller detailed them at the beginning of each season and filled the space for the months of the year with the interpretation of this data.

May would bring better weather, albeit mixed with thunderstorms. In general, the weather would be good for the growing season and for a fun time.37

Moller’s example is typical for calendars of the first third of the century. Meteorological predictions were important because readers needed to plan their time around expected weather patterns. Readers’ daily lives centered not only on daily weather, but also on monthly and seasonal trends. Authors recognized their average reader’s eagerness to know this information because their livelihoods depended upon it, especially if they were farmers, sailers, miners, or other in another profession dependent upon the natural world.

While calendars later in the century had separate chapters in the prognosticon on the

“fertility of the earth,” earlier texts simply listed the beneficial dates on which to plant individual crops, which were taken from both traditional farming practices and from the configurations of the planets for the given year. Many of these accounts were straightforward lists of fruits and vegetables and the dates when they should be sown. For example, in a 1605 Schreibkalender,

Georg Henisch only listed: “Sow grain [on] Egidi/ Oats and barley [on] Benedicti/ Plant cabbage [on] Urbani…” and so on.38

37 “Der alte vnd newe Majus, werde besser wittern, wiewol mit eingemischeten frischen Ungewittern, doch in gemein mit guten Wachswettern, vnd frölichen zeit.” Ibid.

38 Georg Henisch, Schreybkalender/ Gestelt: Durch D. Georgium Henischium/ zu Augspurg/ auff das Jar: M. DCV. Mit Röm. Bay. May. Freyheit rc. HAB: XB 5241. “See Korn Egidi/ Habern vnd Gerst Benedicti/ Pflantz Köl Urbani/…”

87

In these early-century calendars, authors combined a pragmatic approach to the natural world, astrological interpretations of astronomical data and tables, and their religious worldviews to relay a full understanding of the years’ weather patterns and how these meteorological conditions would affect farming. In this period, authors rarely credited the source of this knowledge. When they did, they merely pointed out that their interpretations were drawn from tradition. In his 1610 prognosticon, Bartholomaeus Möller acknowledged that he based his derivation of the year’s seasonal weather on “astronomical custom.”39 Furthermore, authors’ understanding about when certain crops should be planted was rooted not only in the seasons of the year and traditional practices, but also on planetary positions. A certain configuration of the planets that year could be harmful to crops that otherwise could have been safely planted at that time during other years. Lastly, calendar-makers underlined God’s role in the natural universe, i.e. the possibility that God could intervene and that the foretold conditions would not occur.

Physician Melchior Gramann’s prognosticon from 1610 was typical of early-century calendars.40 He discussed planting at length and described the best times to sow individual crops. Each description was short, direct, and to the point. Gramann did not incorporate lengthy astronomically based information about the proper planting times, but rather just listed them

39 “Wann ich nach Astronomischenm Brauch/ die Witterung der vier Jahr Zeiten/ also dann auch die Wirckungen der Aspecten/ mit allem Fleiß ersuche vnd betrachte/ so befinde ich/ daß dieses Jahr nicht allzu ein fruchtbares Jahr seyn werde...” Bartholomaeus Möller, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICUM, Das ist, Natürliche Beschreibung, Von dem Gewitter, der vier Quarten oder JahrZeiten, Auch von Seen, Pflantzen, Item, Wachsung der Früchte der Erden vnd Bäumen. Auch von Kranckheiten, Krieg, Blutvergiessen, vnd anderm schdlichem Unglück. Auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn Jesu Christi, M. DC. X. Aus warem Astronomiischem Grvnde calculirt vnd beschrieben, Durch Bartholomæum Mollerum, Astronomum (Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609).

40 Melchior Gramann, Prognosticon Astrologicum. Und Practica/ Auffs Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers eini=gen Erlösers und Seligmachers Jesu Christi/ M. DC. X. Darinnen gründtlicher Bericht von den Finsternissen/ Seen und Pflantzen/ vier Zeiten/ Früch=ten der Erden/ Krieg/ Reise Fahrten/ Kranckheiten/ bösen Aspecten, und Gewitter/ zubefinden/ zur Nachrichtung beschrie=ben/ und gestehet/ Durch M. Melchiorem Gramanum, Physicum, Fürstlichen Säch=sischen ins Stifft Merseburgk besteiten Medicum Chirurgum, und Bürgern zu Hall in Sachsen (Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609). 88 chronologically in one or two short sentences. Regarding the sowing of wheat, he wrote that it was done on “the 20th and 21st day of September, according to the old calendar, through the 10th,

13th, 17th, or 18th day of old October.”41 He went into much more detail in his fourth chapter, on the likelihood of a successful farming season in 1610, in which he showed his readers how planetary configurations and natural seasonal effects influenced the outcome of the year’s crops.

In particular, the planet Jupiter held much sway over the success of “cereals, flax, peas, lentils, beans, and similar plants” because it had moved “into a fertile [zodiacal] sign.” Saturn influenced wine and other fruit and, “because of its retrograde,” would affect their “contents and spoilage.” But Jupiter would “discourage these bad habits (Malefici Unart) and bring the wine a good time to bloom.”42 Gramann used both astrological prediction and traditional knowledge about planting to inform readers not only about the best time to sow their crops, but also what awaited their harvests once they had done so. Although he did not directly reference God’s hand at work in the growing season, he did end his prognosticon with the recognition that God was

Lord of all the stars and constellations and wanted the best for people, including bringing a happy and fruitful new year.43

41 “Weitzen zuseen.” “Zu dieser Saat seind am besten der 20. und 21. Tag Sep=tembris/ nach dem alten Calender/ weiter der 10. 13. 17. oder 18. Tag des alten Octobris.” “Das ander Capitel. Von dem Seen und Pflan=tzen der Früchte der Erden und Bäume.” in ibid.

42 “Weil der Sommer den meisten Theil schön warm und trucken seyn soll/ und der Planet Jupiter in einem fruchba=ren Zeichen erhöhet ist/ So ist vermutlich/ es werde eine gute Notturfft Getreide/ Flachs/ Erbsen/ Linsen/ Bohnen/ und der=gleichen erwachsen. . . Saturnus ein Significa-tor des Weins und anderer Früchte/ dräwet wegen seines KrebßGanges der WeinBlühet Inhalt unnd Schaden. Aber Jupiter wird dieses Malefici Unart brechen/ und dem Wein gute Zeit zu blühen bringen.” “Das vierdte Capitel. Von Fruchtbarkeit und wachsenden Früchten der Erden.” in ibid.

43 “Der Allmächtige vnd Barmhertzige GOtt/ ein Herrscher aller Sternen vnd Zeichen/ wolle alles zum besten wenden/ vnd uns ein fröliches vnd fruchtbares newes Jahr bescheren/ umb seines lieben Sohns Jesu Christi willen/ Amen.” “DECEMBER. Christmon.” in ibid.

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Much like Gramann, astronomer Bartholomaeus Möller relied on the same three pillars of astrological interpretation, but with slightly different emphases throughout his 1610 prognosticon, which he began with the Latin phrase, “ASTRA rules people, But GOD rules astra.”44 He too merged traditional farming knowledge, astronomical influences, and the role of

God in bringing predictions to fruition. Möller infused his sections on planting with precise dates and technical language. The best time for onions and carrots, he wrote, was “the 30th and

31st day of March, likewise [on] the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th day of April.”45 But, he added, one should plant them between eight days before Pentecost and eight days after. This precision continues throughout his accounts of the various crops.

Möller acknowledges that these exact dates are not set in stone. The ability to influence the stars and to change the expected course of action on Earth was ultimately left up to God, who not only established the motions of the planets, but also controlled their effects. Möller stressed to his readers that, although the astrological aspects foretold the possibility of certain events, God always had the final say in the determination of positive or negative outcomes. Möller predicted that 1610 would be a very fruitful year; however, he noted that the stars could bring “all kinds of disasters and that the Lord’s power could change everything.” Before going into a synopsis of which crops to plant and when, he advised readers to ask for God’s mercy to avoid penalties.

“The stars incline,” he wrote, “but they don’t determine.”46

44 “ASTRA regunt homines, Sed DEUS astra regit.” Möller, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICUM.

45 “Darzu ist in diesem Jahr die beste Zeit/ der 30. vnd 31. Tag Martii/ Deßgleichen der 1.2.3. vnd 4. Tag Aprilis. Aber Pflantzen stecken soll man 8. Tage vor Pfingsten/ auch wol 8. Tage hernach.” Ibid.

46 “Doch angesehen/ Astra inclinant, sed non necessitant, ob gleich durch das Gestirn allerley Unglück gedräwet wird/ so kan doch die Rechte des HERRN solchs alles ändern/ darumb wir wol Gott umb gnädige Abwendung gedräwter Strafen von Hertzen bitten sollen.” Ibid.

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Like Möller and Gramann, minister Christian Pyrlaeus combined astronomical and astrological methods along with traditional farming advice, while emphasizing God’s role in the natural world, in his 1610 Practica Astrologica 47 After explaining how to best care for carrots, onions, beets, and other root vegetables, he moves on to grapevines, hops, fruit trees, willow trees, and rosebushes, grains, legumes, and various other plants.48 For each foodstuff, he provided the best time to plant and how to best care for these crops. For example, with respect to grains and wheat, the most advantageous time to sow was the Monday, Wednesday, Friday, and

Saturday after Invocavit, or the Friday and Saturday after Reminiscere, but no later than the week of Oculi.49 In other sections, he pointed out how the planets affected the best times to plant the crops. The sowing of oats, peas, lentils, and sweet peas, Pyrlaeus writes, was best done on

“the 10th, 12th, 14th, 17th, 20th, 22nd, 27th, 28th and 31st day of March.”50 If one had missed this window, normally one could sow these legumes until Easter week, but not this year.51 Just as

47 Christian Pyrlaeus, Der grosse Alte und New SchreibCalender Dieses Jhars: Nach der heiligen und gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HERRN Jesu Christi/ 1610. Mit der besondern verzeichniß deß Gewitters/ und andern Zufällen/ auch jedes Tages fürnembsten Aspecten/ gegen ubergesatzten Beyden Zahlen und dem newen sehr bequemen Verzeichniß/ der fürnem=sten Jahrmärckte/ durch alle Monat. Jederman zu nutz/ bevorab den Acker und Bergherren/ Händlern/ Schiffleuten/ Kauffherren und Wildjägern/ etc. Mit getrewen fleiß gestellet durch Christianum Pyrlæum Hal. Pfarren und Astrophilum aussn Hohensthurn. In diesem Jahr sind 4. Finsterniß. Wir sehen nur 1. Gedruckt zu Hall in Sachsen/ durch Erasmum Hynitzsch. In Verlegung Joachimi Krüsicken.(Halle: Joachim Krusicke, 1609).

48 “Practica Astrologica Von seen und pflantzen/ auch von den erwachsen und einsamlen der Früchte/ der Erden und Bäume.” Ibid.

49 “Zu solcher Samzeit dienen am bestender Montag/ Mitwoch/ Freytag und Sonnabend nach Invocavit/ auch der Freytag und Sonnabend nach Remi=niscere/ auffs lengst soll es geschehen in der Wochen Oculi/ und drüber nicht ge sparet weren.” Ibid.

50 “[Z]u solcher Samzeit am besten der 10. 12. 14. 17. 20. 22. 27. 28. und 31. Tag Mar=tii.” Ibid.

51 “Solte es aber drüber gesparet seyn/ so soll es noch vor Ostern/ oder in der O=sterwochen auffslengste geschehen/ welches aber in diesem Jahre nicht rathsam ist denn es möchte die (Conjunction Saturn Mars) in der Wochen Miseric. dom. schädlich Wetter verursachen/ dadurch solches leicht verdirbet.” Ibid. 91

Gramann had in their calendars, Pyrlaeus drew his conclusions from traditional farming practices.

After Pyrlaeus described when to sow the crops, he discussed their growth. Here, he referenced hay, turnips, and radishes. Among the plants that needed to be planted in the summer and autumn, he mentioned grains, wheat, barley, and beets. His discussions are intended to give clear guidelines for sowing and planting. For example, he explains that because rainy weather is normally expected turnips are best planted at the end of August or in early September.52 Clearly,

Pyrlaeus is focusing on conveying pragmatic agricultural information to his audience.

Still, he cautioned readers that certain planetary events could alter the regular planting seasons of any of these products. For example, recalling the planting of grains, Pyrlaeus indicated the best time to plant them was dependent upon a conjunction of Saturn and Mars that could potentially cause dangerous weather and easily spoil the crops.53 Similarly, while discussing the wine harvest and the planting of grapes, he makes a prediction about the coming year: With regard to planting, he points to an , namely the between the sun and Saturn, and explained that one can only wait if “the (square Saturn Sun) would not bring frost…”54 Pyrlaeus thus used his knowledge of astronomical data to formulate predictions about the natural world.

52 “Dergleichen ist auch von dem Rübsaat zuverstehen/ nemlich/ daß er/ wie auch alles andere Getreidig/ am besten gerathe/ wenn Gott seinen Segen darüber gibt/ durch vorhergegangenes oder bald drauff folgendes Regenwetter/ welches die aller besten Saattage seyn/ zu Ende deß Augusti/ und Anfang deß Septembris.” Ibid.

53 “Solte es aber drüber gesparet seyn/ so soll es noch vor Ostern/ oder in der O=sterwochen auffslengste geschehen/ welches aber in diesem Jahre nicht rathsam ist denn es möchte die (Conjunction Saturn Mars) in der Wochen Miseric. dom. schädlich Wetter verursachen/ dadurch solches leicht verdirbet.” Ibid.

54 “Solte druber gesparet werden/ so müste der (square Saturn Sun) nicht frost bringen...” Ibid. 92

Still, Pyrlaeus understood God’s relationship to whether or not the foretold events would occur from his perspective as a minister. His calendar alluded to God in ways different from both Gramman’s, which limited its remarks about God’s part in bringing about the predictions to the very end of the calendar, and Möller’s, which referenced the work of God with respect to his astronomical role of guiding the stars. Pyrlaeus appealed to his readers from his ministerial position and guided them towards God’s love and mercy through his writing. For example, in his section on beets, he explained that even in the act of sowing his field, the planter should keep

God in mind. He “should remember God’s omnipotence, mercy, death, and resurrection.

Furthermore, he should call on God’s mercy, and when all his necessary work [was] done, not anxiously worry, but rather trust God.”55 Pyrlaeus peppered his entire section on planting with similar language, explaining that planting should be undertaken with God in mind, referred to

God’s role in the creation of a good year for wine as “God’s will,” and that rain would fall with

“God’s help.”56 Pyrlaeus focused less on how God could influence his predictions and instead chose to explain that individuals could affect these outcomes by remaining good, godly people.

Planetary Tables

Mid-century calendars incorporated more planetary data than their early-century counterparts did. From approximately 1650 onward, tables occurred more frequently within calendars. These charts presented the astronomical data relevant to making astrological claims.

55 “So bald als nun der Seeman ein Samkörnlein in die Hand nimpt/ vnd es wil außseen/ soll er an Gottes Allmacht/ Barmhertzigkeit/ auch sein Grabstette vnd Aufferstehung gedencken/ ferner soll er Gott umb seinen Segen anruffen/ vnd wenn er das seine mit aller nötigen Arbeit gethan/ nicht ängstiglich sorgen/ sondern es Gotte vertrawen.” Ibid.

56 Ibid.

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Whether they contained the location of the planets in the sky or a description of pertinent astrological aspects, they conveyed to the reader the raw data authors used to derive their practical predictions. In many ways, authors were merely reorganizing technical details that had been present in the calendars since the early third of the century.

One of the earliest to use tables in his calendars, Johann Magirus clearly intended that they serve as educational tools for his readers. After the explanation of symbols in his 1647

Schreibkalender, he described the relative size and speed of the planets as compared to Earth.57

(Figure 10).

The Seven Planets. Saturn 22 larger 30. Jupiter 14 larger 12. years. Mars 13 smaller than ends its 2. Sun is 140 times larger the course 1. Venus 6 smaller Earth, in 1. year. Mercury 19 smaller 1. Moon 42 smaller 29.5 days, 44. min. Figure 10: Table from Johann Magirus’ 1647 Schreibkalender.

Readers could refer to this chart to learn something about the heavenly bodies used for the predictions in the rest of the calendar. Similarly, in the prognosticon, Magirus’ chart in his chapter “On Peace and War” functioned as an explanatory tool for Magirus to clarify the meaning of relevant astrological aspects related to war and peace for that year. According to

Magirus, when considering the predictions for war and peace based on “natural causes,” one

57 Johann Magirus, JOHANNIS MAGIRI D. Medici und Mathematici der Churfürstl. Residentz-Städt Berlin und Cölln Schreib-Calender auff das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers HErrn JEsu Christi 1647 Auß Astronomischem und Natürlichem grunde, auch der gelehrten Astrologorum erfahrung gestellet, auff das Hertzogthum Schlesien, sonderlich aber auff der Kayserl. Stadt Breßlaw Horizont gerichtet, mit Historicher beschreibung der Irrthüm, so in der Artzney eingeschlichen, dem Auff und Untergang der Sonnen, Tagslänge, den Geburts-Tagen der fürnembsten Potentaten in Europa, nötigen Erwehlungen, und denckwürdigen Historien vermehret. Sampt einem Prognostico und beygefügter Intimation eines Deutschen Collegii Mathemat. Pract.das Land-messen und Niederländsiche Vestungßbaw, rc. betrefende. Breßlaw, druckts und Verlegts Georg Baumann. Cum Grat. & Privilegio Sac. Cæs. Majest.(Bresulau: Georg Baumann, 1646).

94 must first consider the eclipses and, after that, the aspects of the outer planets. Magirus then furnished relevant planetary configurations in table form before moving on to make predictions based upon their positions: (Figure 11).

The (square Saturn Mars) (conjunction Saturn Mars) (trine Saturn Mars) (square Jupiter Mars) (square Saturn Jupiter) (trine Jupiter Mars) Figure 11: Table from Johann Magirus’ 1647 prognosticon.58

Although the structural format of the calendars was established by this point, the size of chapters ballooned in mid-century calendars. In these expanding spaces, authors added more details about the natural world. Mathematician and physician Martin Horky’s 1649 prognosticon began with a remarkably detailed description of meteorological and celestial events during the seasons and in the twelve months of the year.59 He did not limit his discussion to a simple point- by-point account of the weather, but rather he wove biblical language into this information, and defended his use of the planets to draw his conclusions. Horky justified his making astrological predictions by appealing to the Book of Sirach, which states that God made the sun and the moon, and he used the book to authenticate his astrological prognostications. Sirach, Horky wrote, proclaimed that “the sun gives the whole world light, and its light is the brightest of all:

58 “Von Krieg und Frieden auß natürlichen gründen und dem Himmels-Lauff zu prognosticiren, betrachtet man erstlich die Finsternüssen, hernach die aspecten der Obern-Planeten und andere stücke: Die Mondfinsternüß wird bey uns wenig würcken, der Aspecten seynd in allem nur fünff, welche die obristen drey Planeten mit einander celebriren, und ist Mars der hitzige Planet nur viermal anietzo mit im spiel, da er fürm Jahr wol zehen mal mit dem Saturno und Jove verbunden war: Und seynd gemeldte aspecten diese.” Ibid.

59 Martin Horky, “A DEO & Scientia Chrysmologium Physico-Astronomicum, Oder Natürliche Weissagung/ und Erkundigung/ auß dem Gestirn und Himmels=Lauff/ von dem Zustand un Beschaffenheit deß 1649. Jahrs Christi/ als was wir nemlichen uns in dieser Irdischen Welt/ auß der himlischen Influentz/ sowol in der Lufft an der Witterung/ als dan sonsten ins gemein von Fruchtbarkeit/ Kranckheiten Krieg doer andern dergleichen Zufällen/ gutes zu gewarten/ oder böses beförchten haben werden/ beyde Auß den rechten/ warhafftigen alten und newen Cononibus, mit Fleiß gestellet nach Astronomischen Re=guln und Gründen/ wie solche practiciret Durch M. Martinum Horky von Lochowitz/ Mathematicum & Medicum. Mit Churfürstl. Sächsischer Freyheit/ und son=derlicher Begnadigung. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg/ in Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1648).

95 the holy light from God.”60 He argued that the wonders of the Lord were too immense to be contained in Scripture and or for even the saints to praise. Instead, Horky explained, one could see “[God’s] glory in the mighty, great scale of the bright firmament.” To Horky, this justified his work as someone who interpreted the heavens.61 Accordingly, for each month, he described the various planetary configurations, how their meanings were determined by God, and what these events foretold. Like calendars from earlier in the century, Horky’s made astrological predictions based on astronomical data. The difference, however, was that Horky employed God and his works’ greatness to validate his deciphering of heaven’s message.

Horky’s heightened focus on practical issues is evident in the extensive guide he left his reader in his 1649 calendar about the monthly and seasonal weather. Intending his calendar to serve the practical needs of farmers, he discussed the weather at each time of year in lengthy chapters, and used planetary positions to make these determinations. For example, an entry for

June 24 (Gregorian calendar) stated that day was a full moon, which occurred at eleven o’clock in the morning. He assumed that there would be rain and thunder, storm winds, and hail, and hoped that God’s mercy would protect people from the resulting fire damage.62 The meteorological predictions made in these chapters provided the background information for understanding the likelihood of other events during the year.

60 “Es saget der weise Mann Sirach/ welcher 230. Jahr vor Christi Geburt gelebet/ in seiner Haußzucht am 43. Cap. Ich will preisen deß HErrn Werck auß der heiligen Schrifft/ sein Werck verkündige/ wie ichs gelese hab/ die Sone gibt aller WeltLiecht/ un ihr Liecht ist das allerhelleste Liecht/ es ist auch den Heiliegen von dem HErrn noch nie gegeben/ daß sie alle seine Wunder außsprechen kön=ten/ dann der Allmächtige HErr hat sie groß gemacht/ und alle Ding sind zu groß/ nach Würden zu loben/ rc. Man siehet seine Herrlichkeit an der mächtigen grossen Hö=he an dem hellen Firmament/ an dem schönen Himel, rc.” Ibid.

61 Ibid.

62 “Den 14. 24. bekommen wir den vollen Mondschein umb 11. Uhr vormittag/ ich vermute Regen und Donner/ ja auch grosse Sturmwind und Kiesel/ GOtt der All=mächtig woll hie gnädig wachen und vor Fewerschäden behüten/ derer ich dann nit wenig in diesem Monat besorge.” Ibid.

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Thus, in his chapter on the “fruitfulness” of the year’s crops – now a standard feature in mid-century calendars that covered both planting and the harvest – Horky argued that the

“judgment of the fruitfulness of the year” should be based “more [on] the weather” of the “whole year” instead of the location of the planets or on a zodiac sign. Much like other “sober astrologers,” he advised seriously to “regard his weather account” and observe the weather to determine when plants are sown or when they “should bloom or bear fruit.” He also maintained that when one read this calendar to an experienced farmer, he would come to his own conclusion, namely that it would “mostly be an unfruitful and rough year for wine and grain.” Horky did not concern himself with other plants like “beets, cabbage, and flax,” but as a “simple man” he counseled his readers to keep as much grain as possible “in case of an emergency” so that they would be able to help the poor with a “proper, Christian payment.”63

With these comments, he immersed himself in the debate about the validity of astrological predictions and aligned with “sober astrologers” and “experienced farmers,” who had the knowledge to reach their own conclusions. He rejected the use of astrology as a tool in determining planting information for the year. Moreover, Horky employs an historic example to underscore the vital point of preparedness during crises: the poverty and famine of thirteen years ago should be a stark lesson to them with regard to poor relief measures. His touch points are historical experience and practical strategies to ensure continued “fruitfulness,” not the readings of the heavens. Finally, Horky couched his report in careful, tentative terms, referring to his

63 Ibid. 97 statements as “opinions” and “concerns.”64 He had to be cautious when drawing information from the stars, because his prognosticon could be condemned as “devilish art or knowledge.”65

These religious bases and justifications reflect mid-century responses and adaptations to outside criticism of his field and of himself personally. Horky’s professional difficulties began in 1610 when he attended a demonstration on the telescope, which Galilei had given in Bologna, and concluded that what he had seen through the telescope was an optical illusion. He subsequently authored A Most Brief Peregrination against the Starry Messenger,66 in which he expressed skepticism about Galileo Galilei’s discovery of the moons of Jupiter. This treatise was not received well by his colleagues, which prompted him to write to Johannes Kepler in search of an ally. Horky explained that, while he thought Galilei’s telescope worked quite well to observe objects on Earth, it could not accurately depict objects in the heavens: “On Earth, it works miracles; in the heavens it deceives, for other fixed stars appear double.”67 Unfortunately for Horky, Kepler, who had already publicly expressed support for the telescope and Galilei’s

64 “Ich bin der Meinung, daß man im Iudico von der Fruchtbarkeit eines Jahrs mehr das Wetter durch das gantze Jahr in acht nehmen soll als dieses oder jenes Planeten Stand, oder in einem gewissen Zeichen: die partes verwerffe ich schlecht vnd halte nichts darauff, wie ich da sehe, das andere Sobrii Astrologi auch thun, wer nun mein Gewitters Verzeichnuß ordentlich betachten wird vnd das Wetter in Acht nehmen, wann dieses oder jenes gesäet wird, oder aber blühen vnd zeitigen soll, ja wann man es einem erfahrnen Bawern vorlese, der wird alsbalden schliessen, daß es meisten theil ein unfruchtbar vnd ungeschlacht Jahr an Wein vnd Geträld seyn werde, mag alles unnöthige nicht wiederholen, Rübern, Kraut vnd Flachs mögen ziemlich fortkommen, von andern Früchten halt ich warlich wenig: darumb ich, als ein einfältiger Mann iehte, daß man vor allen das liebe Geträid bey Handen vnd auff den Böden behalten wolt, damit man im Fall der Noth umb Christliche gebühliche Bezahlung den Armen zu Hülff kommen könte, es solt uns je die erlittene grosse Armut vnd Hunger vor 13. Jahren ein Warnung seyn.” Horky, A DEO & Scientia Chrysmologium Physico-Astronomicum.

65 “Diß ist nun mein Bedencken von dem Zustand dieses 1649. Jahrs, so viel ich vermeinet, daß auß dem Gestirn könne abgenommen werden, ich muß gar behutsam gehen, dieweil man mir so gewaltig auff dem Dach ist, vnd mir mein prognosticirn nicht allein culumnirn, sondern gantz vnd gar vewerffen, vnd gleichsamb als ein Teuffelische Kunst oder Wissenschafft außscheien will…” Ibid.

66 Martin Horky, Brevissima peregrinatio contra Nuncium Sidereum in G. Barbera, ed., Le Opere di Galileo Galilei, vol. III (Firenze: IL R. Ministero della Instruzione Pubblica, 1892, 1980), 127-45.

67 Martin Horky, “Letter from Martin Horky to Kepler, April 1610,” Timothy J. McGrew, trans., http://homepages.wmich.edu/~mcgrew/horky.htm.

98 discovery, was not receptive to Horky’s letter, and cut all ties with him. By the end of the debate, Horky had been strongly attacked for being too aggressive and publishing his criticisms too quickly, before Galilei could produce a higher-quality lens for his telescope.68

Astrology itself was under attack in the mid-seventeenth century. Arguments to reform astrological practices were becoming more popular since the beginning of the century. In 1623,

Francis Bacon (1561-1626) published his De augmentis scientiarum, in which he advocated serious changes to the practice of astrology, including dismissing natal, electional, and interrogatory astrology outright.69 The only acceptable form was a reformed astrology of revolutions, or major events, particularly with respect to weather or politics.70 According to H.

Darrel Rutkin, Bacon asserted that “astrological predictions can profitably be applied to both natural and political domains, including weather, epidemics, and war…”71 Bacon explained that astrologers not only needed to understand the astronomical data behind the predictions, but also the topics about which they were making them. For example, astrologers must have meteorological knowledge if they were going to forecast the weather. Furthermore, to support their claims, he proposed comparing accounts of historical events to the celestial configurations at the time to determine the validity of predictions based upon those configurations.72 Horky’s fragile position and the tentative position of astrology in the academic community are evident in

68 Robert S. Westman, The Copernican Question: Prognostication, Skepticism, and Celestial Order (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011), 468-478.

69 H. Darrel Rutkin, “Astrology,” in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 3, eds. Katherine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 550.

70 Ibid., 543.

71 Ibid., 551.

72 Ibid., 551.

99

Horky’s use of uncertain language and how closely he followed Bacon’s prescriptions for astrological reform in his calendars.

Like Horky, other mid-century authors shied away from directly connecting planting and harvesting seasons to astrological events. Instead, chapters on the “Fertility of the Earth” aligned with Bacon’s perspective and focused on how meteorological events influenced the success or failure of that year’s crops. Two calendars from 1651, by Georg Galgemair73 and Nicholas

Joly74 respectively, illustrate this trend away from making direct predictions about the individual crops themselves. Galgemair drew his conclusions about these conditions from diligent observation of the stars. He found that the weather throughout the whole year would be “good, with useful variety through all of the year’s seasons and months.”75 He also noted that there would be no visible eclipses that year. Eclipses, he explained, were no “small thing” with respect to the fruitfulness of the year. The fact that there were none contributed to the expected

73 Georg Galgemair, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM, Oder Gründliche Beschreibung deß Gewitters, auß der Planeten Lauff genomen, auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unser lieben HERRN und Seligmachers JEsu Christi M. DC. LI. Mit Fleiß gestellt, Durch M. Georgium Galgemayer, Danuvverthanum, geweßnen Pfarrer zu Haunßheimb. Gedruckt und verlegt, zu Augspurg, bey Johann Schultes (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650).

74 Nicholas Joly, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM. Oder Practica auff das Jahr, nach der gnadenreichen, heylsamen und seeligmachenden Geburt, unsers lieben HErrn und Seeligmachers JESU Christi. M. DC. LI. Mit sondern fleiß gestellt. Nicht allein auff gantz Steyer, Kärnten und Crain, sondern auch in specie auff umbligende Stätt und Oerthe gerechnet. Durch NICOLAVM JOLY CLAVRENSEM, propè S. Nicolai portam Lotharingum, Calculographum Astrologiæ. Cum Gratia & Privilegio Sac. Cæsaræ Maiestatis. Gedruckt zu Augspurg, durch Andrea Aperger, auff unser lieben Frawen Thor (Augsburg: Andreas Aperger, 1650).

75 “Von Fruchtbarkeit der Erden, als der dritten Frag, zureden, so werden wir ein Fruchbares und von Gott wol gesegnetes Jahr haben, wie auß fleissiger betrachtung deß Gestirns abzunemmen ist, dan es scheinet die witterung durch das gantze Jahrs gut, mit nutzlicher abwechslung, nach allen deß Jahrs Quartaln und Monaten. So erzeigen sich auch keine in unsern Landen sichtbare Finsternussen, welches nicht ein geringe Sach ist zur Fruchtbarkeit dienstlich, derowegen wir Gott den Herren fleissig anruffen und bitten sollen, daß er dise deß Gestirns gute bedeutung wolle kräfftiglich befürdern, und sollen darauff in solicher hoffnung fleissig im Feld arbeiten, so wirdt er uns seinen miltreichen Segen geben, und auff die angewendte Arbeit die Fruchtbare ergötzligkeit nich versagen, deßwegen wir ihm dan werden hertzlich zudancken, und der Armen dabey nicht zuvergessen haben, so wirdt er uns ins künfftig ein mehrers zubeschern auch nicht underlassen; darzu ein jeder glaubiger Christ spreche Amen, Amen.” Galgemair, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM.

100 success of the crops. As a minister, Galgemair’s chapter on the year’s fruitfulness focused on the role human relationships with God played on the outcome of that year’s weather. He devoted the rest of his paragraph to call on his readers to pray to God so that he would want to advance the

“good intention” of the stars. Readers should also “work diligently in the field” with this hope in mind, so that God would give them his mercy and not deny them the “fruitful delights” of the

Earth. He also encouraged them not to forget the poor, since caring for them would also be beneficial to themselves.76

Joly’s chapter was similar to Galgemair’s; however, he developed his predictions from a slightly different perspective. As an astrologer, Joly provided more planetary information than

Galgemair, who was a minister. Instead of referencing God as the ultimate arbiter of events on

Earth, Joly highlighted the planets’ ability to influence the weather. According to Joly, the year’s weather would not be as beneficial to growing crops. Although Joly found that the spring would advance to the cultivation of crops, the planets, Jupiter and Saturn, would rule over the weather during the summer. Because of the effects of these two planets, Joly was unsure about the outcome of the weather and the crops in this season. Additionally, a square of Saturn and

Mars would occur on July 5 that would bring “thunder, hail, and lightning.”77 Joly does refer to

God, but formulaically – like many other authors – at the end of the section when he reminded

76 Ibid.

77 “Was nun die Fruchtbarkeit der Erden betrifft in disem Jahr, kan leichter nit, als auß der Introital constitution der Jahrszeiten unnd special Witterung genommen werden, siquidem ad lterationem aeris semina in terra effusa alterantur, ist dann der Winter gütig, und der Früeling gar zu feucht und naß, erfolgt, daß der Saamen verfaulen muß in der Erden, und also kein Frucht bringen. Dises Jahr anblangt, damit ich kürtzlich darvon sage, find ich, daß, weilen der Früeling nit also dem Erdgewächs widerwertig, die Frucht zwar wol zur Zeitigung gerathen wurde, wann anderst der Sommer, welcher mit unbeständigen Wetter sehr infestiert, das seinige auch thun wolte. Will doch der Hoffnung seyn, daß die particular Witterung, welche sich etwas widerwertig erzeigt, von den Regenten der Sommersfigur als (jupiter) unnd (venus). welche Darreicher alles guts, werd ein wenig zuruck geschlagen. Die gröste Trowung bringt der 5. Julii mit (square saturn mars). daß uns der Donner, Hagel und Plitz nit etwas verderbe. Gott aber ein Ernährer aller Thier wird uns nit velassen, so wir ihn nur bitten. Amen, Amen.” Joly, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM.

101 readers that God was the provider for all animals and would not forget them. He then ended with a prayer.78

Horky, Galgemair, and Joly emphasize the role of weather in their predictions. Their astronomical observations served only to describe the meteorological effects of the year’s weather. Authors from earlier in the century had used astrology to make direct predictions not just about weather patterns, but also when certain crops should or should not be planted. By the middle of the seventeenth century, astrologers were facing increasing criticism of their craft, leading some, like Horky, to address directly such condemnations in their calendars, and others, like Joly and Galgemair, to simply adapt their chapters to focus on less controversial topics.

Calendars from the late 1600s differ from those earlier in the century because they used planetary tables only to present the location of the planets with no further astrological explanation. These calendars listed such details in the monthly pages of the Schreibkalender or wove them into various chapters in the prognosticon. Marcus Freund’s 1686 calendar employed charts of celestial positions in both the Schreibkalender and prognosticon.79 Each month, Freund used the symbol for each planet with a mathematical description of its location in the sky. His

Planeten Lauff for August read: “(Saturn) 28. 28. (Virgo) dir. (Jupiter) 14. 24. (Scorpio). (Mars)

14. 46. (Leo). (Sun) 18. 53. (Leo). (Venus) 8. 29. (Cancer). (Mercury) 7. 58. (Virgo). (Moon’s ascending node) 6. 10. (Gemini).”80 This chart stood on its own; Freund gave no other details.

As with many late-century calendars, Severus Heermann’s 1670 calendar demonstrated the diminishing focus on astronomical and astrological information. Heermann began and ended

78 Ibid.

79 Freund, Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender.

80 Ibid. 102 his discussion about the fertility of the Earth with an acknowledgement of God and his omnipotence.81 In between, he explained that two facets of natural knowledge, namely the weather and eclipses, aided in understanding the success or failure of the year’s crops. After referencing the monastic practice of ora et labora and emphasizing that planting was to be done diligently while praying for God’s mercy for good weather,82 Heermann turned to the “natural” explanation of the “fruitfulness” of the Earth. The first, the weather, was determined by the

“course and aspects of the planets;” the second was eclipses. If one just followed these insights from nature, one could expect a plentiful year, but, Heermann hastened to caution, one should not trust nature alone. God could soon send dangerous storms, which would change everything in an instant. To illustrate his point, Heermann listed three different historical events, roughly spaced fifty years apart, when the weather had a negative effect on the land and those who depended on it for survival. He first told of a thunderstorm that occurred in Constantinople in

81 Severus Heermann, DIARIUM ASTROLOGICUM ET METEOROLOGICVM: Oder Warhafftige Beschreibung der na=türlichen Bewegung und sichtbaren Standes deß Gestirneten Himmel/ sambt denen darinn enthalte=nen Planeten/ grossen Weltliechtern/ Sonn=und Mondsfinsternussen/ Auff= und Nidergang derselben ; mit angehengtem gründlichen Bedencken/ was darauff verhoffentlich in allen und jeden Theilen deß Jahrs/ auch Monatlich und täglich am Gewitter und Ungewitter/ auch andern zufälligen Dingen in diser nidern Welt erfolgen köndte/ rc. Sambt beygefügten Bericht/ von den vier Jahrszeiten/ und Witterung deß gantzen Jahrs/ mit 12. Newmonden : von 2. Sonn=und 2. Monds=Finsternussen/ Krieg/ Un=friden/ Kranckheiten/ Sterben/ Frucht=und Unfruchtbarkeit/ rc. Auch allerhand nutzlichen Historien. Auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Menschwerdung und Geburt unsers HErrn/ und höchstgebenedeyten Heylands JESU CHRISTI M. DC. LXX. Mit allem möglichen Fleiß zusamen gebracht und auff inständiges B=egehren in den Truck befördert worden. Durch Severum Heerman/ von Straupitz/ im Marggraffthumb Nider=Laußnitz/ rc. Gottes und der natürlichen Dingen Nachforschern. Getruckt zu Augspurg bey Simon Utzschneider/ auff vnser lieben Frawen Thor (Augsburg: Simon Utzschneider, 1669).

82 “Wann wir die Fruchtbarkeit der Erden recht betrachten wollen/ so haißt es ins gemein: Ora & labora: verrichte die Arbeit im Feld fleissig/ und bitte GOTT umb einen wolgedylichen Segen zur Fruchtbarkeit/ durch gut Wetter und gnädige Abwendung allesschädlichen Ungewitters/ so wird alles wol gerathen. Insonderheit aber haben wir natürlicher weiß/ nach verrichtetem embsigen Gebert und fleissigen Feldbaw auff 2. Stuck zusehen/ welche die Fruchtbarkeit hefftig befürden/ oder hindern können/ nemblich auff die Witterung deß gantzen Jahrs/ welche außm Lauff und denen Aspecten der Planeten pflegt genommen zuwerden/ und auff die Finsternussen so sich begeben. Betrachte ich nun die zeit/ wann man die Aecker und Gärten bestellen solle/ so hat es dan Ansehen/ und gibt gute Vertröstung zu einem fruchtbaren Jahr/ aber man darff sich darauff nit all zu gewiß verlassen/ dann es kan Gott bald ein schädliches Ungewitter her senden/ welches in einem Huy unnd Augenblick alles darnider schlägt und verderbt/ wie wir auß nachfolgenden Geschichten vernemmen werden.” “Das fünffte Capitel. Von Frucht= und Unfruchtbarkeit.” in ibid. 103

1487. The storm destroyed eight hundred homes, three thousand people lost their lives, and there was occasionally severe damage to the countryside.83 The other two accounts describe a thunderstorm in 1546 and a hailstorm in 1597. Heermann relayed the damage from these storms to people, land, and livestock. These accounts illustrate God’s omnipotence and role in the execution of these events; however, Heermann’s goal was not to influence his readers’ behavior.

Only the second account, about the thunderstorm in 1546, contained an incidence of people engaged in sinful activities being harmed, when Heermann described the death of card players during the storm. Heermann did not use this as an example to stress God’s anger at people who were involved in corrupt activities, or make an attempt to teach his readers a moral lesson.

Instead, he matter-of-factly stated this occurrence as an example of the destructive nature of the storm.84

As seen in Heermann’s calendar, those from the latter third of the seventeenth century shifted their focus from a strict presentation of astronomical data and astrological interpretation.

However, many authors still incorporated traditional astrological understandings of the natural world in their chapters on the fruitfulness of the year. Krzystof Krzikowsky’s 1694 calendar85

83 “Anno 1487. ist zu Constantinopel ein so schröckliches Donnerwetter gewesen/ daß es in die Häuser geschlagen/ darvon 800. verbrennt/ unnd 3000. Menschen umb das Leben kommen/ auch hin und wider auff dem Land grosser Schaden ge=schehen.” Ibid.

84 “Im Jahr 1546. den 17. Augusti ein wenig vor Mitternacht/ ist zu Mecheln ein schröckliches Donnerwetter gewesen/ selbiges schlug in S. Johannis Pforten in das Pulver/ dessen bey 800. Tonnen lagen/ da blib kein Stein auff dem andern/ auch seynd bey anderthalb hundert Menschen schwerlich verwundet und beschädigt worden. Unter solchem Unwesen und Unglück fande man auch ein schwangere Fraw/ dieselbig schnitte man auff/ nam das Kind auß ihrem Leib/ unnd empfienge noch den H. Tauff; auch schlug das Wetter einer andern Frawen ihr Haupt ab. In einem Würtshauß spileten etliche böse und leichtfertige Gesellen bey spahter Nacht in der Karten/ in deme nun die Würthin in den Keller gieng/ Wein zuholen/ schlägt der Donner auch in das Würtshauß/ unnd zerschmettert dasselbige mit den Spilern/ aber die Würthin im Keller blib lebendig. In einer Höle wurde nach dreyen Tagen allererst ein Mann gefunden/ gantz unversehrt und unbeschädiget/ der fragte die Leuth/ ob auch die Welt noch stunde? Alle Kirchen und die schöneste Gebäw der Statt Mecheln haben Schaden genommen; so ist auch neben disem vil Vich zu todt geschlagen worden.” Ibid.

104 exemplifies some of the changes in the calendars’ format as it evolved over the course of the century. As a mathematician and astrologer, Krzikowsky derived his information from astronomical and astrological analyses of the stars. He concluded 1694 would not be as fruitful as the previous years.86 He also presented several charts detailing the best days when one could plant or sow crops.

Good planting/ these signs (clover)

March/ 1. 2. 12. 13. 21. 22. 28. 29. July/ 8. 9. 15. 16. April/ 9. 10. 17. 18. 25. 26. August/ 23. 24. 25. May/ 6. 7. 14. 15. 21. 22. 23. September/ 1. 2. 8. 9. 20. 21. 28. June/ 3. 4. 11. 12. 17 18. 19. 30. October/ 5. 6. 17. 18. 25. 26. 27.

Good sowing/ these signs (clover).

March/ 6. 10. 11. 12. 13. 19. 20. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. April/ 2. 3. 7. 8. 9. 10. 15. 16. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 29. 30. May/ 1. 4. 5. 6. 7. 12. 13. 17. 18. 19. 20. 26. 27. 28. June/ 1. 2. 3. 4. 9. 10. 14. 15. 16. 23. 24. 28. 29. 30. July/ 1. 6. 7. 10. 12. 13. 14. 20. 21. August/ 24. 25. 30. 31. September/ 3. 4. 6. 7. 13. 14. 17. 18. 20. 21. 27. 30. October/ 1. 2. 4. 11. 15. 16. 18. 23. 28. 29. 30.87 Figure 12: Chart Listing Good Days to Plant and Sow Crops in Krzystof Krzikowsky’s 1694 Calendar.

Most interesting about this chapter is that Krzikowsky described basic rules about when to plant based on the moon’s position in each of the twelve signs of the zodiac. These guidelines

85 Krzystof Krzikowsky, Krackawer Schreib=Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der Geburt Un=sers Heylands und Seeligmachers JESU CHRISTI, M. DC. XCIV. Welches ist das 2. nach dem Schalt=Jahr/ und das 1. nachm Einkomlingschein forder ist auf das Margg=raffthumb Mähren/ dan auch andere angräntzende Länder : als Hungarn/ Böheimb/ Oesterreich/ Schle=sien/ rc. nicht allein mit allen Aspecten Erwöhl= und Himlischen bewegnungen/ wie auch täglicher witterung/ und Planetischen Einflüß/ so Oeconomisch als Politi=schen Zuneigungen Astrologisch fleissig beschriben. Von M. CHRISTOPHORO KRZIKAWSKY, in der Hochlöbl: Krackawischen Academia Phil: Do-ctore, Astrolog: & Matheseos Professore. Cum Gratia & speciali Privilegio S. C. Reg: Majestatis. Gedruckt zu Ollmütz/ bey Johann Joseph Kylian (Olmütz: Johann Joseph Kylian, 1639).

86 “Von Wachs und Mißwachs” “So viel auß dem Gestirn von der Fruchtbarkeit dieses Jahrs zuvermuthen/ halte ich darfür/ es werde nicht so gut seyn/ als nächst vorhergehender Jahre.” Ibid.

87 Ibid. 105 resemble the accounts about planting from Christian Pyrlaeus’ 1610 calendar; however,

Krzikowsky organized his by where the moon was located in the zodiac. For example, “[w]hen the moon is in Aries, it is good to sow barley.”88 He also pointed out that some seeds were better sown during particular phases of the moon and advised his readers on what time of year was best to plant certain crops.89 He explained, “one should sow grain in the full moon, or in waxing and in waning, also [sow] barley, wheat, and peas.”90 In listing these general rules about planting,

Krzikowsky presents a direct connection between an event in the heavens (i.e. the location of the moon) and its effect on the planting of crops.

As someone trained in astrology and mathematics, Krzikowsky incorporated these elements into his prognosticon, but the format of the calendar in general resembled the late- century trend away from using precise astronomical data linked to astrological predictions. In the standard chapters about the weather for the months of the year, Krzikowsky followed typical late-century patterns, which listed only brief descriptions of the forecast based on the moon’s position each month. Instead of elaborating further after these brief statements, he followed with a short rhyme unrelated to his previous prediction. The last quarter moon in March began “on

88 “Gründlicher und nutzlicher Bericht/ zu welcher Zeit man was säen solle.” “Wann der Mond im Widder ist/ so ist gut Gersten säen.” Ibid.

89 “Das Korn soll man säen in deß Mondens Völle/ oder im Abwächs selben und in Abnehmen auch Gersten/ Wäitzen/ und Erbes. Die beste Zeit Haber zusäen/ ist/ wann das Bircken-Laub herauß spreüst und die Aecker sein rauchen/ sonderlich im Ersten Viertel. Wilst du daß die Schotten und Wicken wohl gerathen/ so säe sie drey Tag vor dem Neuen Monden zur Zeit der Haber-Saat/ wan das Bircken-Laub herfür spreüst. Gersten-Saar drey Tag vor Urbani/ und drey Tag nach H. Urbans-Tag/ vor die beste Saat-Zeit wird geachtet/ doch daß schöne und helle Zeit ist. Die beste Zeit zur Sommer-Saat/ ist wann die Pleiades auffgehen/ das ist: von dem 21. April-Tag/ biß auff den 9. Maii. Wird der Lein Saamen an dem selbigen Tag gesäet/ an welchem Tag der erste Schnee gefallen ist/ so wird er von Arth schön lang und weiß/ aber der Acker muß mit keinem Mist gedüncket seyn/ dann mit Schaaff-Mist. Deßgleichen thue auch mit dem Hanff.” Ibid.

90 “Das Korn soll man säen in deß Mondens Völle/ oder im Abwächs selben und in Abnehmen auch Gersten/ Wäitzen/ und Erbes.” Ibid. 106 the 18th, morning at eleven o’clock, 7th minute. [It was] in the beginning very volatile with storm- winds, sunshine and rain. [T]he end point[ed] to warmth and dryness.”91

Late-century authors also prioritized other topics besides astronomical details. Otto

Gibel’s 1678 calendar contained less astronomical data, but rather information about the natural world with histories and “house rules” (Hauß-Regeln.)92 While Gibel presented the locations of the planets in the monthly accounts, he did not give any interpretations of their meaning. On the pages for each month of his Schreibkalender, Gibel discussed the properties of mountains and bodies of water, beginning with a description of Mt. Vesuvius.93 Through this historical and educational account, Gibel introduced the concept of volcanoes and presented information that was not only historical in context, but also revealed facts about the natural world. Instead of using his calendar to explain how the configurations of the planets and their locations in the sky influenced the natural world on Earth, Gibel chose to educate his readers about natural events using an historical account of a volcanic eruption.

Indeed, the bulk of his Schreibkalender and prognosticon served as a guidebook for his readers, by not only helping them learn about the past and the world around them, but also by

91 “Letztes Quart tritt ein/ den 18. hujus/ Vormittag umb 11. Uhr/ 7. minut. Ist in dem Anfang sehr unbeständig mit Sturm-Winden/ Sonnenschein und Regen/ das Ende deutet auff Wärme und Trückne.” Ibid.

92 Otto Gibel, Neu und Alter Schreib=Calender/ Nebenst dem Römischen so auff die Neue Zeit gerichtet/ Uber das Jahr nach der Gnaden=reichen Geburt des wahren Messiæ und Heylandes der Welt JEsu Christi M. DC. LXXVIII. Ist (von dem Termino der Jahr Chri=sti anzurechnen) das Ander nach dem 419. Schalt=Jahr/ Samt allerhand dazu gehörigen nützlichem Sachen/ Auf den Horizont der jenigen Oerter/ so des Poli Höhe von 52. grad haben/ (etliche Minuten mehr oder we=niger) sonderlich eingerichtet Durch OTTONEM GIBELIUM Sch. Min. Cant. MINDEN. Gedrucht und verlegt durch Johann Pilern (Minden: Johann Piler, 1677).

93 “Wunderbahre Natur und Eigenschaft etlicher Berge u. Wasser.” “In Campanien/ nicht weit von der Stadt Neapolis/ ligt ein Berg/ bey den Lateinern Vesuvius oder Vesuvus genant/ heutiges Tages aber bey den Italiänern Le Monte die Somma/ welcher unten sehr fruchtbar/ und allerhand Gewächse träget/ auch wegen der herumb gepflantzeten Wein= und Oelberge son=derlich lustig anzusehen/ oben aber stets rauchet und brennet/ so gar daß auch den benachbahrten Oerten oftermals grosser Schade dadurch zugestossen...” Ibid.

107 providing them with helpful advice with regards to their daily activities. This advice was divorced from standard astrological predictions, but instead stood on its own in a way that allowed Gibel to assist his readers with their household tasks and daily lives. When he did incoporate astronomical data, he did so matter-of-factly and simply listed the locations of the , moons, and planets. For example, in his chapter for May, he wrote, “Saturn, Jupiter and

Mars are all three obscured by the sun. But Venus, by now the morning star, gradually lets itself be seen in the early hours. Mercury breaks forth [in] the evenings from the rays of the sun.”94

Normally, where previous authors would have added their predictions about the weather, Gibel did not. Each monthly chapter followed this pattern.

In his chapter on planting, instead of making direct astrological predictions, Gibel wrote of the possibilities of potentially harmful weather. Explaining that the weather that winter would be bad (unartig), spring would bring “dangerous night-frost” and summer “over-abundant rain,” he concluded that “the year would not be very fruitful” and that this might lead to inflation.95 He added that there was already so much destruction due to warfare in which “entire countries were laid waste and desolate” that “one would neither sow nor reap.” Instead of presenting the astronomical data he used to draw these conclusions, Gibel followed this statement with advice for how his readers could change their fate: Sincere and heartfelt prayer could stop God’s

94 “Saturnus/ Jupiter und Mars sind alle drey unter der Sonnen verdecket. Venus aber/ so numehr der Morgenstern ist/ lässet sich in den Frühstunden allmählich gehörnet sehen. Mercurius bricht des Abends herfür aus den Strahlen der Sonnen.” Ibid.

95 “Aus dem vorigen hat man etlicher massen zu schliessen/ daß/ wegen des unartigen Winters/ und der schädlichen Nachtfröste im Frühlinge/ ohn was sonst im Sommer mit überflüssigem Regen und andern widerlichen Zufällen sich begeben kan/ die Bäume fürs erst keine gute Blüte haben werden/ hernach auch das liebe Getraide ebenmässig umb die Zeit/ das es sich setzten und zum reiffen solte befordert werden/ grosse Verhinderung verspüren dürffte. Daher fast zu besorgen/ daß diß Jahr nicht eben das fruchtbahrste seyn werde/ und vielleich/ Gott verhüte es/ eine Theurung darauff erfolgen möchte.” Ibid. 108 punishment of humankind, because God – as the “creator of all things” – was not “bound by any nature or natural causes of the zodiac signs.”96

Climate Change

Climate and daily weather patterns were primary concerns to the lives and well-being of every early modern person, and, as already noted, the Schreibkalender and prognostica focus heavily on meteorological events. The ability to understand the expected weather for the seasons and months of the year enabled people to plan their activities based upon projected forecasts.

Farmers, for example, were completely dependent upon the weather for the success or failure of their crops, but food shortages resulting from poor environmental conditions were a vital concern for everyone. Farmers could utilize chapters describing the best time to plant or harvest their crops. Miners, sailors, and viniculturists could also find specific sections related to their own occupations. Because the calendars contain such a wealth of information about weather and the natural world, they reveal valuable details about the weather and climate in the seventeenth century.

Seventeenth-century society experienced the effects of an environmental phenomenon called the Little Ice Age. Although glaciers began expanding around 1300, climatic effects from

96 “Wo dann hinzu komt/ wenn man betrachtet/ wie/ Gott erbarm es/ an manchem Orte/ durch das gegenwärtige Kriegswesen nicht allein alles verheret und verzehret/ sondern noch dazu die armen Leute von dem Ihrigen gantz und gar vertrieben/ und alles hinter ihnen abgebrant/ daß also gantze Länder wüst und öde gemacht/ da man weder seen noch mehen wird. Doch muß man noch das beste hoffen/ dem lieben Gott mit andächtigen und inständigem Gebett in die Flehe fallen/ derselbe als ein Schöpffer aler Dinge/ ist an keine Natur oder natürliche Ursachen der Himmels-Zeichen verbunden/ sondern kan darumb/ wie wol ehemals geschehen/ das Wetter/ den Wachsthumb und alles noch besser fügen/ als man jemals gemeinet/ wenn wir ihm als unserm getreuen himlischen Vater nur festiglich vertrauen.” Ibid.

109 this period of global cooling first arose around 1570.97 From the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries, the Little Ice Age directly affected everyone’s lives. Keeping official weather records was not a common practice during this time, but climate historians have found a wide variety of sources available that they can use to formulate a clear picture of changing environmental conditions in any part of the world, including tree ring data, local reports, and chronicles.

Helmut E. Landsberg notes that “climate can be established by statistical measures from individual (meteorological) observations…”98 He points out that there are a host of valid historical documents containing these observations that predate the development of national and international weather services in the twentieth century. Before the development of scientific measuring instruments, meteorological records existed in either of two forms: accounts of destructive weather or daily weather notations. 99 Landsberg specifically emphasizes that the

Schreibkalender made keeping these records easier since they provided owners with the space to fill in daily weather accounts next to the provided forecasts, but he cautions that the predictions were based on astrological, not meteorological science.100 Still, dismissing the weather information of the Schreibkalender and prognostica for this reason would deprive us of an important opportunity. A careful reading of the calendars over the course of the century may reveal that authors were aware that climatic changes were occurring around them and tailored their advice toward the new weather realities. This section explores whether or not

97 John A. Matthews and Keith R. Briffa, “The 'Little Ice Age': Re-Evaluation of an Evolving Concept,” Geografiska Annaler. Series A, Physical Geography 87, no. 1 (2005): 17.

98 Helmut E. Landsberg, “Past Climates from Unexploited Written Sources,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 10, no. 4 (1980): 631.

99 Ibid., 632.

100 Ibid., 633-34.

110

Schreibkalender and prognostica can play a role in understanding the Little Ice Age and its effects in the seventeenth century.

Historians have made connections between changing weather and people’s lives since they first began studying the effects of climate on the world. Early works, such as Ellen C.

Semple’s research in the late-nineteenth century on the role the Appalachian Mountains played in shaping colonial history,101 built upon environmental – or climatic – determinism, defined by

Peter N. Jones as “the theoretical approach that individual character, cultural character, or racial traits derive from climatic conditions.”102 In 1971 Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie was one of the first scholars to criticize these methods.103 Ladurie explains that previous historians had not studied the history of climate, but rather they “launched themselves into something quite different and highly dangerous, namely the climatic interpretation of human history.”104 These historians, he asserted, had worked backwards – trying to find the motivation for certain human behaviors with respect to climate – rather than studying the climate and then ascertaining its effects.105 Since the 1980s, historians have been critical of climatic determinism, instead studying climate and its influence on human behaviors with respect to three main themes: “(1) the collapse of civilizations; (2) social unrest; and (3) climate disasters.”106 Because climate

101 Ellen C. Semple, “The Influence of the Appalachian Barrier Upon Colonial History,” The Journal of School Geography 1, no. 1 (1897): 33-41.

102 Peter N. Jones, “Climatic Determinism,” in Climate Change: An Encyclopedia of Science and History, Vol. 1, eds. Brian Black, et al. (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2013), 292.

103 Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, Times of Feast, Times of Famine: A History of Climate since the Year 1000 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1971).

104 Ibid., 7.

105 Ibid., 7-11.

106 Andrew C. Isenberg, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Environmental History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 33.

111 scientists now understand that environmental changes can occur over relatively short periods (i.e. over hundreds of years instead of thousands or millions), it is easier to determine the direct role weather and the natural world can have on everyday life from one period to the next.107 As Brian

Fagan explains, “[c]limate will have its sway in human events. Its influence may be profound, occasionally even decisive.”108 Because climate can be considered an agent of historical change, the study of meteorological information in Schreibkalender and prognostica may reveal information for how a short-term event, such as the Little Ice Age, affected the lives of those who lived through it.

Two major categories exist when analyzing the role of the Little Ice Age in European society, the effects on the natural world and on society. The first seeks to understand the meteorological impact of the changing climate. Those in the glaciated areas of the Swiss Alps first felt the consequences of global cooling. Christian Pfister uses diaries, chronicles, and tithe records to understand the effects of climate change on residents.109 Because tithes were typically offered in grain, they were usually paid when the winter grain was ready to be harvested in the spring. Pfister observes that the date of harvest is a reflection of the general weather conditions during that time of year and can be used to assess changing climate patterns.110 His focus, however, remains on determining the onset and extent of the Little Ice Age rather than on using

107 Brian Fagan, The Little Ice Age. How Climate Made History 1300-1850 (New York: Basic Books, 2000), xv.

108 Ibid., xviii.

109 Christian Pfister, “An Analysis of Little Ice Age Climate in Switzerland and its Consequences for Agricultural Production,” in Climate and History: Studies in Past Climates and their Impact on Man, eds. T. M. L. Wrigley et. al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 214-48.

110 Ibid., 219.

112 tithing information to study the effects of the ice age on early modern farming practices or the food supply.

Although Pfister’s emphases lie elsewhere, other scholars maintain that the period of global cooling did have significant consequences on agriculture, food availability, and health.111

Human beings altered their behavior and activities to accommodate the meteorological and geological transformations resulting from the Little Ice Age. A decrease in wine and grain production in central Europe correlated with the beginning of colder weather in the late sixteenth century: when wine prices increased, many people switched to beer.112 Thus, eating and drinking habits are directly related to the availability and affordability of food sources. Such examples are reasons why the sixteenth-century Price Revolution witnessed fluctuations in prices that cannot merely be explained by standard economic means.113

This period experienced dramatic changes in global climate and weather that influenced the culture and worldviews of entire societies. The link between food production and climate is not the only aspect of early modern life influenced by the Little Ice Age. Contemporaries’ mentalities and thought processes also fluctuated with the weather.114 Severe weather had the ability to destroy crops, homes, and livelihoods. Violent weather was a direct outcome of the changing climate. However, in the early modern era, such events were often blamed on human beings, e.g. witches. Wolfgang Behringer argues, “[t]he resumption of witch-hunting in the

111 John F. Richards, The Unending Frontier: An Environmental History of the Early Modern World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 58.

112 Ibid., 71.

113 Walter Bauernfiend and Ulrich Woitek, “The Influence of Climatic Change on Price Fluctuations in Germany during the 16th Century Price Revolution,” Climatic Change 43, no. 1 (1999): 303-21.

114 Wolfgang Behringer, “Climatic Change and Witch-Hunting: The Impact of the Little Ice Age on Mentalities,” Climatic Change 43, no. 1 (1999): 335-51.

113

1560s was accompanied by a debate on weather-making, because this was the most important charge against suspected witches.”115 Climate change, therefore, played a role in the theological and philosophical debates about witches, demons, and their ability to control or influence the weather.116

Behringer also makes broader connections between the effects of the Little Ice Age and the Protestant and Catholic Reformations. “Meteorological disturbances,” he writes “serve as a peg on which to hang theological considerations.”117 Because climate and weather were so important, but also so uncertain, people turned to religious sermons and to the writings of theologians to assuage their fears. One interpretation for calamitous weather was God’s wrath, and theologians took the Little Ice Age as a sign that humans were becoming increasingly sinful.

Their advice aimed to help people live more piously.118 Similar instructions can also be found in the Schreibkalender and prognostica, particularly when authors foresaw natural disasters.

Authors regularly instructed readers to follow moral and spiritual guidelines to stave off calamities.

Using meteorological evidence in conjunction with the calendars may help determine if and how calendar-makers reflected contemporary meteorological conditions in their

Schreibkalender and prognostica. Rüdiger Glaser researched and compiled the actual weather conditions for Europe over the past thousand years.119 Glaser employs a wide variety of written

115 Ibid., 339.

116 Ibid., 346-47

117 Wolfgang Behringer, A Cultural History of Climate (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010), 123.

118 Ibid., 133-34.

119 Rüdiger Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas: 1000 Jahre Wetter, Klima, Katastrophen (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2002).

114 sources, including chronicles and annals, daily weather journals, ships’ logs, and itineraries, alongside environmental evidence, such as harvest data and tree rings to construct yearly weather synopses from 1000 to 2000 CE.120 A comparison of the meteorological forecasts in the calendars with the actual weather of a given year may highlight whether or not calendar makers were aware of the changing climate patterns. Perhaps authors noted general trends due to their own experiences from previous years and accommodated these new patterns in their predictions.

This next section examines whether evidence of the Little Ice Age can be found in the calendars.

Within the calendars, authors paid special attention to the weather during each month and season. Albin Moller, a theologian and astronomer, wrote in his 1610 prognosticon that winter weather would be unstable: One part would be mild with “stormy winds from the south, southwest, and west [and] cold, wet, windy, with a lot of rain, snow, darkness, [and] unpleasant weather.” In certain areas near water, there was the potential for flooding and even earthquakes.

The second part would be very cold with “severe frost, hoarfrost, sharp eastern, northeastern, and northern winds.”121 For the same year, the physician and astronomer, Berner Hartmann also

120 Ibid., 13-27.

121 “Der Winter bekömpt seinen rechten Anfang verschienen 1609. Jahrs den 12. alten 22. tag newen December/ umb 4. stvnden 8. Minut/ vor Mittage/ gleich wenn unter Norden Polenstern höhe 52. Grad/ in Horizont ascendiret 13. Grad 14. Minuta Scorpii/ vnd in solchen kalten/ nassen/ windigen Zeichen/ balde hernacher folgen der am schein abnemende Monde/ (Mars) vnd (Venus) (so in der zeit der Morgenstern) in dem 1. der (Mercury) in dem bösen gegenschein deß (Jupiter). unter den Strallen der (Sun). in dem 2. der böse (Drachenschwantz). vnd (Saturn) in dem 3. in dem Niedergange der lincke Füssenstern deß ungestümen Orionen/ der (Jupiter) retrogradus/ oder zurücke lauffende in dem 8. Hause deß Todes/ das gut (Drachenschwantz) mit dem Martialischen Herculestern vnd guten Königstern in dem 9. vnd das Glückradt in dem 10. Hause deß Himmels. Auff welchen natürlichen Lauff der Himlischen Liechtern/ Planeten vnd Sternen/ auch wirckenden grossen Monfinsterniß in dem kalten () vnd andern Ursachen/ sol in gemein erfolgen ein unbestendiger Winter/ eines theils gelinde mit ungestümen grossen Winden Suden/ Sudwesten vnd Westen/ auch Westnordwesten/ vielen regen/ schneen/ tunckeln/ unlustigen Wetter/ vnd an etlichen wässerigen örtern mit schädlichen Wasserfluten vnd Erdbeben/ deß andern theils aber sehr kalt/ mit harten Frost/ Reiff/ scharffen Winden Osten/ Nordosten vnd Norden/ auch etwan mit Himmelszeichen.” Albin Moller, PRACTICA ASTROLOGICA, Oder grosses Prognosticon, Astrologische vnd Natürliche anzeigunge von dem Gewitter der vier Zeiten/ auch vom Krebßgange vnd fichtbarer erscheinung der fünff Planeten am Himmel/ von Finsternissen/ Cometensterm/ Krieg/ Reisefarten/ Kranckheiten/ Bergwerck/ Seen/ Pflantze/ erwachsen vnd einsamlen der Früchten der Erden vnd Bäwmen/ Auff das Jahr nach Jesu Christi Geburt. 1610. Zu nutze allen fromen vnd verstendigen Christen in Meissen/ Sachsen/ Marcken vnnd benachtbarten Ländern vnd Städten des Deutschlandes/ nach beyden Zahlen in das 41. Jahr fleissig gestellet/ durch Magistrum Albinum Mollerum von 115 focused on the instability of the weather, concluding that “fickle and sociable” Mercury and

“stubborn-headed” Saturn would produce a cold and dry year with heavy winds that resulted in erratic conditions for the season, if the warmer, more humid, and benevolent Venus did not intervene. Their effects would be felt in winter of that year, bringing frost and harsh winds.122

Dividing winter into three categories – early, middle, and late – Physician Melchior Gramann described the progression of the weather from one phase to the next. After labeling the positions of the planets in the winter months, he explained that the first two parts would be very cold and very snowy, but that the latter third would be mild. Everything would thaw very quickly and there would be the risk of flooding.123 Like Moller and Hartmann, Christian Pyrlaeus, a

Lutheran minister and “astrophile,” predicted more instability for the same period and drew on

Straupitz/ alten Theologum vnd Astronomum/ in dem Marggraffthumb Niederlausitz/ etc. Mit Römischer Keys. May. Freiheit. Gedruckt zu Leipzig/ in verlegung Nicol. Nerlichs (Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1609).

122 “Angesehen/ daß Mercurius gar ein wanckelmütiger vnd geselliger Planet ist/ wird er einem friedsamen Planeten zugefüget/ dem ist er zum Guten behülfflich/ Wo aber einem feindseligen/ so lest ers seins Theils auch nicht erwinden. Saturnus ist einer kalten vnd trucknen Complexion/ kan auch/ was er ihm einmal in seinen störrigen Kopff gefasset/ nicht leichtlich eines bessern beredet werden. Solten wol diese 2. Planeten ihrer Art nach ein kaltes/ trucknes Jahr mit grossen Winden verursachen/ wo nicht die gütige Venus/ so auch mit im Regiment sitzet/ vnd warmer feuchter Complexion ist/ bißweilen diesen beyden zimlichen Einhalt thete. Derwegen zu vermuthen/ daß wir haben werden ein sehr unbestendiges Jahr/ von vielen vnd hefftigen Winden/ vnd Platz Regen. Zu besserer Nachrichtung hab ich zu Ende dieser Practicken die Witterung der 12. Monaten insonderheit beschrieben. Wil derhalben fortfahren in Beschreibung der 4. Jahr Zeiten/ vnd erstlich sagen von dem Winter. Des Winters Anfang geschicht im zum Ende lauffenden 1609. Jahre/ den 11. Tag Decemb nach dem alten Calender/ umb 4. Uhr vnd 13. Minuten nach Mittage/ Da die Sonne ihren Eintritt nimpt in den kalten Steinbock. Es werden aber zu der Zeit am Himmel auffsteigend zu befinden seyn die Zwillinge mit 8. Graden/ deßgleichen der 3. Grad des Wassermanns/ Jupiter ist im 1. Hauß anzutreffen/ Mars Venus vnd der Mond im 6. Saturnus hat sich in Mercurio in das 7 Hauß einlosiret. So ich nu des Winters Revrlucion [sic] fleissig betrachte/ schliesse ich/ daß wir gar einen unbestendigen Winter haben werden/ von sehr harten Frösten vnd scharffen Winden/ darauff doch bald Enderung vnd plötzliche Auffdawung folgen wird.” Berner Hartmann, Deutsche Practica/ Auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Mittlers/ Erlösers vnd Seligmachers JEsu Christi/ M. DC. X. In welcher Astrologischer vnd natürlicher Weise aus den Revolutionibus anniversariis, Finsternissen/ Abwechßlungen der Monden/ vnd andern Configurationen der Planeten kürzlichen vermeldet wird/ was allerseits durch Gottes Willen/ Gutes oder Böses uns begegnen werde. Calculirt vnd beschreiben/ Bernerum Hartmanum/ Medicum & Astronom: Leonhard Thurnheusers zum Thurrn/ rc. Discip. (Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609).

123 “Wann ich nun die fünembsten Regeten/ So in diesem Winter zu Regieren haben/ neben dem Special Gewitter/ fleissig erwege: So befinde ich/ daß das erste vnd andere Winter theil sehr kalt seyn/ vnd viel Schnee bringen werden: Das letzte Winter theil aber soll sich gelinde enzeigen/ vnd durch geschwinde Dauwetter/ zu grossem Gewässer Ursach geben.” Melchior Gramann, Prognosticon Astrologicum Und Practica. 116 popular sayings, practical advice, and religious explanations to educate readers about the seasons.124 Pyrlaeus understood his predictions in strictly moral terms and situated the constellations within a Christian framework. Winter, he noted, began when the days started to lengthen. The weeks from the second Sunday of Advent through the first Sunday of the

Epiphany would be cold, windy, and with frost. He expected that the weather would be wet, windy, and snowy. Pyrlaeus further expanded upon his predictions by describing the volatility of the probable winter weather.125

124 Christian Pyrlaeus, Talentum Astrologicum Generale. Das ist: Astrologische verkündigung deß gantzen himlischen Lauffes/ vom Gewitter der 4. Jahres Zeiten/ vom seen vnd pflantzen/ von erwachsen vnd einsamlen der Früchte/ der Erden vnd Bäume/ auff das Jahr unsers lieben HErrn vnd Heylands Jesu Christi/ 1610. Getrewlich vnd fleissig gestellet durch Christianum Pyrlæum Halensem, Pfarrern vnd Astrophilum auffn Hohenthurn. Gedruckt zu Hall. IN verlegung Joachimi Krusicken (Halle: Joachim Krusicke, 1609).

125 “Der Winter dieses Jahres fehet sich an im verschienen 1609. Jahre/ auff den 12. Tag Decemb. umb 4. uhr 10. Min. früe morgens/ gleich wenn im ersten himlischen Hause ascendiret der nasse/ windige vnd schneichtem/ dessen Herr ist (Mars) in seinem eignen Hause/ neben ihm die (Venus) vnd der (Moon). In dem andern Hause deß recht gestirneten vnd gebildeten himlischen (Sagittarius) ist der (Mercury). In dem 7. Hause deß Kalten (Capricorn) ist die (Sun)/ der (Saturn) vnd (Moon’s Descending Node). In dem 8. Hause deß Todes der (Gemini) ist der (Jupiter) Retro. In dem 9. ist (Moon’s Ascending Node). Darüber natürlicher weise zu Herren bestellet werden des (Saturn) in proprio domicilio. Daneben der (Mars) auch in proptia prima ascendentis domo. Endlich der (Mercury) dominus M. C. Dieweil abermals der (Saturn) dir. die vornemste Macht vnd Gewalt hat/ so wird auch das Wetter in diesem Winter sich sehr wunderbar vnd unbeständig erzeigen/ bald mit grossen Winden vom Morgen/ als Ost und Nordost/ neben scharffen vnd geschwinden Frost umb den andern Sontag deß Advents/ umb den ersten Sont. der H. 3. König/ vnd auffs hefftigste umb Paul bekehrung/ fast 14. Tage nach einander/ da eine stätige vnd grimmige Kälte seyn solle/ vnd es ergehen wird nach dem Sprichtwort/ wenn sich die Tage langen/ so kompt recht der Winter gangen. Uber das so hat auch der (Saturn) die Art/ daß er offt andern Planeten etwas zugefallen ist mit der Witterung/ zu welchen er sich gesellet. Wenn er mit der (Venus) funden wird/ so bedeutet es im Winter entweder viel Schnee mit West vnd Sudwest/ oder aber viel Regen und dawen/ eben mit denselben Winden: wie solches zum öfftern in diesem Winter wird erfahren werden/ sonderlich umb die Christlichen Weyhnachten/ da ist entweder viel Schnee oder viel Regen/ mit den Abendwinden zu befürchten. Dergleichen umb den 10. Janu. biß fast an den 3. Sont. der H. 3. König. Endlich in dem gantzen Hornung ist viel Schnee mit Regen zu befürchten. Soll derwege der Ackerman seine Wasserfuhren wol halten/ vnd der Schäffer sich auff Hew schicken/ sonst werden die Schaffe die Saat mit dem Tode müssen bezahlen. Der (Mars) als Mitregent thut viel umb deß (Saturn) willen/ denn sie halten sich zusamen einsinniglich/ wie der Teuffel vnd der Köhler/ welche beyde schwartz seyn sollen. Wil daher auch heissen/ bald zu geschwinden Frost/ bald zu geschwinden dawen in obbtmelten Tagen vnd Wochen. Welches hiemit bestätiget wird/ daß der (Mars) bey der (Venus) erfvnden wird in prima domo oder horoscopo, bey welchem der (Moon) zu sehen ist/ so bald kalt/ bald warm/ bald Schnee/ bald Thaw bringet/ wegen seiner Unbeständigkeit/ dabey auch dieses zu mercken/ daß in diesem 1610. Jahre viel von Kriegßwesen/ kriegischen Rathschlägen/ vnd Empörung in diesem Winter wird vorlauffen/ welches aber alles/ obs noch so weißlich vorgenommen wird/ den Krebsgang gehen solle. Zu mercken aber ist auch/ daß die (Venus) vnd der (Moon) mit ihren weiblichen significatis gar einen bösen vnd gefehrlichen Zustand haben. Der wetterwendische (Mercury) wil sein theil auch dabey haben/ zeigt am Gewitter nichts anders/ als was vom (Saturn) vnd (Mars) gesagt worden/ wie er denn die Art hat/ wenn er bey guten Planeten ist/ so ist er gut/ kompt er zu einem bösen/ so hilfft er das böse vermehren/ welches eine Art ist der Heuchler/ so auff beyden Achseln tragen: wie denn der (Mercury) jetzo dem (Jupiter) ex opposito zu wider ist mit glatten Worten/ List 117

These four authors would have written their calendars in the spring of the preceding year,

1609. According to Glaser, the weather for the winter of 1609 was milder than usual; however, he notes that it had been varying year-by-year.126 In 1608, Glaser notes, the winter was violent, long, and very cold, contrary to the mild one of 1607.127 Pyrlaeus may have observed that the winters fluctuated from one extreme to the other on a yearly basis and accommodated that reality when he made his future forecast for 1610, but in making his predictions, he still used

vnd erdichten Anschlägen. Ist aber nochmals wol zu verwvndern/ daß bißhero in vielen thematibus quartaum der (Jupiter) so wol in (Capricorn) als in (Gemini) in dem 8. Hause des Todes erfunden werden/ welches hier auch noch geschicht/ zu dem so muß er auch krebisiren/ dieweil ihm das auxilium a sole justitiae ein wenig verzogen worde/ so nahet er sich doch zur (Sun)/ so vorhin auß den (illegible) biß in den (Capricorn) kommen/ so wil nun der (Jupiter) zu rücke/ daß der desto eher zu ihr/ vnd desto weiter von den Feinden kommt. Jedoch ist abermals im Hause der Religion das (Moon’s Descending Node)/ vnd dem entgegen im dritten (Moon’s Ascending Node) mit dem (Saturn) vnd der (Sun)/ welches ein böser Zustand ist der Astrologia nach/ da sichs ansehen lest/ als were die (Sun) von (Saturn) mit gewalt bezwungen/ vnd were alle Hülffe verlohren: aber weh dem/ so an Gott verzaget. Sperandum est vivis. Doch ist gar eine feine Theologische Constitution. Denn das erste Hauß heist domus vitae/ welches wir Gotte müssen gönnen/ daß er das Leben geben vnd nemen köne. So bald als nun ein Mensch das Leben hat/ so ist in dem ersten Hause auch der (Moon)/ das ist die Christliche Kirche/ in welcher er Gott dem HERRN wird vorgetragen/ vnd durch die heilige Tauffe einverleibet. So bald nun solches geschehen/ stehet von stvnd an da der (Mars)/ das ist der Teuffel/ oder wie Gottes Wort bezeiget/ allerley Feinde vnd Streit/ so ein Christlicher Ritter muß außstehen: un die (Venus)/ das ist die listige vnd schnöde Welt/ Denn/ was den (Mars) anlanget/ so haben wir mit dem Teufel/ vnd unserm eignen Fleische ohn unterlaß zu kempffen/ in dem er uns innerlich vnd äusserlich vielfältiger weise ansicht/ vnd suchet Tag vnd Nacht/ welchen er verschlinge. Die (Venus) zeigt alles an/ was uns in dieser Welt geliebet/ als Reichthumb/ Schönheit/ Ehre/ Gewalt/ fressen/ sauffen/ vnd andern Sünden. Unter diesen beyden ist der dritte Feind begriffen/ welchen wir in unserm eignenen Fleisch habe: heist derwegen intus pavores/ soris pugnae/ vnd haben täglich zu sagen: Ich lieg im Streit vnd widerstreb/ hilff O HERR Christ den schwachen. Kompt auch der Mensch ein wenig zu Jahren vnd Verstand/ so ist in dem andern nechsten Hause der (Mercury)/ welches Sorge der Nahrung vnd Erhaltung heist/ muß er gedencken/ wie er sich mit Ehren/ vnd ohne Schaden deß Nechsten ernehre: Aber der (Capricorn) vnd (Sagittarius) sind ungleiches Sinnes/ da gilt bey vielen List vnd Falscheit/ recht vnd unrecht/ wie der Weltkinder Art ist: Jedoch was Christverständige Hertzen seyn/ die bedencken/ daß der (Jupiter) sey dominus (Sagittarius) secvndae domus, darum sie einen ehrlichen Wandel führen/ damit sie deß obersten Iovis Gnad vnd Segen nicht verschertzen Verhelt er sich nun also/ so gehet erst recht der Streit an/ denn der (Saturn)/ die (Sun) vnd (Leo) sind im 3. Hause der Brüderschafft/ dem 9. oder der Religion extreme zuwid/ da wil der (Leo) Teuffel wehre durch lose Gesellschafft/ Kranckheit/ Armut/ Ungnad rc. wege deß (Capricorn) durch Krieg und Verfolgung/ gibt im ein/ was hilfft dich dein ehrlich Leben/ andere sind reich/ dur bist bey deiner Frömigkeit ein Betler/ wie soltestu Gott angenem seyn: Durch die (Sun)/ wilstu mit deiner Religio dir die magnates zu wider machen/ wilstu mit der Warheit Ungnad vnd exilium haben/ was wilstu außrichten? da ist Gelt/ Macht vnd Recht. Endlich aber kompts dahin/ daß der (Saturn) vnd (Leo) a sole justitiae mit ihren radiis comburtret werden/ vnd nicht vollkömlich am (Jupiter) uben können/ was sie wol wolten/ sondern Gott verzeucht/ vnd behelt den (Jupiter) so lang in der (cross) Schule/ daß er duch Bekümmerniß vnd Angst endlich ins 8. Hauß deß Todes Gereth/ da fehet er an zu cancrisiren, in die Erden/ die unser aller Mutter ist/ in welcher er ruhet biß an den jüngsten Tag/ seine Seele aber ist in Gottes Hand/ vnd keine Qual rühret sie nicht mehr an. Also ergehet es allen Christen.” Ibid.

126 Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas, 135.

127 Ibid.

118 astrological justifications (within a Lutheran framework) by recording the position of the planets and explaining their relation to the weather on Earth. Similarly, Moller and Hartmann also predicted cold, wet, and unstable weather. Only Gramann described the weather that season as a gradual progression through three phases. Still, these four authors agreed on the overall trend for the weather in 1610, likely observing the general patterns from the previous years as guides and incorporating them into their prognostica. Calendar makers did not overtly refer to climate change over the years – their references are rooted in astronomical data – but their predictions may have been grounded in experience.

All four authors from 1610 based their language on the standard Ptolemaic terminology used to describe celestial configurations.128 For example, both Pyrlaeus and Hartmann acknowledged the role of Mercury in their calendars and noted that the planet’s influence could vary because of a range of factors. This unpredictability reflects the nature of the planet as outlined in Tetrabiblos, where Ptolemy describes Mercury as being both dry and wet, beneficent and maleficent, male and female, and diurnal and nocturnal depending on the influences of other planetary alignments.129 The authors peppered their descriptions of the yearly weather with references to the astrological interpretations: Moller referred to the moon’s descending node as

“evil” (böse) or good (gut) depending on the other planets involved with it; the constellation

Capricorn was “cold” (kalt); and Jupiter’s opposition was also “evil” (böse).130 Gramann used similar language and described Venus as “benevolent” (gütig).131 Hartmann and Pyrlaeus further

128 For more on the role Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos had on seventeenth-century astrology, see Chapter II.

129 Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, F. E. Robbins, trans. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 35-43.

130 Moller, PRACTICA ASTROLOGICA.

131 Gramann, Prognosticon Astrologicum Und Practica.

119 explained the role of the planets in ancient Ptolemaic terms. For example, Hartmann described

Mercury as “fickle and sociable” (wanckelmütiger und geselliger),132 while Pyrlaeus referred to it as “unpredictable” (wetterwendische).133 Pyrlaeus also illustrated the properties of Mercury with respect to Christian morals and values. The planet, he wrote, governs anxieties about nourishment and preservation. A “Christian knight” must remember to nourish himself and do no harm to his neighbors.134

Although the authors approached their forecasts using their personal backgrounds as theologians, physicians, or ministers, their representations of the celestial natures of the planets and their configurations derived from ancient and traditional astrological understandings of the role the planets played in events on Earth. With their reference system established, calendar- makers could legitimize their predictions with Ptolemaic practices, but still focus their attention on the realities. It is improbable that someone so attuned to changes in weather would be unaware of the changing patterns around them.

While calendar makers in the early part of the century may have drawn on actual meteorological realities from the preceding years to make logical assumptions for the coming year’s weather, did authors from the middle of the century do the same? Examining

Schreibkalender and prognostica from 1651 could help determine whether one sees an awareness of these changes, even if authors did not directly express it. According to Glaser,

1650, the year the calendars for 1651 were written, the overall weather in the German lands was very wet and rainy, with several significant instances of flooding rivers. Conditions were so bad

132 Hartmann, Deutsche Practica.

133 Pyrlaeus, Talentum Astrologicum Generale.

134 Ibid. 120 that the grapes for wine were sour. Even though the rest of the year saw turbulent weather, winter in January and February was mild.135

Udalricus Stainhoffer devoted the most space to describing the meteorological conditions in his 1651 prognosticon, explicitly stating that he derived his information from a Ptolemaic interpretation of planetary positions.136 After describing the planets and their aspects in detail, he

135 Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas, 152-53.

136 “Ob schon das Jahr underschiedlich seinen Anfang nimbt, in deme die Astronomi dessen Anfang zehlen vom Eintritt der (Sun) in den 1. gr. deß (Aries), die Italiäner von dem 1. Tag Martij, etliche vom Solstitio Æstivo, andere vom Æquinoctio Autumnali, andere zu anderer Zeit, das Newe Jahr zu rechnen pflegen. In Teutschland wird der Anfang dessen gemeiniglich genommen, von dem 1. Jenner: Weil aber dazumal der Winter ist, so pflegen die Astronomi, umb etlich wenig Tagen zuvor, da der Winter, nach ihrem calculo, das Regiment antritt, damit sie so wol wider die jetzund schwebend politische Gewonheiten, als ihre aigne principia, nichts handleten, in ihrem Calender das Jahr zu beschreiben, und derentwegen auch also bald am Anfang dessen, vom Winter tractiren. Welcher deß Gewitters Herrschafft an sich Tyrannisch ziehet, da das grosse Liecht, so dem Tag, von Göttlicher Allmacht, vorgesetzt ist, in die erste Minuten deß vierten Mittnächtischen Zeichen deß Irrdischen, kalt und trucken (Capricorn), sich einlogiret, und beynebens den kürtzesten Tag und die längste Nacht, so man in gemein nennet Solstitium hybernum, die Winterliche Sonnenwend, causiret. Dieses trägt sich zu, in diesem vorstehenden Jahr, den 21. Decembris, deß jetzund verlauffenden 1650. umb 3. st. 6. m. 58. sec. Nachmittag, da gleich der 13. gr. 24. m. deß (). am hohen Himmel herüber schreittet, in dessen 15. gr. 56 m. die (Venus) einquartirt ist: Im Auffgang uber den Horizont schleicht herauff der 20. gr. 25. m. der (Gemini), allda sich auch der Krebsgängige (Saturn) im 12 g. (Cancer) befindet; Im Nidergang ist der (Sagittarius) mit 20. gr. und zu mitten under der Erden der (Leo) mit 13. die (sun) ist im 7. Hauß, wird bald undergehn, dessen Furir und Vorbott (Mercury) mit 13. gr. deß (Sagittarius) im 6. Himlischen Hauß sich befindet, allwo auch der (Moon) im 8. gr. vorbemeldtes Zaichen, und (Jupiter) im 28. gr. (Scorpio), sich auffhalten, (Mars) besitzt die fünffte Wohnung mit 3. gr. 45. m. der (Libra). Wann ich nun nach der weisen Lehr, deß Vatters der Sternkunft Ptolomæi, diese Himels Figur, und den Standt der Planeten recht examinire, befinde ich, daß die (Venus) dieses Winter Quartals Gnädige Fraw und Herrscherin sey. So ich dann dieses, sambt denen Aspecten, welche diese drey Monat hindurch, configurirt werden, und die Würckung der FixStern, in Betrachtung führe, muß schliessen, daß der Winter nit alein sehr kalt und feucht, sondern auch zimblich scharpffe Wind uns plagen werden. Dann zu dem daß alle Planeten, ausser deß (Saturn) in denen Meridional Zeichen sich auffhalten, so ist auch zu der Zeit, da die (Sun) in den (Capricorn) schreittet, keiner uber unsern Horizontem, als (Venus) und die (Sun), welche sich auch bald verbergen wird. Warzu auch nit wenig Anlaß die folgende Aspecten geben werden: Als den 2. Jener die (Opposition Sun Saturn). Den 6. Dito die (Square Saturn Mars). Den folgenden Tag darauff die (Opposition Saturn Mercury) und (Square Mars Mercury). Den 14. die (Conjunction Sun Mercury). Im Hornung die (Conjunction Venus Mercury) sampt denen Aspecten, welche der (Moon) mit dem (Saturn), der in den nassen und kalten (Cancer), fast die gantze Nacht, den Winter durch, auff uns herab leuchtet, alle Monat vielfältig verringt. Wie dann solches der günstige Leser in der special Monatsbeschreibung sich wird ersehen können. VonKranckheiten dieses Quartals soll anderstwo gehandelt werden.” Udalricus Stainhoffer, PROGNOSIS ASTROLOGICA, Oder Grosse Practica auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Heylands und Seeligmachers JESU CHRISTI M. DC. LI. Welches ist das dritte nach dem SchaltJahr von 365. Tagen. Mit Fleiß Nach der Planeten Lauff und Standt, ihren fürnembsten Astpecten, und dannenhero vermuthlicher Witterung, und andern Accidentien. Gestellt durch VDALRICVM STAINHOFFER ITALVM, Veneto-Cadubriensem, Philosophiæ Doctorem, Medicinæ Baccalaureum & Astronomum. Gedruckt und verlegt zu Augspurg, durch Johan Schultes, in New und Alter Schreibkalender, auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Seligmachers JEsu Christi, M. DC. LI. Welches ist das dritte nach dem Schalt Jahr von 365. Tagen. Sampt dem Ort, Lauff, Aspecten, Auff- und Undergang der Planeten, und dannenhero vermuthlicher 121 predicted a very cold and wet winter with sharp winds. This weather is not consistent with

Glaser’s observations for the year the calendar was written, nor does it match his records from

1649 of a colder than average (but dry) winter.137 According to Glaser, 1651 resembled the year before in that it saw major flooding and January was severely cold, during which rivers froze completely until mid-February.138 Using planetary positions and drawing on “old astronomical customs,” astrologer Nicholas Joly predicted that winter would not necessarily be harsh and

“snow-rich” in 1651. The season would begin with cold weather, frost, north winds, with mixed sunshine. The middle would see “snow, rain, fog, and cold weather” and an unhealthy air because of the changing of the season, which would cause many people to become sick.139

David Herlitz, a physician, began his prognosticon of that year with a description of where the planets were in the sky and what that signified astrologically. Instead of giving a general

Erwögung deß Gewitters mit fleiß gestellt Durch Vdalricum Stainhoffer Italum Veneto-Cadubriensem Philosophie Doct. Med. Baccal. & Astrophilum. Augspurg bey Johann Schultes (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650).

137 Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas, 151-152.

138 Ibid., 153-154.

139 “Den Winter fange ich an, altem Astronomischen gebrauch nach, warm die Son die erste Minuten deß kalten und trucknen Zaichen deß Stainbocks eintritt, solches geschicht den 21. Decemb. newen, oder 11. alten Calenders, deß noch zu end lauffenden 1650. Jahrs umb 3. uhr 7. min. Nachmit. da die Sonn vom Mittag abweicht, und sich wider zu uns gegen Mitternacht wendet, auch uns den kürtzesten Tag, unnd die längste Nacht anzeigt, da die liebe Sonn in ihrem lauff so langsamb fortgehet, daß ihr zunemmen innerhalb acht Tagen nit kan gespürt werden, und vil nidriger bey der Erd stehet, als Sommerzeiten, zu solcher Zeit stehet in unserm Horizont, mitten am Himmel im 14. grad Wassermans, cum cauda Delphini 9. grad mit der liebreichen Venus im 16. grad, in dem Hauß Saturni im auffgang oder horoscopo erzaigt sich das lüfftige Zaichen der Zwilling, 15. grad 25. min. cum sinistro humero Orionis, mit 22. grad, welches ist ein Hauß Mercurii im nidergang, als im 7. Hauß 15. grad 25. min. deß Schützen, cum dextra tibia Ophiuchi. Die Sonn befindt sich im 8. Hauß, welches ist ein Hauß Saturni, Mond und Mercurius im 7. Hauß, und Mars in signo (Libra). intercepto. Jupiter ist im 6. Hauß, Venus in der mitte am Himel, Dominus ascendentis ist Mercurius, ein Herrscher der Figur aber Saturnus. In diser Figur befinden sich dise Aspecten (Opposition Saturn Venus. Trine Saturn Mars. Conjunction Mercury, Sextile Venus Moon.) auß solchen ist generaliter zu judicieren, daß ein so gar scharpffer und schneereicher Winter nicht allerdings seyn mög, dann sich der anfang kalt, frostig, nordlüfftig, doch mit vermischten Sonnenschein erzaigen will, weiln M.C. und ascendens lüfftige Zaichen seyn, darzu auch hilfft der Löw im 4. Hauß, das Mittel wird sich mit schnee, regen, nebel und kaltem wetter anlassen, und ist sich zufürchten, daß zu end ungesunde lüfft, wegen veränderung der Zeit entspringen, die den Menschen mit Kranckheiten hart zusetzen möchten.” Nicholas Joly, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM.

122 description of the weather in his chapters on the seasons, he saved them for the individual months. Because Saturn was in retrograde moving through dry and wet signs and because the moon was in Taurus, the beginning of the year would see snow and ice. Herlitz continued with week-by-week descriptions of the weather, each time clearly stating the locations of the planets and that these locations were the bases for his predictions. The weather throughout the winter would remain variable with more warmth than cold and more dampness than dryness in

February.140 Stainhoffer, Herlitz, and Joly took the time to carefully describe the technical details of planetary positions and aspects, and explain the astrological significance behind them.

In their writing, they remain devoted to Ptolemaic principles and leave no indication that they were looking to previous years to guide their forecasting abilities.

Like their earlier counterparts, calendars from the late third of the century reveal that authors continued to use astronomical data as the bases of their predictions. Johann Philipp

Hahn, who succeeded Paul Schneyder in writing Schreibkalender and prognostica for the town of Goslar, devoted the bulk of his chapters on seasonal weather to giving precise notations of the locations of the planets in the zodiac in his 1678 prognosticon.141 He then explained that the weather would result from these configurations: The winter storms would be mixed, with no

140 David Herlitz, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICUM, Oder Practica auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen, Heilsamen und Seligmachenden Geburt unsers lieben HErrn und Heilandes JEsu Christi M. DC. LI. Mit besonderm Fleiß gestellet nach den alten Astrologischen Regeln, wie solche practiciret Durch D. Davidem Herlicium von Zeitz, MEDICUM in der löblischen Fürstlichen Pomerischen Stadt Stargard an der Ihna. Mit Churfürstlichem Sächsischen Privilegio und sonderlicher Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg, in Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nurmberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

141 Johann Philipp Hahn, PROGNOSTICON Astro-Phonomenologicum Das ist: Natürliche Beschreibung des Gewitters unnd anderer Zufälle dieses jetztkauffenden Jahr Calenders/ wie die durch die himlische Influentz angetrieben werden und nach dem Lauffe der Natur sich erzeigen und erweisen dürfften. Auff das ander nach dem Schalt-Jahr/ nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Erlösers und Seligmachers JESU Christi/ M. DC. LXXVIII. Mit besonderm Fleiß jedermänniglichen zu nützlichem Brauch beschrieben/ und auff den Horizont des H. Rom. Reichs und deroselbigen angrentzenden Oerter und Meridianos gerichtet. Zum Druck befördert Durch PAULI Schneiders/ HERMUND. Imitatorem und Nachfolger M. JOHANN PHILIPP Hahnen/ Dresdensem. Goßlar/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Simon Andreas Dunckern (Goslar: Simon Andreas Duncker, 1677).

123 shortage of rain, snow, and frost, with strong blowing snow. The coldest period would be around

11 February, with snow tempering the cold after that date.142 Similarly, Otto Gibel first listed the location of the moon during its four quarters for each month of the year. Although he centered his predictions around the phases of the moon and not the locations of every planet, Gibel still employed astronomical data to determine the monthly weather for the year.143 He divided the season by the phases of the moon and noted that the full moon would first bring cold rain followed by variable weather; the last quarter, “unfriendly” weather with wind and rain; the new moon, “cold and unstable weather with snow and rain;” and the first quarter, “cold and all sorts of unpleasant air.”144 The predictions for variable weather, including the oscillation between rain and snow, may show an accounting for the weather of the previous year. According to Glaser, the winter of 1677 was “not uniform” (nicht einheitlich).145 The weather in January varied from warm to cool and back to warm. Storms at the end of the month combined with the thaw from the warm weather and resulted in flooding. February was primarlily cold and winter for the most part was cold and wet. Thus, the predictions for chaotic weather by both authors, while writing

142 “DEr Winter hat nach Astronomischer Zeit seinen Anfang genommen, im verwichenen 1677. Jahre, da die Sonne am niedrigsten gestanden, den kürtzesten Tag und längste Nacht gemacht, welches geschehen, den 11. Alten (21. N.) Decembris, 3. viertel auff 5. Uhr vormittage, da die Sonne in das Punctum, des Steinbocks getreten, Mercurius und Mars gehen im andern Hause vorher, im Gegenstande des Saturni, der Mond hat im Auffgange gestanden, bey dem Drachenhaupt, im Zeichen des Scorpions, die Venus stehet am tieffesten unter der Erde, im Zeichen des Wassermans, derentwegen das Gewitter diesen Winter über sehr vermenget seyn wird, also daß es an nässe, schnee und frost nicht mangeln wird, mit starcken schneegestöber, auff welches sich die Kälte bald endern wird, die gröste Winterkälte wird sich einstellen, umb den 11. Februarij, welche ein starcker schnee hernach temperiren wird.” Ibid.

143 Gibel, Neu und Alter Schreib=Calender.

144 “VollesLiecht dem 7. Jan. (28. Dec. A. C.) umb 12. Uhr 53. Min. auf den Abend, gibt fürs erst kalten Regen, hernach vermischtes Wetter. Das letzte Viertheil den 16. (6.) dieses, Morgens umb 2. Uhr 19. min. bringet kalt und unfreundlich Wetter mit sich, an Wind und Regen. Das neue HornungsLiecht den 22. (12.) dieses, Abends umb 9. Uhr 46. min. deutet auf Kälte mit unbeständigem Gewitter, welches Schnee und Regen mit untermengen dürffte. Erstes Viertheil den 29. (19.) dieses, Nachmittags umb 4. Uhr 23. minuten, führt Kalte und allerhand widerwärtige Lufft mit sich.” Ibid.

145 Glaser, Klimageschichte Mitteleuropas, 164. 124 their calendars for the upcoming year, appeared to follow general recollections of the previous winter.

It remains unclear whether authors took weather patterns and trends into account when writing their calendars. While it seems reasonable to assume that previous experience had an impact on how they perceived weather, calendar makers overtly declared that the foundation for their forecasts were astrological. As astronomers focused on making predictions, they were attuned to the weather around them; however, there is no concrete evidence in these documents that they drew on the effects of the Little Ice Age. The information from the cross section of calendars is intriguing, and a careful reading of Schreibkalender and prognostica throughout the century might yield insight into the awareness of calendar makers on the changing weather patterns around them. Such a study, however, is outside the scope of this project.

Conclusion

In conclusion, authors strove to deliver practical information about the natural world to their readers. Whether the chapters in the Schreibkalender and prognostica covered meteorology, horticulture, or other topics related to the natural world, calendar-makers explained these topics in ways that were accessible to the average person. The means by which they did so differed based on the subject matter and changed throughout the century. At first, authors provided astronomical information alongside its astrological interpretation and provided meaning of this raw data to their readers. As the century progressed, these figures were given their own places in charts and tables and became separated from their interpretations, which received less and less attention.

125

The study of the natural world was not a new idea, but it was facilitated by many changes in this period. Medieval educational institutions and practices, along with new approaches and philosophies, helped to shape early modern understandings of the natural world. University students studied Aristotelianism. Protestants encouraged each other to observe the world around them. Members of newly formed scientific academies and associations supported and debated with one another about new findings.

Abdias Trew serves as an example of an author of Schreibkalender and prognostica, whose life exemplifies how intellectuals navigated this new climate. Trew received a university education grounded in Lutheranism, which shaped his understanding of the natural world.

Trew’s background as a university student and later as a vicar, rector, and professor of mathematics gave him the necessary experience to write calendars and convey new ideas about the natural world to his audience.

These ideas may have been cutting-edge information, such as Paul Nagel’s description of

Galileo’s discovery of the moons of Jupiter. By and large, however, the details about the world that authors conveyed were rooted in the practical needs of their readers. For example, meteorological details about when to plant and harvest crops dominated early-century calendars.

Mid-century calendars expanded in size, but there were changes to how astronomical and astrological information was depicted. Opponents to astrological claims were becoming more critical of the methods behind making predictions. The results of these denunciations are evident by the latter third of the century, when making astrological predictions was no longer the primary goal of calendar-makers. Authors oftentimes found themselves on the defensive. Many cited their credentials, while admitting when they did not have the background on certain topics when necessary. The calendars also gave authors a means by which they could debate contentious

126 philosophical topics with their peers. As the field of natural philosophy changed, so did the calendars.

The question remains whether calendar-makers were aware of the changes brought about by global cooling. The effects of the Little Ice Age had been felt since the late sixteenth century.

Although authors stressed that their meteorological predictions were based on celestial configurations, they may have adjusted their forecasts with respect to the weather realities of prior years. The effects of climate change were part of seventeenth-century life and the calendars are replete with climate predictions; however, preliminary research about authors’ awareness of the Little Ice Age is inconclusive. The close connections between climate, nature, and the heavens are nonetheless evident in the Schreibkalender and prognostica. Chapter IV continues the exploration of the role the natural world played in the calendars by considering how iatromathematics was represented throughout the century in the Schreibkalender and prognostica by analyzing the practical medical advice contained therein.

127

Chapter IV Early Modern Medicine in Schreibkalender and Prognostica

Iatromathematics, also known as , focused on another aspect of the natural world: the workings of the human body. Astronomical data combined with astrological interpretation to present practical medical advice to the reader. This advice was derived from the understanding, as stated by Ptolemy in the Tetrabiblos, that the motion of the stars and planets also regulated the body. Ptolemy asserted that the individual planets not only determined a person’s physical appearance, but their temperaments as well.1 He described the effects of the planets with respect to disease; each planet ruled over a particular part of the body or organ:

For, of the most important parts of the human body, Saturn is lord of the right ear, the spleen, the bladder, the phlegm, and the bones; Jupiter is lord of touch, the lungs, arteries, and semen; Mars of the left ear, kidneys, veins, and genitals; the sun of the sight, the brain, heart, sinews and all the right-hand parts; Venus of smell, the liver, and the flesh; Mercury of speech and thought, the tongue, the bile, and the buttocks; the moon of taste and drinking, the stomach, belly, womb, and all the left-hand parts.2

Additionally, alignments of certain planets with others could either exacerbate or alleviate certain diseases.3 With respect to the role the zodiac played in such matters, he wrote, “[c]ertain qualities of disease are determined by changes among the zodiacal signs which surround the aforesaid configurations on the two .”4 Configurations of maleficent planets intensified the disease, whereas the presence of a beneficent planet could lessen the strength of the disease or make it more susceptible to treatment.

1 Claudius Ptolemy, Tetrabiblos, F. E. Robbins, trans. (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1980), 307-17.

2 Ibid., 319-21.

3 Ibid., 327-29.

4 Ibid., 329. 128

Because of Ptolemy’s link between planetary movements and health and disease, medical information – including the times when one should bathe, see a doctor, or be bled by leeches – featured prominently in both Schreibkalender and prognostica. One way to convey this medical advice through the calendars was the Aderlassmann, or zodiac man. This figure helped explain the ways in which the planets and zodiac ruled over the various parts of the body and the best times to seek medical care based on the moon’s phases. Such illustrations were a pictorial representation of the basic principles of iatromathematics. Figure Thirteen is an example from

Johann Heinrich Voigt of a typical Schreibkalender page detailing the basic astronomical and astrological rules for seeking medical advice, medicine, leeches, and bleeding.5 Featured in the lower center of the page is the Aderlassmann. He is surrounded by pictures of the various zodiac signs specifying the parts of the body ruled by the twelve constellations. Beneficent, maleficent, and neutral signs are labeled GVT, BÖS, and MIT, respectively. Also included was a chart listing the basic rules for when to seek medical care based upon the person’s temperaments according to

Galen’s four humors: choleric, melancholic, phlegmatic, or sanguine. Voigt then described in which phases of the moon and during which planetary alignments it was unwise to undergo bleeding, leeches, or bathing.6 However, one should note that Voigt made an exception: the normal rules did not apply during an emergency.7

5 Johann Heinrich Voigt, Johann=Henrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden/ Hauß= und Artzney= Auch Krieg= und Friedens=Calender/ Auff das 1687. Jahr Christi Darinnen der ledige Raum Theils Mit Hauß= und Artzney= Regeln Theils Mit Historischen Kriegs= und Freidens=Händeln. Erfüllet ist. Mit hoher Poten=ten sonderbah=en Privilegien, bey grosser Pön und Strasse nicht nachzudrucken (Jena: Johann-Heinrich Voigt, 1686).

6 Evidence of all of this information can be seen in Chapter III, Figure 8.

7 Ibid. 129

Figure 13: Medical Table with Aderlassmann from a 1687 Schreibkalender by Johann Heinrich Voigt.

130

The Aderlassmann was a common figure in seventeenth-century calendars and was featured in nearly every one of them. In the few where he was missing, they contained other accounts offering medical advice that was similarly based on astronomical data and astrological interpretation. After 1612, a couple pages discussing iatromathematical rules and predictions were added after the monthly pages in the Schreibkalender and occurred with relative frequency from this point onward. Astronomy and astrology were used to present medical predictions to assist the average reader with his or her health. To accurately understand the best times for receiving medical treatment, one needed to know the correct positions of the planets. This information was provided in the monthly calendar pages of each Schreibkalender, so the reader had easy access to the relevant data by scanning each month for the appropriate times as listed in the chapters on medicine. The chapters included not only advice on when one should undertake certain medical procedures, but also how the individual could interpret the results for her/himself. Therefore, the Schreibkalender provided practical information the reader could use to understand astronomical data and to interpret it in a way that aided him/her in life.

Early Modern Medicine

Early modern medical understanding combined theory and practice. In the

Schreibkalender and prognostica, authors provided readers with elements of both while favoring the practical applications relevant to everyday life. Calendar-makers primarily concerned themselves with delivering standard advice based on traditional medical knowledge. Because calendars included various means of relaying information (See Chapter II), users could find this information in pictorial form (the Aderlassmann), in charts and tables, and/or described by authors in written chapters. Furthermore, although the creators of the calendars stressed the

131 practical, at times they offered readers their own perspectives on current debates in the medical field.

Because both Schreibkalender and prognostica incorporated this variety of formats to facilitate users’ understanding, the calendars provide an invaluable resource for understanding the changing nature of early modern medicine. The body of medical knowledge was transformed in the seventeenth century and moved beyond folk remedies and traditional university training to incorporate new discoveries made outside of academic settings. Although university curricula existed to formally train physicians, the field of medicine during this period was dynamic and not purely grounded in scholarly traditions. Recent literature on early modern medicine reflects these shifts in perspectives on seventeenth-century medical knowledge, observation, and remedies.

Roger French and Andrew Wear focus on the seventeenth century as a time of medical

“revolution.”8 Arguing that both traditional and new ideas were rooted in the political, religious, and social context of the time, as well as in changing theories in natural philosophy, French and

Wear stress the “external forces of change” that fueled seventeenth-century medicine, including developments in religious beliefs, natural philosophy, and the political world.9 They employ clear distinctions between medical practitioners into “learned” and “unlearned” groupings and strive to understand the highly competitive environment where those trained in medicine vied with apothecaries and village wise women.10 Louise Hill Curth stresses that sharp divisions between the traditional categories of “professional” (i.e. learned) and “popular” (i.e. unlearned)

8 Roger French and Andrew Wear, eds. “Introduction” in The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 1-9.

9 Ibid.

10 Ibid., 8-9 132 medicine did not exist.11 Those healers with university training often shared their knowledge with the unlearned, including folk healers. Curth argues that there was a blending of credible learned and unlearned medical knowledge that the public accessed, and notes that oftentimes there was little difference between “professional” and “popular” healers.12 Still, there were three primary categories of seventeenth-century medical training: folklore and folk remedies, formal university education, and new observations and findings. At the beginning of the century, the boundaries between these groups were not distinct; however, lively debates throughout the century increasingly delineated exactly what it meant to be a medical practitioner.

“Learned” scholars received their training at universities that stressed the early sixteenth- century revival of ancient Greek medical sources, particularly those of Galen (129 – 216 CE).

Andrew Wear explains that the early modern period was “a time when learned medicine was concerned with retrieving past knowledge rather than creating fundamentally new knowledge.”13

The role of the university was to instruct students in a methodology derived from these ancient concepts.14 The actual practice of these methods followed later, after their studies were completed.

Aside from the efforts of a few professors who escorted them to the bedsides of sick patients, students received virtually no hands-on training on the body in the university setting.15

In fact, Wear notes that the first studies on bodies became popular due to Renaissance artists’

11 Louise Hill Curth, English Almanacs, Astrology, & Popular Medicine: 1550 – 1700 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007), 3.

12 Ibid.

13 Andrew Wear, “Medicine in Early Modern Europe, 1500 – 1700,” in The Western Medical Tradition: 800 BC to 1800 AD, vol 1, Lawrence I. Conrad et al., eds. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 256.

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid., 257-60. 133 goal to create accurate representations of the human form.16 Ole Peter Grell and Andrew

Cunningham take a different approach, arguing that it was religious devotion that fueled the field of anatomy.17 Anatomists, such as Andreas Vesalius, had two main objectives: first, to show the body in detail, and, second, “to display the design, plan and workmanship of the Creator in the highpoint of His creation, the body of man.”18 Vesalius’ desire to understand God’s designs parallels that of the Renaissance artists to replicate the human form as realistically as possible.

The Reformation also influenced the changing field of medicine in the early modern period with respect to “official” and “popular” medicine. Although medical texts were the same in both

Catholic and Protestant universities, by the end of the seventeenth century, both groups found their own ways to oversee the knowledge of medical professionals in their areas: Catholics used the Inquisition to monitor university curricula to ensure they were in accordance with Catholic teachings, whereas Protestants utilized tighter controls by civic authorities to determine who was allowed to practice medicine in their communities.

Protestants strove to guarantee that medical authorities had the credentials to practice medicine, which thus excluded established folk healers, midwives, and cunning women.19 Roy

Porter examines the prevalence of these healers more deeply in his analysis of “quacks” and

“” in England.20 He stresses that these practitioners offering homemade remedies were considered quacks by an increasing number of medical professionals throughout the seventeenth

16 Ibid., 264-270.

17 Ole Peter Grell and Andrew Cunningham, eds., Medicine and the Reformation (New York: Routledge, 1993), 1-11.

18 Ibid., 2.

19 Ibid., 5.

20 Roy Porter, Health for Sale: 1660 – 1850 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989). 134 and eighteenth centuries.21 It was not simply a distrust in the wares the quacks were selling, however, but the notion that they were interested in profiting off of the sick that earned them their negative reputations.22 Andrew Wear also argues for the emergence of a medical marketplace in the seventeenth century, which not only enabled non-professionals to sell their products, but also facilitated the acceptance of empirical medicine by the broader populace.23

Traditional Galenic practices focused on changing the physical state of the patient. However, new empirically based treatments involved using remedies to treat diseases, a method that was virtually indistinguishable from “the centuries-old practice of offering remedies to family and friends.”24

The Schreibkalender and prognostica are excellent resources to understand this interplay between traditional methods, folk remedies, and new experimental practices. The calendars contained a mixture of folk remedies, classically based methods, and emerging ideas, which makes them an ideal example of how seventeenth-century ideas were relayed to the average person. Within the various chapters, readers not only found traditional medical advice, but also new and emerging ideas about medicine and their place in the natural philosophy of the seventeenth century. For customary cures and traditional advice, readers could turn to the rhymes at the bottom of each month’s page of the Schreibkalender. The prefaces of the prognostica, on the other hand, provided insight into and information regarding the debate about contemporary medical theories and practices. And finally, in the chapters about medical

21 Ibid., vi.

22 Ibid., ix.

23 Andrew Wear, “Continuity and Union in Medical Practice,” in The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, eds. French and Wear, 309.

24 Ibid. 135 treatments and iatromathematics, readers could find classical medical theories including those of

Galen, Aristotle, Ptolemy, and Hippocrates. These latter ideas supplied the background that buttressed the practical advice of calendar-makers. Galen’s four humors furnished the support for the vast majority of iatromathematical rules and prescriptions. These rules figured most prominently in the Schreibkalender in the depictions of the Aderlassmann and in the standard tables regarding bleeding with leeches, cupping, bathing, etc. The placement of leeches on the body, for example, could easily be determined by noting the position of the moon in the sky and consulting the zodiac man. This figure indicated where to put the leeches based upon which part of the body was influenced most by the moon’s current location. Bleeding was undertaken in accordance with Galenic practice. The calendars’ general purpose of communicating information about the natural world, including traditional advice and new findings about a variety of topics, reveals the complex nature of seventeenth-century medicine and how the various aspects of medical knowledge combined to create a multidimensional understanding of human health.

Doreen G. Nagy draws attention to this “muddled” nature of scientific practices in the seventeenth century. Physicians competed with folk healers to provide cures for people’s ailments. “Popular” cures and “official” medical practices overlapped with regard to diagnoses and treatments, although only physicians received formal training in classical theories. Thus,

“[s]eventeenth-century medical practice in general was an untidy mixture of folklore, superstition, Galenic theory, herbal tradition, astrology, and, eventually, chemical medicine. Into this mélange, both licensed and unlicensed practitioners indiscriminately dipped.”25 From the

25 Doreen G. Nagy, Popular Medicine in Seventeenth-Century England (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 2. 136 second half of the century, physicians attempted to distinguish between their methods and those coming from people they deemed quacksalvers.

One of the challenges to most learned physicians was the preponderance of these quacks, or unlearned medical practitioners, who claimed to have cures for various ailments.26 These

“popular” consultants offered their help at lower rates than university-trained physicians.27 To combat these “charlatans,” physicians began to organize themselves into officially endorsed, self-regulating organizations that oversaw individual practices and shops.28 These actions ultimately divided learned and popular medicine by the end of the century.29 Calendar-makers, many of whom had formal training as physicians, mathematicians, philosophers, or theologians, primarily offered university-based medical advice in their Schreibkalender and prognostica; however, in many instances (e.g. preventative care) they did not hesitate to use popular folklore liberally.

Most calendar-makers first learned traditional theories as part of a university education.30

Galen’s ideas and methods were still a vital part of the curriculum in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and had seen a resurgence due to Renaissance humanists’ interest in classical authors.31 Following the lead of Avicenna, who argued that “practice proceeds from

26 Ibid., 418-20.

27 Andrew Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550 – 1680 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 22.

28 Harold J. Cook, “Medicine,” in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 3, eds. Katherine Park and Lorraine Daston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 408.

29 Roy Porter, “The Early Royal Society and the Spread of Medical Knowledge,” in The Medical Revolution of the Seventeenth Century, eds. Robert French and Andrew Wear (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 272.

30 Cook, “Medicine,” 420.

31 Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 36. 137 theory,”32 early modern universities grounded students in the traditional theories so that they could later use this knowledge in their practice. Galen’s humors were taught in the context of the human body’s “naturals” and “unnaturals,” that is, “the parts that made up the body, each of which in turn had its purposes and the vital abilities, or faculties, to carry out its purposes” and

“the things that worked against the ordinary function of the body and its parts, such as inherited defects.”33 The four humors – yellow bile, black bile, phlegm, and blood – were considered naturals and determined a person’s temperament as either “choleric, melancholic, phlegmatic, or sanguine.”34 Physical characteristics enabled physicians to determine which temperament dominated individuals. In this context, astrology was important because it yielded further insights into one’s character. Therefore, students receiving medical training also versed themselves in the writings of Ptolemy and Aristotle’s Meteorologica.35

Outside of the university, sixteenth and seventeenth-century physicians focused on actual physical studies of the human body. Indeed, the new discoveries that derived from these direct observations challenged centuries-old principles that formed the bases of university medical training. For example, Galen’s theory about olfactory sensation was called into question due to direct examination of the human body.36 Galen had argued that the nose was not the part of the body that could perceive smell, but rather the brain was. Furthermore, odors were not simply

32 Avicenna, Canon in Cook, “Medicine,” 408.

33 Cook, “Medicine,” 410.

34 Ibid.

35 Ibid.

36 Richard Palmer, “In Bad Odour: Smell and its Significance in Medicine from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century,” in Medicine and the Five Senses, eds. W. F. Bynum and Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 61.

138 smells, but could also be nutritious or harmful. A debate arose when medical professionals could not find physical evidence for odors being capable of providing sustenance.37 In another example, the dissection of human bodies, as outlined by Andreas Vesalius, offered physicians the opportunity to see the body in intricate detail. Throughout this period, the physicians’ inquiries gradually began to stress observation over the study of traditional ideas. These inquiries were then incorporated into new theories about medical practice.38

Iatromathematics in the Schreibkalender and Prognostica

The preventative cures in the Schreibkalender relied on folk customs, and one need not be a trained medical professional to follow the advice listed in the rhymes. These verses offered practical advice based on recurring themes and instructed readers on which foods, , or activities were beneficial at certain times of the year. For example, the rhyme for June in Georg

Henisch’s 1605 Schreibkalender explained that heat was damaging to people’s baths and blood, but fresh water would not be harmful. The quatrain ended by telling readers to eat salad with oil and vinegar.39 Oftentimes authors recycled these rhymes for use in future calendars or only changed them slightly. Furthermore, different authors included similar themes in their poems for the same month. Konstantin Waremund also encouraged readers to eat salad with oil and vinegar, while advising readers to drink beer rather than the heavier honey wine in his June 1605

Schreibkalender.40 The advice given in these rhymes varied based on the month and season of

37 Ibid., 63.

38 Ibid., 416.

39 “Im Brachmon laß nicht ohne noth/ Dann hitz verbeut dir Bad vnd Blüt/ Das frisch Wasser dir wenig schadt/ Mit Oel vnd Lattig iß Salat.” Georg Henisch, Schreybkalender/ Gestelt: Durch D. Georgium Henischium/ zu Augspurg/ auff das Jar: M. DCV. Mit Röm. Bay. May. Freyheit rc. (Augsburg: Franke, 1604).

139 the year. Although authors frequently encouraged readers to eat salads in June, they did not do so in winter months; they matched their recommendations to fit the season. In Albin Moller’s

1626 calendar, he stressed: “In November it is said to be healthy/ to consume mead, honey, spices and wine/ Prized are also mustard, onions, and warm foods/ Including lemons/ But bathing and Venus are harmful/ To those who burden themselves [with these]/ Fog and cold in the month/ Are damaging to the head and heart.”41 Thus, Moller advocated eating and drinking heavier fare and avoiding activities that were not appropriate to November’s colder weather.

Altogether, these rhymes provided readers with the guidelines to properly care for themselves and maintain their health in all seasons. Not only was advice based on the traditional foods and drinks – and their medicinal properties – customarily available at certain times of the year, but different authors offered similar directives for the same months of the year. These topics stressed the basic details of self-care that readers could employ on their own in their everyday lives.

Otto Gibel’s 1678 Schreibkalender referred to his monthly rhymes as “All Sorts of

Useful House-Rules” (Allerhand nützliche Hauß-Regeln), stressing that these rhymes’ function was to be useful to readers.42 Stylistically, these rhymes were similar to those found in previous

40 “Vorm Meth im Brachmon hüte dich/ Vnd vor dem newen Bier rath ich/ Mit Oel vnd Essig iß Salath/ Schlaff nit zuviel das ist mein rat.” Konstantin Waremund, Newer vnd Alter Allmanach/ oder Schreib Calender sampt den Sontags Evangelien vnnd kurtzen Prognostico auff das Jahr nach Christi Geburt/ M. DC. V. Gestelt durch/ Constantinum Waremvndum Iatro Mathematico, Gedruckt in der Churfüstlichen Statt Mayntz/ bey Johann Albin (Mainz: Johann Albin, 1604).

41 “Im Wintermon sol gesvnd seyn/ Meht, Honig, gewürtze vnd Wein./ Auch Senff, Zwiebeln, vnd warme speis/ Sampt Citronen, haben den Preis./ Aber Bad vnd Venus schaden/ Wer sich hiemit thut beladen/ Nebel vnd kält in dem Monat/ Dem Haupte vnd dem Hertzen schadt.” Albin Moller, Grosse Alte vnd Newe Schreib Calender, Auffs Jahr nach der heiligen Geburt unsers HErrn Jesu Christi 1626. Jederman zu nutze, vorab denen, so da umbgehen mti dem Ackerbaw vnd Jagt, auch zu Wasser vnd Lande reysen vnd handeln, mit den Jahrmärckten, fleissig gestellet, Durch M. Albinum Mollerum. von Straupitz, Theol. & Astron. Mit Röm. Keyserl. Majestet Freyheit. (Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1625).

42 Otto Gibel, Neu und Alter Schreib-Calender, Nebenst dem Römischen so auff die Neue Zeit gerichtet, Uber das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt des wahren Messiæ und Heylandes der Welt JEsu Christi M. DC. 140 calendars and addressed themes taken from folklore and common advice. His verse for the month of May read: “In the green field with good drink/ Look for the sound of the lute:/ Refresh your heart/ Bleed the veins/ Purge the liver/ Thus you will feel better.”43 Afterwards, Gibel also inserted prose paragraphs, which contained further household information. The first clarified the best time for bleaching was when the blackthorn was in bloom, whether day or night. The next discussed treatments for illnesses with absinthe, which was a good remedy for fevers.

Furthermore, if one mixed the juice of absinthe with sugar and let it sit for ten days, a small dose should help with jaundice, dropsy, and fevers. The last paragraph discussed the qualities of children, who were born under the sign of Gemini. These children were fickle and boastful, but otherwise of a felicitous mind, and partial to as well as good at arts and crafts. They have an open face, large teeth, and, when they laugh, their dimples show.44 Gibel’s calendar is another example of authors passing down traditional medical knowledge based on herbal lore and common customs. His intent was to impart practical knowledge about remedies to his readers.

After these monthly calendar pages, authors attached chapters about the rules governing the traditional medical advice they learned at the university. Galen’s ideas about the four humors

LXXVIII. Ist (von dem Termino der Jahr Christi anzurechnen) das Ander nach dem 419. Shalt-Jahr, Samt allerhand dazu gehörigen nützlichem Sachen, Auf den Horizont der jenigen Oerter, so des Poli Höhe von 52. grad haben, (etliche Minuten mehr oder weniger) sonderlich eingerichtet Durch OTTONEM GIBELIUM Sch. Min. Cant. MINDEN. Gedrucht und verlegt durch Johann Pilern (Minden: Johann Piler, 1677).

43 “Im grünen Feld bey gutem tranck/ Such itzt herfür der Lauten=klang:/ Erfrisch dein Hertz/ die Ader laß/ Purgir die Lebr/ so wird dir baß.” “Allerhand nützliche Hauß=Regeln vom May.” in ibid.

44 “Wenn der Schleedorn blühet/ so ist die beste Bleichzeit/ es bleichet so gut bey der Nacht als bey Tage. Das Wasser von Wermuht am Ende des Mai Monats ge=brant/ ist gut einzunehmen für al=le Fieber. Auch ist das Wermuht Saltz/ wenn man damit schwitzt/ sehr gut dazu. Item der Safft von Wermuht mit Zucker vermenget/ und 10. Tage nacheinander/ auff einmahl ein Quentlein genomen/ soll die Geelsucht/ Wassersucht und alle Fieber/ wann sie schon alt sind/ vertreiben. Kinder zur Zeit der Zwillinge gebohren/ sind gemeingilich wan=ckelmütig und ruhmretig/ im übrigen aber sind sie eines trefflichen Verstandes/ und lieben Kunst und Geschickligheit/ worinn sie auch viel fortbringen/ haben insge=mein ein offenbahr Angesicht/ und grosse Zähne/ und wenn sie lachen/ bekommen sie Löchlein in den Wangen.” Ibid.

141 merged with the astrological theories of Ptolemy to create iatromathematical guidelines for physicians to follow with respect to , bathing, purging, etc. The goal in these chapters was to list remedial medical practices to serve as guidelines for physicians or for readers to consult before they visited their doctor. Authors furnished readers with medical instructions through easily understandable pictures, charts, or tables in their Schreibkalender; however, the way they chose to present this information changed over the course of the century. Early-century calendars added astronomical data and astrological interpretations to these graphics. During the mid-seventeenth century, these explanations grew in volume and detail. Mid and late-century calendars featured the most significant change because authors no longer listed the astronomical details in the iatromathematical chapters, but rather referred readers to tables containing this data. This difference from earlier in the century is further evidence of the separation of astronomical figures about planetary positions from the astrological explanations as the century progressed.

Oftentimes, early-century calendars provided readers with the basic rules about Ptolemaic astrology and how it related to traditional Galenic medical practices. In a chapter from his 1610 calendar on being bled by leeches, philosopher and physician David Herlitz matter-of-factly presented the astrologically based rules for determining the usefulness of this practice based on the astronomically determined planetary positions.45 Describing the Ptolemaic principles behind bloodletting, he explained that each part of the body was governed by a specific zodiac sign.

Aries controlled the head; Taurus the neck; Gemini the shoulders, arms, and hands; Cancer the

45 David Herlitz, Alt unnd New Schreibcalender/ Auffs Jahr nach der Gna=denreichen und heilsamen Geburt unsers Herren unnd Heilandes IESV CHRISTI M. DC. X. Mit fleiß Gestellet durch Davidem Herlicium, von Zeitz/ der Philosophiæ un Medicinæ Doctorem, Poët. Cæsar. Laur. und der Keys. freien Reichs=Stadt Lübeck bestalten Physicum. CVM GRATIA ET PRIVILEGIIS. Zu Alten Stettin/ Gedruckt durch Jochum Rheten (Alten Stettin: Joachim Rhete, 1609). 142 lungs, stomach, and spleen; Leo the heart and back; Virgo the stomach, intestines, and bowels;

Libra the kidney and bladder; Scorpio the genitals; Sagittarius the hips; Capricorn the knees;

Aquarius the shins; and Pisces the feet.46

After listing these general rules, Herlitz proceeded with an account of who should be bled according to Galenic principles based on the four humors and the phase of the moon. Young people over age fourteen and those with a predominately sanguine humor should undergo this practice during the new moon. The first quarter moon was the appropriate time for full-grown men and cholerics; after the full moon, older people and phlegmatics; and after the last quarter, the elderly and melancholics.47 To complicate matters, Herlitz further divided the appropriate times for bleeding by the relevant zodiac sign. Fire signs were good for phlegmatics, and water signs were beneficial for cholerics.48 Those who were over age forty should not be bled from the head, because it was dangerous. People age fifty or over should avoid placing the leeches on the torso. Once a person reached sixty years of age, it was too dangerous for her/him to receive this treatment, unless there was an emergency. Herlitz also stressed that one should eat and drink

46 “Als weil der Wieder das Heupt begreifft/ soltu im (Aries) zum Heupte weder Aderlassen noch Schrepffen. Der Stier hat den Hals innen/ die (Gemini) die Schultern/ Arm und Hände/ der (Cancer) die Lunge/ Magen und Miltz/ (Leo) das Hertze und Rücken/ (Virgo) den Bauch und Eingeweide/ oder Gedärm/ (Libra) Nieren und Blase/ (Scorpio) die Scham/ (Sagittarius) die Hüfft/ (Capricorn) die Kniescheiben/ (Aquarius) die Schienbein/ (Pisces) die Füsse.” “Vom Aderlassen.” in ibid.

47 Ibid.

48 “2. Im Frühling vnd Sommer sol man an der rechten Seite zur Ader lassen. Im Herbst vnd Winter an der Lincken. Ver aestas dextras, autumnus hyemsq; sinistras, ist der alter Verß 3. Nach dem Newen Mon sollen junge Leute/ so uber 14. Jahr alt seyn/ vnd Sanguinischer Complexion/ zur Ader lassen. Nach dem ersten Viertel/ die Manliches Alters/ vnd Cholerici seyn. Nach dem Vollen Mon/ alte Leute/ vnd Phlegmatici. Nach dem Letzten Viertel/ wol betagte/ vnd Melancholici. 4. In Fewrigen Zeichen ist gut lassen den Phlegmaticis, als im (Aries/ Sagittarius/) nicht in den (Gemini)/ auch nicht im letzten 17. grad der (Libra). In Wässerigen den Cholericis, als sonderlich im (Krebs) vnd (Pisces). In den Irdischen ists so köstlich nicht.” Ibid. 143 moderately and recover slowly over six days after the procedure, so that one would not immediately suffuse one’s veins with drink again.49

The iatromathematical advice dispensed by Herlitz centered on the delivery of basic rules and methods of medicine. However, he also explained to readers that these guidelines derived from Ptolemaic principles. With reference to Ptolemy, the renowned astronomer of antiquity,

Herlitz argued that a knowledge of the heavens could aid physicians in avoiding many afflictions.50

Mid-century calendars expanded upon the rules from previous calendars. Michael

Crügner’s 1651 Schreibkalender provides an excellent example of how mid-century authors juxtaposed astronomical and astrological aspects within their calendars.51 Each month Crügner devoted an entire column to the position of the moon in the heavens. Then, he listed the phases of the moon and the configurations of the planets alongside the symbols for the weather and household information for the individual days of the month and included a horizontal chart at the

49 “Nach 50. Jahren laß die Median auch nicht. Der 60. Jahr alt ist/ sol nicht mehr lassen/ sondern das Geblüth/ als einen Schatz des Lebens/ lieber behalten Jedoch wird die Noth außgenommen. 6. Nach der Aderlasse sol man sich/ sonderlich den ersten Tag in Speiß vnd Tranck messig halten/ nicht die Adern stracks wieder vol sauffen. Den andern Tag mag man was mehr essen. Den dritten vnd vierdten noch von grosser Arbeidt stille seyn. Am fünfften sich wieder uben. Am sechsten baden.” Ibid.

50 “Kurtzer Unterreicht Von Purgierung/ und anderer Artzney/ auch Aderlassen/ Baden und Schrepffen.” “Von Artzneyen.” “So Medici diß obervieren/ können sie glücklich manchem schweren Gebrechen abhelffen/ wie Ptolomæus auch spricht: Rerum cœli peritus, multos effectus pot-est avertere/ si se aliosve antè illorum adventum præparaverit. Wer des Himmels Lauff fleissig in acht nimpt/ der kan viel schädliches Dinges fliehen/ etc.” Ibid.

51 Michael Crügner, Grosser/ Alt= und Neuer SchreibCalender Auf das dritte nach dem Schalt=Jahre/ und das erste nach dem 32. jährigen/ grossen/ einheimischen/ Teutschen Kriege/ nach der Geburt JEsu Christi M DC LI Mit angehörigem Planeten Lauff in die Länge und Breite ordentlicher Erwehlung und Gewitter/ benebenst der Practica von Finsternüssen/ Zustand des Jahres Zei=ten/ Krankheiten und Friede. Benebenst fernere Beschreibung Der uhralten Teutschen Völker Geistlichen Sitten/ Religio=nen und Gottesdienst/ Heiligen und Nothhelffern/ rc. Darbey zu befinden von Erfindung und Eigenschafften den Weins/ und wie sich dessen Jüden/ Christen und Heyden zu ihrem ver=meynten Gottesdienst gebrauchet haben. Mit Fleiß gestellet und beschrieben zu Dreßden Durch MICHAELEM CRÜGNERUM, P.M.C der Astro-nom= und Astrologischen Erfahrung Liebhaber. Autoris Symb. Wer GOtt zum Freunde hat/ der darff sich vor den Menschen nicht fürchten. Leipzig/ gedruckt bey Timotheo Ritzschen (Leipzig: Timotheus Ritzsch, 1650).

144 top of the second page containing the location of the planets for that month. Figure Fourteen represents the planetary locations from Crügner’s calendar for the month of April. Crügner used symbols, numbers, and abbreviations to denote the location of each planet.

Figure 14: Planetenlauff from Crügner’s 1651 Schreibkalender.

Figure Fifteen is the first page from April 1651 of Crügner’s Schreibkalender. Here, he noted the relevant astronomical information that he would later use in his chapters on iatromathematics and medicine, including the dates for the moon’s phases and the time of day when the moon reached that point. For example, the full moon for the month of April occurred on April 9 of the Julian calendar (April 19 of the Gregorian) at 10:55 in the evening (Kurtz vor

11. Uhr in der Nacht.)52 Readers could use this information to make sense of the chapters on medical health. Crügner first described the times of year when it was auspicious to seek medical care. The best times to undertake preventative care were during the spring and autumn, because these were the seasons when the weather was neither too hot nor too cold.53 By referencing the data from the Planetenlauff, the reader could compare Crügner’s interpretation with the actual technical data from which Crügner drew his conclusions. Furthermore, Crügner emphasized that his interpretations were based on the findings of renowned practitioners (vornehme

Practicanten), a reference to the physicians within the broader medical community.

52 “Erwehlung Aspect und Ge=witter 1651.” in ibid.

53 “Etliche Regulen von bequemer Zeit pur=gierende Artzney zugebrauchen.” “Die Jahr-Zeit belangend/ sind am bequemesten der Frühling und Herbst. . . Denn der einem das Wetter nicht zu heiß auch nicht zu kalt ist/ und also kann man offtmals einschleichenden schädlichen Kranckheiten zuvorkomen/ wie solches vornehme Practicanten unter dem Medicis fleißig errinnert haben.” Ibid. 145

Figure 15: Calendar page for the month of April 1651 from a Schreibkalender by Michael Crügner.

146

Crügner advised against discounting the importance of the moon’s position and offered two important pieces of information about bleeding with respect to the location of the moon to the constellations and its monthly phases. He offered general rules about the relationship between the moon’s phases and bloodletting. Using a straightforward set of conventions, he explained that the time after the full moon and the last quarter was the preferred time to engage in these procedures. After consulting the calendar section and these chapters on medical advice, readers were prepared to make an informed decision about whether or not to undergo such treatments.54 (The best time, according to Crügner, to be bled with leeches for the month of

April was between 9 April (Julian calendar, 19 April, Gregorian) and 17 April (27 April,

Gregorian.)55 This iatromathematical information as presented in the calendars was heavily based on astronomical calculations and followed a rigorous methodology that combined using the calendar’s astronomical tables and rules for medical treatment.

Late-century calendars stressed influence of celestial events on human health and illness less frequently than earlier in the period; however, many authors still included the heavenly bases for medical ailments in the Schreibkalender and prognostica. For example, Krzysztof

Krzikowsky devoted a significant portion of his 1694 Schreibkalender to the discussion of iatromathematical advice.56 Like many mid-century authors, he presented detailed astronomical

54 “Etliche Regulen so im Aderlassen und Schröpffen in acht zunehmen.” “Wenn der Mond zum Gegenschein kömt/ und nur wenig Tage vor dem vollen Mondschein/ kann man zum allerbeste die unarthigen unnd wieder spenstigen Feuchtigkeiten durch des Monden wärm flüßiger un zur Ausführung bequemer machen/ daß sie hernach desto leichter der purgirenden Artzney weichen…” “Die bequemste Zeit zum Aderlassen/ nach des Monden alter/ ist zwi=schen dem ersten viertel und vollen Mond auch zwischen den vollem Mond und letzten Viertel: dieweil der Mond alsden das gröste Liecht überkomen: hat er auch nicht geringe Kräffte das Geblüt flüßig zumachen/ und aus dem große Leber Ast in die eusersten Adern des Leibes zu treiben.” Ibid.

55 “A. Aprilis. April.” in ibid.

56 Krzystof Krzikowsky, Krackawer Schreib-Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der Geburt Unsers Heylands und Seeligmachers JESU CHRISTI, M. DC. XCIV. Welches ist das 2. nach dem Schalt-Jahr/ und das 1. nachm Einkomlingschein forder ist auf das Margraffthumb Mähren/ dan auch andere angräntzende Länder: als Hungarn/ 147 data regarding the locations of the planets, the phases of the moon, the times of sunrise and sunset, and the length of the day in each of the monthly pages. The latter data was listed separately from the tables on the second page of each month at the top of the page. Krzikowsky presented this technical information first and separately from the iatromathematical portion of his calendar. Because it came first, the reader could refer back to this data when s/he came upon important passages in the chapters on medical advice and did not have to look for each detail buried in some other portion of the calendar.

This technical data could be used to interpret the following chapter, a “Short Instruction on Bleeding with Leeches, Bathing, and Bleeding,” which began with general rules on the moon’s positions.57 He instructed that, while the moon’s position was in certain constellations

(Aries, Cancer, Libra, Scorpio, Sagittarius, Aquarius, and Pisces), one should avoid bleeding the skin near certain body parts, namely the lungs, spleen, kidneys, bladder, genitals, thighs, knees, and feet. All other limbs were favorable for bleeding. Except for emergencies, this practice was forbidden when the moon was in Taurus, Gemini, Leo, Virgo, and Capricorn.58 Krzikowsky offered similar advice on bathing and bleeding, making note of how one should care for diseases centered in one’s head.59 Next, he presented a short explanation on the basic methods of using

Böheimb/ Oesterreich/ Schlesien/ rc. nich allein mit allen Aspecten Erwöhl- und Himlischen bewegnungen/ wie auch täglicher witterung/ und Planetischen Einflüß/ so Oeconomisch als Politischen Zuneigungen Astrologisch fleissig beschriben. Von M. CHRISTOPHORO KRZIKAWSKY, in der Hochlöbl: Krackawischen Academia Phil: Doctore, Astrolog: & Matheseos Professore. Cum Gratia & Speciali Privilegio S. C. Reg: Majestatis, Gedruckt zu Ollmütz/ bey Johann Joseph Kylian (Olmütz: Johann Joseph Kylian, 1693).

57 “Kurtzer Unterricht vom Aderlassen/ Baden und Schröpffen.” in ibid.

58 “Wann der Mond im Widder (Aries) laufft/ Krebs (Cancer)/ Waag (Libra)/ Scorpion (Scorpio)/ Schütz (Sagittarius)/ Wasserman (Aquarius)/ Fisch (Pisces)/ Lasse nicht zum Haupt/ zur Lungen und Mitlz/ zum Nieren und Blasen/ zur Scham/ an den Diechen der Bein/ an den Schienbein/ an den Füssen. Aber sonst zu allen anderen Glie=dern ist es gut. In den andern Zeichen/ als Stier (Taurus)/ Zwilling (Gemini)/ Löw (Leo)/ Jungfrau (Virgo)/ Steinbock (Capricorn)/ ist das Aderlassen durchauß ver=botten/ wo nicht die höchste Noth einem darzu drünget.” Ibid.

148 leeches to bleed a person. The moon – its phases and position in the sky – figured prominently in his analysis.60 In his listing of several criteria necessary to use leeches safely on a person, including the age of the person and the day’s temperature, he explained that one must also undertake the procedure during the appropriate phase of the moon. The new moon posed a danger because, at this time, people were weaker. He compared the influence of the moon on a person to the effects of the moon on the tides as evidence for how the moon could cause a similar effect in people. He also cautioned against bleeding when the weather was too cold because

“bad blood” thickened in the veins, whereas the “good” blood would flow forth.61 In choosing to include extensive chapters on how to understand and interpret medical astrology in his

Schreibkalender, Krzikowsky stressed the educational aspect of the calendars and taught his readers how to make connections between the heavens and their daily lives.

Krzikowsky gave his readers more than simple iatromathematical rules. He clearly acknowledged the influence of the moon not only on the person’s health, but on the validity of medical procedures as well.62 Then he offered a table of which days in a month it was considered safe to be bled by leeches. (See Figure Sixteen.) In keeping with the educational aspect of the Schreibkalender, he ended his table with directions on how to interpret the state of the blood.63 These tables aided the reader’s ability to interpret the results of medical evaluation.

59 “Von dem Baden/ und Schrepffen” and “Von den Ventosen der Köpfflein/ merck nachfolgende Lehr.” in ibid.

60 “Folget ein sonderlicher/ und gantz nutzlicher Unterricht vom Aderlassen.” in ibid.

61 “Man soll auch nicht lassen/ so der Mond neü ist: Dann da seynd die Leüth schwach/ als man siehet an dem Meer/ daß allwegen verschwind und ab=nimbt so der Mond neü ist. Auch so es zu sehr kalt ist/ soll man nicht lassen/ dann das böse Blut wird in den Adern dick/ und das gute gehet herfür.” Ibid.

62 “1. Wann der Mond in Stier/ Löwen/ Krebs und Wasser=mann/ hat die purgierende Medicin wenig Würckung/ wann sie gleich ziemblich starck zugerichtet wird. 2. Wann der Mond im Stier ist/ Steinbock/ und Wasser=mann/ soll man kein Purgation einnehmen/ dann man muß sie gemeiniglich bald wieder außbrechen.” Ibid.

149

Their existence in the calendars remained constant throughout the century, although later calendars placed their astronomical data in charts separate from those devoted solely to medical explanations. This removal of the planetary information from individual sections to its own space reflected late-century trends toward other practical advice and separating astronomical facts and figures from their astrological interpretations.

Calendar-makers used their prognostica to instruct readers and to engage in contemporary philosophical debates and speak out against suspect remedies and theories. By the end of the century, authors who were not trained as physicians, such as Gottfried Gütner, used these prefaces to caution readers against following their advice without the guidance of a trained professional. Gütner stressed that he was not a “Medicus” nor did he want to be one. Instead, he explained that he was only offering medical advice out of his sense of Christian duty to his neighbor. Gütner wrote that he would only give basic medical guidelines in the Schreibkalender.

His request, therefore, was that if someone wanted to carry out his advice, that s/he do so under the supervision of a knowledgeable physician.64 This frank admission of his lack of medical

63 “Zugab einer Aderlaß=Tafel/ Auff welche Täg durchs gantze Jahr/ gut oder nicht gut Aderlassen sey.” “Wie von dem Blut zu judiciren.” Ibid.

64 “Demnach es die Christliche Schuldigkeit erfordert/ seinem Nechsten nach Vermögen willig zu dienen/ als habe ich diesen gegenwärtigen Kalender zu schreiben/ weil es von mir begehret worden/ nicht verweigern wollen. Wie es nun heutiges Tages gebräuchlich/ daß in den Kalendern ausser denen Astronomischen Sachen auch etwas anders beygebracht wird; Also soll auch in diesem Kalender/ welcher heuer zum ersten mahl heraus komt/ geschehen/ daß in dem Vördertheile nützliche Artzneyen/ und in der Practica allerhand Historien eingefühtet werden. Was die Artzneyen betrifft/ muß ich gestehen/ daß ich kein Medicus bin/ begehre auch nicht/ daß sich jemand eines medicinischen Raths bey mire erholen soll/ sondern führe hier auff Begehren nur ein/ was ich in guten Büchern finde/ oder von getreuen Personen erfahre. Darneben ist mein Bitten/ so jemand etwas von solchen Artzneyen zu Erbauung seiner Gesundheit gebrauchen will/ der thue solches mit Rath eines verständigen Physici/ ob selbiges nach seiner Natur und Alter möchte zu gebrauchen (gebrauthen?) dienlich seyn. Was anders Theils die Historien anlanget/ habe ich damit diese Ordnung vorgenomen/ daß ich heuer/ als zum ersten mahl/ solche geschichte einführe/ welche sich auff den ersten und 16. Tag jedes Monats in unterschiedlichen Jahren begebe haben. Wobey dieses zu erinnern/ daß diese Tage nach dem Alten Kalender zu verstehen sind/ ob gleich die Geschichte sich an solchen Orten/ wo der Neue Kalender gebraucht wird/ sich zu getragen. Im künfftigen Jahr/ geliebts GOtt/ will ich die jenigen Historien erzehlen/ welche sich am 2. und 17. Tage der Monaten erhält/ sollen die Historien des 3. und 18. Tages folgen; Und so fort an/ so lange GOtt will. Der gebe hiezu seinen Seegen/ un helfee/ daß dadurch seine Ehre außgebreitet/ und des Nächsten Wohlfahrt gebessert werde! In desselben gnädige Aufficht ich den guthertzigen Leser befehle.” Gottfried Gütner, Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit 150

Der 1. Tag ist böß/ verliert die Farb. 24. Ist gut/ nimt alle böse Dämpff hinweg. 2. Ist böß/ überkommt ein Fieber. 25 Ist gut/ dient auch zur Klug- und Weißheit. 3. Ist böß/ fällt in ein böse Kranckheit. 26. Ist gar gut/ wird das gantze Jahr weder mit Schlag/ noch Fieber beunruhiget. 4. Ist böß/ stirbt gähling. 27. Ist gar böß/ zubesorgen deß gähen Tods. 5. Ist böß/ verschwind auch das Blut. 28. Ist gar gut. 6. Ist gut lassen/ Blut und Wasser. 29. Ist böß. 7. Ist böß/ verlüert den Lust zur Speiß 30. Ist böß. und Tranck. 8. Ist böß/ kräncket den Magen. Dem Lassen schadt bald alle Kält/ 9. Ist böß/ wird krätzig am gantzen Die Zeit sey schön hell und erwählt/ Leib. 10. Ist böß/ überkomt ein flüssig Das macht dir frey und frisches Blut/ Angesicht. 11. Ist gut/ gewinnt Lust zum essen Groß Bewegnüß ist böß/ die Ruh ist und trincken. gut. 12. Ist gut/ wird geschickt am gantzen Leib. 13. Ist böß/ bekräfftigt auch kein essen Wie von dem Blut zu judiciren. noch trincken. 14. Ist böß/ fällt in eine Kranckheit. 1. Solt du wissen/ wenn das Blut oben gist/ so ist die Brust unlustig. 15. Ist gut/ bekräfftigt auch essen und 2. Ist das Blut geel/ stellt sich die trincken. Leber übel. 16. Ist böß/ und der gefährlichste Tag 3. Ist das Blut hart und schwartz/ so im gantzen Jahr. hast du lang bey dir getragen. 17. Ist gut/ unnd der beste Tag im 4. Ist das Blut roth/ und hat ein Jahr/ bleibt gesund. schwartzen Kreyß/ so ist das Haupt kranck. 18. Ist gut/ und dient auch zur 5. Ist es aber roth/ schwartz und hart/ Gesundheit. und hat ein Kreyß/ so fürchte die Gicht. 19. Ist böß/ und gar sorglich. 6. Ist es aber schwartz/ und viel Wassers darauff/ so bedeüt es kalte Flüß. 20. Ist böß/ und thut grossen 7. Ist aber das Wasser unten und oben Kranckheiten nicht entrinnen. um das Blut/ so förchte die Wassersucht. 21. Ist gut zu allen Dingen. 8. Ist aber das Blut roth und liecht/ ein wenig lauteres Wasser darauff/ das macht ein frölich Angesicht/ und bedeüt alle gute Gesundheit. 22. Ist gut/ und fliehen alle Kranckheiten von ihm. 23. Ist gut/ wehret allen Kranckheiten/ und stärcket die Glieder. Figure 16: Blood-Letting Table from a Schreibkalender from 1694.

151 credentials reflects late seventeenth-century developments in the field, particularly the development of medical boards and advisory bodies issuing licenses to trained practitioners.

Furthermore, Gütner admits that there had been a change in the content of the calendars, namely a shift away from presenting only astronomical information. Instead, he wrote, “something else is also taught,” thus he would focus on practical information, including a new section on “all kinds of histories.” Here is a clear indication that what was considered important enough to include in the Schreibkalender and prognostica had changed by the last third of the century and that authors were making different decisions about which topics to reject or include in their calendars.

Authors also used their prefaces to engage in debates, particularly the controversy surrounding Paracelsus, one of the first serious challengers to Galenic principles. Although the medications he developed grew in popularity from the late-sixteenth century, those trained in criticized his theories because of their “magical associations.”65 Because prognostica were text-based and less reliant on symbols than Schreibkalender, they afforded calendar-makers an outlet for putting forth their views on the legitimacy of various medical

“cures.” In his 1651 prognosticon, Abdias Trew did just that by inserting himself into the current debate about the validity of Paracelsus’ astrological theories and practices. (See Chapter

außgefertigte Artzney-und Schreib-Kalender/ Auff das Jahr Christi M. DC. LXXXVII. Worinnen nebenst denen gewöhnlihcen Kalender-Sachen viel denckwürdige Historien mit eingeführet werden/ GOTT zu Ehren und dem Nächsten in Druck gegeben Von Gottfried Gütnern/ von Freyberg in Meissen/ Art. Mathem. Cultore zu Altenburg. ZWICKAU/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Christian Bittorffen (Zwickau: Christian Bittorff, 1686).

65 Wear, Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 39. 152

II.)66 Highly skeptical of Paracelsus’ knowledge of astronomical details,67 Trew used the preface of his prognosticon to bring up specific errors Paracelsus had made in his astrology. Trew demonstrated that Paracelsus had made inaccurate predictions about the dates and times in his discourses on equinoxes.68 By pointing out the inconsistencies in the writings of contentious figures, trained physicians, like Trew, drew a distinction between their “legitimate” use of astrological knowledge and the practices derived from controversial and/or problematic theories.

66 Abdias Trew, PRACTICA Oder PROGNOSTICON, Das ist/ Astrologische und Philosophische Muhtmasung vom Gewitter/ Frucht= o=der Unfruchtbarkeit/ Gesund= oder Kranckheiten/ sambt dero=selben Præservation und Cur/ auch etlichen Welthändeln/ deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs gemeiner Rechnung nach Christi Geburt. So ferne solches durch tägliche Constitution deß Gestirns/ auch Fisternisse und andere sonder=bare Constellationes Theils verursachet/ Theils nach Gottes Willen bedeutet wird. Auß natürlichem Grund und eigner dessen Be=trachtung und Erfahrung/ mehr als auß den gemeinen Regulis, gestellt Durch M. ABDIAM TREW, bey der Universitet Altdorff Mathem. Prof. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

67 For more information about Trew’s position on Paracelsus, see Hans Gaab, Der Altdorfer Mathematik- und Physikdozent Abdias Trew (1597 – 1669) Astronom, Astrologe, Kalendermacher, und Theologe (Frankfurt: Verlag Harri, 2011).

68 “Und damit sie mich nicht beschuldigen, ich thue ihm unrecht, will ich Paracelsi eigene Wort hievon anziehen. Sein Discurs von dem Æquinoctio, welchen er hat in seinem Buch despeculi constellationi, lautet also: man solle sehen, rc. daß man die rechten æquinoctia hab, doch nicht nach den Tafeln Ptolemæi (dieses hat man vor Paracelso gewust, daß die Tafeln Ptolemæi einer Verbesserung bedürffen, aber was desiderirt er seines Theils daran?) denn die Ursach ist die, deß Ptolemæi Tafeln sind gemacht worden Anno à nato Christo 140. Ist damals das æquinoctium gewesen am 31. Martii umb zwey Uhren, 4. min. nachm. (falsum: Ptolemæus hat es observirt Anno 140. den 22. Martii h? p.m.) derhalb es jetzt zu unsern (Paracelsi) Zeiten nemlich 1537. fast fünfft Tag, sieben stund unnd sechs und dreissig Minuten verfallen (eitel Lapperey. Das æquinoctium anticipirt freilich, aber nicht nur fünff, sonden zu Paracelsi Zeiten allbereit neun, jetzo zehen Tag. Von gewissen Stunden und Minuten ist nichts zu reden ausser einem gewissen Meridiano, welche Paracelsus, wenn er recht Astronomicerden wollen oder können, hätte benennen sollen) deßhalben soll man hie im Anfang dieser herrlichen Kunst auch deß rechten æquinoctii achtung haben, und soll das Ort deß æquinoctii genommen werden in der Ecliptica deß 8. Himmels, welchen ich nenne deß Widders anfang von wegen der Zertheilung. (Hie hat Paracelsus bey den Astronomis läuten hören, aber nicht zusamschlagen. Ein absondelicher Zodiacus ist in dem 8. Himmel, das ist, in dem obern Theil deß Himmels über den 7. Planeten, da die Festen oder Fixsternen stehe, das ist, ein andere Theilung deß Zodiaci kombt herauß, wenn man ihn abtheilet nach den zwölff Gestirnen, von welchen sie den Namen haben, Widder, Stier rc. Weil sie unterschiedlicher grösse. Und aber eine andere, wenn man ihn in zwölff gleiche Theil, zu Abmessung deß Planetenlauffs, abtheilt. Aber es kommen darumb nicht andere æquinoctia, sonst müste Tag und Nacht vielmal im Jahr einander gleich werden. Nun wie lautet Paracelsi Astronomia weiter?) Denn, spricht er, der erst Theil bey dem æquinoctio auß der Ecliptica hält 24. min. der Neigung, alsdenn haben wir den Tag æquinoctii, doch ist alsdenn der SonnenOrt nahend bey der Ecliptica Zertheilung, und deß æquinoctii Circul im 8. Himmel unnd diß ist der gewiflt Punct. (Eitel ungereimte und schlafftrunckene Raitungen) die Neigung der Ecliptica auff 24. min. trifft auff einen Grad deß Widders in dem Sommercircul, unnd also einen Tag ungefehr nach dem rechten æquinoctio, aber der Anfang deß Gestirns, welches man den Widder nennet in dem 8. Himmel, ist allbereit zu Paracelsi Zeiten 27. Grad, das ist, 27. Tag von dem rechten æquinoctio gewesen.” Trew, PRACTICA. 153

Although the prefaces of the prognostica allowed learned authors to assert their positions in debates and to critique the work of other scholars, the majority of medical guidance in the calendars reinforced established iatromathematical positions. Even as meteorological information showed less reliance on astrological predictions, the medical chapters in the

Schreibkalender remained focused on presenting practical advice based on planetary positions and astrological rules.

The Schreibkalender portion of the calendars devoted themselves primarily to these instructional topics. Standard astrological guidelines about the conduct of medicine and how to interpret medical findings dominated these sections throughout the century. If readers wanted to know about the general prognosis for diseases and epidemics throughout the course of the year, they turned to the second half of the calendars, the prognostica, which offered standard chapters on sickness (Krankheit) from 1610 onward. These chapters were oriented around informing the public of the likelihood of dangerous diseases. More often than not, authors predicted catastrophic occurrences throughout each of the four seasons of the year. In fact, the tone and content of these sections did not differ greatly throughout the seventeenth century. Formulaic predictions were followed by appeals to God, the ultimate doctor. The next section considers three calendars, one from each third of the century, to highlight the similarities and differences among them.

The first prognosticon, from Nicholas Joly’s 1620 calendar, described the diseases readers could expect during each of the four seasons of the year.69 Joly explained that these

69 Nicholas Joly, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM. Bedencken uber die Jars-Reuolution, Nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt Jesu Christi, auß der Himlischen Constitution vnd Figuren, nach dem lauff, stand vnd Qualiteten deß irrenden vnd etlichen gehefften Gestirns, sampt der Witterung vnd andern Astrologischen Erwöhlungen. M. DC. XX. Gestelt durch Nicolaum Joly Claurensem, prope S. Nicolai Portam Lotharingum Astrophilum. Psalm: LIX. TV DeVs sVsCeptor MeVs, Getruckt zu Augspurg, durch Johann Ulrich Schönigk, vorm Barfusser Thor (Augsburg: Johann-Ulrich Schönig, 1619).

154 illnesses were caused by the locations of the planets in certain constellations. The moon, for example, would especially bother phlegmatics. Summertime would bring fevers and diseases such as headaches, abscesses, or side stiches. Autumn would provoke dysentery, headaches, and evil dampness.70 Joly, an astrologer, not a physician, stressed the role of the planets in affecting people’s health; however, he ended his account by noting that his predictions were probabilities and conjecture. The effects of most were in the mighty hand of God, who could turn all things for the best. Thus he hoped that God would give them a merciful, peaceful and healthy year.71

Similarly, in his 1651 prognosticon, Udalricus Stainhoffer, a physician, divided his account into sections based on the seasons of the year.72 Stainhoffer predicted many diseases and acknowledged that such calculations were nothing new. Still, he reported, many would die that year by the sword, and fewer through natural deaths. He then launched into his predictions about the four seasons of the year: winter would be good, with no extraordinary diseases but only the standard winter problems, such as headaches, coughs, hoarseness, catarrh, and others.

Spring and summer would be more humid and feature different putrid fevers, stomachaches,

70 “Wintters zeyt, nach Constitution wird deß Menschen corpus etliche discrasias erregen, un Kranckheiten verursachen, im Junio sich anfangen, außbraiten, welche allda vom vnder der fünfften Finsternuß vermeldet sein, wegen das aculeus Scorpion, Mart: un Mercurius natur, den Mond molestiert, haben die Phlegmatischen sonderbar, Husten, Lungen geschwer oder Ptisis, Catarrhen, zu Somerszeit Aberwitz der Ungerischen Kranckheit zuurgleichen, Dise hitzige Fieber vnd Kranckheiten werden den Menschen belestigen, als Kopffwehe, Apostemata, bey etlichen Seytenstechen, rc. Zur Somerlichen zeyt werden solche Kranckheiten wegen der Intersection beder Liechter, deren sie nahende sein, hefftiger ihr sach effectuirn, Zur Herbstzeyt Rhür, Kopffwehe vnnd böse feüchtigkeit erregen, welche starcke impressiones machen werden, vnd auff langwirigkeit sich erstrecken wolten, wann sie gleich wider den descensum in ihrem Circulo gleichsam deren bede significatores antretten, Solliche prbabiles conjecturæ, & effectus vt plurimum stehn inn der gewaltigen hand Gottes, welcher alles zum besten wenden kan, wöll uns ein gnadenreiches friedsams gesvndes Jar verleyhen, Amen.” Ibid.

71 Ibid.

72 Udalricus Stainhoffer, PROGNOSIS ASTROLOGICA, Oder Grosse Practica auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Heylands und Seeligmachers JESU CHRISTI M. DC. LI. Welches ist das dritte nach dem SchaltJahr von 365. Tagen. Mit Fleiß Nach der Planeten Lauff und Standt, ihren fürnembsten Astpecten, und dannenhero vermuthlicher Witterung, und andern Accidentien. Gestellt durch VDALRICVM STAINHOFFER ITALVM, Veneto-Cadubriensem, Philosophiæ Doctorem, Medicinæ Baccalaureum & Astronomum. Gedruckt und verlegt zu Augspurg, durch Johan Schultes (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650). 155 tonsillitis, tumors, blisters, and dangers, madness, high fevers, and red dysentery. Autumn would not be too unhealthy, because Jupiter’s humidity would correct the natural dryness of fall.73

Stainhoffer disagreed with predictions that 1651 would bring the plague to one or more places.74

The year, he argued, would be humid and warm, and therefore not conducive to the plague. He concurred with David Origanus, also known as David Tost, (1558-1629), the source he used to make his own levelheaded predictions.

Stainhoffer’s chapter on disease followed the same standard format as Joly’s, as did

Gottfried Gütner’s 1687 prognosticon by and large.75 The mathematician Gütner, however, omitted one key feature that the other two had included: he made no references to planetary positions in his predictions. Still, he did not abandon astrological justifications completely. In fact, he began by clarifying why people born under the same zodiac sign could have completely different lives: Sick people can be found at all times, especially in populous cities.

Constellations would be good and blissful, but there was a difference between birth hours and

73 “Daß viel Kranckheiten in diesem Jahr werden im schwung seyn, ist es nichts newes, ann das geschicht alle Jahr, daß viel sterben, etliche durch das Schwerdt, etliche durch unmässiger Diact, die wenigsten deß natürlichen Todts. Doch nach den vier Jahrs Quartalen, und ihren Qualiteten zu judiciren, weil der Winter seiner Natur gemäß sich wird verhalten, werden auch keine extraordinari Kranckheiten grassiren, sondern bloß jene, welche sonst in diesem Quartal regiren, als Hauptwehe, Husten, Haiserkeit, Catharr, und andere mehr, Gal. 3. Aph com 13 Der Frühling und Sommer werden etwas feuchter seyn, als ihnen gebürt, derowegen auch underschiedliche faule Fieber, Bauchwehe, Halßgeschwer, und der Gewalt Gottes die Menschen zimblich plagen werden: wie auch durch den Sommer die Plattern, Beul und Geschweren, Tobsucht, hitzige Fieber und rothe Ruhr, werden nit außbleiben, Hip 3. Aph. 11. & 20. Der Herbst wird nit sehr ungesund seyn, weil die Feuchtigkeit, so durch den (jupiter) wird causirt, sein angeborne Truckenheit, wird corrigiren, nach der obseruation deß Herrn Origani, da er sagt, daß der feuchte Herbst dem Menschen tauglich und gesund sey.” Ibid.

74 “Doch ich will widersprechen, daß ein Gifft der Pestilentzseuch, nit etwa an einem oder mehr Orten angezündet werde: fürnemblich weil das Jahr feucht und warmer complexioni st, welche zur Fäuling sehr genaigt, und leichtlich den Zundel deß Giffts annimbt. Lebe derohalben jederman, daß er deß Sterbens nit vergesse: Wol deme, den der HErr wird wachend finden.” Ibid.

75 “Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit außgefertigte Artzney-und Schreib-Kalender/ Auff das Jahr Christi M. DC. LXXXVII. Worinnen nebenst denen gewöhnlihcen Kalender-Sachen viel denckwürdige Historien mit eingeführet werden/ GOTT zu Ehren und dem Nächsten in Druck gegeben Von Gottfried Gütnern/ von Freyberg in Meissen/ Art. Mathem. Cultore zu Altenburg. ZWICKAU/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Christian Bittorffen.” Ibid. 156 nature. Gütner rationalized that this was why different people born under the same constellation

(i.e. zodiac sign) could be different from each other.76 After this explanation, he launched into his predictions for the year. No month would be as bad as March, because a lot of evil mists and vapors would be released from an opening in the ground, which had previously been closed by frost. This time, there would be “many powerful, evil aspects, which will quickly follow one another and destroy vitality; therefore, many men would have to lie in sickbed and many deaths will occur unsuspectedly. Medicine will not do much good, because this time nature will stand against it too strongly.”77 Gütner ended his chapter by hoping that God “may always be our physician, and protects us from epidemics and all horrible sicknesses.”78

Conclusion

Like natural philosophy, seventeenth-century medicine was a dynamic and changing field that incorporated traditional theories and contemporary innovations. Additionally, there was a third kind of medical advice – folk customs – that was not considered part of traditional medicine. These three types of remedies made the bulk of the iatromathematical advice in the

76 “Es giebt zwar zu jeder Zeit krancke Personen/ sonderlich in grossen Städten/ da viel Volck ist/ es mag die Constellation so gut und glückseelig seyn/ als sie wolle/ Das macht der Unterschied der Geburts-Stunden und Naturen/ indem eine Constellation diesem/ eine andere einem andern Menschen zuwider ist; Jedennoch aber ist insgemein eine Zeit mehr zu Kranckheiten geneigt/ als die andere.” Ibid.

77 “In diesem 1687. Jahre ist kein Monat der Gesundheit so sehr zuwider und schädlich/ als der Mertz/ welcher auch sonst insgemein ein verdächtiger oder besorglicher Monat ist/ weil zu dieser Zeit bey Eröffnung des Erdreichs viel böse Dünste und Dämpffe aus demselben steigen/ welche zuvor durch den Frost darinnen verschlossen gewesen. Heuer aber bekommen wir in Mertzen viel starckwirckende böse Aspecten/ welche geschwind auff einander folgen/ und die Leibes- und Lebens-Kräffte zerstören/ dahero sich viel Menschen auff das Siech-Better werden legen müssen/ auch werden viel unversehene Todes-Fälle geschehen. Mit der Artzney wird man nicht viel außrichten können/ weil dißmal die Natur derselben zu sehr widerstehet; Denn Natura repugnante/ nihil medicina proficit/ saget Celsus lib. 3. Ausser dieser Zeit sind heuer auch zu Kranckheiten geneigts das Ende des Julii und Ende des Septembris/ wie auch der Anfang des Decembris.” Ibid.

78 “GOtt sey allezeit unser Artzt/ und behüte uns für anfälligen Seuchen und allen abscheulichen Kranckheiten.” Ibid. 157

Schreibkalender and prognostica. Authors learned the traditional theories of Galen, Hippocrates,

Ptolemy, and Aristotle as part of their university educations. Outside of the university, they had the opportunity to put these ideas into practice and make direct observations of the human body.

The calendars included both preventative medicine and remedies for various ailments.

Preventative practices were included in the rhymes found on the monthly calendar pages in the

Schreibkalender and instructed readers on which foods, activities, and medicines were helpful during each month of the year. Remedies were represented most prominently by the zodiac man and followed Galenic practices. The practical aspect of the calendars as it related to medical advice was present almost from the beginning of the century. From 1612 onward calendars conveyed iatromathematical guidance to their readers. Early-century calendars typically listed the basic guidelines that readers should follow to best take care of their health. Mid-century calendars expanded upon these rules more thoroughly, and Schreibkalender from the latter third of the century also included iatromathematical advice and explained the role of the planets in one’s health. Evidence of the changing role of astrology in the field of medicine can be seen in the authors’ prefaces, which they used to debate one another about contentious topics of the time.

Here, authors could argue about the valid applications of astrological knowledge. Although calendar-makers engaged their peers in these sections of the prognostica through the end of the century, the rest of the calendar still focused on practical medical advice for the average person.

The Schreibkalender and prognostica provide a wealth of information about the dynamic changes taking place in the seventeenth century with respect to how people viewed the natural world. Because authors focused on presenting standard and new types of information that were relevant to their audience, the practical needs of readers become clear. The average person could use calendars to learn about those aspects of the natural world that were directly applicable to

158 daily life, particularly medical advice. Authors could also use the calendars to educate readers on the newest discoveries and engage in debates with contemporaries about innovative ideas and theories. Chapter V further explores the ways calendars educated readers, in particular regarding topics not related to the natural world.

159

Chapter V Schreibkalender, Society, Culture, and Religion

A calendar by Johann Meyer for the year 1701 contains headings including how “to make beer pleasant,” how “to recognize if honey is good or not,” “how one should cook old meat [so that it becomes] tender,” etc.1 The accompanying Prognosticon includes sections on the fidelity of dogs (Treue der Hunden) and an historical account of Spanish tyranny in the West Indies

(Spanische Tyranney in West-Indien).2 Indeed, by the end of the century, Schreibkalender and prognostica did not stress astronomical data and/or astrological events to the extent they had before. Throughout the 1600s, authors had the practical aspects of any topic they covered in their calendars on their minds, from pragmatic implications drawn from planetary and zodiacal information, to household tips, to stories from the Bible or historical accounts. Like those dedicated to covering the natural world, these chapters were crafted for a practically-minded audience, although the amount of material derived from celestial configurations decreased as the century progressed.

Schreibkalender and prognostica offered useful advice about a wide variety of aspects from daily life. From the beginning of the century, information in the calendars steadily grew to contain supplementary material in addition to astronomical and astrological details, particularly in the prognostica. From the middle of the century readers could find much more than mere descriptions and interpretations. In between deciphering the meanings of the moon’s phases,

1 “Ein Bier lieblich zu machen,” “Honig zu erkennen/ ob es gut sey oder nicht” “Wie man alt Fleisch soll weich kochen.” Johann Meyer, Verbesserter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ Aufs Jahr nach unsers HErrn und Seligmachers JEsu Christi Gebuhrt M DCCI. Nebenst vielen Regulen und Historien/ wie auch Römischen und einem besondern Hauß=Calender/ Mit Fleiß gestellet druch JOHANNEM MEYERUM, Quedl. Saxon, Mit hochfürstl. Braunschweig. Lüneburg. gnädigster Freyheit. Braunschweig/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Christoph Fiederich Zilligers sehl. nachgel. Wittib und Erben (Braunschweig: Christoph Friedrich Zilliger Witwe & Erben, 1700).

2 Ibid.

160 users could now learn biblical stories that were interspersed throughout each month or included in separate sections. Calendars began to have more of a focus on educating the reader about biblical passages and historical accounts ranging from major moments of the ancient and medieval worlds to local happenings about monstrous births, fires, famines, or floods.

Information about celestial events also expanded in size and in detail. Authors cited their sources, oftentimes directly quoting from the Latin and Greek original and then translating the meaning into German. By mid-century Schreibkalender and prognostica had reached a high point in terms of both size and amount of information.

From here the descriptions within the prognostica increasingly supported their predictions with historical or biblical evidence. The emphasis on history and biblical passages began to take precedent over astrological understandings of the natural world. Furthermore, these topics were now separated into their own sections. Not only did astronomical data find its own, separate space within the calendars,3 authors featured a range of other types of practical advice. In addition to expanded histories, calendar makers added mail delivery information to their standard sections about the yearly markets. Authors also began to insert household tips or amusing stories. Later authors recreated their calendars into entertaining guides that aimed to help readers learn about various aspects of their daily lives and did not limit the information within their chapters to that which was astronomically and astrologically-derived. This chapter examines how calendars disseminated information related to seventeenth-century religion, society, and education, and how authors highlighted the practical nature of the Schreibkalender and prognostica as they became less focused on astronomical and astrological details and more concerned with relevant, popular, and engaging material.

3 See Chapter Three. 161

Religion and the Natural World

By the seventeenth century, religious belief and astrological interpretation had a long history of overlap that oftentimes resulted in conflict. The root of the problem was that on many occasions, the two came to different conclusions about the causes of the same event.4 Keith

Thomas argues that “[t]he astrologers caused the deepest offence by offering a secular explanation for some of the most delicate matters in religious history.”5 Critics of astrology most often focused on judicial, or divinatory, rather than natural astrology, or the effects of the planets on meteorology and the natural world. Judicial astrology attempted to use the positions of the planets to predict the occurrence of events on Earth or to make predictions about individuals’ lives.6

After much debate, the Catholic Church banned divinatory astrology, although astrological interpretations of the natural world were permissible for practical matters such as medical and agricultural purposes.7 The debate surrounding divinatory astrology centered on the question of whether the stars were actually able to influence individuals’ lives. Lynn Thorndike refers to the case of Adam ab Invidia, a papal notary who wrote a manuscript in 1572 questioning whether the inanimate objects such as stars had the ability to “incline [humans] to act.”8 He gave no definitive answer, admitting that the stars cannot “compel” a person to act, but

4 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic (New York: Scribner’s, 1971), 358.

5 Ibid., 359.

6 Ibid., 361.

7 Charlotte Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation: Studies in Theological Interpretation and Astronomical Observation in Sixteenth-Century Germany (New York: T&T Clark, 2008), 133.

8 Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, vol. 6. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1958), 181. 162 also that certain aspects of the stars may be “inclined to evil” and therefore able to influence people’s actions.9 Adam’s position is indicative of the complicated debate over divinatory astrology in the sixteenth century and the careful manner in which scholars crafted their arguments. The work of Johann Thomas Freige, a jurist and philosopher who was a rector in

Altdorf, describes how Catholic scholars were moving away from divinations, but not discarding astrology altogether. In his 1579 Quæstiones physicæ Freige neglected discussing divinatory astrology and stated that astrology should only be used for meteorological, agricultural, or medical predictions, that is, natural astrology.10 Then, in 1586 a papal bull, Coeli et terrae, forbade magic and divination on the grounds that only God could know the future.11 Catholic practitioners of natural astrology, however, were given more leeway with their craft than judicial astrologers. In the time leading up to the bull, Catholic philosophers and theologians participated in a lively debate about the veracity of astrological predictions. Opponents argued that astrology and Catholic doctrine were at odds with each other.12 Astrologers passionately defended their craft and claimed that nature was a “divine epiphany”13 or an art that was no different from natural philosophy “as prognoses are to medicine.”14 Defenders of astrology acknowledged that not everyone involved in making predictions was doing so knowledgeably and distinguished

9 Ibid., 181-82.

10 Ibid., 186-87.

11 Germana Ernst, “Astrology, Religion and Politics in Counter-Reformation Rome,” in Science, Culture, and Popular Belief, in Renaissance Europe, Stephen Pumfrey, et al., eds. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 249.

12 Ibid., 260.

13 Ibid., 252.

14 Ibid., 254.

163 between what Franciscan scholar Sisto da Siena (1520-69) referred to as “natural” and “sham” astrology: Natural astrology refrained from making definite predictions and only relied on the effects of the stars. Sham astrology delved into the realm of the occult and did not stay grounded in the material world.15

In addition to distinguishing between two types of astrologies, the Church also delineated between making astrological predictions and voicing astronomical theories. The influence of the

Protestant Reformation necessitated that the Catholic Church after the Council of Trent define their positions on not only theological matters, but also various natural philosophical theories.16

Post-Tridentine Catholic natural philosophy was dominated by Jesuits, who founded universities whose curricula incorporated courses on mathematics, an umbrella-term that included astronomy and optics.17 Although the Church condemned the writings of Nicholas Copernicus and Galileo

Galilei, mathematicians trained at Jesuit universities could use their theories with caution, including incorporating seventeenth-century Cartesian mechanics into their own theories, or using Tycho Brahe’s system instead of Copernicus’ model.18 Still, taking care to remain within

Church doctrine did not mean that Catholic scholars could write freely in support of ideas that had been officially censured. The regulations imposed by the Council of Trent created a strict division between Church doctrine and heresy.19

15 Ibid., 260.

16 Peter Dear, “The Church and the New Philosophy,” in Science, Culture, and Popular Belief, in Renaissance Europe, eds. Stephen Pumfrey, et. al. (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 119.

17 Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation, 134.

18 Ibid., 135.

19 Ibid., 137.

164

Although Catholics were adamantly against divinatory astrology, Lutherans proved more receptive to using astronomical data to make predictions.20 Both Martin Luther and Philip

Melanchthon approached the natural world in ways that reflected their particular theological understandings.21 Luther’s priority was on people’s need for God and his salvation. Therefore,

Luther ranked knowledge of Scripture over study of the natural world, since the former was more important for salvation.22 Any other use came second to that purpose, including the study of the natural world. , however, believed God had revealed himself not merely through the Scriptures, but also through nature.23 According to this rationale, applying the positions of planets and stars in the heavens to interpret God’s message was a worthwhile undertaking; and Melanchthon was one of the biggest advocates of its study. For Melanchthon, understanding natural law and the order of nature allowed one to understand God. Charlotte

Methuen argues, “[f]or Melanchthon, God stands for order – indeed, in a fundamental sense, God is the ordering principle in the world – and the capabilities to perceive and grasp this order is one of the greatest gifts which God has given to human beings.”24 Melanchthon’s position on the natural world not only stemmed from Luther’s influence, but also from his humanist philosophy.

He wanted to ensure the position of astronomy in humanist curricula and also maintain astrology’s abilities to determine the effects of the planets on world events and everyday life.25

20 Robin B. Barnes, “Astrology and the Confessions in the Empire, c. 1550-1620,” in Confessionalization in Europe, 1555-1700: Essays in Honor and Memory of Bodo Nischan, eds. John M. Headley, et al. (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2004), 131-54.

21 Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation.

22 Ibid., 9-11. For more information on this topic, see Heiko A. Oberman, “Luther and the Via Moderna: The Philosophical Backdrop of the Reformation Breakthrough,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54, no. 4 (2003): 669.

23 Barnes, “Astrology and the Confessions,” 138.

24 Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation, 30.

165

From this point, Melanchthon applied Lutheran theology to develop a philosophical theory based on natural law. According to Melanchthon, God had given the laws of nature to develop morality in humans. Studying these laws could lead scholars to essential truths about natural philosophy and mathematics.26 Lutherans who followed Melanchthon were then able to use these ideas to develop theories about astronomy and the heavens. Melanchthon’s advocacy for understanding the natural world was not the only approach within Lutheranism in the decades after Luther’s death; however, it was a major boon for other Lutherans – including calendar makers – who could point to it when challenged about the validity of their profession.27

Unlike Melanchthon, Ulrich Zwingli focused on disorder. According to Methuen,

Zwingli believed any order that people found in nature should not be trusted and that God could intervene in the world at his own choosing to render any perceived order irrelevant.28 John

Calvin represented the middle ground between Melanchthon and Zwingli’s theological perspectives by merging Melanchthon’s ideas about natural law and the order of nature with

Zwingli’s views about the unpredictability of the world.29 With respect to astrology specifically, however, Calvin was adamantly against its judicial branch, and his followers both attacked and satirized it.30 In his study of early modern England, Keith Thomas contends that within England the biggest critics of judicial astrology were the Calvinists, both Puritans and Presbyterians alike.

25 Peter Barker, “The Role of Religion in the Lutheran Response to Copernicus,” in Rethinking the Scientific Revolution in ed. Margaret J. Osler (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 65.

26 Ibid., 83.

27 Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation, 110.

28 Ibid., 15.

29 Ibid., 16.

30 Barnes, “Astrology and the Confessions,” 134-35. 166

Judicial astrology, in particular, was at odds with Calvinist beliefs about predestination. Because

Calvinists embraced predestination and the role it played in knowing future events, there was no room for astrological prediction in Calvinist theology.31 Still, this position relates only to judicial and not natural astrology.32

Apocalypticism

Many Lutheran astrologers embraced their predictions as a means to foretell the imminent end of the world. According to Robin B. Barnes, “[a]strology was an art concerned with natural causes; since God worked through those causes, the art could also help confirm the biblical prophecy of the inevitable end of history.”33 Differences existed between astrological predictions and deriving prophecies from celestial portents: Astrology centered on the astrological aspects and their effects, whereas portents were considered new objects in the sky that were intentionally sent by God to warn those on Earth.34

Apocalypticism, the belief that the end of the world was imminent, played a major role in the lives of people living in the tumultuous sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Scholars used astrological predictions to buttress their apocalyptic beliefs. Portents in the sky foretold events and sometimes confirmed the prophecies they had already pronounced.35 From the sixteenth

31 Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, 370.

32 Methuen, Science and Theology in the Reformation, 16-17.

33 Robin B. Barnes, Prophecy and Gnosis: Apocalypticism in the Wake of the Lutheran Reformation (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), 149.

34 Ibid., 149-50.

35 Andrew Cunnigham and Ole Peter Grell, The Four Horsemen of the Apocalype (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 71.

167 century apocalyptic astrology was oriented around understanding the impending Judgment Day.

Robin B. Barnes argues that apocalyptic fervor increased from 1530 onwards for two reasons, “a reaction to deepening disappointment over the world’s stubborn refusal to take God’s word to heart, and a result of the need to maintain a sense of prophetic assurance in the face of disorienting changes.”36 There were, however, some caveats. For example, there was debate about whether astrology could be used to determine the exact time of the end of the world. The

Lutheran astronomer, Tycho Brahe, cautioned that, although celestial configurations and events offered evidence that the apocalypse would be soon, it was not possible to use the stars and planets to determine the exact date and time. Only God could know these details.37 The careful reading of the skies enabled calendar-makers to contribute to apocalyptic fervor that had been rising since the late sixteenth century. Indeed, astronomical computations became necessary tools with which to make calculations about the end of the world.38 Not everyone agreed, however; and by reading the heavens, many scholars not only looked for portents signifying the end of the world, but they could also make calculations as to when that date might be. The close relationship between calendar-makers and Lutheran pastors – many served as both ministers and astrologers – enabled them to use astrological signs and portents to understand that “an all- powerful God was fulfilling his plan for the world.” 39

Millenarianism, defined as the “belief in an approaching millennium or earthly paradise, an event foretold in Scriptural prophecies, and in turn capable of being predicted either by

36 Robin B. Barnes, Astrology and Reformation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 215.

37 Cunningham and Grell, The Four Horsemen, 72.

38 Rebecca Moore, “European Millenialism,” in The Oxford Handbook of Millenialism, ed. Catherine Wessinger (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 290.

39 Barnes, Astrology and Reformation, 258.

168 specially enlightened saints or by cautious and exacting scholarship,”40 can be divided into further subcategories: Catastrophic millennialism anticipated a cataclysmic event that would usher in the violent end of the world,41 whereas progressive millennialism anticipated the inevitable gradual transformation of the world into the foretold paradise.42

Astronomy and astrology lent themselves well to millennialist and apocalyptic beliefs. In the seventeenth century in particular, the new approaches toward understanding the natural world provided key methods toward determining the date of the world’s end. For example, Newtonian mechanics presented the universe as a well-ordered machine that was controlled by God.

Because the world was organized and efficient, those who wanted to calculate the date and time for the end of the world could do so using Newtonian principles.43 Millennialism also provided mechanics with the practical application of its theories. That the universe functioned as a reliable machine meant that precise calculations could be made about the future and the date on which the world would end.44 Because the natural world operated steadily and predictably, progressive millennialists were more apt to embrace the new scientific ideas of the seventeenth century than catastrophic millennialists who expected chaos to precede the end of the world.

Progressives emphasized regular transformations and embraced new ideas about the organization and structure of the natural world.45

40 Margaret C. Jacob, “Millenarianism and Science in the Late Seventeenth Century,” Journal of the History of Ideas 37, no. 2 (1976), 336.

41 Eugene V. Gallagher, “Catastrophic Millennialism,” in The Oxford Handbook, ed. Catherine Wessinger, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 28.

42 W. Michael Ashcraft, “Progressive Millennialism,” in The Oxford Handbook, ed. Catherine Wessinger, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 44.

43 Jacob, “Millenarianism and Science,” 340-41.

44 Ibid.

45 Moore, “European Millennialism,” 299. 169

Schreibkalender and prognostica proved effective vehicles for relaying information about the end of the world. Because calendars already presented astronomical data to support their astronomical predictions, they lent themselves to discussing all manner of heavenly portents and their interpretations. Calendars focused on many topics for these divinatory purposes, ranging from meteorological acts of nature, e.g. bad weather, natural disasters, epidemics of disease,46 to major events, such as those involving warfare. Astrology was given by God so that people could use it to learn about his creation.47 The later calendars, in particular, expanded to include even more predictions of negative events and divine retribution.48 Therefore, astrological readings of the heavens enabled millennialists to access God’s message conveyed through the natural world.

Calendars throughout the century relied on special celestial events, such as significant astrological aspects, eclipses, and comet sightings, to alert readers of impending disasters on

Earth. Authors included chapters on the years’ eclipses, often in both the Schreibkalender and the prognosticon. These chapters were frequent and popular: ninety-four percent of the calendars used in this study include chapters on eclipses, mainly in the Schreibkalender, but many calendars also included more detailed information on eclipses in their prognostica. They were also evenly distributed throughout the century: twenty out of twenty-four calendars from the early part of the century had chapters on eclipses; twenty-three out of twenty from mid- century;49 and twenty out of twenty-three from late in the century. Authors noted their total

46 Peter J. Forshaw, “Astrology, Ritual and Revolution in the Works of Tommaso Campanella (1568- 1639),” in The Uses of the Future in Early Modern Europe, Andrea Brady and Emily Butterworth, eds. (New York: Routledge, 2010), 181.

47 Ibid., 183.

48 Barnes, Astrology and Reformation, 216.

49 Since some calendars had two chapters on eclipses, one in the Schreibkalender and one in the prognosticon, there are more chapters than calendars. 170 number in the year, indicated if they were solar or lunar eclipses, and explained that only certain eclipses would be seen in the German lands. Only the eclipses observed in the readers’ area would affect their lives.

Many Schreibkalender from the early third of the century focused on representing little beyond the basic calendar pages besides the eclipse chapters. Lutheran physician and mathematician Georg Henisch’s 1605 Schreibkalender did not include much more than the standard pages for each month and the eclipse chapter.50 Henisch devoted little space to the interpretation of the eclipses, giving readers only their technical details: The second eclipse was the first solar eclipse of the year, occurring on 8 April (Julian calendar) at 7:37 a.m. The eclipse would last fifty minutes, only darken half the sun, and would occur in the constellation, Aries, near the moon’s descending node. He then stated that this eclipse would be seen by people closer in the south more so than the north. As he did with the other three eclipses, he did not amend his account with astrological interpretations for this event.51 In this early period of the century, calendar makers often chose between either simply listing the details for the eclipse, like

Henisch, or adding the astrological predictions that accompanied the event.

Mathematician and Lutheran Johann Krabbe’s chapter on eclipses for the year 1612 presented the astronomical data about the celestial events along with a short astrological

50 Georg Henisch, Schreybkalender/ Ge=stelt: Durch D. Georgium Heni=schium/ zu Augspurg/ auff das Jar: M. DCV. Mit Röm. Bay. May. Freyheit rc. (Augsburg: Franke, 1604).

51 “Von den vier Finsternussen deß Monds und der Sonnen/ in diesem 1605. Jar.” “Die erst Finsternuß an der Sonnen begibt sich den 18. tag des Newen oder 8. tag des alten Aprilis, umb 7. uhr 37. minut vor mittag auff 5. punct 50. minut/ wirdt also nun die halbe Sonn vertunckelt werden/ im 27. grad 44. minut des Widers neben dem Drachen=schwang. Wirdt aber dise vertuncklung nicht bey uns gegen Mitternacht/ son=dern bey Völckern/ so gegen Mittag gelegen/ gesehen werden/ rc.” Ibid.

171 interpretation.52 While discussing the first of four eclipses, Krabbe cited his source of information as the calculations of “Herr Davidis Origani”53 also known as David Tost (1558-

1629), whose Ephemerides, a book on planetary tables, was published in 1609.54 However, he did not merely accept Tost’s data at face value. He saw the need to correct his colleague based on his own expertise.55 Krabbe wrote that the first lunar eclipse of the year would occur on 4

May at 10:23 in the constellation Scorpio. He then described how those in Wolfenbüttel, where

Krabbe lived, would view the eclipse based upon Tost’s calculations, giving the start and end times for the event, beginning in Leo and ending in Aries, lasting a total of two hours, fifty-three minutes, and fifty-eight seconds. However, he followed that comment by explaining:

“According to my observation, this eclipse will begin one quarter-hour later, so make a note of that.”56 Through this criticism, Krabbe corrected inaccuracies in the scientific tables, giving more weight to his own observations. Krabbe’s focus was oriented toward the precise calculation of the date and time for the eclipse. He did the same for the second eclipse of the

52 Johann Krabbe, Alt und New Schreibe=kalender/ Auffs Jar nach der Geburt unsers HERRN Jhesu Christi/ M. DC. XII. Gestellet/ Durch Johann Krabben von Münden/ der Mathematischen Kunst besondern Lieb=haber in Wolffenbüttel. Mit Römischer Keyserlicher Meysiät Frey=heit/ nicht nachzudrucken (Erfurt: Martin Spangenberg, 1611).

53 “Von den Finsternissen diese 1612. Jahres.” Ibid.

54 Johan Ludwig Emil Dreyer, History of the Planetary Systems from Thales to Kepler (New York: Cosimo, Inc., 2007 [1905]), 350.

55 Krabbe, “Von den Finsternissen diese 1612. Jahres.” In Alt und New Schreibkalender.

56 “Die Erste wird geschehen am Monde/ den 4. Maii/ des Abends umb 10. uhr und 23. min im 23. grad und 51. min. des Scorpions/ 5. grad und 48. min. vor dem Drachenschwantz/ auff 7. punct groß unten herab/ wird nach des Herrn Ori=gani Rechnung/ bey uns zu Wulffenbüttel und negstgelegenen Nachbarschafften anfa=hen/ des Abends umb 8. uhr 43. minu. und 22. secund. ist fast ein viertel Stunde vor 9. uhr/ da der Mond wird anfahen in den Schatten der Erden zu lauffen/ und je lenger je mehr zu verfinstern/ biß umb 10. uhr 10. minut. und 23.secund. da der Mond zum grösten auff 7. punct groß/ von unten herab/ wird verfin=stert/ und im 11. Himlischen Hause stehende/ angesehen werden/ da gleich uber unserm Horizonte der 14. grad des Lawens wird auff=steigen/ das Ende wird geschehen umb 11. uhr 37. min. und 24. secund. da der Mond Wider seinen vollen Schein haben wird/ wehret vom Anfang biß zu Ende 2. stun. 53. min. und 58 se=cund. Diese Finsternis wird nach meiner Observation, sich ein viertel Stvnde spehter anfahen, darauff Achtung zu geben.” Ibid.

172 year, stating that it would occur three-quarters of an hour later by his observations. By correcting Tost’s Ephemerides when his own observations proved more precise, Krabbe inserted himself into the scientific discourse of the period. Krabbe used the latest tables as a baseline for his predictions and was engaged in improving tables through his own observations.57

Georg Galgemair’s 1602 Schreibkalender differed from the standard early-century calendars and included only two main sections; the bulk of the text was a lengthy chapter on eclipses.58 His descriptions of the eclipses and the events they portended on Earth were relatively straightforward. He noted the number of eclipses, followed by the technical details of the two that his readers would not be able to see. Next, he recorded the astronomical information about each of the two eclipses visible in Europe, followed by extensive interpretation of the

57 “Die 2. wird geschehen an der Sonnen, den 20 Maii, zum Mittage umb 11. uhr 4. mi. vnd 45. sec. 7. grad 32. mi. hinder dem (drachenkopff), im 8. grad 41. mi. vnd 38. sec. der (Gemini), Der Anfang soll sich nach des Herrn Davidis Origani Rechnung begeben an ermeldten Tage umb 9. uhr 45. mi. vnd 26. secun. da der Mond allgemachlich wird anfahen die Sonne zubedecken, vnd je lenger je mehr verfinstern biß umb 11. uhr 4. min. vnd 45. sec. da die Sonne zum aller grössesten auff 7. punct groß von oben herab vom Mond wird bedecke oder verfinstert seyn, da gleich in unserm Horizonte der 4. grad der (Virgo) wird auffsteigen, Das Ende wird geschehen zum Mittage 24. mi. nach 12. uhr, da die Sonne wider ihren vorigen vollen Schein wird haben, sie wehret von Anfang biß zu Ende 2. stun. 39. min. vnd 56. sec. Diese Finsterniß wird sich nach meiner newen Observation bey nahe 3. viertel Stvnde langsamer oder spehtet begeben oder geschehen, darauff die Studiosi Astronomia mit Fleiß Achtung geben werden. Die 3. Finsterniß wird geschehen am Monde, den 29. Octob. nach Mittage umb 3. uhr 0. min. vnd 25. sec. im 16. gr. 8. min. vnd 10. sec. des (Taurus) 6. gr. vnd 25. min. vor dem (Drachenschwantz) auff 9. punct groß, Der Anfang wird sich nach des Herrn Origam Rechnung begeben, an ermeldtem Tage umb 1. uhr 24. min. vnd 47. sec. nachmitage, da der Mond wird ansahen schrott oben gegen der lincken Hand in den Schatten der Erden zu lauffen, vnd je lenger je mehr zu verfinstern, biß umb 3. uhr 0. min. vnd 25. sec da der Mond zum grösten auff 9. pun. groß von oben herab wird verfinstert seyn, da gleich uber unserm Horizonte der 21. gra. der (Libra) mit dem Sterne spica (Virgo) wird auffsteigen, Das Ende wird geschehen umb 4. uhr 36. mi. vnd 3. sec. wehret von Anfang biß zu Ende 3. Stvnde 11. min. vnd 16. sec. Wir werden aber diese Finsterniß in unsern Landen nicht sehen können, Die aber unter unserm Parallelo weit gegen dem Osten wert, als in India wohnen, die werden diese Finsternis sehen vnd observiren können, darauff die Seefaren den Schiffer achtung geben können. Die 4. Finsternis geschicht abermal an der Sonnen, den 12. Novemb. des Abends umb 5 uhr vnd 45. min. in 0. gr vnd 26. min des (Sagittarius) auff 10. punct groß gegen dem Niedergange wertz, vnd in dem Mittaglichen Theile der Welt, Derowegen wir sie auch nicht werden zu sehen bekommen, Welche aber umb gemeldte Zeit in dem Mittaglichen Theile der Welt in der Magellanica terra oder auff dem Oceanischen Meer seyn werden, die können auff diese Finsterniß Achtung geben, sie wehret von Anfang biß zu Ende 3. Stvnde, Hievon findet der günstige Leser weitleufftigern Bericht in meinem grossen Prognostico, dahin ich den günstigen Leser wil gewiesen haben.” Ibid.

58 Georg Galgemair, Newer Alter. Schreibkalender/ auff dz Jar nach der Geburt Jesu Christi. M. DC II. Gestellet und zu Glückseliger Regie=rung Dediciert. Dem Durchleuchtigen Hoch=gebornen Fürsten und HERRN/ HERREN/ Philipps Ludwig Pfaltzgraff bey Rhein/ Hertzog in Bayrn/ Graffen zu Veldentz und Spanheim rc. meinem Gnädigen Fürsten und Herrn. Durch M. Georgium Galgenmayr Da-nuvverdanum Pfaltzgräfischen Pfarrern. Zu Augsburg/ bey Joh. Schultes. Cum Pri. Cæsario (Augsburg: Hans Schultes, 1601). 173 events centered on their meaning for the weather, health and sickness, and world events.

Galgemair explained the general meanings behind eclipses in the zodiac’s fire signs, telling readers to expect death and the loss of their cattle. Nobles born when the sun was in Sagittarius would experience heart disease, death, prison, or other harm “including war, theft, murder, burnings, plundering, diseases, and many deaths from pestilence.”59 In particular, this eclipse signified that “under the guise of honor” “fornication, incest, and similar knavery would get out of hand.”60 People would not recognize justice and, thus, not follow the law. The poor in particular would be adversely affected. Terrible signs in the heavens would alert people to upcoming calamities, including “heat, drought, robbery, and burglary . . . coughs, headaches, heart pains, and other dangerous diseases.”61 In this account Galgemair, a Lutheran minister in

Laibstadt and a well-known calendar author, warned others of the destruction coming their way.

As the century progressed, calendars became lengthier and, therefore, contained more opportunities for authors to explain various topics much more comprehensively than in previous calendars. Medicus and astrologer Andreas Adamius’ 1640 Schreibkalender and prognosticon illustrate the shifting attitudes between early and mid-century calendars.62 In his chapter on the

59 “Von den Finsternussen dises 1602. Jars.” “Die gemeine bedeutung der Finsternuß in Fewrigen zeichen ist das solche verkündiget Sterben und abgang deß Viehs/ auch vilen grosen Herren in (Sagitarrius) geborn Hertzkranckheit/ sterben oder Gefengnuß oder sonsten schaden durch Fewer Krieg/ Rauben/ Mörden/ Brennen Blündern/ auch viel Kranckheiten/ und ein Pestilentzisch sterben/ In=sonderheit aber bedeut dise Finsternuß/ das unter dem schein der Er=barkeit un deß rechtens viel Sund un unbillichs wesen soll im schwang gehn/ Unzucht/ Blutschand/ und dergleichen Büberey uberhand nemen. Die Wag Iustitiae hindersich schlagen/ Mancher armer/ der sein Wagen nicht schmürben kan/ bestecken/ und dahinden bleiben/ sonder=lich bey grosen Hansen. Im lufft sollen schröckliche Gesicht und wun=derzeichen gesehen werden/ Darauff zimliche hitz und dürre folgen/ Raub/ Diebstal/ unnd verhörung Lewt und Land werden nicht new sein/ wie auch unter Erben grose Zanck un zwitracht entstehen/ Kriegs rüstung bleiben auch nit aussen. Husten Hauptweh/ Hertzweh/ unnd andere gefährliche Kranckheit sollen zimlich gemein sein.” Ibid.

60 Ibid.

61 Ibid.

62 Andreas Adamius, Prognosticum Astrologicum, Oder Gründliche Beschreibung und Bericht von den himmlischen Constellationen und contingentischen Zufällen/ so nechst Göttlicher Allmacht auß dem Zustand und 174 year’s eclipses, Adamius, a Lutheran, used biblical language to argue for the validity of prophecy and astrological prediction. After briefly describing the dates and times of the events and where on Earth they could be seen, Adamius mentioned that their effects would not be important to the lives of his readers because the eclipses could not be seen in their area. He cited, however, scriptural references to eschatological prophecy, including Luke 21[:25], in which Jesus claimed that signs will increase, including those of the sun, moon, and stars, to portend the coming of the end of the world.63 While Adamius highlighted that the preponderance of eclipses occurring in that era were the same signs that Luke referenced in his gospel, he makes clear that no one knows when the Judgement Day will come: “we stand before the judgement of God at all times, and we do not know the hour when the Hausvater will come to deliver the judgement.”64 He explained that the judgement day would have no natural cause that could be investigated or known, such as the predicable motions of the sun and moon, but rather they would be borne out

Lauff der Planeten und andern Gestirns/ wie auch Finsternissen/ tanquam caussis medijs & caussis secundis, Wirckun=gen und qualiteten für Gewitter und andere Zufälle natürli=cher Weise zu gewarten. Auff das Schalt=Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Heylandes und Se=ligmachers JEsu Christi/ M. DC. XL. Mit Fleiß gestellet/ Durch Andream Adamium Medic. Doct. und Astrologum zu Hamburg. Nürnberg, In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters. (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1639). The copy at the Herzog August Bibliothek includes both the Schreibkalender and prognosticon; however, the title page for the Schreibkalender is missing. This footnote cites the available title for the prognosticon, although it refers to both it and the Schreibkalender.

63 “Von den Finsternussen dieses 1640. Jahrs.” “In diesem Jahr begeben sich 2 Finsternissen allein an der Sonnen, von welchen wir doch in unserm Horizont keine ansichtig werden. Die erste geschicht den 10 May A. (den 20 N. Cal.) und wird gesehen werden in America und derselben zugehörigen Ländern, und fähet an Vormittag umb 2 uhr, wird wären biß umb 6 also fast 4 Stund lang, und geschicht diese Finsterniß im Zeichen der (gemini). Die 2 Finsterniß geschicht den 3 A. (den 13 N. Nov.) der Anfang tritt ein im Mittag umb 1 uhr und wäret biß umb 3. welche von uns auch nicht wird gesehen werden, und geschicht im Zeichen der (virgo), sondern in Peru, Brasilia und demselben zugehörigen Oertern Dieweil dann diese beyde Finsternissen von uns nicht gesehen werden so gehen uns auch ihre effectus nicht an, darumb auch deroselben allhie zu gedencken oder anzudeuten nicht nötig erachten, dieweil sie uns nit treffen werden. Sonsten nach gemeiner fürnehmer Astrologorum erfahrenheit und observation, wircke die Finsternissen so viel Jahr, wie viel Stunde sie wären. Es wird auch in gemein in fürgeben, weil nun etliche viel Jahr hero, an beyde Liechtern Sonn und Mond so viel und offt Finsternissen geschehen, daß dieses dieselben Zeichen seynd vor dem Jüngsten Tage davon Christus Luc. am 21. weissaget, daß Zeichen eschehen werden an Sonn, Mond und Sternen, welches dann zwa wol gut, die Menschen und die Welt, welche jetziger Zeit, leider, in der Boßheit gar ersoffen und im Argen lige zur Busse und Besserung ires Leben zu vermahne...” Ibid.

64 “[W]ir auch gleichsam täglich und alle Augenblick für dem Gericht Gottes stehe, und die Stunde nicht wissen, wenn der Haußvater kommen wird Gericht zu halten…” Ibid. 175 of the furious wrath of God. Therefore, “the causes and origins are not founded in nature, but rather they are supernatural and altogether hidden from people. . , just as the plagues of Egypt and the Flood.”65 He distinguished between “natural causes,” the routine, predictable motions of the planets, and “supernatural causes,” or those events created directly by God. To Adamius, astrology was not a tool to be used for divinatory purposes. Although the motions of the stars and planets could not predict the date and time of the Last Judgement, Adamius contended that the accumulation of eclipses and other celestial events were clear signs warning people to prepare for the day, whenever it arrived.

The understanding that eclipses portended disastrous calamities persisted, even when there were no eclipses to be seen during the year. Hermann de Werve’s 1646 calendar also branched out beyond the traditional straightforward approach of earlier calendars, and his prognosticon includes a lengthy chapter on the years’ eclipses.66 Although only one lunar eclipse would be visible to his readers that year, de Werve included short paragraphs on all four of them. However, he refrained from making any predictions about the visible eclipse, stating

65 “Aber die Warheit zu sagen, so ist abzunehmen, daß dieselbigen Zeichen für dem letzsten, und den Gottlosen schrecklichen Gericht und Jüngsten Tag, davon Christus propheceiet, keine natürliche Ursachen haben werden, die man auß natürlichen Grund wird erforschen können, woher sie kommen und verursachet werden, wie von den Finsternissen, welcher Ursachen man auß dem Lauff der beydern Liechter Sonn und Mond haben unnd eigentlich wissen kan, wie auch die langwilige Erfahrenheit und rieglich bezeuget, sondern es werden dieselbe Zeichen, für dem Jüngsten Tage an Sonn, Mond und Sternen, auß dem grimmigen Zorn Gottes herkomen und außgeschütet werden, dafür die Gottlosen erschrecken unnd erzittern werden, der Ursachen und herkommen in der Natur nicht gegründet seyn, sondern sie ubernatürliche, und den Menschen gantz und gar veborgene Ursachen und herkommen haben, gleich wie die Plagen Ægypti und die Sündfluth.” Ibid.

66 Hermann de Werve, “Vom Krieg und andern vermuhtlichen Zufällen deß 1646. Jahrs.” in PROGNOSIS ASTROMANTICA, Das ist: Gründlicher Bericht unnd außführliche Beschreibung von den Himmlischen Constitutionen unnd Contigentischen Sachen/ so nechst Göttlicher Allmacht/ auß dem Lauff/ Stand und Qualiteten der Planeten/ und andern Gestirns/ wie auch Finsternissen (tanquam Causis secundis) natürlicher Weise zu ge=warten. Auff das Wunder= unnd ander nach dem Schaltjahr/ Nach de Gnaden= und Frewdenreichen Geburt deß Wundermanns unsers HErrn und Heilands/ Erlösers und Friedfürsten JESU CHRISTI M. DC. XLVI. Mit Fleiß gestellet und beschreiben/ Durch Hermannum der Werve Esensem Frisium, p. t. Chur Mäyntzischen Astronomum. Psalm 77. Ich muß das leiden/ die Hand deß HErrn kan alles andern/ rc. Invidia Virtutis Comes. Mit Röm. Käis. Majest. sonderlicher Freiheit. Nürnberg/ In Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1645).

176 that the year’s first lunar eclipse would occur on 21 January of the Julian system (31 January,

Gregorian). Like the other three eclipses, he listed the start, end, and length of the event. He then stressed that this eclipse would only be visible if the weather were clear.67 Rather than focus on the prediction portion of the events, he concentrated on giving the astronomical data.

He stated in his Schreibkalender “[b]ecause we will not see the second eclipse on our horizon, it is thus unnecessary to write extensively about it, except at the end of this large prognosticon for the merchants and sailors.”68 Because travelers would find information about eclipses that were not visible from Europe important and vital to their interests, de Werve published the astronomical data for the other three eclipses. Although he did not make any predictions about the influence of the eclipses for the coming year, he still published the information about the lunar eclipse for the benefit of his readers.

In his 1651 prognosticon, Eberhard Welper, a Lutheran, also included information on the eclipses of the year, although none were visible in his readers’ area.69 He explained that he would do so for those who were interested in such things, writing “[a]lthough two major solar

67 “Von den Finsternissen dieses 1646. Jahrs.” in ibid.

68 “Weil wir aber die andere Finsternissen in unserm Horizont nicht werden zu sehen bekommen/ so ist unnötig extensively about it. weitläufftig davon zu schreiben/ aber zu Ende deß grossen Prognostici wird außführlich umb der Kauff= und Schiffleute willen geschrieben werden.” Hermann de Werve, Newer und Alter Schreib=Kalender/ auff das Wunder=und ander nach dem Schalt=Jahr/ nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt und Menschwerdung unsers Er=lösers JEsu Christi M. DC. XXXXVI. Mit dem Stand/ Lauff/ Aspecten der Planeten Sonn und Mondfinsternis=sen/ sambt natürliche Erwehlung und Wit=terung/ mit Fleiß gestellet von Hermani de Werve Esena-Frisio, p. t. Chur Meyntzischen Astronomo. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg/ in verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1645). Chapters for the benefit of merchants and sailors were common in the first third of the century, but had dropped out of the calendars by mid-century. Note Johann Krabbe’s similar reference in his 1612 Schreibkalender.

69 Eberhard Welper, PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICVM/ Oder Beschreibung deß Gewit=ters nd andern Zufällen/ auff das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers HErrn und Heylands JESU Christi/ M. DC. LI. Sampt bey jedem Monat angehengter Verzeich=nuß/ was am Gestirn zu observiren/ und jeder zeit merckwürdi=ges zu schawen seyn wird/ zu Nutz und Erlustigung der Edlen Sternkunst Liebhabern hinzu gethon. Gestellt und beschriben durch M EBERHADVM WELPERVM/ Philo-mathematicum Argentinsem. Gedruckt und verlegt zu Augspurg/ durch Johann Schultes (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650).

177 eclipses come to pass in this year, neither one of which will be visible in our region, and no lunar

[eclipses] at all; therefore it seems unnecessary to write much about it.”70 Still, he chose to include the basic details about the eclipses to maintain the completeness of the calendar: “Thus we do not want to omit writing a few things about them to please the curious, so that there will be no deficit in the perfection of the practica.”71 Welper’s inclusion of this chapter denotes his intention to convey astronomical information to the scientifically-minded.

Authors used the fact that there were no visible eclipses in a given year in various ways.

While Welper chose to still present the astronomical locations of the eclipses, Udalricus

Stainhoffer instead gave an account of how time and the phases of the moon affected the weather. Stainhoffer was also critical of traditional astronomers’ observations, claiming that they made many errors in their prognostications. He illustrated his point by describing that the weather at times was different from predicted and this could be observed annually.72 Although

70 “Von den Finsternussen.” “Ob wol zwo grosse Sonnen=Finsternusen in diesem Jahr sich begeben, welche beyde bey uns nicht sichtbar, und gar keine am Mon, deßwegen davon viel zuschreiben unnötig scheinet...” Ibid.

71 “So wollen wir doch den Curiosis zugefallen etwas wenigs davon zuschreiben nicht unterlassen, damit an der vollkommenheit der Practic kein mangel erscheine.” Ibid.

72 “An den Günstigen Leser kurtzer=Bericht/ war=umb ich in meinem Calender auf ein andere weiß/ als es jetzund im schwung ist/ nach den Monaten die Lunationes, oder Beschei=nung deß Monds benenne.” “Gunstiger lieber Leser, dieweil wir in Europa wohnend, in diesem 1651. Jahr kein Finsternuß zu Gesicht bekomen, will ich auch von derselben zu discurriren auff dißmal müssig gehen, und an statt der Beschreibung derselben kürtzlich erklären, warumben ich in meinem Calender, mit gemeinen Brauch nach, jenen Schein deß Monds, einem jeden Monat zuaigne, welcher in eben demselbigen Monat sich endet. Dann in gemain sagt man, daß der jenig sey der Jennerschein, welcher sich im Januario endet, jener Hornungschein, der im Februario völlig außgeloffen, ob er schon villeicht uber 6. oder 4. Stunden in demselbigen kaum geleuchtet hat. Als zum Exempel: Der Mond wird new den 4 Decembris deß 1649 und scheinet biß auff den 2. Januarij deß 1650. gemeinem Brauch nach, wird dieser Scheln Jennerschein genennt, weil er sich im Januario geendet hat, wie dann das gemeine Sprichwort lautet: Illi luna datur, cui fine suo sociatur. Das ist: Von jenem Monat genennt seyn will/ Der Schein, wo er nimbt das letzte Zil. Weil es aber von denen fürtrefflichen Astronomis obseruirt worden, daß diese Lehr vielen Irthumben und difficulteten underworffen ist, deren diese die zwo grösten seynd: Die erste, weil es das Gewitter mit der Zeit und Schein in ihrem Aigenschafften nit zutrifft, welches fast Jährlich kan beobachtet werden: dann der wahre Mayschein ist also geartet, daß er ein schön warm und annembliche Zeit, mit wenig Regen, bringe: Aber der Mayschein, so jetzung in gemein wird vezaichnet, bringt mit sich kalten Regen, Schnee, Reiff und Gefrör: Dahero dann zu schliessen, daß dieser der Aprillschein gewesen sey.” Etc. Udalricus Stainhoffer, New und Alter Schreibkalender, auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Seligmachers JEsu Christi, M. DC. LI. Welches ist das dritte nach dem Schalt Jahr von 365. Tagen. Sampt dem Ort, Lauff, Aspecten, Auff- und Undergang der Planeten, und 178

Stainhoffer included no information about eclipses in his calendar, he explained at length their general meaning in his next chapter on the fruitfulness of the earth. It was good, he wrote, that there were no eclipses that year, because they had a negative effect on the fertility of the land.

Stainhoffer supported his statements by citing other scholars, namely Gerolamo Cardano (1501-

76) and Johannes Stadius (1527-79).73

David Herlitz, a mathematician and Lutheran74, took a different approach from both

Welper and Stainhoffer in his calendar for the same year.75 Instead of claiming that none of the effects of the eclipses would be experienced in areas that could not witness them, he argued the opposite and asserted that even though eclipses were visible in other places, their effects could still influence local events.76

dannenhero vermuthlicher Erwögung deß Gewitters mit fleiß gestellt Durch Vdalricum Stainhoffer Italum Veneto- Cadubriensem Philosophie Doct. Med. Baccal. & Astrophilum. Augspurg bey Johann Schultes. (Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650).

73 “Nach Göttlicher Gnade, daß uns die Erden mit sattsamen Früchten, zu Erhaltung deß Lebens, in diesem 1651. Jahr begeben, haben wir gnugsame Anzeugungen. Dann zu dem daß wir kein Finsternuß zur gewarten haben, welche sonsten denen Erdgewächsen sehr grossen schaden zufügen, wie solches bezeugt Cardanus 17. Aph. 110. Eclipses, quæ in florentem arborem incidunt, eius fructus eo anno inferunt penuriam. Das ist: Die Finsternussen, die da geschehen, wann ein Baum blüet, verursachen manglung der Früchten desselbigen, auff jenem Jahr. Eben dieser Mainung ist auch Stadius am 7. Cap. da er spricht: Solis eclipsis, si arbore aut quocunque alio sato florente, occiderit, ægrè deflorescet, & spem fructus eludet. Das ist: Wann ein Sonnenfinsternuß sich zuträgt, da ein Baum, oder andere Saat blüet, dieselbe wird schwerlich verblüen, sondern benimbt alle hoffnung der Früchten.” “Von Fruchtbarkeit der Erden.” in ibid.

74 David Herlitz (1557-1636) is credited as the author of this calendar from 1651. Publishers often reprinted calendars under popular authors’ names even after their deaths.

75 David Herlitz, Groß PROGNOSTICON ASTROLOGICUM, Oder Practica auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen, Heilsamen und Seligmachenden Geburt unsers lieben HErrn und Heilandes JEsu Christi M. DC. LI. Mit besonderm Fleiß gestellet nach den alten Astrologischen Regeln, wie solche practiciret Durch D. Davidem Herlicium von Zeitz, MEDICUM in der löblischen Fürstlichen Pomerischen Stadt Stargard an der Ihna. Mit Churfürstlichem Sächsischen Privilegio und sonderlicher Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg, in Verlegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650).

76 “Das sechste Capitel. Von den Finsternissen und Haubtaspecten, auch Fried oder Unfriede und andern Welthändeln dieses 1651. Jahrs.” “Doch zeiget die Erfahrung, daß zu solchen Zeiten, da etwa eine an andern Orten sichtbare Finsterniß gewesen, gleichwol auch bey uns eine Wirckung gespüret worden.” Ibid. 179

By the late seventeenth century, authors still included chapters on eclipses, though the space was increasingly used for simply listing the astronomical details about the events without any type of predictions derived from them. Although three of the year’s four eclipses could be seen from his readers’ area, in his 1684 calendar, Johann Heinrich Voigt, a Lutheran mathematician, made no predictions about what these events would signify for their daily lives.

Instead, he presented only the technical aspects of the eclipses, such as the explanation that the third eclipse of the sun was on the second of July (Julian calendar, 12. July, Gregorian) at three o’clock in the afternoon in the twentieth degree of Cancer. The sun would become almost dark.

The beginning was shortly before four o’clock and the end was at a quarter past six. In clear weather, it would be well visible in their hemisphere.77

Johann Philipp Hahn devoted the entire preface of his 1678 prognosticon to a discussion of how the world would end.78 Instead of looking to the stars for signs that indicated when this event would occur, Hahn used passages from the Bible and the writings of various theologians to make his case. The end of the world, Hahn asserted, was impossible for humans to predict. He then noted the work of previous theologians who had tried to determine the date and time for the

77 “Die Dritte geschihet an der Sonnen/ den 2 (12) Julii/ um 3 Uhr Nachmittage/ im 20 grad des Krebs=Zeichens. Da die Sonne bey nahe gantz verdunckelt wird. Der Anfang ist kurtz vor 4 Uhren/ und das Ende ein halt Virtel nach 6 Uhren. Bey klaren Wetter kan sie in unserm Hæmisphærio wol betrachtet werden.” Johann Heinrich Voigt, “Von den Finsternissen an Sonn und Mond/ Deren sich in diesem Jahre viere begeben.” in Johann- Heinrich Voigts, Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden Nützlicher Hauß- ünd Schreib-Calender, Auf das 1684. Jahr Christi, Darinnen Viel Raum zum Schreiben, und viel gutes zu lesen. In Verlegung des Autoris (Jena: Johann- Heinrich Voigt, 1683).

78 Johann Philipp Hahn, PROGNOSTICON Astro-Phonomenologicum, Das ist: Natürliche Beschreibung des Gewitters unnd anderer Zufälle dieses jetztlauffenden Jahr Calenders/ wie die durch die himlische Influentz angetrieben werden/ und nach dem Lauffe der Natur sich erzeigen und erweisen dürfften. Auff das ander nach dem Schalt=Jahr/ nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Erlösers und Selig=machers JESU Christi/ M. DC. LXXVIII. Mit besonderm Fleiß jedermänniglichen zu nützlichem Brauch beschrieben/ und auff den Horizont des H. Rom. Reichs und deroselbigen angrentzenden Oerter und Meridianos gerichtet. Zum Druck befördert Durch PAULI Schneiders/ HERMUND. Imitatorem und Nachfolger M. JOHANN PHILIPP Hahnen/ Dresdensem. Goßlar/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Simon Andreas Dunckern (Goslar: Simon Andreas Duncker, 1677).

180 end of the world. They were all wrong, he declared, and no prophet or anyone else, using any method available, could accurately predict the time of the world’s end, especially since they could not even successfully predict their own deaths.79 One could not determine the date of this event – not from use of one’s brain, a supposed revelation, the rabbinical tradition, the Kabbalah, astrological calculations, etc. Hahn began his chapter on eclipses by reminding readers that the wrath of God was the cause behind these celestial occurrences. Citing the work of the church father, Tertullian (c. 160 – c. 225 CE), he explained that eclipses were signs of the wrath of God, which we should accept as a sign and apologize to God.80 Hahn’s interpretation of eclipses does not differ too greatly from Andreas Adamius’ understanding thirty-eight years earlier. One major change, however, was that, unlike Adamius, Hahn did not present a lengthy discussion about how eclipses were portents of the wrath of God. He simply stated it and then presented the astronomical data about their dates, times, and locations.

Hahn’s calendar provides a good example of how celestial events should or should not be used to understand how the world would end. Millenialists, especially from the late sixteenth century onward, used observations of the heavens to try to calculate the exact date of the end of the world.81 By the late seventeenth century, however, calendar-makers were becoming more critical of their ability to do this precisely. Hahn cautioned his readers that they should not look any more deeply into these portents other than to understand that they were the result of God’s wrath. His contemporary, Voigt, merely presented the astronomical details without further analysis. In doing so, he let readers draw their own conclusions to their relevance in their daily

79 Ibid.

80 Ibid.

81 Moore, “European Millenialists,” The Oxford Handbook of Millenialism, 290. 181 lives, whether that relevance pertained to immediate dangers or to longer term predictions about the world in general.

Throughout the seventeenth century, Schreibkalender and prognostica conveyed detailed information about regular astrological aspects, eclipses, and other celestial phenomena.

The usage of astronomical data by millenalists enabled astrology to find a role in the new scientific thinking. Because knowledge gleaned from the natural world was valuable to those seeking to understand how the world would end, the information provided in the calendars could either point readers in the right direction or ignite a debate about the meanings of these celestial portents.

War and Peace

In addition to uncommon celestial events and eclipses, calendar-makers delivered readers information pertaining to the trials and tribulations of everyday life. Almost every single calendar contained chapters about war, whether it warned of approaching Turks or discussed in detail issues regarding the Thirty Years’ War. Because this information was derived from the location of the planets, authors strove to provide readers with a factual and knowledgeable basis for their claims. These chapters on war and peace were central features in the calendars, and authors placed a primacy on their information from 1610 onward. Mid-century calendars expanded these sections, which contained lengthy discussions on the social problems associated with warfare. Late-century calendars stressed the immediate threat of the Ottoman Turks and made predictions about the likelihood of the Turks causing destruction in the coming year. War was thus an important and ever-present concern for people in the seventeenth century, and the content of the chapters on war and peace reflect this anxiety in the calendars.

182

The Thirty Years’ War weighed heavy on the minds of the readers of Schreibkalender and prognostica. Holger Berg explains that people read not only yearly calendars, but clamored for cheap broadsides and pamphlets.82 They used these documents to understand information about the war as it was currently being waged and also what was going to happen in the future.

Readers turned to prognostica to learn the answers to such questions as “[h]ow long would the war continue? When would peace be made? Where would the armies campaign?”83 To make these predictions about the future, authors studied celestial configurations and portents. Berg notes that from 1618-1650, witnesses in the city of Erfurt experienced no less than 54 different portents, ranging from the comet of 1618, to monstrous births, and a blue rainbow seen in the sky.84

Calendar-makers and publishers aimed to sell their work to the widest audience possible.

Calendars in Erfurt downplayed the contention among the various confessions. Instead, they highlighted the threat of the Turkish armies, a common enemy of all their readers.85 Still, the following calendars demonstrate that authors recognized the worry and hardship caused by the

Thirty Years’ War on the German lands and people and did not downplay the dangers of that war while they emphasized their readerships’ common enemy.

The chapter on warfare in prognostica was standard even before the beginning of the

Thirty Years’ War in 1618. Physician and astronomer Berner Hartmann’s 1610 calendar predicted war and rebellion in almost every place that summer due to the influence of Mars,

82 Holger Berg, Military Occupation under the Eyes of the Lord: Studies in Erfurt during the Thirty Years War (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010), 76.

83 Ibid., 78.

84 Ibid., 82-87.

85 Ibid., 81. 183 which would remain in its house and cause mischief.86 Autumn, however, he hoped would be somewhat peaceful and war would be quieter.87 War and peace, according to Hartmann, could come and go based on the configurations of the planets, especially the warlike planet, Mars.

The advent of the Thirty Years’ War made violence an ever-present aspect of people’s daily lives, and the chapters on war and peace reflect this change. Albin Moller’s mid-century practica carefully details the role of the planets in signifying whether there would be war or peace in 1626.88 A theologian and astronomer in Lower Lusatia, Moller emphasized the technical details in determining the extent of the damage caused by the Thirty Years’ War in various areas across the German lands. Moller described the locations of the planets, particularly

Mars and Jupiter, throughout the year and explained what role they would play with regards to warfare in certain areas. For example, after the new year (Christmas, old calendar; 4 January, new calendar), Mars would rise around noon and set after midnight, aligned with the rising sun

86 “Der Sommer drawet abermal fast an allen Orten Krieg vnd Empörung/ Dann Mars diese Zeit sehr trotzig ist/ dieweil er in seiner eigenen Festung sich verschantzt hat/ darinnen auch uber zween gantzer Monat lang zu hausen gedencket/ derwegen nichts unterläst/ wo er nur Unfug anzurichten gedencket.” Berner Hartmann, Deutsche Practica/ Auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Mittlers/ Erlösers vnd Seligmachers JEsu Christi/ M. DC. X. In welcher Astrologischer vnd natürlicher Weise aus den Revolutionibus anniversariis, Finsternissen/ Abwechßlungen der Monden/ vnd andern Configurationen der Planeten kürzlichen vermeldet wird/ was allerseits durch Gottes Willen/ Gutes oder Böses uns begegnen werde. Calculirt vnd beschreiben/ Bernerum Hartmanum/ Medicum & Astronom: Leonhard Thurnheusers zum Thurrn/ rc. Discip. (Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609).

87 “Den Herbst uber ist zu erhoffen/ daß es etwas friedlicher vnd Kriegs halben ruhiger seyn möchte/ Darzu wolle Gott als der rechte FriedeFürst väterlich seine Gnade verleihen/ Amen.” Ibid.

88 Albin Moller, Die grosse Practica Astrologica. Das ist: Prognosticon von dem Gewitter der vier Zeiten, vnd anderen gebreuchlichen natürlichen Zufällen, Auff das Jahr nach der heiligen vnd Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers lieben HErrn vnd Heylandes Jesu Christi 1626. Zu hin den stehen die Länder vnd Städt unter den 12. Himlischen Zeichen zu, besserm verstande der Practica. Jederman zu nutze, vorab den frommen vnd verstendigen Christen in Meissen, Sachsen vnd Marcken, auch in dne benachbarten Ländern vnd Städten des Deutschlandes, nach beyden Zahlen fleisig vnd trewlich gestellet Durch M. Albinum Mollerum von Straupitz, alten Theologum vnd Astronomum in dem Marggraffthumb Niederlausitz. Mit Römischer Keyerlicher Majestät Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken (Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1625).

184 and the constellation Aries, which signified new warmongering.89 Later on in the month, a hostile opposition of Jupiter and Mars portended “upheaval, death, robberies, fires, and other great disasters in Hungary, Austria, Poland, Livonia, and in other areas under the influence of

Aries and Libra.”90 Moller’s predictions for the rest of the year are similarly worrisome. He even included a short rhyme in Latin, which he translated into German: “When Saturn and Mars go together/ it stands badly for kings and princes / to show grudges and hate with severe war/ thus victory is in doubt.”91 Moller’s overall outlook for the year was dire, but he ended the year with a call for people to truly repent and become blessed. He encouraged readers not to take his predictions as a joke, but rather to take them seriously and repent lest they risk their salvation.92

Still, he made no predictions about the cessation of fighting or offered any predictions that the war would be over soon.

In his 1647 prognosticon, the physician and mathematician to the Elector of

Brandenburg, Johann Magirus included a chart made of symbols to explain whether or not celestial portents would guarantee peace or war in the coming year.93 Magirus began by

89 “Weil in den alten Weihnnachten, oder den 4. Tag des newen Ianuarij, des 1626. Jahrs, der Kriegische Mars zu steigen von dem Mittage, durch die Sonnenstrassen nach der Mitternacht, so wird dadurch gedeutet newes Kriegsgeschrey, aus dem Auffgange der Sonnen vnd Widdern.” Ibid.

90 “Darnach zu mittel des alten, oder zu ende des newen Ianuarij, wird durch den feindseligen gegenschein des Jupiter vnd Mars, gedeutet verendrungen der Geistlichen vnd weltlichen Herren vnd Regenten, auch verendrungen der Religion vnd Justitien, viel rechtens vnd fechtens, mit beysorge des Auffruhrs, Mords, Raubs vnd Brands, oder andern grossen unglücks in Ungern, Oesterreich, Polen, Lyfflande, vnd in andern örtern untern Widdern vnd Wagen.” Ibid.

91 “Wann Saturnus vnd Mars zusammen gahn/ Könige vnd Fürsten ubel stahn./ Deuten Neid vnd Hass mit schweren Krieg/ Da dann im zweiffel sieht der Sieg.” Ibid.

92 “Das lasset euch kein schertz seyn sondern thut wahre Busse, daß ihr möget allem ubel entfliehen, from vnd selig werden, das wünsche ich allen zu guter Valete, Amen.” Ibid.

93 Johann Magirus, PROGNOSTICON; Das ist Astrologische und Philosophische Muthmassung von gewitter, Frucht- oder Unfruchtbarkeit, Krieg und Frieden des M. DC. XLVII. Jahres nach Christi Geburt, So ferne solches durch den Lauff des Gerstines, den Finsternüssen, und andern aspecten theils verursachet, theils auch bedeutet wird. Auß rechtem natürlichem grunde gestellet, und mit einer Intimation eines Deutsches Collegi Mathematici Practici, in welchem das Landmessen und der Niederländische Vestungßbaw auß seinen rechten 185 explaining exactly how one could determine the likelihood for war or peace: First, he checked the eclipses, then the aspects of the planets and other things. The lunar eclipse that year would have little effect, but the interactions between Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn would have much more influence. The warlike Mars was involved in four aspects that year along with Saturn and

Jupiter. It was involved in less activity than the previous year, when Mars’ affect was felt more strongly. Because of this lesser influence, Mars would not be at fault for throwing sparks on the cinders, rather “warlike people” would be to blame. Heaven, he pointed out, was full of happiness and good hope and one could conjecture about peace this year, which was more certain than it was a few years before.94 In this selection, Magirus referenced the possible end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1647. Although the war did not actually end for another year, Magirus is clearly noting that signs might indicate peace. As the physician and mathematician to the

Elector of Brandenburg, Magirus would have been aware that peace talks to end the Thirty

Years’ War were currently being conducted and he could tailor his predictions to reflect the current state of those discussions.

fundamenten gewiesen wird, beschlossen. Auff fleißigste calculiret und an Tag gegeben durch JOHANNEM MAGIRUM D. Medicum und Mathematicum der Churfürstl. Brandenburg. Residentz-Städte, Perlin und Cölln (Breslau: Georg Baumann, 1646).

94 “Das VIII. Capitel, Vom Frieden und Krieg. Von Krieg und Frieden auß natürlichen gründen und dem Himmels-Lauff zu prognosticiren, betrachtet man erstlich die Finsternüssen, hernach die aspecten der Obern- Planeten und andere stücke: Die Mondfinsternüß wird bey uns wenig würcken, der Aspecten seynd in allem nur fünff, welche die obristen drey Planeten mit einander celebriren, und ist Mars der hitzige Planet nur viermal anietzo mit im spiel, da er fürm Jahr wol zehen mal mit dem Saturno und Jove verbunden war: Und seynd gemeldte aspecten diese: The (square Saturn Mars) (conjugation Saturn Mars) (trine Saturn Mars) (square Jupiter Mars) (square Saturn Jupiter) (trine Jupiter Mars)

Werden also die Kriegßgierige Leute in diesem Jahr nicht ursach haben, dem Marti die schuld zugeben, daß er funcken in zunder werffen möchte, Der Himmel, Gottlob, hanget voll Geigen und guter Hoffnung, und wo man jemals von Frieden hat können auß dem Himmel muthmassen, kan mans in diesem Jahre thun, und zwar weit gewisser, dann von einem einigen Jahre biß dato hat können geschehen.” Ibid. 186

In his account of negative events in the prognosticon of his 1678 calendar,95 Otto Gibel paid careful attention to the vagaries of life, including the possibilities of warfare, storms, bad harvests, and sickness.96 To Gibel, hardship provided an opportunity to trust in God to bring about more fortunate circumstances. Although his chapter was titled “Peace and War,” he stressed only the negative. Gibel emphasized the importance of religious devotion and rejected divinatory astrology. While others claimed to be able to foretell the major events of the coming year, they were incorrect, and he stressed that if they were truly able to do so, they would be advisors to kings and not writing calendars. Still, he did not disregard the signs from the heavens and harshly predicted that there would be poor comfort and hope for peace that year. Although he rejected divinatory astrology, Gibel was compelled to look to the stars for explanations about the coming year.97

95 Otto Gibel, “Ander Theil Oder Anhang Dieses gegenwärtigen Calenders/ auf das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers Er=lösers und Seligmachers JEsu Christi M DC LXXVIII. Darin enthalten Allerhand Nothwendige und nützliche Sa=chen/ die theils droben in dem Calender an ihm selbst/ wegen mangel des Raums/ nicht haben können angebracht werden ; theils auch ohn das zum absonderlichen Ge=brauch und täglicher Nachricht dienlich fallen/ In richtiger Ordnung abgefasset Von OTTONE GIBELIO Cant. Sch. Mind. Minden an der Weser/ Gedruckt und Verlegt von Johann Pilern.” in Neu und Alter Schreib=Calender/ Nebenst dem Römischen so auff die Neue Zeit gerichtet/ Uber das Jahr nach der Gnaden=reichen Geburt des wahren Messiæ und Heylandes der Welt JEsu Christi M. DC. LXXVIII. Ist (von dem Termino der Jahr Chri=sti anzurechnen) das Ander nach dem 419. Schalt=Jahr/ Samt allerhand dazu gehörigen nützlichem Sachen/ Auf den Horizont der jenigen Oerter/ so des Poli Höhe von 52. grad haben/ (etliche Minuten mehr oder we=niger) sonderlich eingerichtet Durch OTTONEM GIBELIUM Sch. Min. Cant. MINDEN. Gedrucht und verlegt durch Johann Pilern (Minden: Johann Piler, 1677).

96 “Wegen Friedes und Krieges.” “Wegen des Gewitters.” “Wegen Wachs-=und Mißwachs.” and “Wegen Gesund= und Kranckheiten.” Ibid.

97 “Von Welthän=deln/ künfftigen Kriegs= oder FriedensHandlungen Grosser Herren Vorhaben/ Glück doer Unglück/ Leben und Tod/ rc. hab ich nichts/ und bekenne frey/ daß ich/ ob mir gleich die Astrologische Regeln nicht unbekant/ nichts davon wisse; und hoffe/ der vernünfftige Leser werde/ daß auch andere/ welche sich unter=stehen dergleichen Sachen zu schreiben/ dieselbe in der Warheit nicht wissen/ daraus leichtlich urtheilen; daß solche Leute/ wen sie dergleichen Dinge zuvoraus wissen könten/ nimmermehr würden Calender schreiben/ sondern Könige und Potentaten/ denen an nichts mehr als an solcher Wissenschafft gelegen ist/ würden lauter geheime Staats=Rähte aus ihnen machen/ und sie mit grossen Kosten unterhalten; davon Sie aber noch zur Zeit keine Noht haben. So weit Herr Sturmius. Wann wir aber nun gleich die Himmels=Zeichen wegen gegenwärtiger Krieges=Unruh nicht gantz hindan setzen/ sondern auffs fleissigste besichtigen und betrachten wollen/ so wird doch diß Jahr noch schlechter Trost und Hoffnung zum Frieden/ oder auch nur zu einiger Besserung des jetzo allgemeinen elenden Zustandes/ daraus zu schöpffen stehen; sondern man soll vielmehr das Contrarium befinden/ daß so wol das biß dahero nur glimmende/ als das albereit angegangene Feur/ je länger je mehr zunehmen/ und endlich für 187

Late-century calendars typically did not highlight the astrological indicators for whether an area would see war or peace in the coming year; however, the author writing as Marcus

Freund (d. 1662) listed thirteen astrological aspects that could affect war or peace efforts in his

1686 calendar.98 “Freund’s” calendar was not completely devoid of astronomical and astrological details; however, he used them in relation to the historical stories or anecdotes in his chapters. For example, he described at length the dangers posed by the Turks in his section on warfare.99 Only at the very end did Freund list thirteen astrological aspects that could affect war or peace efforts.100 In “On sickness,” Freund explained how the world was like a hospital, since there were so many diseases, and briefly mentioned that a conjunction of Saturn and Mars could lead to greater sickness, although he did not specify any further details.101 Furthermore, in this case he only stated which days were auspicious days when one could find “suitable and conducive times to hit the enemy and hunt them out of the field.”102 Freund’s predictions

Menschen Augen zu fast unerlösch=lichen Flammen außschlagen dürffte/ wo nicht der Allerhöchste in Gnaden da=zu komt/ steuret und wehret/ als welcher aller Menschen Hertz in seinen Hän=den Händen hat/ und sie lencken kan/ wohin er wil.” “Wegen Friedes und Krieges.” in ibid.

98 “Genehm und bequeme Zeit aber den Feind zu schlagen, und aus dem Feld zu jagen, gibt an die Hand (Trine Sun Jupiter). den 24. Jun. 4. Jul. (Trine Jupiter Venus) den 7. 17. Aug. (Sextile Sun Jupiter). den 31. Aug. 10. Sept. (Conjunction Sun Jupiter). den 15. 25. Nov. (Sextil Saturn Jupiter). den 28. Dec. hingegen sind den Christlichen Völckern gefehr und schädlich folgende Zeichen: als (Opposition Sun Saturn). den 7. 17. Mart. (Opposition Jupiter Mars). den 27. Mart. 6. April. (Square Saturn Mars) den 14. 24. May (Square Sun Saturn). 5. 15. Jun. (Conjunction Sun Mars). den 19. 29. Jul. (Square Jupiter Mars). 31. Jul. 10. Aug. (Conjunction Sun Saturn) 16. 26. Sept. (Conjunction Saturn Mars) 24. Oct. 3. Nov.” Marcus Freund, Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ In welchem Die fürnehmste Aspecten aller Pla=neten/ ihrer und anderer Fixsternen Lauff/ Orien=talität und Occidentalität/ samt vermuthlicher Gewitters=Veränderung und Erwählung/ rc. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilandes JESU CHRISTI. M DC LXXXVI. Welches ist ein gemein Jahr von 365 Tagen. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß verfertiget von MARCO Freunden. Mit Röm. Käyserl. Majestät und Chur=Sächischer Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt duch Johann Andræ Endters Sel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1685).

99 “Vom Krieg und Welt=Handeln.” in ibid.

100 Ibid.

101 “Von Seuchen und Kranckheiten.” in ibid.

102 “Genehm und bequeme Zeit aber den Feind zu schlagen/ und aus dem Feld zu jagen.” in ibid.

188 centered on a discussion of warfare and the Ottoman Empire, an installment publication103 begun in his Schreibkalender.104

Astronomer Johann Philipp Hahn’s chapter on “nuisance and conflict” in his 1678 prognosticon made only a cursory mention of the planet Saturn’s influence on these earthly problems, writing that Saturn was sinking so low to the Earth that it looked as if God was revealing a new star, which he could then use to announce his message regarding religious affairs in particular.105 Hahn stressed that the motions of the stars and planets did not determine matters on Earth, but rather God spoke through them to people. He devoted the chapter to a brief discussion of the devil’s role in creating troubles for those in every social spectrum. The devil was and always has been mischievous and God allowed him to interfere. This reason, rather than the role of the planets, was the determining factor in the outcomes of daily affairs.106

In his 1684 calendar, Johann Heinrich Voigt’s section on war preceded a declaration that he would make no more predictions in his calendar and instead only discuss historical matters.107

103 Late-century authors began including discussions of certain topics in installments. These stories could continue into the next year’s calendar or from the Schreibkalender to the prognosticon sections of the current calendar. Their aim was to pique readers’ interest so that they would buy the following year’s calendar.

104 “Demnach in denen Kriegs=Capiteln meines heurigen Haupt= und Wunder=Calen=ders ich den Anfang gemacht/ von der Türckischen Reichs=Beschreibung/ und zwar in Specie von der Weltberühmten Käis. Residenz=Stadt Constantinopel/ auch darbey die Promesse gethan/ in dieser Schreib=Practica darmit zu continuiren/ als habe ich mir solches angelegen seyn lassen/ und die Continuation folgender massen erstatten wollen.” “Vom Krieg und Welt=Handeln.” in ibid.

105 “Das achte Capittel. Vom Unwesen und Streit.” “DEr Teuffel ist ins gemein der alte Schadenfroh, der vom Anfang der Welt biß hierher in einander verhetzet hat, daß jmmer wiederwärtigkeit seyn muß, unter jung und alt, unter groß und klein, und unter hohes und niedrieges Standes Personen, und dieses bleibet stets in seinem alten Esse, welches Gott wegen unser Boßheit, an welcher Gott keinen Gefallen hat, also verhänget und zulässet. Ob sich aber auch gar was neues und sonderliches zutragen werde, das ist hier eigendlich die Frage, Gott aber nichts darmit in sein Gericht und Regierung geredet, so hat es fast das Ansehen, daß weil Saturnus sich so tieff zur Erden herunter nun sencket, daß ein neuer Stern uns von Gott möchte gezeiget werden, durch welchen uns was sonderilches angekündiget dürffte werden, vornemlich in Religions Sachen, welches der Event zeigen wird.” Hahn, PROGNOSTICON Astro-Phonomenologicum.

106 Ibid.

107 Voigt, Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden Nützlicher Hauß- ünd Schreib-Calender. 189

His short paragraph about the threat of war for the year did include references to planetary influences. Like the rest of his calendar, however, he offered no solid predictions that stated that the planets’ locations directly affected certain earthly conditions relating to war or peace.108

Writing in June 1683, Voigt indicated that the potential for warfare in 1684 was high, because some of the German potentates were tense and building barriers to contain hostilities. He explained that the courses of Saturn and Jupiter would begin in Leo, but then move to Virgo and control the likelihood of warfare for the year. Although he did not specifically state the direct effects of these planets, he attested that violent aspects relating to Saturn, Jupiter, Mars and the eclipses substantiated this possibility. Voigt made a declaration to include no more prognostications, claiming “[i]nstead of more predictions, I want to introduce a history here,” and ended his calendar with the historical account of the first crusade: “How in 1099, the

Christians took the Holy Land and the city of Jerusalem [excerpted] from the ninth chapter of the third book of the travel book by Doctor Leonhard Rauchvvolffs, physician in Augsburg, printed in Langingen in 1582.”109 In his calendars, Voigt still used astronomical information to make astrological predictions, but did not think it was the best way to spend his or his readers’ time.

Due to people’s worries about war, as the content of the calendars expanded in the middle of the century, so too did the discussions about the destructiveness of warfare. These mid- century calendars stressed the ubiquity of warfare and the threat it posed to everyday life and the

108 “Wie sonderbar/ und mit was Fleiß einiger Teutscher Potentaten/ es itzo (itzo im Junio 1683. da ich dieses schreibe) gespannet wird/ und geichsam allenthalben hohe Schlagbäume ge=zimmert werden/ das die Friedhäßigen nicht überspringen sollen; so wunderbar wird es doch gedrehet/ und dennoch zum Ausbruch der Unruhe gekartet werden: Wozu der nunmehrige Fortlauff Saturnus und Jupiter/ theils noch im Löwen/ theils aber in der Jungfrau/ im Mercu=rialischen Zeichen und menschlichen Gestirnbilde/ mir sonderlich Nachdencken macht/ und einige hefftige Aspecten Saturnus/ Jupiter/ Mars/ und die Finsternisse es mit bekräfftigen.” Ibid.

109 “An statt aber vieles Prognosticirens/ wil ich hier die Historia einführen . . . Wie Anno 1099 die Christen das heilige Land, und die Stadt Jerusalem eingenommen haben, aus dem 9 Cap. des 3 Buchs, des Reisebuchs, Doct. Leonhard Rauchvvolffs, Medici zu Augspurg Anno 1582 zu Langingen gedrucket.” Ibid. 190 validity of celestial portents. Authors implored readers to devote themselves to lives of piety.

By the end of the century, authors still included references to the stars’ influence; however, their focus had shifted from the omnipresence of internal warfare to the immediate outside threat of the Ottoman Empire. Indeed, the year before Voigt discussed the crusades, he added a lengthy account of the dangers posed by the Turks, explaining how they had taken over lands previously held by the Greeks and Arabs in southeastern Europe and North Africa.110

Education

One of the main priorities of the Schreibkalender and prognostica was to educate readers about the natural world. In addition to information about celestial configurations and planetary positions, calendars throughout the century featured practical instructions for daily life. For example, early-century calendars included explanations about how to use the calendars, by describing how months, days, hours, minutes, etc. are derived and how to understand their notation in the text. Mid-century calendars contained lengthy explanations of how stellar configurations provided the necessary details to make astrological predictions. By the last third of the century the educational aspects of calendars incorporated much more than just astronomical and astrological information. Calendars were more focused on informing the reader about biblical passages and historical events ranging from major and spectacular accounts of the ancient and medieval worlds to sensational stories about monstrous births, fires, famines, or floods.

110 Johann-Heinrich Voigt, Deß Weltberühmten Herrn Joh. Heinrich Voigt, Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Stade, Orientalische grosse Veränderungen, Deren Lauff aus verschiedener bey zwantzig Jahren her grausam ... erschienener Cometen Bezeichnung ... gezeiget ... wird (n.p., 1682).

191

Moreover, the way in which authors imparted astronomical factors as they related to daily life shifted from how they were previously presented. Mid-century calendars had focused more on justifying how celestial data could be used to make predictions about the natural world. Late- century calendars began to separate astronomical and astrological information into their own chapters, which took a backseat to the new educational focus of the calendars. Indeed, this division resembled calendars from the first third of the seventeenth century in the sense that calendar-makers included only the astronomical factors as they related to everyday life. As authors moved away from writing comprehensive chapters about the ways in which celestial configurations influenced the weather and other aspects of daily life, they filled their calendars with practical information about the best ways to conduct general activities. Additionally, supplementary details that had previously been included with other chapters, such as historical accounts or biblical stories, expanded and became the focus of individual chapters. This section explores the changes that occurred in the structure and content of late century Schreibkalender and prognostica with respect to education, and how these changes affected the transmission of astronomical and astrological information to readers.

The seventeenth-century saw the advent of a new medium: the newspaper. The early modern newspaper, according to Johannes Weber, was “a bound printed object with a moderate number of pages, which appears at brief periodical intervals, at least once per week.”111

Newspapers could be mass-produced relatively cheaply and served as a source of information about politics, current affairs, and even history.112 Their audience increased rapidly from the

111 Johannes Weber, “The Early German Newspaper – A Medium of Contemporaneity,” in The Dissemination of News and the Emergence of Contemporaneity in Early Modern Europe, ed. Brendan Dooley (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2010), 69.

112 Ibid., 69, 75.

192 middle of the seventeenth century onward and consisted primarily of the urban middle class, which was “interested in accompanying its diet of religious literature with some readings on history and politics.”113 Besides newspapers, broadsheets, pamphlets and other printed materials, such as Geschicht-Romane, novels that blended historical facts with fictional stories, and the

Theatrum Europaeum, which informed readers about the news of the day, fed the public’s interests for information from the world around them.114 Gerhild Scholz Williams explains that

“[the periodical press’] impact can be seen in written texts of all kinds.”115 The popularity of these works serve as evidence of the public’s thirst for knowledge about the world. For example, the Geschicht-Romane of Eberhard Werner Happel contain details about multiple varieties of people from different lands, both near and far.”116 Although Williams concentrates on how these texts influenced the early modern novel, it is clear that calendars also needed to adjust to the popularity of these new printed materials. With the rise and popularity of this new medium, authors of Schreibkalender and prognostica began to insert new subject matter into their calendars detailing current events, biblical stories, or historical accounts. They could feature a particular subject alongside the monthly pages in the Shreibkalender; create new chapters in the prognosticon; or write a serial on one particular topic that would extend over the course of several years. Because calendars were released yearly, calendar-makers were at a disadvantage when it came to disseminating new information; newspapers could inform people much more

113 Ibid., 75.

114 Gerhild Scholz Williams, Mediating Culture in the Seventeenth-Century German Novel: Eberhard Werner Happel, 1647 – 1690 (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2013), 14-17.

115 Ibid., 1.

116 Ibid., 221. 193 quickly. Still, authors tried to adapt their calendars to the public’s thirst for knowledge about the world.

In the last third of the century, astronomically and astrologically-based chapters began to contract and revert back to earlier formats, which had incorporated a more straight-forward approach to the presentation of astronomical data and its astrological effects. This change in the format of the Schreibkalender and prognosticon occurred gradually throughout the second half of the century and allowed authors to fill space with newer, flashier subjects. Marcus Freund’s

1663 calendar is a good example of this transition. He included the traditional list of dates, symbol key, pages for each of the months, rhymes that accompanied them, location of the planets during each month (Planetenlauff), and chapters on iatromathematics.117 In addition to these aspects, the Schreibkalender features a “Continuation of the Swedish War-Chronicle”

(Continuato der Schwe=dischen Kriegs=Chronick), begun in a prior calendar and continued through each of the monthly pages.118 Freund’s prognosticon contains a similar arrangement of middle and late-century features. Although his chapters on the seasonal and monthly weather and on the eclipses followed the mid-century presentation of astronomical and astrological information, Freund interrupted his chapter on warfare to include a “Description of the Kingdom of Denmark” (Beschreibung des Königreichs in Dänemarck) with subchapters titled, “ The Old

Customs of the Danes” (Die alte Sitten der Dänen), “ The New Customs of the Danes” (Die

Jüngere Sitten der Dänen), “The Matter of Religion” (Die Bewandnuß der Religion), “The Civil

Government” (Das Bürgerliche Regiment), “Wealth” (Reichthumb), and “Power” (Das

117 Marcus Freund, Neuer und Alter Schreib=Calender/ mit den fürnemsten Aspecten aller Planeten/ ihrer und anderer Fixstern Lauff/ Orientalität und Occi-dentalität, sambt vemutlicher Gewittes Veänderung und Erwehlung/ rc. Auff das Jahr M DC LXIII. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß gestellet von Marco Freund/ Schüpff: Rotenburgico Parocho in Oberstetten/ Astron: Cultore. Mit Röm: Käiserl: Majest: und Chur Sächs. Freyheit. Nürnberg/ in Verlag Christoph und Paul Endtern (Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endter, 1662).

118 Ibid. 194

Vermögen).119 Following these descriptions, Freund completed his calendar with more traditional chapters on sickness and famine. Therefore, Freund’s Schreibkalender and prognostica demonstrates how additional information about non-astronomical or astrological subjects appeared in late mid-century calendars in addition to the traditional topics.

By 1686 the author publishing as Freund was following late-century trends in his

Schreibkalender and prognosticon. His Schreibkalender contains a continuing account of

Swedish warmongering, particularly in Livonia.120 He used a similar style of presentation in his prognosticon121 and also included an account of the invention of letters, reading, and writing.

Freund marveled that only twenty-four letters were necessary to form so many different words in so many languages (except Chinese), which could be used to express clearly so many thoughts and voices. He remarked that the Native Americans were astounded when the Spanish showed them that they could use writing to record statements and ideas they had previously expressed only verbally. After this point, his preface turned into a collection of humorous anecdotes regarding the activities of Native Americans in Hispaniola.122

119 Marcus Freund, PROGNOSTICON, Oder Gründliche Anzeigung/ Was/ nechst Göttlicher/ Allmächtiger/ sonderba=rer Wirckung aus dem Lauff und Stand der Planeten und andern Gestirns/ der Finsternissen Wirckungen (tanquam causis secundis) für Gewitter und andere Zufäll natüli=cher Weiß zu gewarten. Auff das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt un=sers HErrn und Heilands JEsu Christi. M. DC. LXIII. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß gestellet und geschrieben von Marco Freund/ Schüpff-Rotenburgico, Parocho in Oberstetten/ Astronomiæ Cultore, &c. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. und Chur. Sächs. besonderer Freyheit. Gedruckt und verlegt in Nürnberg/ durch Christoph und Paul Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endter, 1662).

120 “Weitere Beschreibung der Schwedischen Kriegs-Händel. Fürnemlich aber vom starcken Anzug der Schweden aus Liefland.” in ibid.

121 Marcus Freund, PROGNOSTICON, Oder Gründliche Anzeigung/ Was/ nächst Göttlicher/ Allmächtiger/ sonderba=rer Wirckung/ aus dem Lauff oder Stande der Planeten und andern Gestirne/ der Finsternissen Wirckungen (tanquam causis secundis) für Gewitter und andere Zufälle natürlicher Weis zu gewarten. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn und Heilands JEsu Christi M DC LXXXVI. Mit sonderbarem Fleis gestellet und geschrieben von Marco Freund/ Astronomiæ Cultore, &c. Mit Röm. Käis. Maj. und Chur. Sächs. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Joh. Andreæ Endters Seel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1685).

122 Ibid. 195

These various examples serve as demonstrations of how Freund’s 1686 Schreibkalender and prognostica had shifted their focus from presenting an abundance of astronomical and astrological information. The astronomical data was sectioned off into tables. The only correlation between these astronomical details and their relationship to astrological interpretation was found in the chapters on the seasons. He even shortened the traditional material as presented in his chapters on the various months of the year, while using the space available to him to explain to readers the value of safeguarding their money from thieves and dishonest people. His chapters on war, illness, and famine also contained a paucity of astronomical predictions.

Johann Philipp Hahn also included intriguing and educational stories in his chapters on the months of the year in his 1678 calendar.123 In January he noted that readers were aware the weather would be unpleasant. In particular, he indicated that there was to be quite a bit of snow and water. He then reminded ice collectors not to forget their ice picks. Hahn explained the benefits of snow, particularly its use in cooking. Snow, like other ingredients, such as limes, juice, or lemons, introduced different flavors to food due to its ability to keep things cold.124

From this point, Hahn launched into an account about the kings of Granada, Spain, who would have snow brought from the Pyrenees, even in the summer, so that they could add it to their drinks. Hahn finished this section with fourteen paragraphs on this subject of using ice in one’s drink and did not return to discuss the year’s weather in further detail.125

123 Hahn, PROGNOSTICON Astro-Phonomenologicum.

124 Ibid.

125 Ibid.

196

Household Tips

The inclusion of household tips had its origin in the monthly rhymes showcased in each

Schreibkalender. These rhymes were listed on the pages for each month throughout the century and provided the reader with a simple device to remember advice related to one’s diet or general health. Most were short, from four to eight lines, and often focused on the weather, health, hygiene, and the proper foods to eat during the given month. For example, in his 1642 entry for the month of January, Hermann de Werve used these rhymes to inform readers about bathing

(often), drinking (little), bloodletting, sleep (not too much), what to eat (spices and warm food) and drink (wine). He also reminded them to air out their rooms and to rule their sober wives with discipline and moderation.126

Other rhymes detailed practical aspects of daily life; and themes were repeated year after year and by various authors. Georg Henisch’s 1605 Schreibkalender included a rhyme for the month of June warning his readers that June is a hard and very hot month.127 The heat could be dangerous to a person’s health. He instructed them to drink fresh water and eat salad with oil and lettuce. Similarly, Konstantin Waremund’s calendar from the same year advised readers to eat salad with oil and vinegar, to avoid mead (honey wine) and drink new beer instead, and not to sleep too much.128 He continued this theme in his 1611 calendar and stressed the need to eat

126 “Bad viel, trinck wenig, laß dein Blut/ Gewürtz, Wein und warme Speiß ist gut./Schlaff nicht zuviel, den Lufft mutier/ Mit Zucht, Maß, nüchterns Weib regier.” Hermann de Werve, Newer und Alter Schreib Kalender, Auff deß Heil. Römischen Reichs, nunmehr 24. Jahr mit Zähren, Hertzbrechenden Seufftzen gewünschten unnd der Elenden, bedrangten Exulanten frewdenreichs unnd frieden-Jahr, nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Erlösers, Seligmachers und Friedenfürstens JEsu Christi, M. DC. XXXXII. Mit dem Stand, Lauff und Aspecten der Planeten, (sun) und (moon)s finsternussen, sampt natürlichen Erwehlung und der Witterung, gestellt von Hermanno de Werve Eseno Frisio, p. t. ChurMäzntzischen Astronomo, mit Röm. Kays. Mai. besonderer Freyheit. Nürnberg, in velegung Wolffgang Endters (Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1641.)

127 “Im Brachmon laß nicht ohne noth/ Dann hitz verbeut dir Bad und Blüt/ Das frisch Wasser dir wenig schadt/ Mit Oel und Lattig iß Salat.” Georg Henisch, Schreybkalender.

128 “Vorm Meth im Brachmon hüte dich/ Und vor dem newen Bier rath ich/ Mit Oel und Essig iß Salath/ Schlaff nit zuviel das ist mein rat.” Konstantin Waremund, Newer und Alter Allma=nach/ oder Schreib Calender 197 salads with oil and vinegar, although by this time, he added salt to his ingredient list.129 A third author, Johann Krabbe, directly repeated Henisch’s calendar from 1605 and stated it was good to eat salad with oil and vinegar.130 Clearly, the suggestions necessary for the month of June had not changed much in the past six years. Re-usage of the same elements of the calendar stemmed from their standardized format. Furthermore, the fact that such poems could remain the same year after year indicate that the locations of the planets did not play such a large role when it came to dispensing advice about hygiene, health, and the household.

As the century progressed, household rules snuck their way into the calendars through these traditional rhymes. In the late-seventeenth century, authors began to include separate chapters on household tips. Authors began to explicitly label these entries as definitive household aids. Although authors had been dispensing household advice via the monthly rhymes for decades in the Schreibkalender, calendars from the 1690s in particular expanded upon these instructions and began to include their own prose chapters, to which users could turn to learn about a variety of household duties and social mores.

In his Schreibkalender from 1678, Otto Gibel labeled each month’s rhymes as “house rules” (Hauß-Regeln). They were the same standard rhymes with the same themes as found in earlier calendars, but Gibel plainly noted their use as household tips. His usage of this term

sampt den Sontags Euan=gelien unnd kurtzen Prognostico auff das Jahr nach Christi Geburt/ M. DC. V. Gestelt durch/ Constantinum Waremundum Iatro Mathematico. Gedruckt in der Churfüst=lichen Statt Mayntz/ bey Johann Albin (Mainz: Johann Albin, 1604).

129 “Im Brachmon geht der Sommer an/ Kaltwasserbad erfrischt den Mann./ Salat/ Saltz/ Oele und Essig/ Kült und zur Speise macht lustig.” Konstantin Waremund, Allmanach/ oder Schreib Calender/ sampt den Sontags Euangelien vnd kurtzen Prognostico auff das Jahr M. DC. XI. Authore Constantino Waremvndo Iatro Mathematico. Gedruckt in der Churfürstlichen Stadt Meyntz bey Johann Albin. Zu Ehrendem Gestrengen/ Edlen vnd Vesten/ asparn Herrn zu Elß/ ChurF. Meintzischen Groß Hoffmeistern vnd Raht/ meinem G. Junckern vnderthänig dedicirt/ Johann Albin Buchtrucker (Mainz: Johann Albin, 1610).

130 “Im Brachmon laß nicht ohne Noth/ Dann Hitz verbeut die Bad und Blut./ Das frisch Wasser dir wenig schad./ Mit Oel und Essig iß Salat.” Johann Krabbe, Alt und New Schreibe=kalender.

198 indicates that there was value in emphasizing that these rhymes were explicit household aids.131

His entry for September stated that bloodletting and bathing were permitted that month because they purged the spleen and head. Readers would also find eating fruit and wild game, with good wine, to be beneficial.132 Clearly, these short verses were consistent with those from the calendars earlier in the century, although they had now been separated under their own heading.

These rhymes instructed readers on typical household activities. Stylistically, they were similar to the rhymes found in previous calendars; however, Gibel also inserted prose paragraphs, which offered further advice to his audience.133 Gibel declared the best time to bleach was the time of year when blackthorns bloomed. He also discussed treatments for illnesses by burning water from wormwood, which was a good remedy for fevers, as was the sweating of wormwood salt. Furthermore, if one mixed the juice of wormwood with sugar and took a pinch for ten days one could get rid of jaundice, dropsy, and fevers. The last paragraph discussed the qualities of children who were born at that time of the year.134 The rest of each month’s pages followed this pattern.

131 Gibel, Neu und Alter Schreib-Calender.

132 “Blutlassen/ baden ist erläubt/ Dazu purgiren Mitlz un Häupt/ Obst/ Wildbrät/ wie auch guter Wein/ Die werden dir sehr dienlich seyn.” “Allerhand nützliche Hauß-Regeln vom Septembri.” in ibid.

133 “Im grünen Feld bey gutem tranck/ Such itzt herfür der Lauten=klang:/ Erfrisch dein Hertz/ die Ader laß/ Purgir die Lebr/ so wird dir baß.” “Allerhand nützliche Hauß=Regeln vom May.” in ibid.

134 “Wenn der Schleedorn blühet/ so ist die beste Bleichzeit/ es bleichet so gut bey der Nacht als bey Tage.

Das Wasser von Wermuht am Ende des Mai Monats ge=brant/ ist gut einzunehmen für al=le Fieber. Auch ist das Wermuht Saltz/ wenn man damit schwitzt/ sehr gut dazu. Item der Safft von Wermuht mit Zucker vermenget/ und 10. Tage nacheinander/ auff einmahl ein Quentlein genomen/ soll die Geelsucht/ Wassersucht und alle Fieber/ wann sie schon alt sind/ vertreiben.

Kinder zur Zeit der Zwillinge gebohren/ sind gemeingilich wan=ckelmütig und ruhmretig/ im übrigen aber sind sie eines trefflichen Verstandes/ und lieben Kunst und Geschickligheit/ worinn sie auch viel fortbringen/ haben insge=mein ein offenbahr Angesicht/ und grosse Zähne/ und wenn sie lachen/ bekommen sie Löchlein in den Wangen.” Ibid.

199

The tables from Gottfried Gütner’s Schreibkalender from 1687 consisted of a description of the year’s weather in one column and a collection of twenty pieces of household advice in the other.135 These tips ranged from how to care for a headache and prevent hair loss, to how not to fall prey to con artists. For example, in September and October, Gütner advised readers on how to care for a toothache: If the pain were caused by heat, Gütner directed readers to boil camphor in water or vinegar and take a spoonful of it. Another option was to boil henbane root in wine, vinegar, or rosewater and hold it in one’s mouth. However, he cautioned readers not to accidentally swallow this mixture, because this herb could be poisonous. If the toothache were caused by cold, then readers should boil sage and tarragon in wine and put this in one’s mouth while it was still warm. An alternative would be to take a drop of lavender oil on a piece of cotton and place it on the bad tooth.136

An author using the pseudonym Marcus Antonius Zimmet-Rinde (Mark Antony

Cinnamon-Stick) included useful household rules (Nützliche Regeln) in his “Wicked Woman

Calendar” (Böser Weiber Calendar).137 The following selection highlights the work Zimmet-

135 Gottfried Gütner, Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit außgefertigte Artzney-und Schreib-Kalender/ Auff das Jahr Christi M. DC. LXXXVII. Worinnen nebenst denen gewöhnlihcen Kalender-Sachen viel denckwürdige Historien mit eingeführet werden/ GOTT zu Ehren und dem Nächsten in Druck gegeben Von Gottfried Gütnern/ von Freyberg in Meissen/ Art. Mathem. Cultore zu Altenburg. ZWICKAU/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Christian Bittorffen (Zwickau: Christian Bittorff, 1686).

136 “September, Herbstmonat/ ist der erste Herbst-Monden/ hat 30. Tage. Die Sonne komt in die Wage/ den 13. Sept. 51. Min. auff 2. vorm.” and “15. Vor die Zahn/Schmertzen.” “Wenn die Zahn-Schmertzen von hitze entstehen/ so siede Campffer in Wasser oder Eßig/ und halte einen Löffel voll davon im Munde. Oder siede Bilsenkraut-Wurtzel in Wein Esig oder Rosen-Wasser/ und halte es in dem Munde/ aber hüte dich daß du nichts davon in den Leib kommen lassest. Denn diß Kraut hat eine gifftige Natur. Ist aber das Zahnwehe von Kälte/ so siede Salbey und Bertram in Wein/ und halte es warm in dem Munde. Oder nehme einen tropffen Spicken-Oehl auff Baum-Wolle/ und lege es auff den bösen zahn.” Ibid.

137 Marcus Antonius Zimmet-Rinde, Der Männer Zanck=Eisen/ Oder Das böse Weiber=Volck. Das ist Alt= und Neuer Schreib= Feyer= und Na=mens=Calender/ Des Gnaden Jahrs unsers Immanuels JESU CHRISTI/ M DC LXXXI. Dessen erster Theil begreifft in sich alles/ Was zu einem gewähnlichen Jahr=Buch noth= und wohl= anständig ; benebens aber schreibt er/ von dem Murren/ Knuppen/ Schnurren/ Brum=men/ Gruntzen/ Schelten und Igel=Zorn etlicher bösen Weiber und Plag=Geistet/ wie sie nehmlich deß Mannes Feg=Feur/ der Freundschafft Schande/ der Nachbarn Beschwerung/ und der Be=kannten Spott/ rc. Der andere Theil Bringet allerhand schöne/ nützliche/ nachdenckliche/ ver=nünfftige/ theils auch lustige Geschicht/ und Reden/ Männiglichen zur Erlusti=gung/ 200

Rinden encouraged his readers to do during certain phases of the moon, including slaughtering and buying cattle, fishing, planting, felling trees, baking bread, etc. Zimmet-Rinden tied every activity to a certain phase of the moon and he presented his information in a facetious manner, intending both to inform his audience about certain topics, but to entertain them as well.

Zimmet-Rinden began his calendar with the proclamation, “Oh God take the cross from me./ And the evil woman to you!”138 Juxtaposing irreverent comments about women with practical household advice, Zimmet-Rinden gave readers useful tips about planting, farming, household maintenance, hunting, cooking, beer-making, etc.

Household rules covered a myriad of topics. For example, Johann-Henrich Voigt’s 1696 calendar included information about when to chop wood, cut hair, and wean children in addition to the customary chapters on bathing, blood-letting, and when to visit the doctor.139 Voigt provided astronomical/astrological advice in the chapter on weaning children alongside other practical matters, explaining that it was best to do so in the spring and fall, especially during a waxing moon, when they can take nourishment for themselves.140 As noted at the beginning of this chapter, Johann Meyer’s 1701 Schreibkalender included chapters on dental and gum care,

und erlaubter Ergötzlichkeit/ auffgezeichnet/ und zum ersten mahl herein getragen/ von Marco Antonio Zimmet=Rinden/ Philosphiæ Studioso. Gedruckt zu Nürnberg/ bey Christoph Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1680).

138 Ibid.

139 Johann Heinrich Voigt, Johann Heinrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathem. zu Stade/ Alter und Neuer Schrieb=Calender Auff das 1696. Jahr Christi/ (Welches ein Schalt=Jahr) Zu jedermanns Nutz und Gebrauch mit be=sonderm Fleiß also eingerichtet. STARGARDT/ Verlegts Johann Nicolaus Ernst/ Churfürst. Hinter=Pommr. Regier. Buchdrucker (Stargardt: Johann Nikolaus Ernst, 1695).

140 “Vom Kinder=entwehnen.” “Am bequemsten im Frühlinge und Herbst/ in der Zeit des Alters/ wenn sie selber essen/ und Nahrung zu sich nehmen kön=nen. Auch thut mans gerne im zunehmenden Mond.” Ibid. 201

Nützliche Regeln/

So einem fleissigen Hauswirth zu guter An=stellung seiner Haushaltung nohtwen=dig und ersprießlich seyn.

1. Ein gescheider Hausmann/ soll sein Vieh schlachten/ in dem zunehmenden Mond.

2. Kein Vieh kauffen/ welches geworffen worden in dem abnehmenden Liecht.

3. Er soll keine Weyer fischen/ in dem ab=nehmenden Mond.

4. Die Eyer/ im Zunehmen deß Monds ge=legt/ bleiben länger/ und sind allein zu unterle=gen.

5. Umb das volle Liecht/ ist es besser auff das Feder=Wildpret ausgehen/ dann zu anderer Zeit.

6. Die Bäume und Pflantzen/ sollen im neuen Liecht/ und ersten Vierthel/ gesetzet wer=den.

7. Die Bäume soll man säubern/ schnei=den/ umbhauen/ in dem abnehmenden Mond.

8. Apffel/ Pirn/ und ander Obst/ soll im ab=nehmenden Mond/ abgelesen werden.

9. Was man taurhafftig im Hause haben will/ soll im abnehmenden Mond geschehen.

10. Brod backen/ Geräht bessern/ und gehet weiter auff/ in dem zunehmenden Mond.

11. Bier/ im neuen Liecht gebrauen/ läutert sich nicht so wohl.

12. Die Gärten im zunehmenden Mond be=misten/ macht viel Unkraut wachsen.

13. Dreschen/ im zunehmenden Mond/ ma=chet das Getraid leicht würmig/ und hält nit.

14. Den Habern säe/ in dem wachsenden (Moon)/ als dann ist er der Fruchtbarkeit günstig.

15. Das Gras auff den Wiesen soll man ab=nehmen/ in dem abnehmenden (Moon).

16. Kräuter soll man säen/ wann der (Moon) neu ist/ und samlen/ wann er zunimt.

17. Hotlz/ im VollMond gefällt/ wird von den Zimmerleuten verworffen/ wegen der Feuch=tigkeit.

18. Stier/ Böck/ Wider/ und ander derglei=chen Vieh/ soll man/ im abnehmenden Liecht castireren.

19. Wann der (Moon) halb ist/ leistet er den Ge=bährenden merckliche Hülff.

20. Die fallende Sucht leiden/ sollen sich bey vollen (Moon)/ wohl wahr nehmen. Figure 17: List of “useful rules” from Marcus Antonius Zimmet-Rinde’s 1681 Böser Weiber Calendar.

202

(Schwartze Zähne weiß zu machen, Vor das geschwollenes Zahn=Fleisch,) how to treat a fever

(Ein bewehrtes Mittel für das Fieber,) beer-making (Ein Bier lieblich zu machen,) a chapter on honey (Honig zu erkennen/ ob es gut sey oder nicht,) cooking advice on how to prepare meat

(Wie man alt Fleisch soll weich kochen,) how to heal wounds (Alle offene Schäden zu heilen,) to cure a cough (Den Husten zu ver=treiben,) to treat scurvy (Wider den Scharbock,) and scabies

(Vor die Krätze,) to take the red out of one’s face (Die Röhte des Angesichts zu vertreiben,) and against paralysis (Wider den Schlag.)141 These entries, regarding the treatment of scabies, garden care and the planting of trees, and how to have one’s birds lay the best eggs (by putting them to bed early, so that they wake up and lay their eggs earlier in the morning) enabled people to manage their daily lives and were included by authors so that they could assist their readers with these typical household tasks.142 The instructions in these chapters were not derived from planetary positions, but rather were simply helpful advice for the calendar’s readers. For example, if someone read the chapter on how to determine if honey is good or not, s/he came across no information about checking this situation during a particular phase of the moon, or what the planetary aspects meant for honeybee production: The best honey, according to Meyer, should be clear, gold-colored, and smooth. It should flow slowly in a long stream.143 Rather than

141 Johann Meyer, Verbesserter und Neuer Schreib=Calender.

142 “In diesem Monat wird der Frost=Leich gesammlet: Wer mit selbigem die Hände reibet und wäscht/ dem solle es böse Krätze hinweg nehmen.

So bald auch der Schnee hin=weg/ solle man in den Gärten düngen und graben/ auch junge Bäumlein versetzen/ absonderlich was steinicht Obst ist.

Auf die Gänse/ Endten/ In=dianische- und Hauß=Hüner muß man gute acht haben/ weil diesel=be um diese Zeit Eyer legen/ die zum Ansetzen am besten seyn/ damit man frühe Geflügel haben könne.” “Mertz.” in ibid.

143 “Das beste Honig soll wol durch=sichtig seyn/ goldfärbig/ und glatt am Griffe/ so mans über sich zeucht/ solle es bey einander bleiben/ und fein langsam wieder herab fliessen/ und einen langen Faden geben.” “Honig zu erkennen/ ob es gut sey oder nicht.” in ibid. 203 focus on the astronomical/astrological possibilities, Meyer based his calendar on experience and traditional knowledge to describe how one could examine the honey to determine its quality and state of freshness and offered practical household advice.

Histories

Another topic covered in some calendars but not necessarily based on astrological and astronomical details were chapters on historical themes. These subjects cover a wide variety of historical accounts, including biblical stories; ancient, medieval, and more recent political happenings (usually about war or hardship); travel writings; and local stories. At first, these narratives were extensions of the astronomically and astrologically-derived information describing daily life. Some early examples of historical information served as evidence of the potency and validity of the current planetary alignment. Others were simply a recounting of historical occurrences that took place during the particular month of the calendar. For example,

Nicolaus Joly’s 1620 Schreibkalender included a list of important local matters that happened during the given month in previous years.144 His calendar was written and published in

Augsburg, and the entries overwhelmingly focused on what happened in the area and extended several centuries back. Joly’s entry for the month of August describes the founding of churches in Balzhausen and Augsburg in 1066, the plague killing 16,000 in Augsburg in 1420, details about how Holy Roman Emperor Charles V had removed the old government in Augsburg and

144 Nicolaus Joly, Newer vnd Alter Schreibkalender, mit den Aspected deß Monds, vnnd aller Planeten, sampt der Witterung, auch den gemeinen Astrologischen erwöhlungen, auff das Schaltjar, nach der Gerburt JESU CHRISTI. M. DC. XX. Die Sontags Evangelia seind in dem 1620. Jar widerumb auff die Römische art getruckt worden. Mit sonderbarem fleiß Calculiert vnd Gestelt, Durch Nicolaum Ioly, Claurensem prope S. Nicolai Portam, Lotharingum, Astrophilum. Augspurg, bey Johann Ulrich Schöulgk (Augsburg: Johann-Ulrich Schönig, 1619).

204 installed a new one in 1548, and the St. Bartholomew’s Day massacre in 1572.145 Joly referenced both events related to Augsburg and those more distant, emphasizing those pertaining to local government and guilds and the founding of area churches.

For example, in his 1670 prognosticon, Severus Heermann’s chapters on each of the months were limited to relaying data about the phases of the moon.146 However, after each month, he inserted a chapter on historical stories to teach the reader about humility, and his chapters on war, famine, and sickness were filled with historical references.147 Heermann listed different historical events when the weather had a negative effect on the land and those who depended on it to survive. He described a thunderstorm that occurred in Constantinople in 1487.

145 “Anno 1548. den 3. Augusti hat Key. Carln V. zu Aug=spurg den alten Rath die dar=in warn abgesetzt/ alle zünfft brieff dem newen Rath uber antwort/ newe Policey ange=richt.

An: 1572. ist das grausame Blütbad zu Pariß mit dem Admiral geschehen.

An: 1420. ist so ein frü Jahr gewesen/ das an deß H. Auf=fartstag die Rosen blüten/ un man zu eingang deß Augst=monats an S. Affræ tag zey=tige Pfirsing und Weintrau=ben zu Augspurg feyl hatte.

In disem Jar regierte die Pestiletz durch gantz Schwa=benland so gar hefftig/ dz auch zu Augspurg bey die 16000. Personen gestorben seind.

An 1066 . haben die Gra=fen von Baltzhausen/ S. Pe=ters Kirchen/ auch sampt S. Feltzen Kirche zu Augspurg gestifft/ unnd mit Järlichem einkomen begabt.

Anno 1149. ist das Kloster zum H. Creütz von dem Ham=melberg gen Augspurg trans-ferirt worden/ durch Bischoff Conraden.” “AVGVSTVS. Newer Augstmon.” in ibid.

146 Severus Heermann, DIARIUM ASTROLOGICUM ET METEOROLOGICVM: Oder Warhafftige Beschreibung der na=türlichen Bewegung und sichtbaren Standes deß Gestirneten Himmel/ sambt denen darinn enthalte=nen Planeten/ grossen Weltliechtern/ Sonn=und Mondsfinsternussen/ Auff= und Nidergang derselben ; mit angehengtem gründlichen Bedencken/ was darauff verhoffentlich in allen und jeden Theilen deß Jahrs/ auch Monatlich und täglich am Gewitter und Ungewitter/ auch andern zufälligen Dingen in diser nidern Welt erfolgen köndte/ rc. Sambt beygefügten Bericht/ von den vier Jahrszeiten/ und Witterung deß gantzen Jahrs/ mit 12. Newmonden : von 2. Sonn=und 2. Monds=Finsternussen/ Krieg/ Un=friden/ Kranckheiten/ Sterben/ Frucht=und Unfruchtbarkeit/ rc. Auch allerhand nutzlichen Historien. Auff das Jahr nach der gnadenreichen Menschwerdung und Geburt unsers HErrn/ und höchstgebenedeyten Heylands JESU CHRISTI M. DC. LXX. Mit allem möglichen Fleiß zusamen gebracht und auff inständiges B=egehren in den Truck befördert worden. Durch Severum Heerman/ von Straupitz/ im Marggraffthumb Nider=Laußnitz/ rc. Gottes und der natürlichen Dingen Nachforschern. Getruckt zu Augspurg bey Simon Utzschneider/ auff vnser lieben Frawen Thor (Augsburg: Simon Utzschneider, 1669).

147 “Folget nun erstlich die Vorstellung eines rechten Spie=gels/ worauß man die Demut erkennen kan.” Ibid.

205

The storm destroyed eight hundred homes and three thousand people lost their lives.

Furthermore, there was also great damage in the countryside.148 In the same manner as in the predictions made in his Schreibkalender, Heermann veered away from presenting astronomical bases for his predictions in these chapters of his prognosticon and instead relayed historical information.

Georg Christian Sattler’s 1670 prognosticon presented historical accounts in line with astronomical and astrological information.149 However, these stories were not related to the astrological aspects in the chapters on monthly and seasonal weather. Rather, the twelve histories retold various historical events and followed each month’s individual chapter. In this way, Sattler’s calendar represents the intentional late-century shift away from merging astronomical, astrological, and historical information in one chapter. Although Sattler included such details elsewhere in his prognosticon, e.g. his chapter on warfare, he refrained from incorporating historical details into his meteorological predictions. Instead, he separated his monthly accounts of the phases of the moon and his weather predictions from a telling of general historical information, whose purpose was not connected to the effects of the moon’s phases.

148 “Anno 1487. ist zu Constantinopel ein so schröckliches Donnerwetter gewesen/ daß es in die Häuser geschlagen/ darvon 800. verbrennt/ unnd 3000. Menschen umb das Leben kommen/ auch hin und wider auff dem Land grosser Schaden ge=schehen.” Ibid.

149 Georg Christian Sattler, PROGNOSTICON ASTROMANTICUM. Das ist: Natürlich und wolgegrün=dete Anzeigung deß Gewitters/ und anderer Erre=gung und Bewegung/ derer in der untern Welt lebenden und webenden Dinge ; Wie sie durch himmlische Influentz angetrieben/ und nach dem Lauff der Natur sich erzeigen werden. Auff das M. DC. LXX. Jahr nach der Freudenreichen und allerheiligsten Geburt und Menschwerdung unsers HERRN und Heilandes JEsu Christi. Darinnen ist auch zu befinden : I. Vom Krieg/ Unfried und Zustand im Weltwesen/ und wie Wun=derbarlich es in diesem Jahr wird daher gehen. II. Von einfallenden bösen Seuchen und Kranckheiten. III. Von abermaligen 2. Sonn und 2 Monds=Finsternussen. IV. Von den 4. Jahrszeiten/ sambt dero 12. Monaten Abtheilung und Witterung beynebenst allerhand anmuhtigen Historien. V. Von Frucht= und Unfruchtbarkeit deß Erdgewächses. Alles aus natürlichen Gründen observiret/ beschrie=ben/ und Jedermänniglich zu besonderem Nutzen in den offentlichen Druck heraus gegeben. Durch Georgium Christianum Sattlern/ Philo-Mathematicum. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt/ durch Christoph Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1669).

206

For example, in his entry for March, Sattler first delivered one paragraph apiece for each of the moon’s phases that month.

Sattler preferred historical events occuring during similar planetary configurations to making future predictions based on them for the following year.150 Thus, he compared the opposition of Jupiter and Mars in 1670 to a similar aspect in 1581. That year, the king of Poland made peace with the king in Moscow after the Polish king had conquered Russian territory; the

Book of Concord was issued; the Elector of Saxony abolished usage of the Zurich Bible and began using the Lutheran Bible; etc.151 His description of the events read like current newspaper reporting. For Sattler, historical accounts took precedence over astronomy and astrology, which demonstrates a growing understanding that political events could serve a more prominent function in both Schreibkalender and prognostica.

Unlike authors from earlier in the century who prioritized astrological predictions based on astrological details, Sattler reorganized his calendars so that this information took a back seat to other subjects that he highlighted instead, such as histories. He separated his monthly descriptions of the phases of the moon and the resulting weather phenomena from a relaying of general historical information. The following histories for each month were over twice as long

150 “Einen der gleichen Gegenschein (Jupiter) und (Mars) ist am Himmel be=funden worden Ao. 1581. im selbigen Jahr belägerte der Könige in Pole Riga im Liff=land/ und Plescau in der Moscau/ eroberte sie auch alle beyde; Nach solchen Erobe=rungen machet der König in Polen mit dem Groß=Fürsten zu Moscau Frieden. Anderseits machet es der König in Schweden in selbigen Landen nicht viel besser/ und ergaben sich ihme viel gutthätige Städte. Eine Apologia deß Concordien-Buchs wurde ausgefärtiget ; Der Churfüst von Sachsen schaffet die Zürgische Bibel ab in seinem Lande/ und nimmet D. Mart. Lutheri Version in seine Schloß=kirchen. Etliche Gesandten werden aus Franckreich in Engeland geschickt/ den Heyraht mit selbiger Königin und dem Hertzogen von Alantzon zu schliessen/ dar=wider werden allerhand Practicken aus gestreuet. Obgedachter Hertzog von Alanzo beut denen Herren Staaden Hülffe an/ zu Vergleichung der Strittigkeiten zwi=schen ihnen und der Königen in Engeland ; Nach Belägerung der Stadt Cam=merich reiset der Hertzog von Alantzon nach dem Königreich Engeland. Auff die Weltberühmte Stadt Strasburg werden im Königreich Franckreich viel Anschlä=ge und heimliche Practicken gemacht/ aber alles vergeblich. Die Insul Maltha stunde auch wegen deß Türckens in grosser Gefahr. Der Rector zu Straßburg/ Namens Johann Sturin/ wird wegen Einführung falscher Lehre/ von seinem Rectorat verstossen und abgesetzt.” Ibid.

151 Ibid. 207 as his sections on the moon’s phases.152 This shift from the primacy of astronomical and astrological details to other subjects was the result of the mid-century debates about the validity of such information.153 Whereas authors earlier in the century could unapologetically feature celestial configurations and their meanings in their calendars, mid-century authors began questioning the usefulness of astrological predictions. By 1670, calendar-makers like Sattler decided to restructure their calendars so that primacy fell on other subjects. Astronomical and astrological information was relegated to the sidelines.

Gottfried Gütner used another method to relay historical information in his 1687 calendar.154 In his prognosticon, he incorporated his histories into short paragraphs following each month’s weather predictions.155 In the preface to his prognosticon, Gütner acknowledged this change, claiming that it was in accordance with current trends in calendar production, and other current interests: “As is now customary today, something else is also provided in the calendars in addition to astronomical matters. Thus [it] also occurs in this calendar, which appears this year for the first time that useful medicines are introduced in the first part and all sorts of histories [are] in the practica.”156 He also explained that he chose which historical

152 “Nun folgen die 12. Monat/ samt ihrer Witterung/ und soll auch bey einem jeden Monat/ wie vorige Jahre hero mehr beschehen/ eine nützliche und anmuthige Historia beygefüget/ und dem günstigen Leser/ zu dieser Zeit mercklichem Exempel/ vor Augen gestellet werden.” Ibid.

153 See Chapter Three.

154 Gottfried Gütner, Der Rechte Zwickauische Nach der Alten und Neuen Zeit außgefertigte Artzney= und Schreib=Kalender.

155 Gottfried Gütner, Astrologische Practica/ Oder Aus dem ordentlichen Himmels=Lauff muthmaßliche Stern=Deutung/ Gerichtet Auff das ahr nach unsers lieben Hielands JEsu CHRisti Geburt M. DC. LXXXVII. Und in Sechs Capitel abgefasset/ Worinnen beschreiben: I. Die Vier Jahres=Zeiten. II. Die Zwölff Monat. III. Die Finsternisse. IV. Die Fruchtbarkeit. V. Die Kranckheiten. VI. Die Kriegs=Unruhe. GOTT zu Ehren und dem Nächsten zu Dienst zum Druck außgefertiget Von Gottfried Gütnern/ Freiberg. Misn. Art. Math. Cultore zu Altenburg. Zwickau/ Gedruckt und verlegt von Christian Bittorffen (Zwickau: Christian Bittorff, 1686).

156 “Wie es nun heutiges Tages ge=bräuchlich/ daß in den Kalendern ausser denen Astro=nomischen Sachen auch etwas anders beygebracht wird; Also soll auch in diesem Kalender/ welcher heuer zum ersten mahl 208 accounts to present in this particular calendar based upon the day on which the event had originally happened.157 He ended his preface with the declaration that in the following years, he would include details from events which occurred on successive days of the month, further entrenching his decision to elevate histories from their supportive roles. Thus, he moved away from the use of historical accounts as justifications for astrological predictions and made the conscious decision to present this information for its own sake.

The histories he incorporated into his prognosticon consisted of retellings of major and minor local and world events. For example, in the final paragraph for the month of January

Gütner told the story about an event from 1 January 1652, in which two suns were visible over the castle, and at night three rainbows appeared, one of which was much brighter than the other two. Gütner explained that the night before had been very stormy, and the previous day had been filled with thunder and lightning. Then he described events in Lisbon, Portugal on 16

January 1531, in which fiery and blood-colored signs shone in the sky and were followed by a terrible earthquake, which destroyed two-hundred houses and killed almost a thousand people.

He also added a second story: In 1648, in Oedenburg, Hungary, a large black ball fell from the sky and then disappeared soon after it fell.158

heraus komt/ geschehen/ daß in dem Vördertheile nützliche Artzneyen/ und in der Practica allerhand Historien eingeführet werden.” “Erinnerung an den günstigen Leser.” in ibid.

157 “Was anders Theils die Historien anlanget/ habe ich damit diese Ordnung vorgenomen/ daß ich heuer/ als zum ersten mahl/ solche geschichte einführe/ welche sich auff den ersten und 16. Tag jedes Monats in unterschiedlichen Jahren be=geben haben.” Ibid.

158 “Historien: Den 1. Jan. 1652. sind zu Gotha in Thüringen/ über dem Schlosse/ 2. Sonnen von gleicher Grösse und Glantze/ und des Nachts darauff umb 10. Uhr/ 3. Regen=bogen/ deren einer umbgekehrt gewesen und viel heller als die andern Zween geschienen/ gese=hen worden. Die Nacht zuvor hat es sehr gewetterleuchtet/ auch den vorigen gantzen Tag gedonnert und geblitzet. Den 16. Jan. 1531. sind zu Lisibon in Portugall feurige und blutfar=bige Zeichen am Himmel erschienen/ worauff ein schreckliches Erdbeben gefolget/ welches 8. Tage gewähret/ und über 200. Häuser eingeworffen/ wobey an die tausend Menschen sind er=schlagen worden. Anno 1648. ist zu Oedenburg in Ungarn eine grosse schwartze Kugel vom Himmel gefallen/ welche bald wieder verschwunden.” “1. Vom Jenner.” in ibid.

209

Gütner also referred to political events and battles involving the rulers of countries; however, he organized his descriptions around the months of the year rather than astrological aspect, like Suttner. His entry for the month of August referenced three separate past incidents.

His first account describes the 1674 battle of Seneffe between the French, the Imperials, and the

Dutch. Gütner then provided the number of casualties on each side, stating that nine-thousand

French had died and 9,680 members of the Dutch and Imperial army had been killed, wounded, or had deserted. He then recounted a 1313 incident in which the Holy Roman Emperor, Henry

VII, was given a poisoned communion host while in Munich. Lastly, he told the story of

Leonhard Kaiser, from Raab in Bavaria, a close friend of Martin Luther, who was burned in

Schärding in 1527 for his Lutheran beliefs at the order of the duke of Bavaria.159

Authors often included sections devoted solely to a specific historical account. This recounting of the event would continue through each month and oftentimes into the next year’s calendar. After his chapters on famine, war, and sickness, Hahn ended his 1678 prognosticon by resuming the story he had begun in his calendar two years prior, including a new title page, in which he introduced an historical account about the “fantastical and strange travels of Fernão

Mendes Pinto” and his history of Portuguese exploration of the Indies under King Emmanuel I, which he described through at least 1680, titled “Further Description of the Indian Navigation, as the Portuguese under King Manuel in India, and Other Far-Lying Places” that began in chapter seventy-two.160 This ending was not out of place in a late-century calendar, whose standard

159 “Historien: Den 1. Aug. 1674. geschahe die grosse Schlacht bey Seneff/ welche die Frantzosen mit den Reichs=Völckern und Holländern hielten/ und sind von den Frantzosen 9000. auff dem Platze geblieben/ auff der andern Seiten aber ist die Armee wegen der Er=schlageenen/ Verwundeten und Entlauffenen/ umb 9680. Mann schwächer worden. Den 16. Aug. 1313. ist dem Käyser Heinrico VII. im Heiligen Abendmahl durch einen Münch mit einer vergiffteten Hostie vergeben worden. Anno 1527. ist der Gottfürchtige Mann Leon=hard Käyser/ gebürtig von Rabb in Bäyern/ umb der reinen Evangelischen Lehre willen/ auff befehl des Hertzogs in Bäyern zu Scherding verbrannt worden.” “Vom Augustmonat.” in ibid.

210 format was undergoing more and more changes, in which new topics were incorporated alongside the ever-decreasing astronomical and astrological material within the traditional calendars. In particular, historical accounts, which had previously been utilized as validation for astrological predictions, found their place within both Schreibkalender and prognostica in their own individual chapters.

Indeed, the majority of late seventeenth-century calendars included an historical account of some kind or another. In 1679, Heinrich Moller also wrote about the experiences of famed

Portuguese traveler Fernão Mendes Pinto, and described his “wondrous trip.”161 “Marcus

Freund” offered a more timely account of the war between Sweden and Brandenburg in his 1685

160 “Hiebey wird dem günstigen und neu begierigen Leser (wie vor 2. Jahren angefangen) ferner erzählet Die Wunderliche und Merckwürdige Reisen FERDINANDI MENDEZ PINTO, welche er innerhalb ein und zwantzig Jahren/ durch Europa, Asia und Africa, und deren Königreiche und Länder: Als Abyssina, China, Japan, Tartarey, Siam, Calaminham, Pegu, Marrabane, Bengale, Brama, Ormus, Batas, Queda, Aru, Pan, Ainan, Calemphuy, Cauchenchina, und andere Oerter verrichtet. Darinnen er beschreibet Die ihme zu Wasser und Land zugesossene grosse Noht und Gefahrs wie er nemlich sey dreyzehnmal gefangen genommen/ und sieben=zehnmal verkaufft worden; Auch vielfältigen Schiffbruch erlitten habe. Dabey zugleich befindlich eine gar genaue Entwerffung der Wunder und Raritäten erwehnter Länder; der Gesetze/ Sitten und Gewohnheiten derselben Völcker; und der grosse Macht und Heers=Krafft der Einwohner.” “Fernere Beschreibung der In=dianischen Schiffahrten/ so die Portu=galeser unter König Emanuel in Indien/ und andern weitgelegenen Orthen gethan und verrichtet haben,” Hahn, “Fernere Beschreibung der In=dianischen Schiffahrten/ so die Portugaleser unter König Emanuel in Indien/ und andern weitgelegenen Orten gethan und verrichtet haben.” in Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender. See also idem, Johann Philipp Hahn, PROGNOSTICON Astro-Phonomenologicum Das ist: Natürliche Beschreibung des Gewitters unnd anderer Zufälle dieses jetztkauffenden Jahr Calenders/ wie die durch die himlische Influentz angetrieben werden und nach dem Lauffe der Natur sich erzeigen und erweisen dürfften. Auff das ander nach dem Schalt-Jahr/ nach der gnadenreichen Geburt unsers einigen Erlösers und Seligmachers JESU Christi/ M. DC. LXXVIII. Mit besonderm Fleiß jedermänniglichen zu nützlichem Brauch beschrieben/ und auff den Horizont des H. Rom. Reichs und deroselbigen angrentzenden Oerter und Meridianos gerichtet. Zum Druck befördert Durch PAULI Schneiders/ HERMUND. Imitatorem und Nachfolger M. JOHANN PHILIPP Hahnen/ Dresdensem. Goßlar/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Simon Andreas Dunckern (Goslar: Simon Andreas Duncker, 1677) and idem “Fernere Beschreibung der In=dianischen Schiffahrten/ so die Portu=galeser unter König Emanuel in Indien/ und andern weitgelegenen Orthen gethan und verrichtet haben.” Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ auf das Schalt=Jahr/ nach der heilsamen Geburt Jesu Christi M. DC. LXXX. Darinnen die Monat/ Wochen= und Feyer=tage/ Planeten Lauff/ Aspecten/ Witterung/ Natürliche Erwehlungen/ sampt Römischen Calender/ Sonnen Auffgang/ und folgender grossen Practica und Jahrmärckten zu befinden. Mit besondern Fleiß/ Jedermänniglichen zu Nutz auff dem Horizont des Helig. Römischen Reichs/ und deroselben angrentzenden Oerter und Meridianos gerichtet/ Durch PAULI Schneiders/ HERMUND, Imitatorem und Nachfolger M. Johannem Philippum Hahnen/ von Dreßden. Goßlar/ Gedrückt und verlegt Durch Simon Andreas Dunckern (Goslar: Simon Andreas Duncker, 1679).

161 Heinrich Moller, “Die Wunderliche Reise FERDINANDI MENDEZ PINTO.” in Alt und Neuer Schreib und Historien Calender, Auff das Jahr nach der heilsamengeburt JEsu Christi. M. DC. LXXIX. Mit sonderbahren Fleiß verfertiet, Von HENRICUM MOLLERUM von Heyersdorff. Magdeburg, Gedruckt durch Johann Daniel Müller (Magdeburg: Johann Daniel Müller, 1678). 211 calendar.162 Johann Ulrich Oeler also inserted an historical treatise into the right-hand pages of each month in his Schreibkalender from 1680. In the section titled “Further Continuation of

European Superiority; or of the Now Newly Living and Prospering Germany,” the author used historical information about past events to make an argument for the superiority of the people living in the German lands.163 This topic was reminiscent of the work promoted by the

Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft (1617-80), an organization devoted to the promotion of German language and culture.164 Oeler resumed a discussion of the lands of the world, explaining what they were like and why, ultimately, the German lands were superior to all others. For example, in his 1679 calendar, Oeler began by arguing that Europe was to be preferred over the other

“barbaric” lands in the world. Once he established this position, he began an analysis of the

162 Marcus Freund, “Fernere Continuation der Schwedisch= und Chur=Bran=denburg. Geschichten.” in Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender/ In welchem Die fürnehmste Aspecten aller Pla=neten/ ihrer und anderer Fixstern Lauff/ Orien=talitt und Occidentalität/ samt vemuthlicher Gewitters=Veränderung und Erwählung/ rc. Auf das Jahr nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers HErrn Heilanes JESU CHRISTI. M. DC LXXXV. Welches ist ein gemein Jahr von 365. Tagen. Mit sonderbarem Fleiß verfertiget von Marco Freund/ Schüpff-Rotenburgico Parocho in Oberstätten/ Astronomiæ Cultore. Mit Röm. Käyserl. Majestät und Chur=Sächischer Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt verlegt durch Johann Andreæ Endters Sel. Söhne (Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1684).

163 Johann Ulrich Oeler, “Fernere Fortsetzung Deß Europeischen Vorzugs; Oder deß Jetzt neu lebend und florie=renden Teutschlands.” in Neu=Lebender Europäischer Vorzug über die andern drey Theile der Welt: Das ist; Alter und Neuer Schreib=Calender und Allmanach/ Auff das Jahr nach der Gnaden=Geburt unsers Immanuels JESU CHRISTI/ M DC LXXX. Welches ist das 410 Schalt=Jahr. In welchem zu finden die Muhtmassungen deß Gewit=ters/ die Erwehlungen der Artzneyen und Menschlicher Geschäffte; Ingleichen der Planeten Lauff und Gang/ sambt dero natürli=chen Zuneigungen ; Wie auch abseitlich die Beschrei=bung deß itzt neu=lebenden Europæ, &c. Auff den gantzen Oberländischen und Schwäbischen Cräiß/ wie auch dero angräntzende Ort eingerichtet/ und Auffgesetzt/ von Johann. Ulrico Oeler/ der Artzney Doctore, und deß Heiligen Reichs Stadt Lindau bestellen Physico. Mit Röm. Käiserl. Majest. Gnad und Freyheit nicht nachzudrucken/ Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Christoph Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1679).

164 For more information on the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft see Herzog August Bibliothek, Im Garten der Palme: Kleinodien aus dem Zeitalter des Unbekannten Barock (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1992), Klaus Manger, ed., Die Fruchtbringer – eine Teutschhertzige Gesellschaft (Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag, 2001), or Martin Bircher, ed., Briefe der Fruchtbringenden Gesellschaft und Beilagen: Die Zeit Herzog Augusts von Sachsen- Wießenfels 1667-1680 (Tübingen: Max Niemezer Verlag, 1991). The Herzog August Bibliothek and the Saxon Academy of Sciences provide an online database of reference materials regarding the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft at: Herzog August Bibliothek and Saxon Academy of Sciences, Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, http://www.die- fruchtbringende-gesellschaft.de/.

212 various countries in Europe, starting with a country he deemed a “terror,” namely France, due to the current state of war between it and the Holy Roman Empire.165 Furthermore, in his 1680 prognosticon, he also included a series of historically-based chapters on the subject of adultery.166 His references in these sections were based on biblical passages and theological works condemning the practice, and he offered examples as a way to implore his readers to avoid such situations.167

From the content of the calendars, it is apparent that the information the authors relayed to their readers was directly relevant to their daily lives. The subject matter was practically- based on the needs of both general and specific audiences. For example, daily weather predictions could aid a wide readership in the planning of their daily activities. More detailed information was related to various groups of people, e.g. sailors and merchants, minors, or

165 “Fernere Beschreibung Deß Europöeischen Vorzugs, Oder deß Jetzt neu lebend und florirenden Teutschlands! Bißhero, haben Wir abgehandelt Europam ins gemein, kurtz zwar, doch so verständlich, daß ein Jeder sehen kann, wie weit selbiges nunmehro kommen; wie hoch es sich hinauff geschwungen; wie florirend es da stehet; und wie gar keinem Theil der Welt es im geringsten nachzugeben habe; hingegen weit, weit, vorzuziehen den übrigen, meist barbarischen Nationen: Nunmehro sind wir gesinnet, zu Betrachtung seiner Theile zu schreiten; und zwar nach willkührlicher Erwehlung, fangen wir an, von dem jenigen Theil Europæ; So anjetzso ein Schrecken ist, und von welchem nun anjetzso, die gantze Welt zu sagen weisst; das ist Franckreich!” Johann Ulrich Oeler, Neu- Lebender Europäischer Vorzug über die andern drey Theile der Welt.

166 “Der gerochene Ehebruch! Demnach der Ehebruch ein sehr gefährliches Laster ist, dass sich, durch schnöde Freundlichkeit am leichtesten, zu schändlicher Vollenbringung, be=fördert; soll ich, jungen Leuten, zum besten, eine Geschicht in diesem Jahrgang beifügen, und anzeigen, wie auf ein so schädliche Süßigkeit, gemeiniglich ein so bitterer Nachgeschmack erfolgt.” Johann Ulrich Oeler, Der ander Theil/ Oder Astronomisch= und Astrologische PRACTICA, Uber den Calender/ Des so genannten/ jetzt neu=lebenden Europäischen Vorzugs über die andern drey Theile der Welt: eingerichtet Auf das Schalt=Jahr/ nach der heilwehrten Geburt JESU CHRISTI. M DC LXXX. In welchem abgehandelt wird vom Jahre ins gemein ; von den Vier Haupt= oder Quartal=zeiten desselben; von der Witterung durch alle 12. Monate; von den Sonn= und Monds= Finsternussen; von vermuhtlichen Welthändeln; von Seuchen und Kranckheiten; von Frucht=barkeit der Erden/ rc. Ferner ist auch zu finden zwischen den 4. Haupt=Quartalen die Histori von gerochenem Ehebruch der schönen Pia/ mit den Nello de la Pietra/ aufgezeichnet zum bästen/ allen jungen Leuten; daß sie sich je nicht verführen/ und durch schädliche Süssigkeit/ nicht zu solche bittern Nachschmack verleiten lassen sollen. Durch Johannem Ulricum Oeler/ Medic. Doct. Reip. Lindav. Physicum Loimicum. Mit Röm. Käiserl. Majest. Freyheit. Nürnberg/ Gedruckt und verlegt durch Christoph Endtern/ Buchhändlern (Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1679).

167 Ibid. See also chapters titled “Fernere Erzehlung, Der Histori von dem gerochenen Ehebruch!” “Continuation. Dieser denckwürdigen Histori.” “Endlicher Ausgang, dieser betrübten Histori der Pia, mit ihrem alten Nello und Augustin.” and “ Der Autor beschleusst diese Geschicht, mit der nutzlichen Warnung:”

213 farmers. The majority of the information was arranged around astronomically and astrologically-derived information, ranging from the strict presentation of astronomical data, whose inclusion served to validate conclusions drawn in other portions of the Schreibkalender or prognosticon, to information that served only to educate the reader about historical events or household practices.

214

Chapter VI Conclusion

During the tumultuous seventeenth century, the average person could turn to

Schreibkalender and prognostica to help plan and make sense of daily life. Authors filled calendars with topics that were directly relevant to the practical needs of their audience and provided readers with details about the ever-changing world around them. In response, their customers faithfully bought the latest editions each year. Due to the public’s dependence on their environment, the calendars emphasized the strong connection between people and the natural world. Moreover, throughout the century, calendar-makers responded to contemporary philosophical discourses and relayed the latest developments in natural philosophy to their audiences. Because the calendars were based on astronomical data and astrological predictions, they also provided readers with access to the changing relationship between and debates about astronomy and astrology during this period. Thus, the evolving new approaches to astronomy and astrology throughout the century can be seen in the Schreibkalender and prognostica.

Accordingly, as the seventeenth century progressed, the calendars adapted to novel interpretations about the role astrology played in understanding the natural world and made more room for predictions when appropriate and for new subject matter when interest in astrology waned. The one constant throughout was that, whatever material authors included, it remained grounded in readers’ practical and daily needs.

The calendars’ popularity was in large part due to the fact that the information in the

Schreibkalender and prognostica was immediately relevant to the average person. The authors focused on the practical needs of their audience and stressed a person’s relationship to the natural world. For example, weather predictions enabled people to plan their days, months, or seasons.

Farmers could use this information to determine the best time to sow or harvest crops. Chapters

215 on medical advice, war and peace, or the success of that year’s crops were all derived from predictions based on planetary positions. Authors listed not only the location of the planets or the phase of the moon in the monthly calendar charts, but also the basic information about the weather and which tasks should or should not be conducted on that day.

Calendar-makers were ingenious in facilitating readers’ comprehension of the calendars, and they presented information in a way that was easily accessible and understandable.

Although literacy rates were quite low during the seventeenth century and varied based on a variety of factors, buyers were able to find a way to understand the calendars’ content. Whether they were proficient readers in their own right, struggling with some bit of literacy, able to decode the symbols, or reliant upon the assistance of others, users of the calendars had multiple resources available to them to understand the content of the Schreibkalender and prognostica.

Authors filled their calendars with straightforward tools that were widely known – such as tables, symbols, pictures, and rhymes – and covered both broad and specific topics to reach as wide an audience as possible. The large number of surviving Schreibkalender and prognostica speaks to the popularity and number originally produced.

Demand for calendars was constant throughout the seventeenth century. From the beginning of the period, calendars focused on offering a select list of astronomically and astrologically based information specifically related to the natural world and iatromathematics

(medical astrology). Authors offered their audience a flood of information on many subjects beyond the mere presentation of astronomically and astrologically derived predictions. In the middle of the century, the calendars grew to include justifications for their interpretations – particularly in prefaces, new chapters on important astronomical events, historical accounts and biblical stories, etc. The size of the characters, letters, numbers, and symbols shrunk in many

216 calendars for authors to fit their explanations into the calendars’ standardized format. Historical accounts expanded past the last page of December onto their own pages. Indeed, mid-century

Schreibkalender and prognostica provided readers with information far beyond the bare essentials necessary to understand how the heavens influenced daily life.

Late in the century, the calendars shifted to contain copious amounts of bare astronomical data: lists and charts denoting planetary positions or the phases of the moon stood alone without any analysis of the meanings of these positions. Instead, the interpretation came in other sections of the calendar, e.g. in the chapters covering medical advice, war and peace, the success of that year’s planting and harvest, etc. Educational sections not directly related to the events of the heavens also abounded in the Schreibkalender and prognostica. The diversity of novel content in late-century calendars, including historical accounts or household guides, indicates the general desire for new knowledge that readers had for the world around them.

Authors may have chosen the content of their Schreibkalender and prognostica for the average person, but they also engaged with the current debates of their university-educated peers and offered their own perspectives on the relationship between planetary configurations and events on Earth. Calendar-buyers, therefore, had rapid access to the evolving debate about the use and appropriateness of astronomy and astrology. By the middle third of the century, calendar-makers reacted to increasing criticism of prognostication by both explaining the different categories of astrology to their audience and arguing that the particular type of prediction found in the calendars, i.e. natural astrology, was a valid method for deriving knowledge of future events or conditions. Readers also witnessed authors discussing new, evidence-based ideas – and whether or not they agreed with them – and developed a thirst for learning about the world around them.

217

Authors themselves were influenced by the contemporary scientific discourse and the increasingly problematic nature of making astrological predictions. Many authors’ views of astrology were shaped by their religious backgrounds. While the Catholic Church condemned divinatory astrology and Calvinists remained skeptical, Lutherans were the most receptive to making astrological predictions as shown in the “Book of Nature.” The belief that God revealed himself to humankind through the natural world encouraged them to draw conclusions based on their own observations. Furthermore, astrology buttressed apocalyptic beliefs, especially in the early part of the seventeenth century. Portents in the sky could signify the fulfillment of biblical prophecies. Many of the debates, however, argued against the usefulness of astrology to predict the exact time of the end of the world with many claiming that only God could know that. Still, calendars contained chapters that could lend themselves to interpreting heavenly portents – such as eclipses – and what they meant for natural disasters or epidemics.

Apocalyptic fervor waned as the century progressed, but events became no less turbulent.

Warfare was an ever present concern for readers. Specifically the Thirty Years’ War and the risk of invasion by Turkish armies threatened the peace and stability of the German lands. Readers turned to prognostica chapters on war and peace to give them insight into the likelihood for devastation and destruction in the coming year. Calendars during the height of the Thirty Years’

War could contain very lengthy discussions on warfare and the social anxieties associated with it.

Late-century authors were furthermore competing in a sphere of new media. Yearly calendars vied for the public’s attention with weekly newspapers that covered topics about politics, current affairs, and history. As their audience grew, calendar-makers responded to people’s general thirst for knowledge about the world around them and inserted these subjects

218 into their calendars. Predictions of calamities and turmoil evolved into sensational stories of wondrous descriptions about travelers’ adventures in far-off lands. Even though interest in astrological predictions declined towards the end of the century, authors still found ways to make their products marketable to a wide audience by focusing on pragmatic guides that educated readers about a variety of new aspects of their world.

By the end of the century, Schreibkalender and prognostica had gone through three diverse phases. Still, throughout the century authors consistently had the needs of their audience in mind. Schreibkalender and prognostica were practical guidebooks for everyday life, even if what was considered practical changed over time. Although earlier authors produced short and simple calendars, they nevertheless prioritized information that was directly relevant to the daily lives of their readers. Mid-century writers added evidence and justifications to support the validity of their astronomical and astrological claims; and those from the later period, ultimately, moved away from these aspects to focus on pragmatic information that was not derived from astronomical calculations.

Schreibkalender and prognostica changed throughout the century to reflect the immediate needs of their readers, while incorporating new discoveries in and new ideas about the natural world. Their audience, therefore, became privy to the most current knowledge and theories.

Calendar-makers also accounted for the broad concerns of readers and integrated new subjects once interest in increasingly problematic astrological predictions began to wane. To keep their calendars relevant, authors focused on their readers’ preoccupation with the expanding world around them and highlighted in the new media. By 1700, the Schreibkalender and prognostica reflect the decreased interest in astrological predictions, the separation of astronomical data into their own chapters or tables, and evidence for the emergence of natural philosophy as a discipline

219 in its own right. Thus, through this examination of seventeenth-century calendars, one can clearly see the evolving relationship between astronomy and astrology and how the average person accessed the changing principles of natural philosophy through these documents.

220

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Köstner, Sebastian. Alter und Newer SchreibCalender/ Auff das Jar/ nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt unsers Erlösers Jesu Christi M. DCV. […]. Nuremberg, 1604.

Krabbe, Johannes. Alt und New Schreibkalender/ Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. X. Erfurt: Martin Spangenberg, 1609.

———. Alt und New Schreibkalender/ Auffs Jar […] M. DC. XII. Erfurt: Martin Spangenberg, 1611.

Krzikowsky, Krzystof. Krackawer Grösseres Prognosticon […] Dieses M. DC. XCIV. Jahrs […]. Olmütz: Johann Joseph Kylian, 1693.

———. Krackawer Schreib-Calender/ auff das Jahr […] M. DC. XCIV. […]. Olmütz: Johann Joseph Kylian, 1693.

227

Magirus, Johann. Ionnis Magiri D. Newer vnd Alter SchreibKalender: auff das Jahr […] MDCLXIX. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1668.

———. Johannis Magiri D. Medici und Mathematici der Churfürstl. Residentz-Städt Berlin und Cölln Schreib-Calender auff das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers Herrn Jesu Christi 1647 […]. Breslau: Georg Baumann, 1646.

———. Johannis Magiri D. Newer vnd Alter Schreibcalender/ auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LI. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650.

———. New und alt Prognosticon Astrologicum […] Deß M. DC. LI. Jahres […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650.

———. Newer und Alter Schreibkalender/ auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LI. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650.

———. Prognosticon; Das ist Astrologische und Philosophische Muthmassung von gewitter/ Frucht- oder Unfruchtbarkeit/ Krieg und Frieden des M. DC. XLVII. Jahres nach Christi Geburt […]. Breslau: Georg Baumann, 1646.

Meyer, Johannes. Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender/ Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LIX. […]. Quedlinburg: Johann Ockel, 1658.

———. Prognosticon Astro-Phaenomenologicum […] Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LIX. […]. Quedlinburg: Johann Ockel, 1658.

———. Prognosticon Astro-Phaenomenologicum […] Auff das Jahr […] M DCCI. Braunschweig: Christoph Friedreich Zilliger Witwe & Erben, 1700.

———. Verbesserter und Neuer Schreib-Calender/ Aufs Jahr […] M DCCI. Braunschweig: Christoph Friedrich Zilliger Witwe & Erben, 1700.

Moller, Albin [pseud.]. Grosse Alte und Newe Schreib Calender/ Auffs Jahr nach der heiligen Geburt unsers Herrn Jesu Christi 1626. […]. Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1625.

——— [pseud.]. Die grosse Practica Astrolgoica […] Auff das Jahr […] 1626. Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1625.

———. Die grosse Practica Astrologica […] auffs Jahr […] 1612. […]. Leipzig, 1611.

———. Kleine alte SchreibCalender Auff das Jar nach der Geburt Jesu Christi: 1603. […]. Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1602.

———. New und Alt Schreib-Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der heiligen Geburt Jesu Christi 1612. […]. Leipzig, 1611.

228

———. Practica Astrologica, Oder grosses Prognosticon […] Auff das Jahr nach Jesu Christi Geburt. 1610. […]. Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1609.

Moller, Heinrich [pseud.]. Alt und Neuer Schreib und Historien Calender/ Auff das Jahr nach der heilsamengeburt Jesu Christi. M DC. LXXIX. […]. Magdeburg: Johann Daniel Müller, 1678.

——— [pseud.]. Prognosticon Astrologicum […] auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LXXIX. Magdeburg: Johann Daniel Müller, 1678.

Möller, Bartholomaeus. Alter und Newer Schreibkalender/ auff das Jahr […] M. DC. X. […]. Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609.

———. Prognosticon Astrologicum […] Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. X. […]. Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609.

Nagel, Paul. Alter und Newer Schreibkalender Dieses Jhars […] M. DC. X. […]. Leipzig: Nikolaus Nerlich, 1609.

———. M. Pauli Nagelii Deutzsche Astrologische Practica/ oder Prognosticum, Auff des Jahr M. DC. XXII. […]. Danzig: Johann Krause, 1621.

——— [pseud.]. Newer und Alter SchreibCalender/Auffs Jahr […] M. DC. XXVI. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1625.

Neubarth, Johann. Alt und Neuer Schreib-Calender/ Auf das Jahr […] MDC. LXIX […]. Leipzig: Timotheus Ritzsch, 1668.

———. Astrologische Gedancken/ Auff das Jahr/ Nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt […] 1669 […]. Leipzig: Timotheus Ritzsch, 1668.

Oeler, Johann Ulrich. Der ander Theil/ Oder Astronomicsh- und Astrologische Practica […] Auf das Jahr/ nach der heilwehrten Geburt Jesu Christi M DC LXXIX. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1678.

———. Der ander Theil/ Oder Astronomisch- und Astrologische Practica […] Auf das Schalt- Jahr/nach der heilwehrten Geburt Jesu Christi. M DC LXXX. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1679.

———. Neu-Lebender Europäischer Vorzug über die andern drey Theile der Welt: Das ist; Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender und Allmanach/ Auff das Jahr nach der Gnaden- Geburt unsers Immanuels Jesu Christi, M DC LXXX. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1679.

Ptolemy, Claudius. Ptolemy’s Almagest, translated by G. J. Toomer. London: Duckworth, 1984.

229

———. Tetrabiblos, translated by F. E. Robbins. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980.

Pyrlaeus, Christian. Der alte und newe Schreib Calender auff das Jahr […] 1607 […]. Halle: Joachim Krusicke, 1606.

———. Der grosse Alte und New SchreibCalender Dieses Jhars […] 1610 […]. Halle: Joachim Krusicke, 1609.

———. Talentum Astrologicum Generale […] auff das Jahr […] 1610 […]. Halle: Joachim Krusicke, 1609.

Rennemann, Polydoretus. Alter und Neuer Gesprächs-Calender/ Auf das Jahr […] M. DC. XCIV. […]. Leipzig: Johann Rupert Keil, 1693.

Ritter, Franz. Neuer Calender/ Newer Wurtz- vnd Kräuter-Calender […] auff das Jahr […] M DC LXV […] Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1664.

Rosenthal, Johann Heinrich. Newer und alter Hauß- und Artzney-Calender […] Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LXV. […] Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1664.

———. Newer vnd Alter Hauß- vnd Artzney-Calender […] Auff das Schalt-Jahr […] M. DC. LX. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1659.

———. Prognosticon Oeconomicon Et Astronomicum, Das ist: Astronomische Hauß- vnnd Artzney-Practica […] auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LXV. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1664.

Sachsstädter, Christian. Alter und Neuer Ackerbau/ Viehzucht/ Schreib- und KräuterCalender/ Auff das Jahr nach Christi Geburt M. DC. LXXXVII. […]. St. Annabergk: David Nicolai, 1686.

———. Der andere Theil Dieses Ackerbau/ Viehezucht und KräuterCalenders/ Gerichtet Auff das Jahr nach der Allerheiligsten Geburt […] Jesu Christi M. DC. LXXXVII. […] St. Annabergk: David Nicolai, 1686.

Sarcephalus, Christophous. Instrumenti Horarum Planetariarum […]. Breslau: Georg Baumann, 1611.

Sattler, Georg Christian. Prognosticon Astromanticum […] Auff das M. DC. LXX. Jahr […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1669.

———. Prognosticon Astromanticum […] Auf das M DC LXXV. Jahr […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1674.

230

———. Saturni, Martis Gegenstand Drohen Sterben/ Krieg/ Mord und Brand. Das ist: Neuer und Alter Schreib-Calender Und Allmanach Auff das andere nach dem 417. Schaltahr […] M DC LXX. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1669.

Saubert, Johannes: Calendarium Christianum, Almanach und Prognosticon, Auff das Jahr […] M. DC. XXVI. […] Nuremberg: Simon Halbmaier, 1626.

Schindler, Wolfgang Erich. Alter und neuer Speiß- und Keller-Calender […] Auf das Jahr Christi 1685. Nuremberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1684.

Schmidt-Küntzel, Nicolaus. Almanach […] Das ist: Neuer vnd Alter Schreib-Calender […] Auff das Jahr […] MDCLXV. […] Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1664.

Seidel, Abraham. Alter und Neuer Kriegs- Mord- und Todt- Jammer- und Noht-Calender. Auf das Jahr nach der Geburt Jesu Christi/ M DC LXXXI. […]. Nuremberg, Christoph Endter, 1680.

———. Alter und Neuer Kriegs- Mord- und Todt- Jammer- und Noht-Calender. Auf das Jahr nach der Geburt Jesu Christi/ M DC LXXXV. […]. Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1684.

Sommerfeld, Georg. Kunst- Nutz- Lust- und Lehrreicher Feld- Garten- Baum- und Blumen- Calender […] Auff das Schalt-Jahr […] M DC LXXXIV […]. Nuremberg: Johann Andreas Endter, 1683.

Stainhoffer, Udalricus. New und Alter Schreibkalender/ auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LI. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650.

———. Prognosis Astrologica/ Oder Grosse Practica auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LI. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650.

Stieffenberger, Viet. Newer und Alter Schreib-Calender […] Auf das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers Herrn Jesu Christi M. DC. LXI. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endtern, 1660.

———, Practica Physic-Astromantica, […] auff das Jahr […]. Nuremberg: Christoph and Paul Endtern, 1660.

Sturm, Johann Christoph. Neuer und Alter Verrahtener Calender-Schreiberey und Eitelkeiten- Calender […] auf dieses M.DC.LXXVI. Jahr […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Gerhard, 1675.

Thurneysser zum Thurn, Leonhardt [pseud.]. Alter und Newer Schreibekalender Sampt Verenderung des Wetters Mit eingeführter Practica/ Auffs Jahr nach Christi Geburt/ M. DC. X. […]. Erfurt: Jakob Singe, 1609.

231

Trew, Abdias. Newer und Alter Schreib-Calender/ auff das Jahr nach der Geburt unsers Herrn und Heilands Jesu Christi M. DC. LI. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1650.

———. Practica Oder Prognosticon […] deß M. DC. LI. Jahrs […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endters, 1650.

Voigt, Johann Heinrich. Alt und Neu Lieffländischer Chroniken- und Geschichts-Calender/ Auff das 1678. Jahr Christi […]. Riga: Johann Georg Wilcke, 1677.

———. Alten und neuen Styli Sonderbarer Christen-Kalender Auff das MDCLXV. Jahr Christi […]. Staade: Caspar Holwein, 1664.

———. Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender Auffs 1684 Jahr. […]. Stade: Caspar Holwein, 1683.

——— [pseud.]. Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender Auffs 1694. Jahr […]. Stade: Caspar Holwein, 1693.

——— [pseud.]. Johann-Heinrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathem. Zu Stadt/ Alter und Neuer Schreib-Calender Auff das 1696. Jahr Christi […]. Stargardt: Johann Nikolaus Ernst, 1695.

———. Johann-Heinrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden Nütlicher Hauß- ünd Schreib-Calender/ Auf das 1684. Jahr Christi […]. Jena: Johann-Heinrich Voigt, 1683.

———. Johann-Heinrich Voigts/ Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Staden Nütlicher Hauß- ünd Schreib-Calender/ Auf das 1687. Jahr Christi […]. Jena: Johann-Heinrich Voigt, 1686.

———. Deß Weltberühmten Herrn Joh. Heinrich Voigt, Königl. Schwed. Mathematici zu Stade, Orientalische grosse Veränderungen, Deren Lauff aus verschiedener bey zwantzig Jahren her grausam […] erschienener Cometen Bezeichnung […] gezeiget […] wird. N.p., 1683.

Waremund, Konstantin. Allmanach/ oder Schreib Calender/ sampt den Sontags Euangelien vnd kurtzen Prognostico auff das Jahr M. DC. XI. […]. Mainz: Johann Albin, 1610.

———. Newer und Alter Allmanach/ oder Schreib Calender […] auff das Jahr nach Christi Geburt/ M. DC. V. […]. Mainz: Johann Albin, 1604.

Wegenmann, Abraham. Alter & Newer Schreibkalender […] Auff das dritte nach dem Schaltjahr […] M. DCIII. […]. Nuremberg: Johann Lauer, 1602.

———. Alter & Newer Schreibkalender […] Auff das Schaltjahr […] M. DCIIII. […]. Nuremberg: Johann Lauer, 1603.

Weißkohl, Friedrich. Alter und Neuer Music- Gespenst- und Lieder-Calender […] Auf das Schalt-Jahr […] MDCLXXX. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Eberhard Felsecker, 1679.

232

Welper, Eberhard. New und Alter Schreibcalender […] auff das Jahr nach der Geburt Jesu Christi. M. DC. LI. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650.

———. New und Alter Schreibkalender […] auff das Jahr nach der Geburt Jesu Christi M. DC. LV. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1654.

———. Prognosticon Astrologicum […] auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LI. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1650.

———. Prognosticon Astrologicum […] auff das Jahr […] M. DC. LV. […]. Augsburg: Johann Schultes, 1654.

Werve, Hermann de. Newer und Alter Schreib-Kalender/ auff das groß vorenderungs und 183 mal 9 Jahr/ Annus Enneaticus genant/ nach der Gnadenreichen Geburt und Menschwerdung unsers Erlösers und Seligmachers Iesv Christi. M. DC. XXXXVII. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1646.

———. Newer und Alter Schreib-Kalender/ auff das Wunder- und ander nach dem Schalt-Jahr […] M. DC. XXXXVI. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endters, 1645.

———. Newer und Alter Schreib Kalender/ Auff derer (vieler Menschen Gedancken/ Meinung vnd Hoffnung zuwidern) bißhero Elenden/ Bedrangten/ Betrübten […] Jubel-Jahr […] M. DC. XXXXIII. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1642.

———. Newer und Alter Schreib Kalender/ Auff deß Heil. Römischen Reichs/ nunmehr 24. Jahr mit Zähren/ Hertzbrechenden Seufftzen gewünschten unnd der Elenden/ bedrangten Exulanten frewdenriechs unnd frieden-Jahr […] M. DC. XXXXII. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1641.

———. Newer vnd Alter Schreib-Kalender/ auff das 415. Schalt-Jahr […] M.DC.LX. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1659.

———. Prognosis Astromantica […] Auff das grosse Veränderung- und hundert und drey und achtzig mal neundte Jahr (Annus Enneaticus) genant […] M. DC. XLVII. […] Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1646.

———. Prognosis Astromantica […] Auff das […] Jubel-Jahr […] M. DC. XLIII. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1642.

———. Prognosis Astromantica […] Auff das 415. Schald-Jahr […] M.DC.LX. […]. Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1659.

———. Prognosis Astromantica […] Auff das Wunder- unnd ander nach dem Schaltjahr […] M. DC. XLVI. […]. Nuremberg, Wolfgang Endter, 1645.

233

———. Prognosis Astromantica […] Auff deß H. Römischen Reichs, mit Zähren hertzbrechenden Seufftzen, langgewünschtes, und vielen Exulanten Frewdenreiches und Friedengetroffenes Jahr […] M. DC. XLII. […] Nuremberg: Wolfgang Endter, 1641.

Willing, Daniel. Alter und neuer Asiatischer Sitten/ Trachten/ Götzendienst/ Grausamkeiten und Landschafften Calender/ auf das Jahr […] M. DC. LXXIX. […]. Nuremberg: Johann Hoffmann, 1678.

Wolhrath, Goffried Georg. Sorgfältiger Jahr-Diener […] auf dasz 1680. Jahr […]. Altenburg: Richter, 1679.

Zimmet-Rinde, Marcus Antonius [pseud.]. Der andere Theil/ Oder Grosse Practica Des Gnaden-Jahrs unsers Immanuels Jesu Christi/ M. DC. LXXXI. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1680.

——— [pseud.]. Der Männer Zanck-Eisen/ Oder Alt- und Neuer Schreib- Feyer- und Namens- Calender/ Deß Gnaden Jahrs unsers Immanuels Jesu Christi/ M DC LXXXI. […]. Nuremberg: Christoph Endter, 1680.

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