DOCSLIB.ORG

I PERSONAL CONNECTIONS to the POLITICAL WORLD: SOCIAL

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
I PERSONAL CONNECTIONS to the POLITICAL WORLD: SOCIAL PERSONAL CONNECTIONS TO THE POLITICAL WORLD: SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE IN BRAZIL AND IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT by Amy Erica Smith B.A., University of Texas at Austin, 1999 M.R.P., Cornell University, 2002 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2011 i UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Amy Erica Smith It was defended on October 6, 2011 and was approved by Jonathan M. Hurwitz, Professor, Department of Political Science James McCann, Professor, Department of Political Science, Purdue University Scott Morgenstern, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science Dissertation Advisors: Barry Ames, Andrew W. Mellon Professor, Department of Political Science and Steven E. Finkel, Daniel Wallace Professor, Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Amy Erica Smith 2011 iii PERSONAL CONNECTIONS TO THE POLITICAL WORLD: SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE IN BRAZIL AND IN COMPARATIVE CONTEXT Amy Erica Smith, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2011 Conversation is at democracy’s core. In this dissertation, I examine citizens’ political discussion networks and their effects on democratic competence, meaning what citizens know about and how they interact with their political systems. I investigate how patterns of discussion and discussion’s impacts vary across the world, paying particular attention to Brazil. Data come from panel studies spanning Brazil’s 2002, 2006, and 2010 presidential elections, as well as a case study of the 2008 local elections; and from an eleven country study in the 1990s. I address three broad research questions. First, does political discussion affect democratic competence, and for whom? While the claim that political discussion has democratic benefits is common, selection effects make demonstrating causal claims difficult, since politically knowledgeable and engaged citizens are likely to choose to discuss politics. Using fixed effects and instrumental variables models, I find strong evidence that conversation promotes knowledge and participation, and that it has a “leveling effect,” helping citizens with lowest initial knowledge catch up with their neighbors. Moreover, spouses are particularly influential, and women give higher priority to spouses as their closest political discussants. Second, how does knowing people with different political opinions affect democratic competence? The key to solving longstanding debates requires recognizing that divergent iv preferences take two forms—the total preferences in the network (diversity) and the extent of disagreement with the reference person (conflict). Using multilevel models, I find that in systems with low numbers of candidates, conflict is demobilizing, but only when the network homogeneously disagrees with the reference person. Moreover, conflict combined with diversity promotes learning. In systems with more candidates, however, the effects of conflict disappear. Third, how do the electoral and party systems shape networks? And what are the downstream consequences for democratic competence? The number of candidates in a political system strongly affects exposure to diverse and conflicting preferences as well as the probability of knowing candidates and activists. I estimate that three-quarters of respondents in the local election I study in Brazil knew personally a candidate; using matching, I find that such connections promoted political engagement, but also fostered clientelism. v TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE ................................................................................................................................... XX 1.0 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................ 1 1.1 THE BRAZILIAN CASE(S) ............................................................................. 12 1.1.1 Two Cities, Three Studies, Three Election Campaigns .............................. 16 1.1.1.1 The Three Studies: ABR, NNBP, and BEPS .................................... 16 1.1.1.2 The Two Cities: Juiz de Fora and Caxias do Sul ............................. 17 1.1.1.3 The Three Election Campaigns ......................................................... 19 1.2 ORGANIZATION OF THE DISSERTATION .............................................. 22 2.0 SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE: LITERATURE REVIEW ……………………………………………………………………………………….. 26 2.1 WHAT IS DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE? ............................................... 27 2.2 HOW DO DISCUSSION NETWORKS AFFECT DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE? ............................................................................................................... 30 2.3 HOW DOES DISAGREEMENT AFFECT DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE? ............................................................................................................... 39 2.4 HOW DO NETWORKS AND THEIR EFFECTS ON DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE VARY CROSS-NATIONALLY? ........................................................ 47 vi 2.4.1 Networks and Political Behavior outside the US ........................................ 48 2.4.2 Networks and Social Influence in Brazil ..................................................... 51 2.4.3 Cross-National Variation in Networks and their Effects on Democratic Competence ................................................................................................................. 53 2.4.3.1 Country-Level Political Factors: Electoral and Party Systems and Age of Democracy .............................................................................................. 55 2.4.3.2 Social Structure: Hierarchy, Education, and Access to Other Resources ............................................................................................................ 56 2.4.3.3 Political Culture .................................................................................. 57 2.5 CONCLUSION: THE STATE OF THE LITERATURE ON SOCIAL INFLUENCE AND DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE .................................................. 59 3.0 SOCIAL INFLUENCES ON DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE: THEORY ...... 61 3.1 DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE ................................................................... 63 3.1.1 The Components of Democratic Competence: Tasks and Criteria............ 66 3.1.2 Social Networks and Democratic Competence ........................................... 70 3.2 CONCEPTUALIZATION AND MEASUREMENT OF NETWORKS ...... 71 3.3 POLITICAL DISCUSSION NETWORKS AND DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE ................................................................................................................. 74 3.3.1 Hypotheses: The Effects of Intimate, Egocentric Social Networks ........... 80 3.4 POLITICAL DIVERSITY AND CONFLICT AND DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE ................................................................................................................. 81 3.4.1 How Party Systems Condition the Effects of Diversity and Conflict ........ 84 3.4.2 Hypotheses: Diversity and Conflict in Social Networks ............................. 87 vii 3.5 BRAZIL’S ELECTORAL AND PARTY SYSTEMS, TIES TO LOCAL POLITICIANS, AND DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE .............................................. 87 3.5.1 Causality in Estimating the Effects of Local Political Connections .......... 93 3.5.2 Hypotheses: Local Connections .................................................................... 94 3.6 CONCLUSION .................................................................................................. 95 4.0 FOUR STUDIES ........................................................................................................ 97 4.1 STUDY 1: THE AMES-BAKER-RENNÓ (ABR) TWO CITY PANEL ...... 97 4.1.1 Questionnaire and Measures in Each Wave ............................................... 98 4.1.2 Sample and Attrition ................................................................................... 100 4.1.2.1 Main Respondent Interviews ........................................................... 101 4.1.2.2 Discussant Interviews ....................................................................... 105 4.2 STUDY 2: NETWORKS AND NEIGHBORHOODS IN LOCAL BRAZILIAN POLITICS (NNLBP) ................................................................................ 107 4.3 STUDY 3: THE BRAZIL ELECTORAL PANEL STUDY (BEPS) ........... 108 4.4 STUDY 4: THE SECOND WAVE OF THE COMPARATIVE NATIONAL ELECTIONS PROJECT (CNEP II) .............................................................................. 110 4.5 CONCLUSION ................................................................................................ 112 5.0 PERSONAL TOUCH: INTIMATE EGOCENTRIC NETWORKS AND DEMOCRATIC COMPETENCE IN BRAZIL ..................................................................... 113 5.1 DATA AND METHODS ................................................................................. 117 5.1.1 Ames Baker Rennó (ABR) Two-City Brazilian Elections Panel ............. 117 5.1.1.1 Dependent Variables: Political Knowledge and Voting Decisions 117 viii 5.1.1.2 Network and Discussion Measures Reported by the Main Respondent ....................................................................................................... 120 5.1.1.3 Discussant Characteristics from Snowball Interviews .................. 127 5.1.1.4 Other Independent Variables: Political Engagement and Demographics ..................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download Letter to Congressional Leaders on PEC 171/1993
    Alameda Jaú, 72, Conj. 54-56, São Paulo, SP, Brasil CEP 01420-000 Brasília, June 9, 2015 Tel: +55 11 3283 1914 e-Mail: [email protected] Americas Division Renan Calheiros José Miguel Vivanco, Executive Director Senator, President of the Federal Senate of Brazil Daniel Wilkinson, Managing Director Maria Laura Canineu, Brazil Director Cesar Muñoz, Senior Researcher Max Schoening, Researcher Andre Moura, Kate Segal, Associate Nina Elizondo, Associate Federal Deputy, President of the Chamber of Deputies Special Commission Hugo Arruda, Associate on PEC 171/1993 Advisory Committee Lloyd Axworthy, Chair Laerte Bessa, Marina Pinto Kaufman, Vice Chair Julien Studley, Vice Chair Federal Deputy, Rapporteur of the Chamber of Deputies Special Roberto Alvarez Cynthia Arnson Commission on PEC 171/1993 Carlos Basombrio Peter D. Bell Marcelo Bronstein Paul Chevigny John Dinges Denise Dresser Tom J. Farer Dear Renan Calheiros, Andre Moura , and Laerte Bessa, Myles Frechette Alejandro Garro Peter Hakim Ronald G. Hellman I am writing to share Human Rights Watch’s serious concerns regarding the Stephen L. Kass Andy Kaufman proposed constitutional amendment that would lower the age of criminal Susanna Leval Kenneth Maxwell majority in Brazil to 16, allowing children age 16 and above who are in Jocelyn McCalla conflict with the law to be tried and punished as adults. The amendment Bruce Rabb Michael Shifter would violate Brazil’s obligations under international law and undermine George Soros Rose Styron rather than strengthen the country’s efforts to reduce crime. Javier Timerman Horacio Verbitsky George Vickers Alex Wilde Human Rights Watch is an international nongovernmental organization dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • 2013-14 Annual Report Mission Statement
    http://ircpl.org/wp-main/uploads/sezgin.jpg IRCPL institute for religion, culture, and public life at Columbia University in the City of New York 2013-14 Annual Report Mission Statement The revitalization of religion in the last four decades has taken many scholars and analysts by surprise. They believed that modernization, secularization, and the privatization of religion would have global impact, leading to overall patterns of religious decline. What has happened is quite different and more complex. While religion has declined in some societies and grown in others, it has also changed and evolved in different ways in a variety of contexts. This transformation of religion, long-standing or novel, impacts our world in key ways. From the rise of religious movements, to the role of religion in politics and to the much more spirited engagement of religion in the public sphere and the public lives of adherents we experience religion in many different ways. To address this unexpected and rapidly changing situation, the Institute for Religion, Culture, and Public Life brings together scholars and students in religion, cultural anthropology, history, political science, economics, sociology and social psychology, and other allied fields to support multi-disciplinary analysis, reflection, and response to historical and contemporary issues of great significance. Founded in 2008, the Institute also engages in its programs political and economic figures and policy practitioners, as well as religious and cultural leaders. The scope of the Institute encompasses a broad range of phenomena, and while seeking to understand the bases of conflict and unrest across and within religions, it also examines beliefs, practices, and historical examples that demonstrate the potential for understanding, tolerance, and ecumenical values within religious traditions, as well as patterns of social institutions that may facilitate coexistence and mutual support.
    [Show full text]
  • Alfred Stepan
    ALFRED STEPAN Alfred Charles Stepan 22 July 1936 – 27 September 2017 elected Fellow of the British Academy 1997 by ARCHIE BROWN Fellow of the Academy A fine boxer in his youth; an active duty officer in the US Marine Corps who spent the 1962 missile crisis at sea, twenty miles off the Cuban coast, in readiness to invade the island; a Marine officer in Vietnam; a special correspondent ofThe Economist who predicted the Brazilian military coup of March 1964; a Chicago native urged by the city’s machine politicians to take over the seat of a retiring Democratic Congressman (with hints of a Senate opening to come); a professor who had a six-hour meeting with Fidel Castro in Havana (and a box of Cuban cigars from the revolutionary leader); the holder of prestigious Chairs and Deanships at Yale, Columbia and Oxford; the first President and Rector of the Central European University in Budapest; Chairman of the Board of the Richard Tucker Music Foundation—this would sound like an implausible combination for a character in a novel. Alfred Stepan, best known for his contributions to the comparative study of politics, did all these things and more. Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the British Academy, XVIII, 411–447 Posted 30 October 2019. © British Academy 2019. ALFRED STEPAN One of the most influential political scientists of his generation, Alfred Charles Stepan was born into ‘a very Catholic family’ of seven in Chicago on 22 July 1936.1 He died of cancer, aged 81, on 27 September 2017. ‘Al’, as he was known to his family and friends, was the eldest of the sons.
    [Show full text]
  • REPORT Violence Against Indigenous Peoples in Brazil DATA for 2017
    REPORT Violence against Indigenous REPORT Peoples in Brazil DATA FOR Violence against Indigenous Peoples in Brazil 2017 DATA FOR 2017 Violence against Indigenous REPORT Peoples in Brazil DATA FOR 2017 Violence against Indigenous REPORT Peoples in Brazil DATA FOR 2017 This publication was supported by Rosa Luxemburg Foundation with funds from the Federal Ministry for Economic and German Development Cooperation (BMZ) SUPPORT This report is published by the Indigenist Missionary Council (Conselho Indigenista Missionário - CIMI), an entity attached to the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil - CNBB) PRESIDENT Dom Roque Paloschi www.cimi.org.br REPORT Violence against Indigenous Peoples in Brazil – Data for 2017 ISSN 1984-7645 RESEARCH COORDINATOR Lúcia Helena Rangel RESEARCH AND DATA SURVEY CIMI Regional Offices and CIMI Documentation Center ORGANIZATION OF DATA TABLES Eduardo Holanda and Leda Bosi REVIEW OF DATA TABLES Lúcia Helena Rangel and Roberto Antonio Liebgott IMAGE SELECTION Aida Cruz EDITING Patrícia Bonilha LAYOUT Licurgo S. Botelho COVER PHOTO Akroá Gamella People Photo: Ana Mendes ENGLISH VERSION Hilda Lemos Master Language Traduções e Interpretação Ltda – ME This issue is dedicated to the memory of Brother Vicente Cañas, a Jesuit missionary, in the 30th year Railda Herrero/Cimi of his martyrdom. Kiwxi, as the Mỹky called him, devoted his life to indigenous peoples. And it was precisely for advocating their rights that he was murdered in April 1987, during the demarcation of the Enawenê Nawê people’s land. It took more than 20 years for those involved in his murder to be held accountable and convicted in February 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • Statistical Information
    STATISTICAL INFORMATION VOTES CAST FOR SENATORS IN 2008, 2010, and 2012 [Compiled from official statistics obtained by the Clerk of the House. Figures in the last column, for the 2012 election, may include totals for more candidates than the ones shown.] Vote Total vote State 2008 2010 2012 cast in 2012 Democrat Republican Democrat Republican Democrat Republican Alabama ....................... 752,391 1,305,383 515,619 968,181 .................... .................... .................... Alaska .......................... 1,51,767 147,814 60,045 90,839 .................... .................... .................... Arizona ........................ .................... .................... 592,011 1,005,615 1,036,542 1,104,457 2,243,422 Arkansas ...................... 804,678 .................... 288,156 451,618 .................... .................... .................... California ..................... .................... .................... 5,218,441 4,217,366 7,864,624 4,713,887 12,578,511 Colorado ...................... 1,230,994 990,755 851,590 822,731 .................... .................... .................... Connecticut .................. .................... .................... 605,204 498,341 792,983 604,569 1,511,764 Delaware ...................... 257,539 140,595 174,012 123,053 265,415 115,700 399,606 Florida .......................... .................... .................... 1,092,936 2,645,743 4,523,451 3,458,267 8,189,946 Georgia ........................ 909,923 1,228,033 996,516 1,489,904 ...................
    [Show full text]
  • Brazil, East Asia, and the Shaping of World Politics
    Brazil, East Asia, and the Shaping of World Politics Alexandre UEHARA & Guilherme CASARÕES* Abstract Key Words In this article, we analyse the relationship Brazil, East Asia, Japan, South Korea, between Brazil and East Asian countries- People’s Republic of China, foreign policy, Japan, China, South Korea and North Korea. trade relations. Even though most of these bilateral contacts are not new, they have been taken to a whole new level in the last two decades. While trade Introduction and investments have been the main element in these relations, they have assumed, especially It is no news that Brazil has already under Brazilian President Lula da Silva, an started to move onto the global stage. important political dimension. Our hypothesis is that stronger ties between Brazil and East The last 20 years have been of paramount Asia, however difficult they will be to achieve, importance to Brazilian diplomacy, will become paramount in shaping a new global thanks to the new domestic context order, inasmuch as they may lead to a growing of democracy, free markets, economic relevance of these countries in international politics. From a Brazilian perspective, East Asia development, and social inclusion. After may help the country attain its main foreign a decade of economic stability and trade policy goals in the 21st century. liberalisation under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), the country has finally made its path towards sustainable growth, thus making it * Alexandre Uehara is the dean for Academic Affairs at Faculdades Integradas Rio Branco possible for the “tropical giant” to affirm and a researcher at the Núcleo de Pesquisa its status as an emerging power and a em Relações Internacionais (NUPRI/USP).
    [Show full text]
  • Macro Highlights & Strategy
    PRIVATE BANKING MACRO HIGHLIGHTS & STRATEGY WEEK OF 9 MAY 2016 OUR ROUNDUP: United States: Looking for a link between capital spending and profits . We expect capex to decline significantly by the end of the year . Companies operating at maximum capacity will not necessarily show the strongest earnings growth Emerging Markets: Brazil - Are Rousseff’s days in office numbered? . The Senate is likely to suspend the president in its upcoming vote . Rousseff’s removal would not guarantee that the country’s economic fortunes will turn around or that domestic assets will continue to recover UNITED STATES LOOKING FOR A LINK BETWEEN CAPITAL SPENDING AND PROFITS After analysing the latest data available, we expect capital spending to decline significantly by the end of the year. The sharpest decline should be in the area of non-residential investments, in other words business spending on factories and machinery. What factors affect capital spending? Is it possible to draw a link between low capacity utilisation and corporate earnings? - The latest monthly data on orders and deliveries for capital goods came in ahead of expectations, yet the full-year picture remains negative. The downtrend (see left-hand chart below) points to weak growth in fixed investments by companies this year. - Stricter lending terms and rising salaries – the inevitable result of an improving jobs market – will discourage spending on new projects. And as long as their return on investment is low, firms will maintain their preference for share buybacks. EDMOND DE ROTHSCHILD | BRUNO JACQUIER, FRANÇOIS LÉONET, LISA TURK 1/8 MACRO HIGHLIGHTS & STRATEGY | 9 MAY 2016 - Industrial production continues to fall, and is currently 2% lower than one year ago.
    [Show full text]
  • Climate and Security in Brazil
    CLIMATE AND SECURITY IN BRAZIL PART OF THE “WORLD CLIMATE AND SECURITY REPORT 2020” BRIEFER SERIES A Product of the Expert Group of the INTERNATIONAL MILITARY COUNCIL ON CLIMATE AND SECURITY NOVEMBER 2020 www.imccs.org CLIMATE AND SECURITY IN BRAZIL PART OF THE “WORLD CLIMATE AND SECURITY REPORT 2020” BRIEFER SERIES A Product of the Expert Group of the INTERNATIONAL MILITARY COUNCIL ON CLIMATE AND SECURITY November 2020 Cover Photo: Brazilian Officials from the Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (Portuguese: IBAMA) inspect timber associated with illegal deforestation in Espigão do Oeste, Brazil. PHOTO: FERNANDO AUGUSTO www.imccs.org The International Military Council on Climate and Security (IMCCS) is a group of senior military leaders, security experts, and security institutions across the globe dedicated to anticipating, analyzing, and addressing the security risks of a changing climate. The IMCCS is co-led by: IMCCS Secretary General The Honorable Sherri Goodman Former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense (Environmental Security) US Department of Defense Board Chair, The Council on Strategic Risks; Senior Strategist, The Center for Climate and Security IMCCS Chair General Tom Middendorp (Ret) Former Chief of Defence of the Netherlands Senior Associate Fellow, Clingendael Institute The IMCCS Expert Group consists of IMCCS leaders committed to driving analysis, policy, and communications on climate and security, including through the development, publication, and endorsement of the World Climate and Security
    [Show full text]
  • BRAZIL BULLETIN INTERVIEW: Michel Temer, Vice President of Brazil
    Brazil-U.S. Business Council, Brazil Bulletin, Vol. XXI, No. 14 April 4, 2011 BRAZIL BULLETIN INTERVIEW: Michel Temer, Vice President of Brazil: “I think political reform is more important than tax reform.” The climate exists in Brazil’s Congress to pass a limited but effective political reform bill this year, according to Brazilian Vice President Michel Temer. The Vice President offered his views on political reform in a recent discussion with business leaders and reporters at the São Paulo Federation of Industries (Fiesp). Temer was elected vice president in 2010 after long service in the Chamber of Deputies. He is a past Chamber of Deputies Speaker and President of the Brazilian Democratic Movement (PMDB), Brazil’s largest political party. Excerpts follow: On proposals for electoral reform: “I personally favor a limited reform under which members of the Chamber of Deputies would be elected by majority vote within a multi- member district. Each state would be its own multi-member district. São Paulo, for example, has 70 seats. The 70 individual candidates with the most votes would be elected. This would replace the current system based on a party coefficient under which all the votes for a given party are added up and then that party gets a certain percentage of seats.” On alternative proposals: “The proposal favored by the Workers’ Party (PT) is based on the party list system. People vote for the party, not the candidate. The party decides which of its candidates to place at the top of the list (with the greatest chance of being elected).
    [Show full text]
  • Relações Internacionais V7 N1.Indd
    Thinking Copenhagen: the cognitive dimension of climate change policy making in Brazil and the United States Mark S. Langevin1 Abstract This article explores the cognitive dimension of climate change policy making in Brazil and the United States as both countries prepare for the Con- ference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change or COP15 in Copenhagen. The comparative policy analysis is framed by Putnam (1988) and informed by Bazerman (2009), but adapted to explore the cognitive expressions of policymaking through investigation of public opi- nion, newspaper coverage, and policymaker statements. The analysis reveals key differences in the ways that Brazilian and U.S. citizens, journalists, and policymakers understand global warming and climate change and think throu- gh the policy alternatives for addressing this global challenge through national policy and international negotiations. Brazil’s cognitive dimension provides its negotiators with a wide range of strategic positions, allowing this country to play the role of dealmaker. The U.S. administration arrives at Copenhagen with a narrow win-set, limited by the discordant and divisive cognitive expressions that surround policymaking. These differences limit bilateral cooperation and complicate the COP15 negotiations. Keywords: Climate change. Cognitive dimension and expressions. Global war- ming. Greenhouse gas emissions. International treaty negotiations. Kyoto Pro- tocol. Newspaper and media coverage. Policymaking. Public opinion. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. 1 Director BrazilWorks, Adjunct Associate Professor Department of Government and Poli- tics University of Maryland-University College, Associate Researcher Laboratório de Es- tudos Politícos (LEP) Universidade Federal de Espirito Santo (UFES). E-mail: Mark.bra- [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • THE POLITICAL and ECONOMIC JUNCTURE in BRAZIL AFTER the LULA and DILMA ADMINISTRATIONS: a Step Back in the Direction of Implantation of a Basic Income in Brazil1
    THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC JUNCTURE IN BRAZIL AFTER THE LULA AND DILMA ADMINISTRATIONS: a step back in the direction of implantation of a Basic Income in Brazil1 Maria Ozanira da Silva e Silva2 Universidade Federal do Maranhão [email protected] Valéria Ferreira Santos de Almada Lima3 Universidade Federal do Maranhão [email protected] ABSTRACT: The Bolsa Família Program has been implemented since 2003 as the main strategy to face poverty in Brazil. Its benefit is the transfer of income to poor and extremely poor families as well as to articulate the monetary income transfer with some structural policies, mainly education, health and work. The Bolsa Familia has already reached almost 14 million of families and is implemented in all the 5,545 Brazilian municipalities, I e, about ¼ of the Brazilian population.The programs requires the fulfillment of some) conditionalities in the field of education and health, such as: enrollment and attendance of the children and adolescents in school; children must get basic health care and pregnant women must receive prenatal care. The Bolsa Familia is considered in Brazil, according to Eduardo Suplicy’s Law Bill 266/2001 sanctioned by President Lula in January 8 of 2004, as the first step toward creating a Citizenship Basic Income. The goal of this proposal is to present and to problematize the recent political and economic post Lula and Dilma Administrations situation in order to demonstrate the climate of regression in the social protection programs and the dismantling of the same social rights already conquered by the worker class and the poor population.
    [Show full text]
  • The Brazilian Military Regime of 1964-1985: Legacies for Contemporary Democracy
    DOI: 10.18441/ibam.16.2016.62.13-26 The Brazilian Military Regime of 1964-1985: Legacies for Contemporary Democracy O regime militar brasileiro de 1964-1985: legados para a democracia contemporânea TIMOTHY J. POWER University of Oxford, United Kingdom [email protected] | Abstract: This article revisits the 21-year military dictatorship in Brazil to examine how it shaped subsequent democratic politics after the transition to civilian rule in 1985. In par- ticular, six legacies are analysed. The paper begins by focusing on the relative legitimacy of the Brazilian military regime when compared to other dictatorships in the Southern Cone. The article then examines several variables which impact on the way politics has played out between 1985 and 2014: a high level of continuity of personnel inherited from the military period, an accentuated commitment to civil liberties (as in the Constitution of 1988), a more robust level of political competition compared to the pre-coup years, and a delayed but increasingly meaningful consideration of transitional justice issues. The article concludes by noting how mass mobilization (the street) engendered the collapse of the military regime in 1983-1984, and how this strategy of collective action has been repeated on several occasions under democracy. Keywords: Coup; Dictatorship; Authoritarianism; Legacies; Democratic consolidation; Brazil. Iberoamericana, 13-26 XVI, 62 (2016), | Resumo: O artigo revisita os 21 anos de ditadura militar no Brasil para entender como o regime militar afetou o desenvolvimento do regime democrático após a transição de 1985. Seis legados específicos serão analisados. O artigo começa por enfocar a legitimidade relativa do regime militar brasileiro quando comparado a outros regimes autoritários no Cone Sul.
    [Show full text]