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University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa Civil-Military Relations in Namibia, 1990-2005 Matomola Vincent Mwange Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of D.Phil in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, Graduate School of Public and Development Management at the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. 2009 CHAPTER 1 BACKGROUND AND RESEARCH PROBLEM Background The patterns of civil-military relations in independent Africa are influenced by the discourse of the western armed forces, and Namibia is no exception. The emerging patterns of post-independence civil-military relations are marked, at the level of institutions and mechanisms, by a strong similarity between the formal mechanisms and institutions of civil control found in the metropole and those introduced in the newly independent countries. For example, Namibia’s Constitution, which serves as a formal control mechanism over the military, was heavily influenced by Western European countries such as Britain, Germany and the United Sates of America who helped negotiate the country’s independence process. The constitutions of most independent African countries, Namibia included, have a provision that makes the president commander-in-chief of the armed forces like in the United States of America (Edmonds, 1988:77). The incorporation of the provision in the constitution was to prevent the military from exercising undue power and influence. Similarly, military institutions such as Namibia’s Ministry of Defence (MoD) mirror that of Britain in design. The researcher argues that such military establishments reflect the Western model of civil-military relations inherited by newly-independent African countries. Chapters 5 and 6 give more details of Namibia’s civil-military relations in transition and context. Since the end of the Cold War many countries have been preoccupied with demilitarisation, security and sustainable development. Consequently, security sector governance has emerged as a key element in the process of democratisation. Democratic governance is an essential element of the stable and secure setting necessary to support human development and human security in a country. Governance has thus received increasing consideration in Africa since the early 1990s. Nonetheless, Ball & Fayemi (2006) argue that while good governance was accepted as fundamental to supporting democracy and to promoting good development results, very little attention was given to the question of how the security sector was governed until the late 1990s. However, it has been found that sound governance of the security sector is crucial for the success of democratic consolidation, poverty 1 reduction, and sustainable economic and social development. It is also important for the quality of security, which is about creating a safe and secure environment for the state and its entire population. In Namibia, various national policies have been justified by the maintenance of ‘peace and security’ as a precondition to ‘nation-building’. The Government has recognised that the military has tremendous power which it can use against the state. Therefore, the politicians, who are elected representatives of the people, found it important to control the utilisation of this coercive power for the benefit of society rather than for uncontrolled and self-serving ways. The term civil-military relations is usually used in a generic way to cover relations between the armed forces and society or the political authority. Independent Namibia opted for democratic civil-military relations with the aim of ensuring civil control over the military. Much has been written on civil-military relations; however, very little research has been produced on democratic civil-military relations in Namibia since independence. The term civil-military relations has a varied usage depending on the context within which it is applied. It is somewhat self-evident that the term can only be used in societies where a sufficient level of institutional differentiation exists between the armed forces and the civilian authorities (Williams, 1998:1). Nevertheless, there are a number of different senses in which the term civil-military relations can be used. This research attempts to fill the gap by looking at the political institutions that are necessary for democratic civil-military relations and how they have contributed to peace and stability in Namibia. Nature and Scope of Empirical Material The scope of this research is to examine the generally held western assumptions of Civil-Military relations and how they were institutionalised in Namibia since independence between 1990 and 2005. The study will focus on Namibia’s civil-military relations in the context of the Namibian Constitution which outlines the principles, structures, responsibilities and relationships that are necessary to secure democratic civil-military relations. In addition, the Ministry of Defence, 2 budgetary mechanisms and military professionalism will be examined as they are critical to successful civil control over the armed forces. Significance of the Research This research study seeks to improve understanding of the interaction between different factors relating to civil-military relations and their significant bearing for democratic control of the military in Namibia. Although the subject of civil-military relations has been researched in great detail, not many in-depth national case studies have been written. It is therefore hoped that the findings of this research will help improve the actual practice of civil-military relations in Namibia. The military has the capacity to use substantial force and potential to overthrow the civil authority and destroy democracy. The purpose behind establishing the military is to defend the country against external attacks. The role of the military is to uphold, in a non-partisan manner, the rule of law and the territorial integrity of the state, or else democratic governance is endangered. However, post-independent African countries such as Nigeria, Ghana, Lesotho etc experienced military coup d'états (Nathan, 1996:1). The question is how to address and manage the power of the military so that they do not interfere in the political governance of the country. Feaver 1999:215 noted that “A direct seizure of political power by the military is the traditional worry of civil-military relations”. Study focus The preceding paragraphs highlighted the significance of civil control over the military and the state’s ability to enforce democratic governance. This study explores the broad theme of civil- military relations to establish a framework for Namibia’s civil-military relations that ensures successful democratic civil control of the military. Specifically the study • examines the patterns of civil-military relations in independent Africa to comprehend the emerging patterns of post-independence civil-military relations in Namibia, 3 • explores requirements needed for democratic control of the armed forces to determine Namibia’s civil military relations, • assesses the interface among different democratic institutions and mechanisms necessary for civil control of the military in Namibia, and • examines the influence of the international context and involvement of external actors in shaping Namibia’s civil-military relations. However, since civil-military relations take place in unique settings, the study will draw some conclusions and practical policy recommendations to strengthen civil-military relations to sustain peace and stability in Namibia. Research Problem Governments in colonial Africa were supported by a well established military and security establishment. Post-independent states in Africa are largely shaped by the colonial states that existed before. At independence most African states essentially rearranged the political structures that they inherited from their former colonial masters. The state has been defined by some scholars as “the organized aggregate of relatively permanent institutions of governance” (Chazan et al, 1999:39). The main mechanisms of state comprise the executive and parliament as decision making bodies, the civil service as decision-implementing agency, security forces as decision- enforcing organisations and courts as decision-mediating institutions. Chazan (1999:39-40) further posits that for state organs to operate effectively the military should be able to maintain the territorial integrity of the country. The post-colonial period saw the growth and strengthening of the military in Africa. The military was retained as a symbol of sovereignty and national independence. Equally, in other countries such as the former Zaire, the military was sustained and expanded to provide necessary support for the weak government of Mobutu Sese Seko. The collapse of Somali’s central government in the 1990s was attributed to the government’s inability to fulfil critical functions associated with a modern state, especially to provide security, safety and law and order (Andersen, 2006:3). The state in Africa is often viewed, among other things, as repressive, fragile and absolutist, because the power inherited at independence was mainly concerned with domination rather than legitimacy. This has 4 caused instability associated with illegitimate and bad governance in some African countries. The military was also seen as an instrument of oppression that supported autocratic rulers rather than serving the interests of the nation as a whole. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new period of security and development nexus,
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