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Notes

Introduction: The significance of the antibureaucratic revolution

1. For the most sophisticated and nuanced exposition of the former view see Cohen (2001: 62–78) and Popov (1993: 20–3); for the latter see Silber and Little (1995: 34–8, 58–63) and Banac (1992: 176–8), as well as the statements of high officials targeted by protest groups of Serbs and participants in the anti- bureaucratic revolution or, alternatively, the views of ’s and the other ’ high officials who condemned the protests of . 2. Cohen (2001: 57–88), Popov (1993: 16–23), Pavlowitch (2002: 184–98), Pavkovi´c(2000: 89–90, 103–7) and Ðilas (1993). 3. There are dozens of books and articles on the conflicts surrounding national- ist mobilization and ’s disintegration. For reviews of the literature see Ramet (2005) and Jovi´c(2001). For elite-centred research see, for example, Gagnon (2004), Jovi´c(2003) and Cohen (1995), and for focus on the person- alities of political leaders see Sell (2002) and Silber and Little (1995). For the attitudinal approach, that looks principally into the attitudes of main actors, ideologies, culture and religion, see Wachtel (1998), Pavkovi´c(2000), Perica (2002), Dragovi´c-Soso(2002), D¯ oki´c(2003) and Miller (1999). For focus on the role of the institutions of multi-national federalism in the rise of national- ism and nationalist conflict see Ramet (1992), Hayden (1999), Vujaˇci´c(1996), Bunce (1999) and Woodward (1995a). 4. I am grateful to a member of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Serbia, whom I interviewed for the book, for the permission to read his personal copy of the document. 5. (Novi Sad), Duga (), Intervju (Belgrade), Jedinstvo (Pristina), Književne novine (Belgrade), Pobjeda (Titograd – ), Ekspres (Belgrade), Politika (Belgrade), (), Veˇcernje novosti (Belgrade), Vjesnik (Zagreb).

1 Yugoslavia’s peculiar authoritarianism

1. For an overview of the history of Yugoslavia, see Lampe (2000). Yugoslavia’s highly decentralized multi-national federalism and the national question are explained in detail in Burg (1983), Ramet (1992), Rusinow (1988), Stanovˇci´c (1992), Ðilas (1991), Shoup (1968) and Banac (1984). For details on self- management, see Sekelj (1990), Allcock (2000) and Lydall (1989), and for liberalization in the 1960s, see Carter (1982). 2. The report was published in Intervju, special edition no. 11, ‘Dokumenti vremena: Šuvarova Bela knjiga’, 10 May 1989.

212 Notes 213

2 The rise of Miloševi´c

1. An earlier version of this chapter was published in Vladisavljevi´c(2004a). 2. For the most sophisticated exposition of the former view see Cohen (2001: 43–74); for a most detailed and informed attempt to substantiate the latter view see Silber and Little (1995: 37–47). 3. I am grateful to Jasna Dragovi´c-Sosofor directing my attention to this poll. 4. D¯ uki´c(1994): 13–17. Slavoljub D¯ uki´c,a prominent Belgrade journalist, is by far the most prolific and cited author on Miloševi´c.His books provide ample detail about Miloševi´c’sfamily background, childhood and schooling, business career, rise to power and his rule in Serbia in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, with a focus on personalities and not on the historical and political context. Many accounts of the ascent of Miloševi´cand his rule in the late 1980s that appear in scholarly and other literature on Yugoslav controversies, in both English and Serbo-Croatian, draw heavily on D¯ uki´c (1994, 2001). 5. For balanced and highly informative portraits of leading members of the older generation in Serbia see the account of Ckrebi´c,theirˇ younger long-term associate (1995: 271–340). 6. Draža Markovi´c,Špiro Galovi´c,Vaso Milinˇcevi´cand two anonymous mem- bers of Serbia’s party Presidency, interviews with the author. 7. Among my interviewees, Draža Markovi´carticulated this, at the time widely shared view in the leadership of Serbia, most passionately. 8. The report was published in Intervju, special edition no. 11, ‘Dokumenti vremena: Šuvarova Bela knjiga’, 10 May 1989. 9. Draža Markovi´c,Boško Kruni´c,Špiro Galovi´cand two anonymous high party officials, all present at the meeting, interviews with the author. 10. Several of my interviewees from different political generations and factions put emphasis on this point. 11. Špiro Galovi´c,Vaso Milinˇcevi´c,Milenko Markovi´cand another member of Serbia’s party Presidency, interviews with the author. 12. Draža Markovi´c,Špiro Galovi´cand two influential members of Serbia’s party Presidency, who wanted to remain anonymous, interviews with the author. 13. Špiro Galovi´c,Vaso Milinˇcevi´c,Milenko Markovi´cand two anonymous high party officials, interviews with the author. 14. Špiro Galovi´c and an anonymous member of Serbia’s party Presidency, interviews with the author. 15. Another episode, probably the most gruesome removal of a political oppon- ent by state officials in Serbia in recent times, fully reveals the extent to which many from the Miloševi´cgroup feared Ivan Stamboli´c,even many years after he had retired from political life. In August 2000, a month before the presidential election that set in motion the demise of Miloševi´c,there were rumors that Ivan Stamboli´cmight enter presidential race. This should not have been a reason for concern for either Miloševi´cor a democratic opposition candidate since Stamboli´chad been outside political life since the end of 1987 and did not enjoy popular support. Realistically, he could not expect to win but a small fraction of the vote. Nonetheless, key regime officials apparently believed that he had become a serious threat again. Stam- boli´cwas promptly abducted and murdered. His body was found two and a 214 Notes

half years later, during the police investigation following the assassination of Zoran D¯ ind¯i´c, the Prime Minister of Serbia, in 2003. Two years later, Belgrade’s Dictrict Court found that Miloševi´chad issued the order for the murder of Stamboli´cand Serbia’s Supreme Court confimed the verdict in March 2007. For details see Popov (2007).

3 The grass-roots protest of Kosovo Serbs

1. In statistical yearbooks of socialist Yugoslavia this part of Kosovo’s popula- tion was listed under the categories of Serbs and Montenegrins. However, Serb and Montenegrin identities were not considered as mutually exclus- ive in Kosovo, unlike in parts of . The considerable majority of Kosovo Montenegrins, who comprised less than 15 percent of this section of Kosovo’s population, embraced both identities, especially when the issues at stake were Serb–Albanian relations and the status of Kosovo. There was little difference in attitudes and political behavior between Serbs and Montenegrins in Kosovo throughout the twentieth century and in its aftermath. 2. An earlier, short version of this chapter was published in Vladisavljevi´c (2004b). 3. See, for example, Silber and Little (1995: 34–47, 58–9), Judah (2000: 47–55) and Malcolm (1998: 339–43). 4. The term Kosovo (Kosova in Albanian) is widely accepted in the West and I use it throughout the book. Serbs normally use the term Kosovo-Metohia. I also use the anglicized version of geographical names in the autonomous province, while personal names appear in their Serbo-Croatian and Albanian spellings. 5. See, for example, the report on the emigration of Serbs from Kosovo jointly drafted by Yugoslavia’s and Serbia’s governments in Politika, 30 and 31 September, and 1, 2, 3 and 4 October 1982, and excerpts from the report of the working group of the Federal Assembly, created to investigate com- plaints of Kosovo Serbs from the meeting with federal and Serbia’s leaders in Belgrade on 26 February 1986, in Intervju, 11 April 1986: 38–45 and its conclusions in NIN, 13 April 1986. 6. I calculated the share of the two groups in Kosovo’s population from the figures from post-war censuses. See Miljkovi´c(1989: 48). 7. For more information see Bogosavljevi´c(1994: 20–2), Blagojevi´c(1996: 235– 42), Islami (1994: 31–2) and Popovi´c et al. (1990: 12–14). 8. See the report on emigration of Serbs from Kosovo jointly drafted by Yugoslavia’s and Serbia’s governments in Politika, 30, 31 September, 1, 2, 3 and 4 October 1982 and excerpts from the Archive of the Holy Bishop’s Council of the Serbian Orthodox Church (1945–86) in Jevti´c(1987: 793–838). 9. For a detailed chronology of the events see Vjesnik, 16 May and 6 June 1981. 10. For more details about the protests see Kola (2003: 157–8) and Ðakovi´c(1984: 293–9). Although the protests obviously originated from local sources, several informed observers hinted that the Sigurimi, ’s intelligence service, had probably played some role initially. See, for example, Marmullaku (2003: 304–5) and Kola (2003: 159). Notes 215

11. The expression ‘ethnically clean’ comes from the petition. 12. See a transcript of the speeches of Kosovo Serbs at the meeting in NIN,23 and 30 March, and 6 and 13 April 1986. 13. For eyewitness accounts of the events see , 5–6 April 1986: 6; 7 April 1986: 1, 4; 12 April 1986: 3; Intervju, 11 April 1986: 35–7; Tijani´c(1988: 174); and Vojo Vuˇcini´c,a Kosovo Serb activist, in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 253). 14. For more information on the petitions see NIN, 26 April 1987: 12, and the transcript of the meeting of representatives of Kosovo Serbs with Slobodan Miloševi´cin Kosovo Polje on 24–25 April 1987, published in Borba, 8, 9–10 and 11 May 1987: 17. 15. Budimirovi´c,Šolevi´cand Kecman, interviews with the author. 16. See transcripts of the speeches of Kosovo Serbs at the meeting with federal officials in Federal Assembly in Belgrade on 26 February 1986 in NIN,23and 30 March, 6 and 13 April 1986, and those at the meeting with Slobodan Miloševi´cand Kosovo officials in Kosovo Polje on 24–25 April 1987 in Borba, 8, 9–10 and 11 May 1987. 17. See also Ivan Stamboli´c about the lack of support for Kosovo Serb high officials within their community (1988: 171–2). 18. Based on detailed eyewitness accounts of the events in Nedeljna Borba, 25–26 April 1987: 9, Borba, 19 January 1993: 15, Borba, 20 January 1993: 15 and interviews of Budimirovi´c,Šolevi´cand Kecman with the author. For all 78 speeches see the full transcript from the meeting, published in Borba,8, 9–10 and 11 May 1987. In contrast, claims that Miloševi´cand his associates organized the event to the very last detail (Borba, 8 February 1993: 12). 19. Šolevi´c,interview with the author. See also interview with Bucko Stefanovi´c, a teacher and activist from Urosevac, in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 253).

4 Yugoslavia’s political class and popular unrest in the summer of 1988

1. For more information about the strikes, the context in which they occurred and parallels with earlier strikes see Sekuli´c(1987), Mohar (1987), Foˇco(1989) and Pavlovi´c(1988). 2. The reconstruction of the events that follows is based on information from my interviews with prominent Kosovo Serb activists, Boško Budimirovi´c, Miroslav Šolevi´cand Bogdan Kecman, and activists outside Kosovo, Milica Grkovi´c,Ranka Ciˇcakandˇ Milena Milovanovi´c,then full, unedited tran- scripts of interviews with Kosovo Serb activists published in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 225–70), excerpts from interviews with various activists published in Hudelist (1989) and reports from the local . 3. The author’s copy of the petition. See excerpts from the petition in (5 July 1988: 23). A working group formed by the federal Ministry of the Interior to assess the effectiveness of the protection of the rights and property of Kosovo Serbs by Kosovo’s police forces between 1986 and mid-1988 con- cluded that the number of human rights violations significantly increased in 1987 and especially in 1988. See excerpts from the working group’s report in NIN (2 October 1988: 14–15). 216 Notes

4. Mili´cMaslovari´cand Mi´coŠparavalo, prominent Kosovo Serb activists, inter- views in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 235, 243–4) and Drago Samardži´c,interview in Hudelist (1989: 171). 5. Budimirovi´c,Šolevi´cand Kecman, interviews with the author, and interview with other activists in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 25–6, 237–40, 243–4, 263–4) and Hudelist (1989: 171–3, 189–90). 6. For colorful portraits of the Committee members see Hudelist (1989). 7. I calculated the share of these groups in ’s population from figures from the 1981 census. See Miljkovi´c(1989: 49). 8. Mili´cMaslovari´c,Mi´coŠparavalo, Vojo Vuˇcini´cand Drago Samardži´c,prom- inent Kosovo Serb activists, interviews in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 25–6, 237–40, 243–4, 263–4) and Hudelist (1989: 174–6). 9. Borba, 11 July 1988: 3, NIN, 17 July 1988: 19–21 and Milica Grkovi´c,a prom- inent activist from Novi Sad, interview with author. See also interviews with participants in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 232–3, 255, 259–60, 272–4) and Hudelist (1989: 178–9). 10. Raif Dizdarevi´cclaims, by contrast, that high officials from Serbia told him (and other members of the federal state Presidency) after this event that had any of the workers tried to leave the space marked for protesters, they would have deployed all resources necessary to prevent it (2000: 187). While it is certainly possible that some high officials consoled and reassured each other of their readiness to face popular challenges in this way once the highly charged workers’ demonstration had already ended, there is little evidence that high officials of Serbia demanded the suppression of the protests of industrial workers or that the police under their control took any action against the workers between May and July 1988, even in cases where the workers quite clearly crossed the boundaries of non-violent protest. In fact, a Belgrade mayor and Belgrade’s City Committee President, having failed to halt the Zmaj metalworkers protest on 17 June 1988, joined their march. 11. I calculated the share of Albanian minorities in the population of Macedonia and Montenegro from the figures from the post-war censuses. See Miljkovi´c (1989: 45–6). 12. A member of the federal party Presidency, a leading member of party Presid- ency of Vojvodina and a leading member of Montenegro’s state Presidency, interviews with the author. 13. For conflicting claims see interviews with activists in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 200, 227, 245, 256, 261). 14. Informacija (sa ocjenama i stavovima) Predsjedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Crne Gore o mitinzima u Titogradu i Kolašinu održanim 20. avgusta 1988, Predsjedništvo CK SK Crne Gore, Arhivsko odjeljenje, Spisi 1988, Titograd, 25 August 1988. Published in Strugar (1990: 233–50). 15. Informacija (sa ocjenama i stavovima) Predsjedništva Centralnog komiteta Saveza komunista Crne Gore o mitinzima u Titogradu i Kolašinu održanim 20. avgusta 1988. 16. Protest networks formed initially in Vršac, Nova Pazova, Lov´cenac,Gajdobra, Crvenka, Karad¯ord¯evo and Novi Sad. See full, unedited transcripts of inter- views with prominent activists from Vojvodina in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 195–224). Notes 217

5 The antibureaucratic revolution and its enemies

1. See, for example, Sell (2002: 57–60), Pavlowitch (2002: 194–5), Cohen (2001: 74–8), Pavkovi´c(2000: 103–7), Gagnon (2004: 69–71), Milosavljevi´c(2004), Woodward (1995a: 90–7), Ramet (1992: 231–3), LeBor (2002: 104–9), Thomas (1999: 44–6) and Silber and Little (1995: 58–63). 2. See Šuvar’s speech at the session of the federal party Presidency on 29 August 1988 (1989: 33–7). 3. Danas (13 September 1988: 10; 20 September 1988: 11; 27 September 1988: 9). 4. Protests in Pristina on 31 August and 20 September, Gracanica on 1 September, Decani and Ljubizda, a village near Prizren, two days later, Pec on 8 and 13 September, Vucitrn and Pasjane, a village near Gnjilane, on 12 September fall into this group. 5. For example, protests in Ostojan, near Istok, on 3 September, Istok and Gornje Dobrevo three days later, Leposavic on 13 September, Gnjilane on 21 September, Pristina over the following two days and Prizren on 25 September. 6. Interviews of Stevan Marinkovi´cand Migo Samardži´c,prominent Kosovo Serb activists, in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 229–30, 240–1). 7. For details about the event, see NIN, 25 September 1988: 14–15, 18, Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 45) and Ilija Živkovi´c,a prominent activist from Vojvodina, interview in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 200–2). 8. ‘Zabilješka o razgovoru izmed¯u predstavnika društvenopolitiˇckihorganiza- cija (DPO) i društvenopolitiˇckezajednice (DPZ) Crne Gore i predstavnika DPO i DPZ 13. septembra 1988’, ‘RijeˇcDragana Vukˇcevi´cana sjednici Predsjedništva RK SSRN Crne Gore 3. oktobra 1988’ and ‘Rijeˇcprofesora dr Branislava Kovaˇcevi´cana sjednici Predsjedništva RK SSRN Crne Gore 3. okto- bra 1988.’ Republiˇckakonferencija SSRN Crne Gore, Kabinet Predsjedništva, Titograd, ‘Spisi 1988’. Published in Strugar (1990: 250–3, 276–84). 9. Medved¯a and Lebane on 10 September, Peˇcenjevactwo days later, Tešica on 17 September and Kraljevo on 22 September. 10. For details about the events, see Borba (5 October 1988: 1, 3; 6 October 1988: 5); Danas (11 October 1988: 22–3); NIN (9 October 1988: 11–12). 11. Branko Mikuli´c,President of the Federal Executive Council (Prime Minister). 12. The nickname of Slobodan Miloševi´c. 13. Telegram to the party Presidencies and state Presidencies of Yugoslavia and Serbia was read out at the session of Serbia’s party Presidency on the following morning (see excerpts from the session’s transcript in Borba, 7 October 1988: 2–4, 5). A leading member of the province’s party Presidency insisted in an interview with the author that they did not explicitly demand the use of force but that it was up to the top federal organs to decide how they would respond. This is true, though it is clear from the telegram that they expected a decisive action against protesters, not least because Šogorov signed the telegram as President of the province’s Committee for Defence and Security (ONO i DSZ), a shadowy body that was in charge of top security issues, and not in his role as President of the province’s party Presidency. 14. For details about the event see Borba (6 October 1988: 1, 3; 7 October 1988: 1, 5); Danas (11 October 1988: 7–9). See also excerpts from interviews with Duško Rad¯enovi´c,Ljubomir Novakovi´cand Milun Tasi´c,trade unionists from 218 Notes

BaˇckaPalanka and Celarevo,ˇ negotiators on the side of protesters, in Politika (18 December 1988: 8). 15. Interviews with Duško Rad¯enovi´c,a leader of the trade union, and D¯ ord¯e Š´cepanˇcevi´c,a managing director of Jugoalat in Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 206–9, 218–23). 16. For details about the events from 7 to 10 October in Montenegro see Borba (8–9 October 1988: 7; 10 October 1988: 1–3 and 11 October 1988: 1, 3). 17. See excerpts from the transcript of closed joint session of the party Presid- ency and state Presidency of Montenegro on 7–8 October 1988, released after the fall of leadership, in Borba (1–2 July 1989: 15) and Politika (22 June 1989: 11; 23 June 1989: 10; 24 June 1989: 10; 25 June 1988: 10). Also, see ‘Zapis- nik sa zajedniˇckesjednice Predsjedništva SR Crne Gore i Predsjedništva CK SK Crne Gore, održane 7. i 8. oktobra 1988.’ Predsjedništvo SR Crne Gore, Kabinet Predsjednika, Titograd, ‘Spisi 1988’. Published in Strugar (1990: 305– 10). Ljubiša Stankovi´c,President of the Youth Organization, reflected on the events in an interview with the author: ‘distressing circumstances, armed people positioned on roofs, dreadful. Podgorica (Titograd) looked strange, something that you see for the first time, that was previously only seen on film.’ 18. For details about the use of force by the police see the statement by the Minis- ter of Interior, ‘Saopštenje Lazara D¯ od¯i´ca, Republiˇckogsekretara za unutrašnje poslove, na Zajedniˇckojsjednici Predsjedništva SR Crne Gore i Predsjed- ništva CK SK Crne Gore 10. oktobra 1988.’ Predsjedništvo CK SK Crne Gore, Arhivsko odjeljenje, Titograd, ‘Spisi 1988’, in Strugar (1990: 315–18) and a personal account of the commander of the special police unit in Borba,15 August 1989. 19. ‘Informacija Predsjedništva CK SK Crne Gore o toku i rezultatima aktivnosti na realizaciji zakljuˇcaka17. sjednice CK SK Crne Gore, održane 14. i 15. oktobra 1988, a pripremljene informacije za raspravu na 18. sjednici CK SK Crne Gore’, Predsjedništvo CK SK Crne Gore, Arhivsko odjeljenje, Titograd, ‘Spisi 1988’. Published in Strugar (1990: 394–412). 20. Borba (11 January 1989: 1, 3; 12 January 1989: 1, 3–4). See also excerpts from the transcript of the closed joint session of the party Presidency and state Presidency of Montenegro on 10–11 January 1989, released after the fall of the leadership, in Borba (5 July 1989: 4; 6 July 1989: 4; 7 July 1989: 5 and 8–9 July 1989: 10). 21. Borba (1–2 July 1989: 15); Politika (22 June 1989: 11); (18 January 2004). Blažo Orlandi´c,a member of the state Presidency of Montenegro, also reflec- ted that the October demonstrations erupted unexpectedly despite the fact that party-state officials had paid close attention to political and other devel- opments in Montenegro, especially in a number of state enterprises (Vijesti, 18 January 2004). 22. However, Stankovi´calso told me that, in retrospect, after having some time to reflect on these events, he had come to believe that there must have been some involvement of outside forces. While he had little contact with Kosovo Serb activists and their allies from Montenegro and with workers’ leaders from Radoje Daki´c and the University Committee officials, Stankovi´csuspected that Notes 219

their success in triggering large demonstrations must have also originated from other sources, probably from Belgrade. 23. For an exhaustive list of all banners and slogans from the rallies and demonstrations in Vojvodina see Kerˇcov et al. (1990: 276–80).

6 The popular protests of Kosovo Albanians and the Serb–Slovene conflict

1. See, for example, Stipe Šuvar, President of the federal party Presidency (1989: 129) and Raif Dizdarevi´c,President of the federal state Presidency (2000: 220–4). 2. See memoirs of Marko Orlandi´c (1997: 254–5), a member of the federal party Presidency from Montenegro, and Raif Dizdarevi´c(2000: 224). A lead- ing member of Montenegro’s state Presidency confirmed this to me in an interview. 3. Borba (10 October 1988: 3). A prominent member of Montenegro’s state Presidency, an outspoken opponent of Miloševi´cafter the October events, told me in an interview that ever since the first rally in Titograd in August 1988 he felt that the leaderships of and were indirectly pushing the high officials of Montenegro toward confrontation with Ser- bia’s leadership, which he and his colleagues desperately wanted to avoid, partly due to the highly disproportionate size and power of the two republics and partly because of the dual, Montenegrin and Serb, identities of most of Montenegro’s citizens. 4. For details about the protests of Kosovo Albanians between 17 and 21 November see Danas (22 November 1988: 14–15, 29 November 1988: 14–15), Borba (18 November 1988: 1, 4; 19–20 November 1988: 1, 6; 21 November 1988: 1, 3; 22 November 1988: 1–2). 5. For details about the events in Kosovo between 20 and 27 February, over which journalists of various Yugoslav media waged a war of interpretation, see the balanced account of a Zagreb journalist, Srd¯an Španovi´c(1989: 253–9). For less dispassionate and radically different interpretations of the events see Shala (1990) and Jevti´c(1995). 6. Esat Jusufi and Tahir Salihi, miners from Stari Trg who delivered speeches at the November protests before Vllasi and Jashari, and their colleague Julijana Gaši´c,interviews in Hudelist (1989: 274–86). 7. Raif Dizdarevi´c,the President of the state , 1988–89. 8. Borba (1 March 1989). For more details on the Belgrade demonstration, col- lected from a variety of sources, see Beli´cand Bilbija (1989: 42–63). For more information on the widespread practice of interment without trial of Kosovo Albanian protesters and dissident intellectuals see Vuˇceti´c(1990). 9. For details about the March protests see the balanced account of Zagreb journalist, Srd¯an Španovi´c(1989: 271–2). 10. For more details on the non-violent resistance of Kosovo Albanians in the 1990s see Kostovicova (2005), Maliqi (1996; 1998), Clark (2000) and Pula (2004). 220 Notes

Conclusion: Protest politics, the fall of communism and nationalist conflict

1. Cohen (2001: 62–78) and Popov (1993: 20–3) offer the most sophisticated version of the elite argument. The purposive nationalist mobilization argu- ment can be found in Cohen (2001: 57–88), Pavlowitch (2002: 184–98), Popov (1993: 16–23), Pavkovi´c(2000: 89–90), D¯ ilas (1993) and Crnobrnja (1994). Bibliography

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Agrokomerc corruption scandal, Budimirovi´c,Boško, 22, 90, 91, 93, 96, 115, 174 97, 98, 100, 102, 103, 104, Albania, 80, 81, 82, 89, 188, 137, 138 214 n.10 Bulatovi´c,Kosta, 90, 91, 92, 96, 98 antibureaucratic revolution, 1, 5–7, Bulatovi´c,Momir, 203 177–8, 196–201 bureaucracy, 38–9, 173–4 consequences of, 179–81, 185, 199–206, 207–10 censorship, 30, 40, 204 elite argument about, 2–3, 4, 5, 16, Cetniks,ˇ 28, 97, 176 109–10, 145–6, 195–6 circular flow of power, 59–62, 74–5 and nationalist mobilization, 6–7, and the rise of Ivan Stamboli´c, 177–8, 194, 198–201 62–3 purposive nationalist mobilization and the rise of Miloševi´c,70–1, 73 view of, 3, 4, 5, 17, 145–6, Ckrebi´c,Dušan,ˇ 55, 62, 64, 70, 73, 195–6 91, 128 themes of, 170–8, 194, 198–9 collective emigration, 107 see also intellectuals (dissident); collective leadership, 34, 36, 44, 51–2, Miloševi´c,Slobodan; rallies of 61, 74–5, 197 solidarity; Yoghurt revolution communism, 4, 8, 16, 25, 48–9, 54, authoritarianism, 4, 7, 11, 14–17, 25, 59–61, 78, 110, 118, 186, 196, 39, 48–50, 110, 145, 169, 205, 206 196, 198 East European, 25, 48–9 breakdown of, 2, 3, 16, 205 fall of, 1–2, 3, 6, 7, 50, 195, 197, Serbian, 197, 202–7 199, 202–7 transformation of, 1, 2, 6, 16, 202–7 ideology and workers, 40–1, 118–19, Yugoslavia’s late, 6, 25, 39, 47, 125, 143, 149, 186–7 48–50, 51, 74–6, 107 Soviet, 59–61, 74, 206 Yugoslavia’s late: unintended see also authoritarianism; circular consequences of, 6, 48–50, 107, flow of power; collective 196, 209 leadership; leadership see also communism; elite conflict succession; self-management; Azemi, Husamedin, 184, 185 Yugoslavia Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), see League of Communists of Beissinger, Mark R., 12, 17, 18, Yugoslavia 19, 208 conflict, see cycle of contention; elite Blue book (the 1977 report), 57 conflict; nationalist conflict; Bosnia-Hercegovina, 28, 40, 42, 85, popular protests 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 133, 138, consociationalism, 17 142, 148, 174, 177, 180, 190, authoritarian, 36, 49 191, 210 Yugoslav, 36, 75, 149

229 230 Index constitutional reform enterprises, 131–4, 143, in Serbia, 57–8, 67, 77, 94–5, 102, 150, 202 103, 121–2, 126–8, 130, 132, in Montenegro, 163–4 148, 159, 181, 182, 185, 187, in Serbia, 51–77, 108, 126–8, 143–4, 190, 191, 192–3, 209 159, 182, 183–4 in Yugoslavia, 30, 35–7, 130, in Yugoslavia, 32–3, 43–4, 45, 50, 199, 200 118, 143–4, 147, 165–6, 179–81, Cosi´c,Dobrica,´ 79, 98, 99 190, 197, 199–200, 209 Croatia, 28, 32, 34, 40, 42, 47, 58, 59, elites, see antibureaucratic revolutionl; 65, 67, 85, 111, 112, 115, 116, elite conflict; intellectuals; 130, 142, 171, 173, 176, 180, 189, generations; League of 190, 204, 210 Communists; managers cult of labor, 40, 41, 118, 119 event, 18 cycle of contention, 10 everyday resistance, 39–40, 113 and nationalist mobilization, 18–20, see also rumors 199–201, 208–9 and regime transformation, 202–7 federalism and federations, 12–13, Czechoslovakia, 2, 49, 206, 207 17, 35 mono-national decentralization, 12–13, 30, 37–8, 132 (nation-building), 36 see also federalism multi-national, 36, 49, 207 democracy, 13, 14–16, 28, 198, 201, Yugoslav, 1, 25, 28–9, 30, 32–4, 205, 206–7 35–6, 37, 44–5, 56, 57, 196, democratization, 2, 195, 205, 206–7 207–8 demonstrations, see students; workers frames of collective action and discontent, popular, 16, 40, 131, 143, framing, 9–10, 19–20, 68, 97, 106, 174, 197 170–6, 178, 188–9, 194, 197, 199 dissent, see intellectuals; state-society relations generations (political), 21, 126, 164, Dizdarevi´c,Raif, 110, 125, 147, 185, 199, 200 191, 216 n. 10 change of, 1, 6, 33, 45–6, 47, 50, 52, Dukanovi´c,Milo,- 155 59, 61, 74, 95, 197 Duranovi´c,Veselin,- 153, 165 old guard, 45–6, 54, 72–3, 133, 213 n. 5 Eastern Europe, 1–2, 26, 44, 108, 195, younger generation, 8, 45–6, 47–8, 205, 206 52, 53, 55–6, 57, 58, 59, see also under individual countries 62–3, 64–6, 69–70, 71, 95, East Germany, 2 129, 131, 133, 147, economic issues 155, 182 in Montenegro, 162, 165, 180–1 Goodwin, Jeff, 9, 10, 11, 13, 14, 205 in Yugoslavia, 27, 29, 31–2, 38, 43, Gorbachev, Mikhail, 44, 176 46–7, 58, 110–11, 113, grass roots groups, 41, 79, 88, 90, 96, 130, 155 105, 167, 169, 179, 196–7 Eight Session of the Central see also Kosovo Albanians; Kosovo Committee of the LCS (September Serbs’ movement; mobilization 1987), 68–9, 72–3 elite conflict, 1, 6, 11, 15–16, 19 Hoxha, Enver, 188 high officials vs. other party-state Hoxha, Fadil, 45, 101, 102, 103, officials and managers of state 129, 184 Index 231

Hungary, 2, 206 nationalism; repression; Stari hunger strike, 162, 184–5 Trg; state of emergency hybrid regimes, see regimes Kosovo Serbs, emigration of, 84–8 Kosovo Serbs’ movement, 89–108, identity change, 17–20, 179, 199–201, 109–10, 116, 119–25, 134–9, 208 141–2, 143–4, 151–2, 154, 166, identity (collective), 9, 17, 18, 28, 36, 168, 177, 196–7 80, 82, 107, 138, 141, 146, 171, demands, 91, 92, 94, 98, 120–1, 175, 176, 178 136–7 institutions, see authoritarianism; elite manipulation view of, 78–9, circular flow of power; 106 communism; consociationalism; see also collective emigration; democracy; federalism Miloševi´c intellectuals (dissident), 5, 40, 47, 48, Kraigher Commission, 46 59, 171, 187, 205, 208 Kruni´c,Boško, 20, 57, 58, 109, 124, and antibureaucratic revolution, 132, 139, 153, 159 2–3, 4, 5, 16, 110, 144, 174, Kuˇcan,Milan, 130, 190, 208 176, 195–6, 197, 203 and democratization, 205–6 leadership succession, 6, 32, 44–6, 50, and Kosovo, 66, 78–9, 98–9, 60, 95, 105, 197 108, 120 League of Communists of Yugoslavia and Miloševi´c,67, 73, 171–2, 203–4, (LCY; before 1952 called the 206 Communist Party of Yugoslavia), intellectuals, Serb and Slovene, 189–90 26, 27, 29, 30–1, 44, 115, 118, interviews, author’s, 20–2 121, 123, 128, 129, 131–2, 143, 144, 176, 181, 183, 184, 186, 188, Jashari, Kaqusha, 182, 183 190–1, 193, 200 Jovi´c,Borisav, 51, 191, 192 the ‘national question’ strategy, Kardelj, Edvard, 27, 30, 32, 37, 44, 45 27–9, 81–3, 89, 138, 171, Kecman, Bogdan, 22, 93, 98, 102, 103, 175, 181 104, 137, 138 Lenin, Vladimir, 30 Kertes, Mihalj, 157, 158, 159, 203 liberalization (political), 5, 6, 33–4, Kosovo Albanian protests 47–8, 50, 59, 66, 180, 189, 199, 1968 demonstrations, 42–3, 105–6 200, 204 1981 demonstrations, 42–3, 88–9, Linz, Juan J., 15, 39, 49 105–6, 185–6, 188 Ljubiˇci´c,Nikola, 54, 56, 59, 62, 64, protests in 1988–1999, 145, 179, 73, 90 183–5, 186–9, 192–4, 198 see also Stari Trg Macedonia, 28, 85, 112, 116, 117, Kosovo (autonomous province of), 1, 128–9, 134, 162, 171, 177, 180, 2, 5, 28, 36–7, 51, 56–7, 67–8, 181, 182, 191 76–7, 112, 114, 129, 179–94, 204, protests of Albanians, 42, 186 209–10, 214 n. 1, n. 4 managers (of state enterprises), 30, 31, demographic change, 84–8 32, 34, 39, 96, 97, 114, 117, 119, economy, 46, 83, 85, 88 173, 174 Serb-Albanian relations, 79–84, 210 and antibureaucratic revolution, see also collective emigration; 128, 131, 132, 140, 141, 163, emigration of Kosovo Serbs; 168, 169, 170, 191, 202, 203 232 Index

Markovi´c,Dragoslav Draža, 20, 45, 54, mobilization, 1–3, 5–7, 195–9 55, 56, 57, 61, 62, 63, 65, 69, 71, consequences, 6–7, 16, 108, 143–4, 73, 75, 77, 90, 122 199–206, 208, 209–10 Markovi´c,Mira, 71, 130 spread of, 11–12, 143–4, 196 Marx, Karl, 30, 37, 38 see also antibureaucratic revolution; McAdam Doug, 9, 10, 11, 12, 19 cycle of contention; Kosovo media, 5, 11, 15, 21–3, 30, 32, 34, 40, Albanians; Kosovo Serbs’ 42, 47, 52, 58, 59, 63, 68, 69, movement; miners; nationalist 71–2, 75, 84, 87, 91, 96, 97, 106, mobilization; political context; 107, 114, 116, 118, 121, 122, 127, social movements; workers 132, 146, 149, 150, 153, 154, mobilizing structures, 10, 15, 16, 21, 165–6, 167, 169, 171, 174, 176, 42, 90–1, 93–4, 96–7, 99, 104, 184, 187–90, 198, 204 105, 135, 139, 140–1, 141, 143, Miloševi´c,Slobodan, 1, 4, 8, 61, 99, 152, 153, 168–9 126, 127, 128, 133, 153, 167, 177, Montenegro, 2, 28, 53, 85, 90, 109–10, 208–9, 213 n. 4, n. 15 112, 128–9, 134, 137–8, 139, 140, and the antibureaucratic revolution, 143–4, 145, 153, 154, 155, 160–6, 3, 5, 145–6, 158–60, 164–6, 169, 169, 170, 171, 175, 176, 177–8, 177–8, 191–2, 196–8, 206 179–81, 182, 189–90, 191, 192, April 1987 meeting in Kosovo Polje, 197, 200, 203, 214 n. 1, 218 n. 21 100–1, 148, 149, 215 n. 18 n. 22, 219 n. 3 conflict with Ivan Stamboli´c,67–77, economic crisis, 162 102, 173–4 the ‘national question’, 138, 162 early career, 53–4, 56 see also elite conflict; state of and Kosovo, 51–2, 56, 68, 74–7, 78, emergency 84, 101–3, 121, 147–8, 181–2, Morina, Rrahman, 182, 184, 185 184–5, 192, 193, 209–10 and Kosovo Serb activists, 78–9, nationalism, 4, 6, 18–19, 195, 205, 100–4, 108, 110, 120–5, 134–5, 208, 209 142, 146–50 studies of, 17–19 and media, 67–8, 69, 71–2, 75, 84, see also Kosovo; Miloševi´c; 150, 165–6, 176 nationalist mobilization; and nationalist mobilization, 3, 67, nationalist conflict; SANU 74–7, 145–6, 171, 191–2, 208–9 Memorandum personal appeal, 70, 76, 101, 154–5 nationalist conflict, 17, 20, 207–10 populist style, 75, 101, 148–50, 172, 192, 197 nationalist mobilization, 6–7, 17–20, rise of, 22, 51–3, 63–77 171, 198–201 and the transformation of see also Kosovo Albanians; Kosovo authoritarianism, 74–5, 197, Serbs’ movement; Miloševi´c 202–4, 209 non-democratic regimes, see and workers, 121, 125, 147–50, authoritarianism; communism 156–7 non-violence, 14, 116, 144, 192, 193, and Yugoslavia’s high officials, 67, 201, 210 68, 76, 101–2, 127, 129, 130, 137, 146–50, 159, 165–6, opposition, 204, 205, 206 179–82, 184–5, 190 see also intellectuals miners, 116–17 Orlandi´c,Marko, 128, 129, 137, 138, see also Stari Trg; strikes 153, 161, 163, 165 Index 233

Pankov, Radovan, 157, 158, 159 radicalization, 19, 117, 136, 143, Para´cin’smassacre, 68 200, 209 Partisans, 28, 54, 81, 96, 97, rallies of solidarity, 137, 138–9, 141, 122, 142 148–9, 151, 152–4, 157, 158, 162, party-state, see authoritarianism; 163, 166–70, 171, 175, 177–8, 204 communism Rankovi´c,Aleksandar, 27, 32, 43, 60, Pavlovi´c,Dragiša, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 82, 105 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 150 regime change, 7, 8, 16, 206–7 peasants, 29, 91 see also authoritarianism; and collectivization, 29–30, 39 communism; democratization regimes (political), 13–17 see also everyday resistance comparative analysis, 7, 14, 16 People’s Front, see Socialist Alliance of hybrid, 14 the Working People see also authoritarianism; personality cult, 44, 67 communism; democracy; petitions, 10, 88, 91, 93, 96, 98, 99, democratization 106, 116, 118, 120–1, 141, 152, repertoires of collective action, 6, 186, 187 9–10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 21, Poland, 2, 176, 206 96–7, 99, 104–8, 109, 110, 113, political context 116–19, 141, 143, 146, 157, definition, 9 166–70, 187, 193, 197 and mobilization, 9, 10–17, 105, see repression, 1, 14, 15, 41, 42, also authoritarianism; 43, 48, 49, 95, 96, 119, communism; federalism; 141, 143, 149, 178, 179, self-management 180, 186, 190, 192–3, 209 mobilization and the legacy of capacity for, 12, 16, 47 liberation war and indigenous relaxation of, 3, 11, 46, 47, 105, revolution, 40–1, 125–6, 143, 106, 113 148–9, 175, 178, 197, 206–7 see also state of emergency political opportunities, 6, 10–12, revolutionary movements, 15–16, 19–20, 105, 196 13, 14 elite allies, 11, 15, 107, 108 Risti´c,Dušan, 90, 91, 103, 124 see also authoritarianism; elite Romania, 2 conflict; generational change; Rugova, Ibrahim, 210 leadership succession; rumors, 23, 69, 73, 92, 106–8, 142, repression 180, 187, 189 popular protests, see Kosovo Albanians; Kosovo Serbs’ SANU (Serbian Academy of Sciences movement; miners; mobilization; and Arts) Memorandum, 66–7, petitions; strikes; workers 171 power sharing, see consociationalism self-management, 25, 30, 33, 35, protest strategies, 116–19, 125, 135–7 37–9, 40, 41, 42, 43, 47, 65, 118, see also frames of collective action 133, 173 and framing; repertoires of and potential for mobilization, 97, collective action 169, 196 purges, 29, 32, 34, 44, 51–2, 54, 57, shockwork, 40, 41 60, 72, 75, 77, 79, 89, 144, 150, Shukrija, Ali, 184, 185 160, 173, 181–4 Sirotanovi´c,Alija, 41 234 Index

Slovenia, 28, 32, 40, 42, 46, 47, 58, 130–1, 143–4, 150, 111, 112, 115, 117, 126, 130, 142, 203–5, 210 148, 150, 176, 179, 180–1, 187, strikes, 2, 41, 109, 111–13, 114, 115, 188, 189–92, 201, 204, 205, 116, 118, 119, 131, 143, 145, 148, 208, 210 156–7, 164, 165, 170, 172, 173, Socialist Alliance of the Working 184–5, 187, 188, 192, 198, 204, People (SAWP; earlier called the 215 n. 4 People’s Front), 26, 30, 90, 97, Labin 1987 strike, 116–17 135, 139, 153, 154, 166, 169 see also Stari Trg social movements, 4–5, 9, 96, 97, 99, students, 41, 57, 88, 122, 145, 172, 102, 105, 108, 134, 135, 138, 140, 173, 183, 184, 188, 197 141, 142, 147, 151, 172, 176, 184, Belgrade protests in 1989, 191 197, 199 demonstrations in 1968, 41–2, research on, 4, 7, 9–13, 78–9, 106 105–6 see also Kosovo Serbs’ movement; protests in Montenegro, 160–1, 162, mobilization 164 Šogorov, Milovan, 157, 159, Šuvar, Stipe, 59, 67, 76, 130, 147, 150, 217 n. 13 163, 183, 184, 185 Šolevi´c,Miroslav, 22, 90, 91, 97, 98, 99, 102, 103, 104, 136, 137, 138, symbols and symbolism, 41, 97, 118, 139, 141, 142 125, 141, 142, 146, 166, 167, Solidarity,2,176 170, 175, 176, 178, 189, 194, Soviet Union, 8, 19, 25, 26, 27, 29, 44, 199, 205 49, 206, 207, 208 Šparavalo, Mi´co,122, 124, 142, Tarrow, Sidney, 9, 10, 11, 12, 152, 168 18, 19 Stalin, Josef, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 37, Tilly, Charles, 9, 11, 13, 15, 19 60, 203 Tito, Josip Broz, 1, 5, 26, 27, 29, 31, Stamboli´c,Ivan, 45, 52, 57, 59, 69, 70, 32, 33, 34, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 48, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 92, 95, 50, 54, 55, 57, 60, 61, 64, 67, 70, 97, 102, 107, 122, 126, 127, 74, 75, 114, 115, 118, 119, 141, 129, 150, 174, 213 n. 15, 150, 166, 176, 180, 183, 196, 215 n. 17 202, 204 ascendancy, 59, 61–9, 75 see also personality cult early career, 53, 54, 55, 56 trade unions, 29, 114, 117, 119, 132, political machine, 62–3 133, 134, 141, 151, 153, 156, 157, reforms, 47, 56, 58–9, 65–6, 69 158–9, 160, 164, 165, 168, Stamboli´c,Petar, 45, 54, 55, 56, 57, 202, 203 62, 77 Stankovi´c,Ljubiša, 20, 155, 163, 164, 165, 218 n. 17 n. 22 Ustašas, 28 Stari Trg, 179, 183–5, 186–7, 189, 190, 198 state, 13–14 Vllasi, Azem, 92, 95, 100, 101, 181, state-centred approach, 10–17, 106 182, 183, 184, 189, 191, 192, 215 state of emergency, 89, 161–2, 163, n. 18 179, 185, 190, 192–3 Vojvodina (autonomous province of ), state-society relations, 8, 26–7, 33–4, 2, 28, 36–7, 56–8, 66, 68, 76, 112, 39–43, 47–8, 49, 50, 74, 109, 126–8, 130, 132–3, 140, 143–4, Index 235

145, 148, 149, 157–60, 169, 181, living standards of, 111–12 187, 191, 192, 203 see also communism; cult of labor; local mobilization, 135, 140–1, 175, everyday resistance; Miloševi´c; 176, 177–8, 197 miners; shockwork; strikes; popular protests in, 109–10, 119–24, trade unions 138–9, 151, 152, 219 n. 23 Yoghurt revolution, 157–60 see also Yoghurt Revolution Yugoslavia, 27–8 Vrhovec Commission, 46 break-up of, 1, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 25, 147, Vukmanovi´c,Svetozar Tempo, 90, 164 190, 207–9, 210, 212 n. 3 scholarly debates on, 4, 7, 8, 25, 212 White book (the 1984 report), 47, 59 n. 3, n. 1 workers, 2, 109–10, 113, 196–7 see also authoritarianism; demands, 111–12 communism; elite conflict demonstrations, 114–15, 117–19, 125–6, 143–4, 146, 155–7, Žarkovi´c,Vidoje, 129, 131, 137, 138, 160–2, 164–5, 170, 183, 188 153, 163