The Origins of Clann Chruitín: Chronicler-Poets of the Learned Gaelic Tradition1

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The origins of Clann Chruitín: chronicler-poets of the learned Gaelic tradition1

Mac oile do Fhraoch chéadhna Cárthann cuana chruith dhéadla Luke McInerney Níor dhearmadach tar chach línn 2 Ó d-tángadar, Clann Chruitín guages such as Latin, Greek, and English8 and, in some [Another son of the same Froach instances, Ogham learning.9 What made them distinct from Cárthann of the bold-looking band other scholastic groups in European culture was the fact Was not forgotten above all by us that they were organised into professional kindreds who He from whom derived Clann Chruitín] transmitted this learning and skill by hereditary means. Another distinction to be drawn between the Gaelic learned Níor mhór dá mhianach sa tír Do lean riaghail Mhic Cruitín class and their contemporary counterparts is the primacy Níor cham an seanachas saor of poetry and its intertwined connection to other branches Am na bhfeanachas bhfíorchloan3 of learning such as history, law, tale recitation and placename lore (dinnsheanchas). Together these formed a [There were few of his mettle in the country coherent body of learning or ‘native lore’ (seanchas) which who followed Mac Cruitín’s rule dominated the intellectual outlook of the Gaelic learned He didn’t distort the noble historical lore class in the medieval period. The assemblage of native lore (in) the time of truly perverse laws] and learning into a framework that provided the basis for Elegy on the death of Aindrias Mac Cruitín, the study of poetry (filidheacht), and which was inter- by Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín preted by a learned caste of practitioners known as the filí or bardic poets, represented the master-form of learning in lann Chruitín were among the most notable learned medieval Gaelic society.10 Ckindreds in Co. Clare in the late medieval period. They The study of poetry in specialist ‘bardic’ schools (filidh- featured among the aos dána, the Gaelic learned class who eacht na sgol) constituted the intellectual and pedagogical 4 11 specialised in, as the annals assert, ‘senchas 7 le seinm’. framework upon which native learning was fused. It was Holding hereditary lands in west Co. Clare on the margins also the preferred medium of public communication among of the Atlantic coast, they attained the status of ollamh- those trained professionals who came to dominate intel- nacht in history (seanchas) and music (seinm) from the lectual activity in late medieval Ireland. A number of fourteenth century. Remarkably, learned members of Clann hereditary professional kindreds such as Clann Chruitín Chruitín continued to be associated with literary activity of were settled in Co. Clare during the medieval period. Some the native tradition until the mid-nineteenth century when drew their origin from the ecclesiastical grades of the Séamas Mac Cruitín, self-described as ‘the last relic of the monastic Irish church such as the airchinnigh (erenaghs) hereditary bards of Thomond’,5 died. and comharbaí (coarbs) who held termon lands.12 The Uí The family’s claim as literati is probably best illustrated Ghráda of Tuamgraney serve as an example of this as their in the eighteenth century when two notable Gaelic poets, ancestor, Ceannfaladh Ó Gráda, was coarb of Tuamgraney Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín (c.1680-1755)6 and Aindrias Mac at the time of his death in 1184.13 Cruitín (c.1650-1738), produced a range of genealogical, Other learned families emerged as discarded branches poetical and historical works. Attached to their local of ruling lineages who adopted a professional role to Uí Lochlainn and the Uí Bhriain patrons, the compositions safeguard their status. This is confirmed by Franciscan and writings of these poets have received attention by Antonius Bruodinus who wrote that the professional class modern scholars.7 In these two learned personages the tended to share the same ancestry as their noble patrons.14 vigour of the learned Gaelic tradition can best be identified The Meic Fhlannchadha brehons, for example, claimed a at a time when that tradition was quickly fading as an common descent from the Meic Conmara.15 It has also been anachronistic remnant of a former era. suggested that Clann Bhruaideadha, a lineage of poet- Recent commentary on the learned class in medieval chroniclers, shared links with the Uí Dheaghaidh and that and early modern Gaelic lordships has sought to focus on their remote ancestors briefly held the kingship of Corcom- the lifeways of these hereditary literati such as their social roe in the ninth century16 only developing their learned status and landholding. This paper continues that investi- status at a later period.17 gation and takes as its focus the origins of Clann Chruitín The hereditary lands of Clann Chruitín were located in of Corcomroe. the Uí Chonchobhair and Uí Lochlainn lordship of Corcom- roe. We read in a set of annals, possibly compiled at the Early Origins Augustinian house of Kilshanny, the death notice of ‘Eagd The learned class of medieval Ireland represented a Mac Crutyn’ (Aodh Mac Cruitín) in 1354.18 The annals mandarin class of educated men skilled in verse, history appear to represent a necrology of patrons of the abbey and and law. These men were often learned in several lan- local notables and this entry is the earliest recording of a

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‘Mac Cruitín’. It may in fact suggest that Clann Chruitín math of the twelfth-century reform of the monastic church had a link to Kilshanny as either Augustinian canons or that relegated native learning to the secular schools of the even airchinnigh settled on church land. Subsequent ann- hereditary families.31 alistic recordings show that learned Meic Cruitín attained Judging from the annals and other sources such as the the prized position of ‘ollamh Tuadhmumhan’ and ‘ollamh Papal Registers and the Registra Supplicationum32 members Uí Bhriain’ at an earlier period than members of the Meic of Clann Chruitín were not active in supplying clerics to Bhruaideadha and Meic Fhlannchadha learned families.19 local benefices unlike other learned lineages.33 Few if any of the name may be found in lists of clergy in the post- Clann Chruitín genealogies Reformation period, and they do not appear to be settled on References to Clann Chruitín are absent in the main gen- termon (tearmann) lands either as comharbaí or airchin- ealogical tracts dealing with Thomond. Their Corcomroe nigh or, for that matter, as keepers of religious reliquaries ancestry generally excluded them from the more extensive or manuscripts such as the Meic Bhruaideadha of Tear- (and later) genealogies detailing the cascading branches of mann Chaimín in Moynoe.34 the ruling Dál gCais.20 However, in the genealogies that Clann Chruitín are absent from the great Meic Craith refer to the lineages of Corcomroe, it is noted that the pro- compilation of the mid-fourteenth century, Caithréim genitor of Clann Chruitín was also the eponymous ancestor Thoirdhealbhaigh (‘The Triumphs of Turlough’), where of the dynastic families of Corcomroe; the Uí Lochlainn only the chief propagandists of the Uí Bhriain, Clann and Uí Chonchobhair. Cruitín, the fifth in descent from Chraith, feature as a learned family. Such a situation may Carrthann mac Fraoch, is recorded in the genealogies as a reflect professional rivalry as much as jealously-guarded ‘file’ (poet) and his lineage is regarded as lineal ancestors privilege. It also suggests that in the fourteenth century it of the Uí Lochlainn and Uí Chonchobhair.21 was Clann Chraith who were the leading poets and chron- As is usual in many genealogical tracts, the origin of iclers of Thomond, a role not surpassed until the sixteenth learned families is attested in a learned forebear who century by Clann Bhruaideadha.35 founded a professional lineage. We read in the genealogies that the progenitor of the Uí Nialláin physicians was Maoil- Status and patronage shechlainn .i. an liaigh Léimeannach (Maolshechlainn the In view of this, where exactly Clann Chruitín situated in physician of Leamaneh)22 who appears to have had a flor- the hierarchy of learned lineages is rather uncertain. From uit of c.1300. The advantage of adopting learned status and what may be gleaned from the annals, Clann Chruitín removing one’s lineage from the political competition of a achieved the appellation ‘ollamh Tuadhmumhan’ from lordship is that professional lineages were often exempted 1376.36 However, only one reference, which is contained from rents and military services and were not restricted in in the Annals of Ulster, specifically enumerates them as terms of movement between lordships, sharing many of ‘ollamh Uí Bhriain re senchus’. 37 While they attained prom- the privileges granted to the church and clerical grades.23 inence in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth-centuries It is perhaps significant that the progenitor of Clann as holding the ollamhnacht in seanchas (history) and seinm Chruitín, according to the genealogies, was ‘Cruitín file’ (music), their status was generally limited to providing (i.e. Cruitín ‘the poet’), the etymology of whose name literary services to Corcomroe families and, by the six- derives from the word cruit, or harp.24 Judging from the teenth-century, leading Corkavaskin families. The absence genealogies it seems likely that he had a floruit of the ninth of poems composed for the Uí Bhriain in the medieval century. This progenitor of Clann Chruitín appears to have period supports this view. been associated with two highly valued skills of the Gaelic The flourish of annalistic references to learned members learned class; namely poetry and music. It was not un- of Clann Chruitín occurs only over an eighty year period. known for learned kindreds to specialise in several learned Their claim as ollamhain Tuadhmhumhan, a position that arts, and the hereditary professionals such as poets, histor- placed them in the front rank of learned families, dates ian and musicians, as well as master craftsmen who attained from this period. Their entries in the annals include: the position of ollamh, were often skilled multi-function- aries.25 While it appears that Clann Chruitín cultivated the 1354 Eagd Mac Crutyn38 (obit)

study of history and chronicling, they were also practition- 39 26 1376 Ceallach Mac Cruitín ollamh Tuadhmumhan le senchas ers of music, as an annalistic entry from 1404 attests. (Kellach Mac Curtin, chief historian of Thomond) As we have noted, the origins of Clann Chruitín con- nect them to the two ruling lineages of Corcomroe. One 1404 Giolla Duibin Mac Cruitin ollamh Tuadhmhumhan le genealogy links their early ancestry to that of the Uí Con- senchas, & le seinm d’écc40 chubhar,27 while a poem composed by Aindrias Mac Cruitín (Gilla-Duivin Mac Curtin, ollav of Thomond in music, died) eulogising the descent of the Uí Lochlainn, articulates their 1434 Mac Cruitín .i. Seancha Mac Cruitín ollamh Tuadhmum- shared ancestry with Clann Chruitín.28 It is possible that an han i senchus saoi choitcenn in gach ceird do écc41 earlier ancestor in the Clann Chruitín genealogy, Lonán, (Mac Curtin (i.e. Seancha Mac Curtin), ollav of Thomond represents the seventh-century Dál gCais ancestral saint, in history, and a man generally skilled in each art, died) Flannán, whose namesake is found in the parish of Killas- 29 1436 Geanann Mhac Cruitín adhbar ollamhan Tuadhmhum- puglonane (Cill Easpaig Fhlannáin). In this parish the han h-i senchus do bhathadh, ni bhaoí i Leith Mogha Meic Cruitín held hereditary lands at Carrowduff and, at ina ré adhbhar senchadha ro ba ferr inás42 the adjoining parish of Kilmacrehy, at Laghvally. Another (Geanann Mac Curtin, intended ollav of Thomond in view regards Lonán as a hitherto unknown bishop whose history, was drowned. There was not in Leth-Mogha in holy well and a burial ground in Killaspuglonane townland his time a better materies of a historian than he) represents a former ecclesiastical site associated with him.30 It is significant that Clann Chruitín claimed a link to an Patronage received by Clann Chruitín was rather limited ecclesiastical ancestor. Such a link (either real or imagin- when comparison is made to other members of the learned) may infer a connection to the native monastic church. ed class in Corcomroe and Ibrickan. For example, Clann This stands as a possibility given that many learned Bhruaideadha, who held substantial lands in the sixteenth lineages emerged from the monastic scriptoria in the after- century at Lettermoylan on Slieve Callan and at Knock-

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analban (Mountscott), are first recorded as composing a this that Dionisius Cyriton (Donnchadh Mac Cruitín) was poem for Mathghamhain Ó Briain in c.1365-69.43 Members working as a scribe on the medical text De Medicinis of Clann Bhruaideadha were closely associated with the Libellus in Sutton Valence in Kent. A scribe of another part earls of Thomond, including Finola the sister of poet Tadhg of the manuscript was Conchubhar Mór Mac Cruitín who mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha whose husband, it is repu- authored the tract Tochomhladh Mac Míleadh (‘setting ted, fostered Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond.44 forth of the sons of Mil’) in the mid-sixteenth century.51 Likewise the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann brehons of Corcomroe According to the colophon of that manuscript he wrote: first appear in the annals in 1364 and the Uí Chonnmhaigh, who were distinguished in music, appear in 1360.45 Gonadh hé so cobhlach Chloinne Míleadh Easpáinedh ar teacht a nÉirinn ó Chonchubhar Mhór Mac Cruitín co nuigi so saethar The position of Clann Chruitín vis-à-vis other learned 52 lineages is succinctly set down by Seathrún Céitinn in his én-oidhthe ón righfhilidh so, más fir. Finit. work Foras Feasa ar Éirinn. He refers to Clann Chraith as [So far this is the fleet of the children of Míl Espáine coming to holding the ‘ollamhain ré dán’ of Ó Briain but that Clann Ireland by Conchubhar mhór Mac Cruitín. A single night’s Chruitín or Clann Bhruaideadha were his ‘ollamhain ré work as is supposed by this princely poet. The end]53 seanchus’.46 The uncertainty that exists as to the respective professional standing of Clann Chruitín and Clann Bhruaid- The fact that Conchubhar Mór Mac Cruitín is attested in eadha, may be explained by the fact that by the sixteenth the colophon of the manuscript adds weight to the view century Clann Bhruaideadha had eclipsed Clann Chruitín in that the earlier scribe, Dionisius Cyriton, was also a mem- securing patronage of the Uí Bhriain. A writing from 1722 ber of Clann Chruitín. The presence of two Mac Cruitín provides clues as to the reduced status of Clann Chruitín: scribes on this manuscript indicates that they were learned in the seanchas tradition such as the pseudo-mythical When Donough O Brian, Earl of Thomond [d. 1624], was Lord origin story of the Irish. The purpose of Dionisius Cyriton’s President of the Province of Munster; to whom one of his work on medical texts in Kent in England remains unclear. Rhimers (to acquit himself of that Obligation) in a Panegyrical Poem compos’d by him, in Honour of a Gentleman of the Mac Dúthchas Chlann Chruitín: landholding & settlement Carthies, who had much signaliz’d himself in Martial Exploits, Laghvally & Carrowduff wish’d that some war(like) Lord, or Captain of the O Brians, The hereditary lands of Clann Chruitín were located at then living, had by his Merit and Conduct acquir’d so excellent a Name … Hereupon the Poet, dreading the Consequences, Laghvally (Leathbhaile) in Kilmacrehy and at Carrowduff disappear’d, and kept out of the way for some Years. Notwith- (Ceathrú Dhubh) in the adjoining parish of Killaspuglonane. standing, it happen’d that one time, going a Journey along Situated inland from the coastal settlements of Liscannor with his Wife, they saw at a Distance the said Earl with his and Lahinch, and from the mouth of the Inagh River as it Equipage, and a great Company of Horse in his Attendance, empties into the Atlantic, these lands afford coastal views. coming towards them: There being no probability of escaping, The aesthetic terrestrial environment between the Inagh the Poet told his Wife that he would feign himself dead as of a River and the coast and the marine district of west Clare sudden, which she should humour by crying over him; that if was not lost on the poetical composition of the family, the Earl ask’d the Reason, she should not conceal his Name, serving as a useful motif on at least one occasion.54 but beg Forgiveness for the great Folly he had been guilty of Seventeenth century sources show that the landholding against his Lordship, and Family. The Woman acted her Part to the Life; and the Earl, when he was come up, being told whose of Clann Chruitín at Laghvally and Carrowduff townlands the Corps was, he had the Curiosity to put questions himself was held collectively. Meic Cruitín kinsmen held pro- to her, and ask’d whether the Poet had repented of his un- prietorial interests at both townlands, the lands of which dutiful Expression, with relation to the O Brians? The Woman were the heritable property of the lineage. The type of land answer’d, he did heartily; and that being surpriz’d upon Sight division there suggests that proprietorship was collective of his Lordship’s Equipage, the Horrour of his own Guilt most and subject to partible division among descendants of a sensibly touching him, he fell down dead upon the Spot; but paternal great-grandfather, known as the deirbhfhine. This (in Addition) said farther, that since he was gone, and made form of agnatic ‘corporate’ inheritance operated into the some Atonement by the long Affliction, he had suffer’d under, late sixteenth century and goes some way in explaining the his Lordship would forgive him; which accordingly the Earl landholding of Clann Chruitín.55 did, being mov’d with Compassion, and flung down the Woman some Gold to bury her Husband. This being over, the reputed Generally, the re-allocation of the collective land of a dead Man springs up in an Instant, and taking hold of the Reins lineage in late medieval Gaelic lordships occurred on the of the Horse, on which the Earl was mounted, pronounc’d a death of a co-heir, but other factors such as annual divis- very exquisite Poem in his Praise, which brought him into full ions, genealogical propinquity of junior family branches to Favour again.47 the senior branch, and the presence of minors on the death of a senior co-heir affected inheritance.56 In the case of According to Walker’s Historical memoirs of the Irish Bards learned kindreds the status of the most learned members of (1818) the poet in question was ‘Mac Curtin’, and he cites the family, such as those who received the title of ollamh, Sylvester O’Halloran as his source on the matter.48 The also impacted on landholding as such individuals were story, while largely implausible, may contain a kernel of usually granted rent-free land. In contrast to landholding truth as an analogy of Clann Chruitín’s loss of patronage in kindreds that spawned cadet branches and, through the the early seventeenth-century. use of mortgage and pledge, settled junior lineages on the Evidence gleaned from manuscript sources cast further lands of lesser families, Clann Chruitín were almost exclu- light on the literary activity of Clann Chruitín. In the mar- sively settled at Laghvally and Carrowduff until the 1640s. ginalia of a mid-fifteenth century Latin medical text, a note Little is known, however, about the precise nature and by ‘Donnchadh mhac Matha alias Dionisius Cyriton’, des- form of their landholding. Unlike the Meic Fhlannchadha cribed himself as ‘scolaris in phisica apud Sotone in comit’ brehons of Tuath Ghlae (Killilagh) or the Meic Bhruaid- Kanc anno gratie, 1468’. 49 At the end of the medical manu- eadha chronicler-poets at Knockanalban in Ibrickan, the script another note reads: ‘finit amen finit qui scripsit sit lands of Clann Chruitín were not recorded as rent-free or benedictus. Quod Dionisius Cyriton’ (‘He who wrote this is otherwise enjoyed privileged tenurial conditions.57 This truly blessed. That is Dionisius Cyriton’).50 It appears from possibly reflects the fact that the lands of Clann Chruitín

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were subject to the lordship of the Uí Conchobhair of Cor- lawful men’ who gave evidence in the 1585 Composition of comroe in late medieval times, whose chief residence was Connacht71 illustrates their predicament by the late six- at Ennistymon.58 Little detail exists as to the tenurial arr- teenth century. This is again shown by their absence in the angements of lesser lineages in either the Uí Conchobhair list of empanelled jurors at the inquisition post mortem of or Uí Lochlainn lordships. The earliest recording of Carrow- Donough O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond, in 1624.72 duff is in the fifteenth-century Suim Ciosa Ui Bhriain but Hugh Cruttyne was active in drawing up legal instru- there is no indication that the land was rent-free at that ments such as a deed of arbitration in 1600.73 It is highly period.59 The absence of references to rent-free land which likely that he was ‘Hugo Mc Cruttin de Clandoyne gent’ was a common privilege enjoyed by the aos ealadhna class who was empanelled as a juror on the 1619 inquisition into in Gaelic society suggests that they had lost much patron- the lands of the fourth Earl of Thomond.74 Clandoyne is age and status. This is borne out by the conspicuous an unidentified land division presumably in the vicinity of absence of Meic Cruitín learned men in the annals during Tromra although it could be a corruption of the placename the sixteenth century. This is particularly stark when we Cloghaundine in Kilmacrehy parish.75 There is little doubt consider that over the same period a large volume of that the Meic Cruitín continued in their ancient profess- annalistic entries exist for Meic Fhlannchadha, Meic Bhru- ional role as historian-chroniclers. At the siege of Ballyallia aideadha, Uí Nialláin and Uí Dhálaigh learned kindreds.60 castle in 1642 English settler John Ward observed that: We know that the landholding of many learned kindreds was characterised by material expressions of status Hugh Mc Crutten did use to take a note in writing of as many such as tower house residences and tighe n-aoídheadh or of the besiedgers as were either hurte or killed against the said houses of hospitality. They often had a sgoilteach or scrip- Castle openly extolling them for their valour & good service in torium where the production and storage of manuscripts assaulting the said Castle, to noe other purpose (as this de- was undertaken. For example, the Meic Fhlannchadha ponent then understood) but to give intimation thereof to the rest of The Country & to encouradge them to like rebellious brehon lawyers built and possessed the tower-houses of actions [original spelling].76 Urlanmore, Clonloghan and Castlekeale (Ballysallagh West) 61 during the sixteenth-century. We know that they stored This is first hand proof that Hugh Mc Crutten (Aodh Mac title-deeds and charters at their fortified residence at Castle- Cruitín) was following the family’s professional calling as keale and, as we read in a deed from 1591, at their tower chroniclers into the mid-seventeenth century, even after 62 house at Knockfin in Corcomroe. Similarly, the Uí Nialláin much of their traditional patronage had evaporated. The occupied Ballyallia and Ballycarroll in the late sixteenth- recording of Hugh Mc Crutten extolling the Confederate 63 century while the Meic Bhruaideadha kept a library or Irish in assailing New English settlers must be one of the scriptorium at Moynoe in east Co. Clare in the 1630s where last references to the seanchaidh class trained in the class- 64 works of genealogy and history where stored. ical tradition, being called upon to act in their capacity as Sources are silent regarding a chief residence or pro- Gaelic literati. fessional house of Clann Chruitín at either Laghvally or Another document from Petworth House provides further Carrowduff. The initial impression of this absence, however, detail on the hereditary lands of Clann Chruitín. Propri- is modified if we consider the reference in a mid-fourteenth etorship of Laghvally and Carrowduff are exemplified in an century text to a different tradition of settlement for learned inquisition dated 5 September 1618 which was undertaken kindreds. as part of the abortive surrender and regrant of Co. Clare: In describing the residences of different groups the saga- text Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh notes that the ollamhain Salmon McCruttin of Laghtvally gent is seised of 11 parts of the had as their residence the ring-fort (‘agus gach ollam ina qr of Laghtvally in 16 parts to be divided; and 1 cartron or ráith’)65 while other members of the learned class such fourth part of the quarter of Carowduff. as the ‘noble coarbs’ were described as dwelling in their ‘high church’ (‘agus gach uasalchomarba ina áirdchill’).66 Hugh oge McCruttin of Laghtvally gent is seised of 3/4 parts of The continued importance of the ring-fort as a secular a cartron or 3 parts of the said quarter of Laghtvally in 16 parts to be divided. residence beyond the medieval period is attested in the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann occupation of Cahermacnaughten Daniell Clanchy and Moelmury McCruttin of Laghtvally afore- in the seventeenth century.67 said gent are seised of one half cartron or part of the said It could be that one of several ring-forts recorded on the quarter of Laghtvally. Ordnance Survey maps at Carrowduff may in fact represent the ceann áit or head-place of Clann Chruitín. One can- Teig McCruttin and Connor McCruttin of Carowduff gent are seised of 1 cartron or 4th part of the quarter of Carrowduff. didate site is the large ring-fort at Knocknaraha near the border with Laghvally.68 Other ring-forts associated with Shanagh McCruttin of Carrowduff aforesaid is seised of one learned kindreds include Parkmore (Lios Páirc Mhóir) in half cartron or 8 part of Carrowduff aforesaid. Finavarra where the remains of a large ring-fort69 served as the ceann áit of the Uí Dhálaigh poets, and Cahermaclan- Hugh na Tauny McCruttin of Carrowduff aforesaid gent is seised of one other half cartron or 8 parts of Carrowduff aforesaid. chy in Killilagh which probably served as the original habitation of the Meic Fhlannchadha prior to their con- Connor McCruttin of Carrowduff aforesaid gent is seised of the struction of Knockfin tower house. other cartron or 8 parts of Carrowduff aforesaid.77 Fortunately, several seventeenth century surveys cast light on the landholding of Clann Chruitín. In a 1615 survey The fragmented nature of their landholding is indicative of of the earl of Thomond’s estate in Ibrickan, Hugh Cruttyne traditional proprietorship that vested control of the land is recorded holding Tromroe (now Tromra). Although unlike collectively; the land being subject to division between bardic poet Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha’s property eligible kinsmen. at Knockanalban, Tromroe was not held rent-free.70 We may Another member of the family, Critten McCruttin, was deduce from this that Clann Chruitín were not accorded the impanelled as a juror in the 1618 Great Office of Clon- same privileges as Clann Bhruaideadha in the seventeenth deralaw and Moyarta and was described as of Licke.78 century. Their failure to be included among the ‘good and He was appointed bailiff for Toirdhealbhach Ruadh Mhic

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Mhathghamhna of Clonderalaw in 1611 to give effect to a which had withstood the pressure of further sub-division deed in Irish between Toirdhealbhach and Seán mac Taidhg by subsequent generations, was provided for in customary Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin79 for Molougha near Kilrush. The deed law.88 Most of those freeholders who in 1618 held Car- was signed ‘Christopr. Curtyn’ but it appears that he wrote rowduff can either be identified in the Clann Chruitín and notarised the deed with the Irish form of his name, genealogies (e.g. Hugh na Tauny McCruttin89) or shared Criomhthann Mac Cruitín, appearing in the main text.80 forenames that were passed down within the same family Other records suggest that a branch of Clann Chruitín branch since medieval times (Solomon/Solamh; ffarbshigh were settled in the Meic Mhathghamhna lordship of Cor- /Fearbiseach; Shanagh/Seancha).90 kavaskin. In 1602 ‘Connor O’Crottine’ (recte Mc Crottine) These kinsmen appear to belong to one branch of Clann was listed in the fiant rolls and his residence was ‘Moyadda’ Chruitín. Available evidence show that this branch pro- in Kilrush parish.81 In 1606 Christopher Crutin of Moyfadda duced most of the better known learned members of Clann (recte Moyadda) and ‘John, son of Teige of Kiltyline’ (Seán Chruitín. For example, those literate members recorded in mac Taidhg Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin), were assigned lands the seventeenth century include Conchubhar Óg, Criomh- in trust. It is likely that Christopher (i.e. Criomhthann) of thann and Eolus all of who, the genealogies tell us, belonged the 1611 deed was possibly a brother or a son of Conor.82 to the same branch of Clann Chruitín that was associated Clearly this branch of Clann Chruitín assisted in legal with Carrowduff. Hereditary naming practices link seven- transactions with their overlords the Meic Mhathghamhna teenth-century kinsmen to medieval namesakes and the of Corkavaskin. tendency that many learned members of the lineage were Other documents confirm that Clann Chruitín propri- attached to the branch settled at Carrowduff, points to that etorship at Laghvally83 and Carrowduff continued into the line of the family as the senior branch of Clann Chruitín. 1640s, prior to the Cromwellian confiscations. The 1641 This would explain their collective landholding and retention Books of Survey and Distribution84 record: of landed property there until the mid-seventeenth century. It may not be coincidence that poet Aodh Buí Mac Carroduff: 1 qr. Cruitín traced his descent from the senior branch of the Connor mcMeike Cruttin……Sheppinpuchin 1 car[tron] family. The genealogies inform us that he was a descen- Solomon Cruttin……Aghnaha 1 car[tron] dant of ‘Hugh na Tauny’ who resided at Carrowduff in ffarbshigh McCruttin……Knockanerhingnan, 1 car[tron] 1618.91 An earlier ancestor of Aodh Buí was Seanchadh (or Patrick Commin……Lishenegorna 1 car[tron] Seancha) who can be identified in the annals as ollamh 163 profitable acres 92 152 unprofitable acres Tuadhmumhan i senchus in 1434. The fact that the name Seanchadh is a cognomen for ‘historian’ or ‘chronicler’ Killaughvally: 1 qr. Patrick Commin……Gurtnegallagh East, 2/3 car[trons] highlights his learned status. According to the genealogies Boetus Clanchy……Gurtnegallagh West 1/3 car[tron] the two branches of Clann Chruitín shared a common an- Daniell O Bryan……1/2 qr cestor in Aodh who may tentatively be identified as ‘Eagd Sollomon Cruttin……1 car[tron] 58 profitable acres Mac Crutyn’ in an obituary from 1354.93 From him the two 40 acres chief branches of Clann Chruitín sprung:

Clearly Carrowduff served as Clann Chruitín’s chief estate. Cruitín file ó nabuirtear Clann Chruitín Comparison with the 1618 inquisition illustrates the inter- (14 generations earlier) twined nature of proprietorship as Salmon (or Sollomon) McCruttin retained an interest at Laghvally and Carrow- Aodh (d.1354)94 duff. His much reduced interest at Killaughvally (recte Laghvally) may be related to the mortgaging of lands. In Aodh Óg 1642 Connor mcGullduvie Mc Cruttine mortgaged ‘Skeagh- boogkine’ in Carrowduff to Patrick Comyne.85 Senior branch Junior Branch Subsequent legal articles show that Christopher Mc Cruttyne, possibly a son of Connor McGullduvie, left a will Solamh Conchubhar in 1666 where he passed his land at Carrowduff onto ‘his brother Michell Mc Cruttyne’, with the remainder to his Conchubhar Criomthann cousin Hugh McCruttyne his ‘next heyre in blood for euer’, should his brother fail to produce an heir. Christopher estab- Seanchadh (d.1434)95 Solamh lished an interest at Cahersherkin in Clooney to the south of Ennistymon which remained in the family in the follow- Fearbiseach An Cosnamhach ing generation after their lease was confirmed in 1671.86 This was not without controversy, however, and the joint interest Eolus Rolond of the land with the Comyns was disputed in 1703-4.87 96 From this we may take it that part of the family’s interest Criomhthann Aindrias (c.1650-1738) in Carrowduff was pledged as collateral in mortgage agree- Aodh na Tuinne (fl.1618) ments for the acquisition of other land. This suggests that Carrowduff was the chief hereditary estate of Clann Chruitín. Conchubhar However, this was not the case with their other hereditary land at Laghvally, where Clann Chruitín’s interest had Conchubhar Óg declined steadily since 1618. Aodh Buidhe (c.1680-1755)97 Senior branch of Clann Chruitín It may be speculated that the senior lineage of Clann Scribes & notaries of Clann Chruitín Chruitín claimed proprietorship over Carrowduff. This At this juncture of our study little has been said of Clann claim possibly dates from an earlier division of the heredi- Chruitín’s professional literary activity. While we may tary lands. Such a division, one that was permanent and appraise their literary activities from a number of sources,

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it would be remiss to regard these sources as representative trious names which had either ecclesiastical or classical of the milieu of native learning in which they operated. resonances.107 The forename Solamh is found in the Clann As with other learned families, what records survived the Chruitín genealogies as a name used by both branches of tumultuous period of the seventeenth and eighteenth cen- the family and, like Eolus, it features in Greek mythology as turies were but a fragment of the original corpus of texts, ‘Salmoneus’ (Σαλµωνευς′ ) the son of Eolus. An appreciation annals, poems and manuscripts. From surviving legal in- of classical learning may have had a bearing on the naming struments we can attempt to piece together the nature of practices of Clann Chruitín; certainly both Eolus and Sol- the professional and literary activities of Clann Chruitín. amh were distinctive names and seldom, if at all, feature in As we have already alluded, the earliest identified ref- the genealogies of other learned families in Co. Clare. erence to a Mac Cruitín scribe occurs in the marginalia of Eolus appears again in the historical record, this time in a medical manuscript, parts of which were penned by a lease from 1624108 concerning Connor McBrody of Kiltye ‘Donnchadh mhac Matha alias Dionisius Cyriton’, a scholar (recte Kilkee). Connor McBrody is known to history as Con- of medicine in 1468 at Sutton Valence in Kent.98 It is un- chubhar Mac Bruaideadha who provided the approbation certain why he was working as a scribe there but he may of Micheál Ó Cléirigh’s work, Annála Ríoghachta Éireann, have travelled to England to further his education. in November 1636.109 Conchubhar himself was a literatus On the same manuscript a later Mac Cruitín scribe of native learning, his father being the poet and official appears. This scribe’s copying of Tochomhladh Mac Míleadh ollamh, Maoilín Óg.110 That fact that Eolus appears twice provides insight into the type of learning pursued by the as a witness to these Meic Bhruaideadha land transactions Meic Cruitín as members of the aos ealadhna class. Conchu- suggests a connection between the two learned families. bhar Mór Mac Cruitín, the scribe of parts of Tochomhladh We read in the Latin writings of Antonius Bruodinus that Mac Míleadh, must have been familiar with this prímh- Cornelius Cruttin of ‘de Ballybeg’ married Elionoram sgéla, or major tale, and that this particular text counted Bruodinam (Eilionóir Nic Bruaideadha) in the first half of among the series of tales (one authority gives it as number the seventeenth century, so the two learned families shared three-hundred and fifty) which were reckoned necessary marriage ties.111 for the masters of higher learning to know in order to be We seldom meet references to Meic Cruitín scribes and qualified in their learning.99 A date of mid-sixteenth century expert witnesses after the mid-seventeenth century.112 may be ascribed to this composition by Conchubhar Mór Among the petitions to the Duke of Ormond in 1650, because Conchubhar Óg who witnessed the permanent Mahon McCruttin sought redress for his cows which were division of the lands of Clann Mhathghamhna of Clondera- rustled from him by Col. Wogan’s company as his troop law in 1576 was probably his son.100 ravaged parts of Clare.113 The outcome of the petition is From the late sixteenth century other Meic Cruitín uncertain but given that Cromwellian forces were already scribes appear in legal documents. We can judge that they in Ireland and Ormond departed for France later in the enjoyed the localised status of professional men whose year, it is unlikely that recompense was arranged. In one repertoire of learning meant that their presence at the sign- lease we are reminded of the family’s own cognisance of ing of a deed equated to notarius publicus. A deed from their hereditary professional status. In 1671 Peter Crutine 1585 is curious, because as an expert witness ‘Aodh og signed an indenture bearing his personal seal which dis- Mac Cirtin, testis’ penned his name in Irish101 alongside played a crowned figure playing a harp and a now partially other witnesses who opted for the anglicised form of their unintelligible Latin inscription that contains the word names.102 Despite the deed being written in English, Aodh’s FLOREN.114 Personal seals were relatively rare except for signature in Irish was a deliberate act, commensurate with men of status and this seal ostensibly had a symbolic mean- his role as an officer-holder of the learned Gaelic tradition. ing. The harp may represent the etymological origin of the One wonders if Aodh was the same kinsman who drew surname Mac Cruitín (i.e. cruit, harp) and, moreover, sug- up the complex deed relating to a dispute between Richard gests their former professional cultivation of music. Wingfield and Tadhg, son of Conchubhar Ó Briain, of Remaining references that have survived chiefly pertain Smithstown (Kilshanny) in 1600.103 The deed related to to lease agreements. This includes the wangling involved property claimed by the parties through the inheritance of over the family’s interest in Cahersherkin in Clooney par- their wives. Clann Chruitín’s involvement in mediating ish after it was first held by Christopher McCruttyne before such an agreement which involved castles and lands is his death in 1666, and was leased jointly to Patricke Comyne testimony to the professional standing of the lineage. and Peter Cruttyne in 1671.115 The difficulty in securing the Other deeds are found to have been notarised by mem- lease of Cahersherkin continued until 1709 when a letter to bers of Clann Chruitín. As we have already seen, Hugo Mc Sir Donough O’Brien detailed that several Meic Cruitín had Cruttin ‘de Clandoyne gent’ served as a juror in an enquiry an interest in the land including Hugh Crutin, Peter Crutin into the lands of the earl of Thomond in 1619.104 His name and the bearer of the letter, Connor Crutin. The latter was appeared after ‘Thady McBrody’, bardic poet and instigator described as the ‘grandson and heir of Christopher and of Iomarbhágh na bhfileadh (‘Contention of the Bards’) in [who] will doe any seruice he can for yr honr. wishing c.1616. Moreover, we read in a foeffment of lands in favour yr. honr. all happiness’.116 Connor’s appeal anticipates the of a McBrody in Drumcliff and dated 7 November 1622, patronage sought by poet Aindrias Mac Cruitín from the that ‘Eolus Mac Cruitin’ signed his name in Irish as a Leamaneh and Dromoland O’Briens a decade later.117 witness.105 The forename ‘Eolus’ (also spelt Eolas) appears in the genealogies for an earlier period, signifying that the ‘School’ of poetry of west Clare name was hereditary within the family. It may also be of Much attention has been paid to the poetry of Aindrias significance that this name in Irish denotes ‘knowledge’ and Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín by modern writers. While it is (eolas, ‘knowing’, ‘comprehension’). The name Eolus also generally agreed that the family’s flowering of poetry and has classical Greek associations. Eolus or Aiolos (Αιολος) literary renown was chiefly embodied in the work of these features in Greek mythology as the ruler of the winds. The two poets, the physical remains of a school house (sgoil- name is also associated with the druid Eolus who reputedly teach) where members of Clann Chruitín cultivated their came to Ireland with the Milesian invaders from Greece.106 professional specialisations of history and music, has not It was not uncommon for learned families to use illus- been identified. Unlike the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann glosses

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in the British Library manuscript Egerton 88, there are no written in English; it also contains a defence of retaining manuscripts that explicitly refer to a ‘sgol’ operated by Clann Irish orthography in order to maintain continuity and lin- Chruitín.118 guistic integrity with earlier texts.129 He claimed to have There exists, however, a rather oblique reference in a written the comprehensive grammar as a means to pre- poem composed by the Scottish poet Maol Domhnaigh serve the Irish language and deplored the abandonment Ó Muirgheasáin in his visitation to the centres of poetic of Irish by members of the higher social classes. In 1732 learning in Ireland in the mid-seventeenth century. In list- he appeared as a co-author of the English-Irish Dictionary ing the places of learning such as the Uí Dhálaigh school published in Paris, although the bulk of the work is attrib- at Finavarra (Fiodhnach Bhearaigh), Ó Muirgheasáin also uted to An tAthair Conchubhar Ó Beaglaoich (Fr Conor identified a place whose name is partly corrupted in the Begley).130 text, appearing as ‘-locha’ followed by ‘ós Linn Luimnigh’ Details of his activity in France and Ireland have been (i.e. ‘above the lower Shannon’).119 T.F. O’Rahilly suggest- dealt with elsewhere, and a good number of his poems ed that this could be Magh Locha (Molough) near Kilrush, have been printed in recent times.131 Several of his poems an area associated with the Clann Chruitín in the early reflect personal patronage which he received from Som- seventeenth century and perhaps served as a place of pro- hairle Mac Domhnaill and his wife Isibél Ní Bhriain. It fessional learning for this branch of the family.120 appears that Aodh Buí’s daughter, Úna Nic Cruitín, also A statement made by Séamus Mac Cruitín in June 1846 composed poetry and in c.1740 she composed a short may cautiously be taken to cast light on the matter. In his poem to Isibél Ní Bhriain seeking patronage in her right as short biography of Aodh Buí, Mac Cruitín describes the a poet of the professional tradition.132 This rather unique ‘small college’ that Aodh Buí opened in the mid-eighteenth occurrence – the daughter of a poet pursuing her family’s century at the ploughland of Cnoicín an aird and that he traditional calling – is recalled in a letter sent by the great had a dwelling place at Cora an Fhile. Mac Cruitín informs Irish ‘noblesse procurer’ Chevalier Thomas O’Gorman in us that both places situated in Kilmacrehy and their ruins 1761, which stated that Aodh Buí’s daughters, who lived at were still extant in 1846.121 While this may be a reference Corofin, preserved their late father’s book which appeared to a school which Aodh Buí founded, there is reason to to be regarded as the ‘chief part of their subsistance’.133 think that it could be older, representing a sgoilteach oper- Around this time O’Gorman also referred to ‘an old ated by Clann Chruitín in the same manner that classical manuscript of Hugh Mac Curtin, containing a complete bardic schools operated in earlier times. Moreover, Cora genealogy of the O Brien family’ and from which Hugh an Fhile (i.e. ‘the poet’s retreat’)122 suggests a sequestered (i.e. Aodh) may have tweaked the pedigree of the Lismore place purposefully located for the pursuit of scholarship O’Briens ‘during his stay in Paris, in 1735 or thereabouts’ and instruction. We know that bardic schools were often in order for them to obtain a certificate of nobility.134 One sequestered for reasons of pedagogy and security, although wonders if the book referred to as ‘Hugh Buie Mac Curtin’s in this case there is no way of determining if the school’s book’ that contained genealogical material of various origin pre-dated the eighteenth century. Uí Bhriain branches135 was the same book possessed by his Wherever the Meic Cruitín school was located its wider daughters. An interesting bibliography of Aodh Buí and influence on literature and native learning has not been other west Clare poets was written by Séamus Mac Cruitín lost on historians. Thomas J. Westropp commented that in June 1846. Séamus, himself a poet of the family who the learning of Eugene O’Curry and his father Malachy was claimed descent from a brother of Aindrias Mac Cruitín, inherited from the earlier activities of the professional cut a rather forlorn figure judging from his surviving corre- poets of Clann Cruitín.123 The tradition of native learning spondence. He eked out a living as a school master at Moy was handed down by the poets of west Clare such as Seán and Cloonanaha during the mid-nineteenth century and de hÓra of Kilkee, Anthony O’Brien a school master at was, rather despondently, regarded as the last of the heredi- Doonaha, Seán Lloyd of Kilrush, and the prolific lexicog- tary bards of Thomond.136 rapher Peadar Ó Conaill of the Killimer area. These men continued the classical manuscript tradition into the nine- Aindrias Mac Cruitín teenth century through participating in ‘courts of poetry’, Aindrias Mac Cruitín’s life and works have been detailed copying texts and collaborating across scholarly networks. at length elsewhere.137 Suffice to say Aindrias was born in c.1650 at Moyglass, near Miltown Malbay, where he work- Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín ed as a teacher and scribe. His poems are testament to the Aodh Buí and Aindrias Mac Cruitín wrote poems and classical genealogical and historical tradition which Clann other material for their patrons the Mac Donnells of Kilkee Chruitín had access to even at this comparatively late date. and the O’Briens of Ennistymon. Such literary activities For example, Aindrias’ poem Sloinneam saoir-ghéaga síol echoed that of their forebears’ professional role.124 The g-Cais138 details the genealogy of Dál gCais families in a younger of these two distantly related kinsmen, Aodh Buí, manner that suggests he had access to traditional genealog- is best remembered on account of his authorship of three ical tracts. His particular poems to the Uí Lochlainn reveal important published works. Living for ten years in Dublin them as his main patrons and in 1727 he penned a duan- and about ten years at Louvain and Paris where he brief- aire, or poem book, for them.139 The 280-page duanaire ly served in Lord Clare’s Irish regiment in Flanders, he was a composite work and drew on his traditional learning was well travelled and evidently more successful than his consisting predominantly of poetry addressed to various kinsman Aindrias in securing patronage.125 Prior to leaving branches of the family and genealogy. The book is unusual for France in 1717 he published A brief discourse in vin- in that Aindrias catered for those with minimal familiarity dication of the antiquity of Ireland126 which, on account of reading Irish by including a list of standard contractions of censorship, is thought to have seen him committed to used in the text to aid the uninitiated. Newgate prison for a year, but an intervention by Sir In 1721 he undertook the complicated task of transcribing Donough O’Brien of Dromoland (d.1717) appears to have the mid-fourteenth century text Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh secured his release.127 (‘The Triumphs of Turlough’) for Tadhg Mac Conmara of Aodh Buí published an Irish grammar in 1728 at Ranna near Quin.140 The transcription of this lengthy text Louvain.128 This work constituted the first Irish grammar written in a rather bombastic style that was a hallmark of

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its medieval author was of enduring value, as the oldest Say, Muse, what sweet harp gave their glory a name, copy now survives in Aindrias’ hand. Aindrias’ hardship in And, with song, lent a soul to the deeds of their fame? his later life was on account of a lack of patronage which is ‘Twas the harp of McCurtin, the bard of the free, best illustrated in his poem Donn na Daibhche (‘Donn of And the fire of his spirit that descended to me!149 the sand hills’) composed in 1733.141 From this poem it is clear that he was living at Moyglass in Ibrickan. It is likely On the death of both Aodh Buí and Aindrias only vestiges that a number of his works have not survived, but remark- of native learning were continued by Clann Chruitín. This is ably one manuscript was discovered in 1892 at Ballyea attested in the poetry of Úna Nic Cruitín and in the writings near Ennis in a very weathered condition.142 The manu- and poems of Séamus Mac Cruitín in the mid-nineteenth script contained 267 written folio pages and its contents, century. Even this continuation is remarkable when we con- according to the colophon, were penned by Aindrias in sider that the literary activity of the hereditary professional c.1709. The contents demonstrate that he was familiar with learned lineages had virtually ceased by the eighteenth the religious writings of Seathrún Céitinn and the poetry century. The learning passed on through the works of Aodh of Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha and Donnchadh Buí and Aindrias continued in the hands of local storytellers, Mór Ó Dálaigh. Aindrias died in 1738 and was buried at scribes and poets in west Clare into the nineteenth century, Kilmacrehy.143 with traces surviving in corrupted and fragmented form into 150 Judging from the array of poetry composed by Aodh the early decades of the twentieth century. Buí and Aindrias it is probable that they both drew from a collective store of manuscripts and annalistic material Genealogies of Clann Chruitín preserved by Clann Chruitín over generations. For ex- Royal Irish Academy, Ms E.iv.3, p.10151 ample, in Aodh Buí’s publication, A Brief Discourse in Vindication of the Antiquity of Ireland,144 his detailing of the origins of Dál gCais families indicates a familiarity with genealogy that could only be achieved through access to manuscripts and genealogies. Both poets had access to a miscellany of tales, verse and aphorisms which served as a framework that underpinned the professional pursuit of native learning and the chief expression of that, the writing of poetry. Aodh Buí was involved in copying the Annals of Innis- fallen,145 while Aindrias transcribed poems from the early seventeenth-century Iomarbhagh na bhFileadh which may indicate that he had links with the Meic Bhruaideadha of Ibrickan who authored many of its poems. Aindrias was Genelach Mic Cruitín also active as a copyist of a number of works of Seathrún Céitinn (Geoffrey Keating) and over a dozen manuscripts Aindrias mac Roloind mic an Chosnamhach mic Solaimh mic survive in his hand, including a poem on the saints of Criomhthainn mic Conchubhair mic Aodha Óig mic Aodha mic Munster which he must have copied from an older exem- Conchubhair mic Aodha mic Giolla Críost mic Arailt mic Floinn mic plar. This manuscript, in turn, was re-copied by hedge Conchubhair mic Liobáinn mic Mudhna mic Saorthuile mic Saoir- school master, Antony O’Brien of Dunaha, in 1780.146 bhreithe mic Fianghusa mic Maeile Ruáin mic Cruitín file ó nabartair cloinne Chruitín mic Brógáin mic Labáinn mic Seanáin mic There is no evidence that either Aodh Buí or Aindrias Lonáin mic Carrthainn mic Fraoich condreaghaid et ó Lochloinn. regarded themselves as professional ollamhain. In 1846 Séamus Mac Cruitín, when collecting biographical sketches Royal Irish Academy, Ms 23 H 25, p. 30 [p.93] of local poets stated, not without a hint of nostalgia, that Aindrias was ‘a hereditary bard ... and was a first rate poet, Genelach Mic Cruitín antiquarian and genealogist.’147 A similar distinction was Aodh Buidhe mac also accorded to Aodh Buí in Séamus Mac Cruitín’s bio- Conchubhair Óig mic graphical sketches. While the scholarship and intellectual Aodh na Tuinne mic framework that underpinned their written work undoubt- Criomhthainn mic edly had roots in the native seanchas tradition, neither Eoluis mic Firbhisigh Aodh Buí nor Aindrias enjoyed the privileges that the role mic Seancha mic of ollamhnacht seanchas conferred on their ancestors. Conchubhair mic Rather, they may rightly be regarded as having trained in Solaimh mic the traditional manner at a time when the professional Conchubhair mic seanchas and filidheacht tradition was at an end. Aodh mic Giolla Críost The renown of the Meic Cruitín and their literary dis- mic Arailt mic Flainn mic Conchubhair mic tinction, however, went beyond these poets and the Irish Liobáinn mic Mudhna language. Scottish novelist Sir Walter Scott made mention of mic Saorthuile mic them in his romantic poem Rokeby, first published in 1813: Saoirbhreithe mic Fionghusa mic Maeile Old England’s bards were vanquish’d then, Ruáin mic Cruitín And Scotland’s vaunted Hawthornden, file ó nabartair cloinne And, silenced on Iernian shore, Chruitín mic Brógáin McCurtin’s harp shall charm no more!148 mic Labáinn mic Seanáin mic Lonáin Clann Chruitín is also recalled by nineteenth century mic Carrthainn mic Limerick poet Michael Hogan, also known as the ‘Bard of Fraoich mic Osgair mic Mesin Duin mic Mesin Salaigh152 vide Thomond’ in his poem on ‘Clan MacInnerny’: genelach Uí Chonchubhair Chorcamruadh.

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Branches of Clann Chruitín

Cruitín file ó nabuirtear Clann Chruitín

Maile Ruán = Fionghusa = Saorbreathach = Sáortúile = Mudhna = Altán153 = Conchubhar = Flann = Arailt

Giolladh Chríost = Aodh = Conchubhar = Aodh154 = Aodh Óg

Solamh Conchubhar

Conchubhar Criomhthann

Seanchadh Solamh

Fearbiseach An Cosnamhach

Eolus Rolond

Criomhthann Aindrias (c.1650–1738)155

Aodh na Tuinne

Conchubhar

Conchubhar Óg

Aodh Buidhe (c.1680-1755)156

Genealogy of Clann Chruitín of Cahersherkin in Clooney

Gullduvie Mc Cruttine

Connor (of Carrowduff, fl. 1642)157

Christopher + Any Neylon (2nd mar. Brian McMahon) Michael (fl. 1666) Hugh (fl. 1642, d. 1666) (fl. 1666; cousin of Christopher)

Peter (fl. 1671-1699) of Bally Cottine in 1671 Elyzabeth (fl. 1666)

Connor (fl. 1709)158

References Mac Cruitín, c.1680-1755 (Baile Átha Cliath, 1995), p. 101. 1 The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Martin Breen (Ruan, 7 See Morley, An crann (1995), and Morley (ed), Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín, Co Clare), Vincent Morley and Michelle O Riordan in the preparation of (2012). this paper. 8 According to Franciscan Antonius Bruodinus his great uncle, poet Tadhg 2 Liam Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta Aindréis Mhic Cruitín (Ennis, 1935), p. 46. I mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha, was learned in Greek, Latin, English and thank Vincent Morley for his assistance with the translation. Irish literature. See Bruodinus, Propugnaculum, pp 851–2. The obit of the 3 Vincent Morley (ed), Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín, (Baile Átha Cliath, 2012), brehon Baothghalach Mac Fhlannchadh (Boetius Clanchy) boasted that p. 53. This featured in the elegy on the death of Aindrais Mac Cruitín by he was ‘fluent in the Latin, Irish, and English’. AFM, sub anno 1598. Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín. 9 Annála Connacht, sub anno 1328. 4 AFM, sub anno 1404. According to a list of learned writers of Ireland 10 Proinsias Mac Cana, The Learned Tales of Medieval Ireland (Dublin, compiled by Dubhaltach Mac Fhirbhisigh in 1656, Clann Chruitín were 1980), p. 27. counted among the ‘ollamhuin seanchais’. James Carney, ‘De scriptoribus 11 See Eleanor Knott, Irish classical poetry: Filíocht na Sgol (Cork, 1978). Hibernicis’, Celtica, 1 (1946–50), pp 86–110, p 91. Antonius Bruodinus 12 On the links between the learned class and the ecclesiastical grades see counts them (cf. Chruttini) among the ‘antiquissimae nobilitatis familiae, Proinsias Mac Cana, ‘The rise of the later schools of Filidheacht’, Eriú, 25 quae usque ad Cromwelis Tyrannidem’ (‘ancient noble families that con- (1974), pp 126–46. On such links in the later medieval period in Co. tinued down until the Cromwellian tyranny’). See Antonius Bruodinus, Clare see Luke McInerney, Clerical and learned lineages of medieval Co. Propugnaculum Catholicae Veritatis Libris x Constructum, in Duasque Clare: A survey of the fifteenth-century papal registers (Dublin, 2014). Partes Divisum (Prague, 1669), p. 971. 13 AFM, sub anno 1184. 5 Cited in Brian Ó Dálaigh, ‘The last of the hereditary bards of Thomond: 14 Bruodinus, Propugnaculum, p. 771. Séamus Mac Cruitín 1815-1870’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 47 15 RIA 23 N. 12, pp 186, 187. Also see NLI, MS G.193, p. 237, which ranks (2007) pp 77–90, p. 88. the Meic Fhlannchadha and the Meic an Oirchinnigh as collateral 6 An early reference to the birth date of Aodh Buí Mac Cruitín appears in lineages of the Meic Conmara. his work The elements of the Irish language grammatically explained in 16 We read in the annals that a ‘Bruaided’ succeeded to the kingship in 871, English (Louvain, 1728) wherein he states ‘After forty years study, and and he is sometimes identified as a progenitor of the lineage. Diarmuid many pains taken in learning the Irish language from the most expert of Ó Murchadha, ‘The Origins of Clann Bhruaideadha’, Éigse, 31 (1999), my time...’ From this we can assign a birth date of c.1680, assuming that pp 121–30, p. 122. he did not begin studies until he was eight years of age. Implicit in his 17 Ibid. Antonius Bruodinus sets out the genealogical links of Clann Bhruaid- statement is that he actively sought to acquire knowledge from profess- eadha to the Uí Dheaghaidh and their shared descent from the brother of ional learned men. Also see Vincent Morley, An crann os coill: Aodh Buí Bloid (a quo Uí Bhloid) Óengus. Bruodinus, Propugnaculum, pp 771, 851.

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18 E. J. Gwynn, (ed.), ‘Fragmentary annals from the west of Ireland’, 50 Ibid. p. 107. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 37C (1926), pp 149–57, p. 153. 51 Ibid. 19 AFM, sub anno 1376, 1404, 1434, 1436. 52 Ibid. On this tract and the transcription given here see Gearóid Mac 20 Séamus Pender (ed.), The O Clery Book of Genealogies (Dublin, 1951). Niocaill, ‘Blogh de ‘Tochomlad Mac Miledh’, Celtica, 6 (1963) pp 259–61, 21 See RIA Ms E.iv.3, p. 10; and RIA Ms 23 H 25, p. 30 [p. 93]. p. 61. 22 RIA Ms 24 P.41 (scribe Tadhg Ó Neachtáin). 53 The author wishes to acknowledge the assistance of Risteárd Ua Cróinín 23 Antonius Bruodinus writes that the chronologists enjoyed ‘sed & ex- and Monsignor Réamonn Ó Muirí with this translation. emptione plus, quam Ecclesiastica gaudebant’ (‘they also enjoyed greater 54 See the poem Donn na Daibhche (‘Donn of the sand hills’) by Aindrias exemption than that of the church’). Bruodinus, Propugnaculum, p. 771. Mac Cruitín in c.1733. These are the sand hills of the west Clare coast. 24 Eugene O’Curry, On the customs and manners of the ancient Irish, 3 See Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, pp 7–9. (Dublin, 1878), p. 237. Alternatively cruit may denote a hunchbacked 55 On types of collective landholding and annual divisions see Gearóid Mac person, though given that Clann Chruitín attained the ollamhnacht in Niocaill, ‘Seven Irish Documents from the Inchiquin Archives’, Analecta seinm (music) it is plausible that their cultivation of music may be traced Hibernica, 26 (Dublin, 1970) pp 47–69. (either literally or figuratively) to this progenitor. This is supported by 56 Luke McInerney, ‘Land and Lineage: The McEnerhinys of Ballysallagh the observation that poetry was sometimes delivered with musical in the Sixteenth Century’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 49 (2009) accompaniment, suggesting that the forename in question evolved from pp 1–26, p. 23. a cognomen. 57 On immunities from tribute and military service for the Meic Fhlann- 25 On the multi-functional nature of the learned class consider the obit of chadha of Tuath Ghlae (Killilagh) in Corcomroe, see James Hardiman Muiris Ó Gilbelláin who was described in the annals as the chief pro- (ed.), ‘Ancient Irish Deeds and Writings Chiefly relating to Landed Prop- fessor of the new law and old law (‘ardmaighistir Ereann i n-dligheadh erty from the Twelfth to Seventeenth Century: With Translation, Notes nua agus i seanlicceadha’), and who was the canon chorister of Tuam, and a Preliminary Essay’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, 15 Elphin, Achonry and at Killala, Annadown and Clonfert, and who also (1826) pp 1–95, pp 36–43. The reference reads, ‘A ta na sairsi ac Sil held the position of official and general brehon of the archbishopric. In Flannc[h]ad[h]a’ (‘immunities of the race of Flanchy’). On the rent-free an almost identical entry in Annála Connacht it additionally notes that status of the Meic Bhruaideadha at Knockanalban see Petworth House he was accomplished in Ogham lore (‘n-ogmorachta’). AFM, sub anno Archive, Ms C.27.A.60 printed in Luke McInerney, ‘The Earl of Thomond’s 1328, Annála Connacht, sub anno 1328. 1615 Survey of Ibrickan, Co. Clare’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 26 AFM, sub anno 1404. 53 (2013), pp 173–91 and Petworth House Archive, Ms No. C27/A 39. 27 RIA Ms 23 H 25, p. 30 [p.93]. ‘An abstract of such rents and revenewes as doe belonge to the right Hon. 28 Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, p. 46. Henrye Earle of Thomond’ [1626]. The latter is discussed and published 29 Pádraig Ó Riain, A Dictionary of Irish Saints (Dublin 2011), p. 349. Also in Martin Breen, ‘The 1626 rental of Thomond Property’, North Munster see Pádraig Ó Riain, Diarmuid Ó Murchadha & Kevin Murray (eds) Antiquarian Journal, 53 (2013) pp 193–205. Historical Dictionary of Gaelic Placenames, 3 (London, 2008) p. 163. 58 Twigge, ‘1574’, p. 81; O’Donovan, Ordnance Survey, p. 277. 30 John O’Donovan, Ordnance Survey letters: the antiquities of County Clare 59 Hardiman (ed.), ‘Irish Deeds’, pp 37, 41. (Ennis, 2003) pp 94, 100. 60 On the Meic Fhlannchadha see AFM, sub anno 1482, 1483, 1492, 1575, 31 See, for example, Mac Cana, ‘Filidheacht’, (1974), pp 126– 46. 1576, 1598; On the Meic Bhruaideadha see AFM, sub anno 1563, 1582, 32 Published for the first time in McInerney, Clerical and learned lineages 1599, 1602; On the Uí Nialláin see AFM, sub anno 1588, 1599; on the Uí (Dublin 2014). Dhálaigh see AFM, sub anno 1404, 1415, 1420, 1514. 33 For example the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann supplied clerics at Noughaval 61 R.W. Twigge, ‘Edward White’s Description of Thomond in 1574’, North and the Meic Fhlannchadha at Killilagh. See McInerney, Clerical and Munster Antiquarian Journal, 1:2 (1910), pp 75–85; Martin Breen, ‘A learned lineages, pp 164–5. 1570 List of Castles in County Clare’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 34 Ó Muraíle (ed.) Mícheál Ó Cléirigh: His Associates and St Anthony’s 36, (1995) pp 130–8; On the castle builders see RIA Ms 24 D 10, p. 70–2. College Louvain (Dublin, 2008), p. 110. 62 In a chancery pleading from 1623 it was recorded that at the Meic 35 On Clann Bhruaideadha see Luke McInerney, ‘Lettermoylan of Clann Fhlannchadha residence at Castlekeale (Ballyallagh) was ‘where all of Bhruaideadha’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 52 (2012) pp 81–113. the deeds and counterparts relating to the mortgages [were] burned 36 AFM, sub anno 1376. either casually or of malice’. We also read that Boetius MacClancy was 37 W. M. Hennessy & B. Mac Carthy, Annála Uladh: Annals of Ulster entrusted with the storage of charters made between the Uí Lochlainn otherwise Annala Senait, Annals of Senat: a chronicle of Irish affairs from and the fourth earl of Thomond in 1591 and which were signed and A.D. 431 to A.D. 1540, 3 (Dublin, 1895) p. 130. stored at the Meic Fhlannchadha residence of Knockfin in Killilagh 38 Gwynn, (ed.), ‘Fragmentary annals’, p. 153. parish. Chancery Bills: Survivals from pre-1922 collection, K [undated 39 AFM, sub anno 1376. The Annals of Ulster put his death occurring in 1371. chancery bills] No.11. Also see James Frost, The history and topography 40 AFM sub anno 1404. The Annals of Ulster note that his patron was of the county of Clare: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the Ó Briain: ‘Gilla-Duibin Mac Cruitin died this year, namely, the ollam of 18th Century (Dublin, 1893) pp 20–1. Ua Briain, to wit, one eminent in music and in history and in literary 63 Twigge, ‘1574’, p. 79. distinction in Ireland’. 64 Bruodinus, Propugnaculum, p. 770. 41 AFM sub anno 1434. The Annals of Ulster note that his patron was 65 Sean Mac Ruaidhrí Mac Craith, Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh, Standish Ó Briain: ‘Mac Cruitin died this year: to wit, Sencha Mac Cruitin, Hayes O’Grady (ed.) (London, 1929), i., p. 134, ii., p. 117. namely, the professor of history of Ua Briain’. 66 Ibid. 42 AFM sub anno 1436. The reference to ‘intended’ (adhbar) may indicate 67 Cahermacnaughten was inhabited by the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann until at that he was in training. Given the hefty investment in training and time, least 1675. See Brian Ó Cuív, ‘A seventeenth century legal document’, the high status and relative scarcity of members of hereditary profession- Celtica, 5 (1960), pp 177–85. al families, death before graduation was likely to attract attention from 68 See 1842 Ordnance Survey 6-Inch maps. the annalists. 69 O’Donovan, Ordnance Survey, p. 10. 43 On Seaán Buidhe Mac Bruaideadha’s poem Dlighidh ollamh urraim ríogh 70 Luke McInerney, ‘The Earl of Thomond’s 1615 Survey of Ibrickan, Co. (‘An ollamh should be respected by his prince’) see Láimhbheartach Mac Clare’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 53 (2013), pp 173–91, p. 188. Cionnaith (ed), ‘Dlighidh ollamh urraim ríogh’, Dioghluim Dána (Baile 71 A. Martin Freeman, (ed) The Compossicion Booke of Conought (Dublin, Átha Cliath, 1938) pp 252–6. 1936). 44 Cornel O’Mollony, Anatomicum examen enchiridii apologettici (Prague, 72 Luke McInerney, ‘Documents from the Thomond Papers at Petworth 1671) pp 112–3. It is significant that Finola’s husband was Conchubhar House’, Archivium Hibernicum, 64, (2001), pp 7– 55, pp 13–14. Also see Mac Fhlannchadha himself a member of the Meic Fhlannchadha brehons Petworth House Archive MS 1141 [inquisition post mortem of Donough who were allies of the fourth earl of Thomond. Conchubhar could be the O’Brien, fourth earl of Thomond]. ‘Connogher Maglanchy’ who held ‘Enenshy’ (unidentified) tower house 73 Mac Niocaill, ‘Irish Documents’, p. 59. that situated in or near Ennis in 1574. R.W. Twigge, ‘Edward White’s 74 Petworth House Archive Ms B.26.T.16, [1 April, 1619]. Description of Thomond in 1574’, North Munster Antiquarian Journal, 75 Alternatively it may be the modern Glendine in Kilfarboy parish. 1:2 (1910), pp 75–85, p. 84. 76 Trinity College Dublin Library, Ms 829, fol. 81v [617] 25/4/1643 [Depos- 45 AFM sub anno 1360, 1364. ition of John Ward.] 46 Seathrún Céitinn, Foras Feasa ar Éirinn, 3 (London, 1908), pp 12–14. 77 Petworth House Archive Ms 16.B.D.2 [Great Office of Corcomroe Barony, 47 Thomas O’Sullevane, Dissertation in Memoirs of the Right Honourable 5 September 1618]. I thank Kenneth Nicholls for this reference. The Marquis of Clanricarde, Lord Deputy General of Ireland (London, 78 Petworth House Archive, Ms 16 D.1 [Great Office 1618 – Clonderalaw & 1722), pp clxvii–clxix. Moyarta baronies] 1618. I thank Kenneth Nicholls for this reference. 48 Joseph Walker’s Historical memoirs of the Irish Bards (London, 1818), 79 The Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin were a hereditary clerical lineage associated pp 202–4. While an alternative attribution could be to Tadhg mac Dáire with Inis Cathaigh since at least the early fifteenth-century and where Mhic Bhruaideadha, no poems of his are known to be addressed to Mac they often held the priorship. Their hereditary lands were at Kilteelin Carthaigh. and a corrupt form of the placename was recorded in this deed as Cill 49 Pádraig de Brún & Máire Herbert, Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in Tilang, the residence of Seán mac Taidhg Uí Ghiolla Sheanáin. See Luke Cambridge Libraries (Cambridge, 1986), p. 106. This can be translated McInerney, ‘The clerical lineages of Inis Cathaigh’, The Other Clare, 37 as: ‘scholar in medicine at Sutton Valence in the county of Kent, in the (2013), pp 57–64, p. 59. year of grace 1468’. 80 O’Donovan, Ordnance Survey, pp 127–9.

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81 The Irish Fiants of the Tudor Sovereigns During the Reigns of Henry VIII, 119 T.F. O’Rahilly, ‘A Poem by Piaras Feiritéar’, Ériu, 13 (1942), pp 113–8, pp Edward VI, Philip & Mary, and Elizabeth I, (Dublin, 1994) No. 6615 [year 114 & 116. 1602]. The spelling O’Crottine must be an error for ‘Mac Crottine’. 120 O’Donovan, Ordnance Survey, pp 127–9. Also see Ibid, p. 116. 82 Frost, History and topography, p. 305. 121 University College Dublin Archive, Ms La38/50. 83 In 1641 only ‘Solloman Cruttin’ was recorded as holding part of ‘Kil- 122 Ibid. Translation by Séamus Mac Cruitín. laughvalley’ (i.e. Laghvally). See R. Simington, Books of Survey and 123 Thomas J. Westropp, ‘Ring-forts in the Barony of Moyarta, County Clare, Distribution, Being Abstracts of Various Surveys and Instruments of Title, and their legends. Part II - Kilkee to Carrigaholt’, Journal of the Royal 1636-1703, [Co. Clare], p. 238. Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 3 (1909), pp 113–26, pp 120–1. 84 Ibid., pp 236–8. 124 Brian O’Looney, A Collection of Poems Written on Different Occasions 85 John Ainsworth (ed), The Inchiquin Manuscripts (Dublin, 1961) (no. by the Clare Bards in Honour of the MacDonnells of Kilkee and Killone, 1062), p. 346. The deed was signed and witnessed in Irish by ‘Concubair in the County of Clare (Dublin, 1863), pp iii-v; also see Ó Luaighnigh, Mc Crutin’ and also witnessed by Christopher Cruttine, presumably his Dánta (1935). son who entered into further agreements with Comyne in 1658 and 1660. 125 See Aindrias’ poem Donn na Daibhche dated to c.1733 where he appeals 86 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1360), p. 449. to the mythical Donn son of Milesius for patronage, underlining his 87 Ibid., (no. 1441), p. 483. reduced circumstances. On the poem see Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, pp 7–9 88 Mac Niocaill, ‘Irish documents’, p. 49. The list of subscribers to Aodh Buí’s book A brief discourse in vindication 89 The appellation ‘na Tauny’ is probably an anglicisation of na tuinne, de- of the Antiquity of Ireland (Dublin, 1717) is heavily populated by cadet noting ‘of the waves’. An alternative views posits that it is an anglicised branches of the O’Briens and contains only a handful of O’Loughlins and form of na tuinnidhe and denotes a ‘den/cavern’. On this view see John O’Conors. The list can be taken as representing patrons for the work, O’Hart, Irish pedigrees; or, The origin and stem of the Irish nation both actual and potential. Publication of the book in English was cal- (Dublin, 1892) pp 307–8. Also see Edward O’Reilly, An Irish-English culated to broaden its appeal beyond his traditional patronage. Dictionary (Dublin, 1864) p. 540. 126 Hugh McCurtin, A brief discourse in vindication of the Antiquity of 90 This name is given in another pedigree as ‘Seanchaidh’ which denotes Ireland (Dublin, 1717). ‘historian’ or ‘chronicler’, a forename or appellation that reflected the 127 Morley, An Crann, p. 39. On Aodh Buí’s life also see Michael MacMahon, professional pursuit of the family. The annals note that in 1434 Seancha ‘From Clare’s Gaelic past: Part 2’, The Other Clare, 31 (2007), pp 43–50. Mac Cruitín ‘ollamh Tuadhmumhan’ in history died. The annals of Aodh Buí’s imprisonment in 1717 is inferred in his book The Elements of Ulster, however, record that he was ollamh to Ua Briain. NLI Ms G.177, the Irish Language where he states that he ‘durst not venture to appear in p.31. Also see AFM, sub anno 1434 and Annals of Ulster, sub anno 1434. publick without the protection of a person of…quality.’ H. Mac Curtin 91 Petworth House Archive Ms 16.B.D.2 [Great Office of Corcomroe Barony, The elements of the Irish language grammatically explained in English 5 September 1618]. Also see RIA, Ms 23 H 25, p. 30 [p. 93]. (Louvain, 1728), preface. On another reference to his imprisonment see 92 See AFM, sub anno 1434. In the genealogy found at NLI Ms G.177, p. 31, Morley, An crann, p. 93. Aodh Buidhe was seventh in descent from Seancha who, theoretically, 128 Mac Curtin Irish language, (Louvain, 1728). had a fifteenth-century floruit. Other genealogies that assign Aodh 129 Ibid., preface. Buidhe as sixth in descent from Seancha, such as we find in Ms 23 H 25, 130 Conchubhar Ó Beaglaoich, The English-Irish Dictionary (Paris, 1732). p. 30 [p.93], appear to omit one generation. 131 On some of his poems see Morley, Aodh Buí, (2012). 93 Gwynn, (ed.), ‘Fragmentary annals’, p. 153. 132 Angela Bourke (ed) et al., The Field Day Anthology of Irish Literature: 94 Ibid. Irish Women’s Writing and Traditions, (New York, 2002), p. 434. The 95 AFM, sub anno 1434. first line of the poem reads: A bhuime den bhród mhórdha ba rathamhail 96 RIA Ms E.iv.3, p. 10. réim. It is equally possible that Úna was a sister or niece of Aodh Buí. I 97 NLI Ms G.177, p. 31. Scribe of pedigree: Richard Tipper (‘Riosdard thank Vincent Morley for his suggestion in the matter. Tuibear’), c.1710. The pedigree of Clann Chruitín, printed by John 133 MacMahon, ‘Clare’s Gaelic past, Part 2’, p. 47. O’Hart, appears to be derived largely from NLI Ms G.177. See O’Hart, 134 Ainsworth, (ed.), Inchiquin, (no. 593) p. 179. Irish pedigrees, pp 307–8. 135 Mac Craith, Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh, ii, p. 190. 98 de Brún & Herbert, Catalogue, p. 106. 136 On his life and literary activities see Ó Dálaigh, ‘Séamus Mac Cruitín’, pp 99 Mac Cana, Tales, pp 8, 41. Also see the reference to Tochomlad mac Mili 77–90. Séamus Mac Cruitín claimed that he was sixth in line of descent a hEspain co hErind in Ibid., p. 60. from Seán, brother of Aindrias Mac Cruitín. He appears to have had 100 Mac Niocaill, ‘Irish Documents’, p. 51. Conchubhar Óg may also have access to a considerable body of manuscripts and writings in Irish, and been the same scribe who wrote an undated deed in Irish published by in a letter written to Eoghan O’Curry in February 1847 as the famine was James Hardiman, but from internal evidence can be dated to the 1590s. ravaging west Co. Clare, Mac Cruitín listed 134 poems and other items in See Hardiman, (ed) ‘Irish deeds’, p. 15–16. This deed refers to Tadhg his possession, excluding other works of ‘our own county bards’ such as Mac Mathghamhna who is probably Tadhg, lord of east Corkavaskin, the poems of Aindrias and Aodh Mac Cruitín. See Ó Dálaigh, ‘Séamus who died in 1594. See AFM, sub anno 1594. Mac Cruitín’, pp 77–8; University College Dublin Archive, Ms LA 38/44. 101 The surname Mac Cruitín underwent a metathesis in its anglicisation 137 See T. O’Rahílly, ‘Deasgan Tuanach: Selections from Modern Clare Poets. to the modern forms ‘McCurtin’ and ‘Curtin’. Possibly this change in II. Aindrias Mac Cruitín Cct’, The Irish Monthly, 53:619 (1925), pp 45–7; phonetics occurred in Irish first which, subsequently, influenced the and Liam Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta Aindréis Mhic Cruitín (Ennis 1935). Also anglicised forms. See W. M. Hennessy Annála Uladh, p. 53, note 2. see the notes on Aindrias (Andrew) and Aodh (Hugh) in Brian O’Looney, 102 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 904), p. 282. A Collection of Poems Written On Different Occasions by the Clare Bards 103 Mac Niocaill, ‘Documents’, p. 59. in Honor of the Macdonnells of Kilkee and Killone, in the County of Clare, 104 Petworth House Archive Ms B.26.T.16, [1 April, 1619]. (Dublin, 1863) pp iii–v. 105 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1025) p. 331. 138 Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, pp 10–14. 106 Eugene O’Curry, On the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish 139 See RIA Ms E iv 3 [date: 1727]. Also see Bernadette Cunningham, ‘The (Dublin, 1873) ii, p. 184. Céitinn, Foras, i, pp 78–9. Book of O’Loghlen: an unwanted wedding gift?’, in R. Gillespie and R.F. 107 For example, the name Boetius/Baothghalach was a favourite cognomen Foster (eds.), Irish provincial cultures in the long eighteenth century of the Meic Fhlannchadha as well as being the name of a sixth century (Dublin, 2012), pp 181–97. Also see Bernadette Cunnigham & Siobhán Christian philosopher. Fitzpatrick (eds) Aon amharc ar Éirinn: Gaelic families and their manu- 108 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1029), p. 332. scripts (Dublin, 2013) pp 24–5. 109 Bernadette Cunningham, The Annals of the Four Masters: Irish history, 140 Mac Craith, Caithréim Thoirdhealbhaigh, ii, p. 1. kingship and society in the early seventeenth century (Dublin, 2010), 141 See University College Dublin Archive Ms LA 38/50, Papers of Eugene p. 278. O’Curry, [‘biographical sketches of the modern bards of County Clare’ by 110 AFM, sub anno 1599, 1602. James McCurtin June 1846]. Also see the reference to Moyglass in his 111 O’Mollony, Anatomicum, p. 132. poem Donn na Daibhche of c.1733: ná fág fo cheas me ag teacht do’n 112 On other deeds witnessed by Meic Cruitín kinsmen see the conveyance t-saoire, air scéird Mhóghlais im’ spreas ‘sam spíonladh. On the latter see of land in Kilfenora and Kiltoraght parishes in 1678 and witnessed by Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, pp 7–9. ‘Aug[ustin] Cruttin’. Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1168) pp 380–1. The 142 Brian O’Looney, ‘An old Irish Ms. found in Co. Clare’, Proceedings of the Inchiquin Manuscripts are, however, incorrect to regard the O’Cruyn of Royal Irish Academy, 111 (1893–6), pp 218–22. Kilnaboy who appear in deed from 1620 as members of Clann Chruitín. 143 Ó Luaighnigh states that he was buried at Kilfarboy. See Ó Luaighnigh, On the O’Cruyn see Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1013), pp 326, 666. Dánta, introduction. This claim is repeated in Seosamh Mac Mathúna, 113 Gifford Charles-Edwards, ‘Calendar of Petitions to Ormonde in 1649 and Kilfarboy: a history of a west Clare parish (1971), p. 112. 1650’, The Irish Genealogist, 6:6 (1985) pp 724–47, p. 746. 144 McCurtin, Discourse, (1717). 114 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1140), p. 372. 145 See RIA Ms 3 B.18 (821) [Annals of Innisfallen, from AD 250 to 1435]. 115 Ibid., (no. 1360), p. 449. 146 See Luke McInerney, ‘A poem on the saints of Munster’, Seanchas Ard- 116 Ibid., (no. 316) p. 100. mhacha, 24, (2012) pp 10–22. 117 See Aindrias Mac Cruitín’s poem, Marbhna Sir Donnchaidh mhic 147 University College Dublin Archive Ms LA 38/43, Papers of Eugene Chonchobhair Uí Bhriain, Leim an Eich, in Ó Luaighnigh, Dánta, pp 1–3. O’Curry, [‘biographical sketches of the modern bards of County Clare’, 118 Standish Hayes O’Grady, Catalogue of Irish Manuscripts in the British by James McCurtin, June 1846]. A similar claim is repeated by Brian Museum, 1, (London, 1926), pp 131–3. Egerton 88 contains references to O’Looney who asserted that Aindrias was ‘ollamh and historian to the the ‘sgol’ (school) of the Uí Dhuibhdábhoireann in the Burren. O’Briens of Thomond’. This claim, however, is unsubstantiated and while

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Aindrias was a recipient of patronage from some O’Brien branches such Conntae an Cláir: A Triocha Agus A Tuatha (Baile Átha Cliath, 1938) p. 91. as the O’Briens of Ennistymon, probably the last hereditary ollamh of the 153 The forename Altán does not appear in the other Clann Chruitín Ó Briain was Tadhg mac Dáire Mhic Bhruaideadha who died in c.1624 genealogies such as RIA Ms E.iv.3, p. 10 and Ms 23 H 25, p. 30 [p.93]. and whose land at Knockanalban was held rent-free. In a poem com- 154 This Aodh is possibly the ‘Eagd Mac Crutyn’ whose obit survives for posed by Aodh Buí on the death of Aindrias titled Ní buan brón go bás 1354. Gwynn, (ed.), ‘Fragmentary annals’, p. 153. ollamh, his use of the term ollamh in describing Aindrias refers to his 155 RIA Ms E.iv.3, p. 10. accomplished learning rather than any professional title. Ó Luaighnigh, 156 NLI Ms G.177, p. 31. Scribe of pedigree: Richard Tipper (Riosdard Dánta, p. 60. Tuibear), c.1710. The pedigree of Clann Chruitín, printed by John O’Hart, 148 Sir Walter Scott & John Gibson Lockhart, The Poetical Works of Sir Walter appears to be derived largely from NLI Ms G.177. See John O’Hart, Irish Scott, bart., (first published 1813; reprinted: Edinburgh, 1847), p. 329. pedigrees; or, The origin and stem of the Irish nation (Dublin 1892) pp 149 From the poem ‘The warrior-exiles: a legend of the Clan MacInnerny’, in 307–8. Michael Hogan, Lays and Legends of Thomond (Limerick, 1924, reprint 157 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 1062), p. 346. Connor Mc Gullduvie 1999), pp 289–91. Mc Cruttine mortgaged land called ‘Skeaghboogkine’ at Carrowduff to 150 Mac Mathúna, Kilfarboy, p. 115. Patricke Comyne in 1642 and Christopher entered into further agree- 151 This genealogy formed part of Leabhar Uí Lochlainn and was compiled ments with Patrick Comyne in 1658 and 1660. by Aindrias Mac Cruitín in 1727. See RIA Ms E iv 3. 158 Ainsworth (ed), Inchiquin, (no. 316), p. 100. It states that Connor was 152 On this part of the genealogy which is illegible refer to Seán Ó hÓgáin, ‘grandson and heir of Christopher’.