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American Friends Service Committee American Friends Service Committee 1501 Cherry Street, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19102-1479 • Phone (215) 241-7000 Telex: 247559 AFSC UR FAX : 215/864-0104 Cable: AFSERCO Philadelphia Stephen G. Cary Cha irperson As ia A. Bennett Executive Secretary AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE SO UTHERN AFRICA INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS REPORT MO ZAMBIQ UE'S ROAD TO PEACE BEYOND FRELIMO'S 5TH CONGRESS REPORT BY CAROLE COLLINS SOUTHERN AFRICA INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS REPRESENTATIVE OCTOBER 1989 NOT FOR REPRINT/QUOTE WIT HOUT WRITTEN PERMISSION OF AFRICA PROGRAMS AFSC. An Affirma tive Action Employer American Friends Service Committee Southern Africa International Affairs Report Mozambique's Road to Peace Beyond FRELIMO's 5th Congress Report by Carole Collins Southern Africa International Affairs Representative October 1989 Minutes before midnight on July 30, 1989, Mozambican President Joachim Chissano closed the Fifth Congress of Mozambique's ruling party FRELIMO, urging the delegates and all citizens "to build a strong, peaceful, democratic and socialist Mozambique." The Congress met at a critical point in Mozambique's 14 years since independence: its economic and transport infrastructure devastated by attacks from South African-backed Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO or MNR) insurgents, its agriculture at a standstill as rural farmers flee the MNR's vicious anti-civilian violence. the war - how to fight it, how to end it, and the suffering it is causing - and the state of the economy pre-occupied debate at the Congress, as well as public debate at the meetings held in Mozambique's 10 provinces to prepare for the Congress. The Congress met amidst rapid political developments in southern Africa. The December 1988 Namibia peace agreement signed by Angola, South Africa and Cuba stimulated efforts to bring about an Angolan peace agreement in May-June. It also raised hopes that a similar peace agreement might be possible for Mozambique. Barely a week before the Congress opened, Chissano again welcomed church efforts (begun in August 1988) to initiate talks with the MNR in Nairobi on ending the war, and asked Presidents Moi of Kenya and Mugabe of Zimbabwe to act as mediators/oversee in the negotiating process. The over 700 Congress delegates singing and dancing at the conclusion of the Congress, and the tens of thousands of Maputo workers who marched down Maputo's 25 September Avenue the next day, hoped that these efforts to persuade the MNR to stop its violence might soon bear fruit. Three months and several rounds of Nairobi talks later, MNR attacks are again on the rise and most now doubt that peace will come soon to Mozambique. It was the first Congress to be held under President Chissano's leadership, following the death of FRELIMO's charismatic second President Samora Machel in a plane crash inside South Africa in October 1986. Coming 6 years after the 4th Congress, it strengthened many of the policy directions taken by FRELIMO in 1983, such as de-emphasizing state farms and re-directing government support to the family (small peasant farmer) sector and agricultural - 1 - cooperatives. It opened on July 24, the anniversary of the nationalization of education, health and other social services in 1975. In the following days, however, the Congress adopted policies to allow a greater private role in providing health and education and upgrading housing. A major theme of the Congress was the need to preserve national unity in the face of a war which has undermined trade, transport and communica~ion between different parts­ of Mozambique, a country twice the size of California. The Cong:~ress reluctantly affirmed the austerity measures of the ~~_onomit:: Recovery ProgrClmjl:RE} pressed on Mozambique by foreign dono;rs' a~nd lenders (including the IMF). But delegates- askeq the government to find ways to ease the suffering these measures have caused for the urban and rural poor. And they strongly condemned.growing corruption in the army and government,/ u-rging that, those stealing public resources be promptly(brought to justice. " ' For spme Mo~~mbic/an,s t,he Congress __l!Lq.rJg~d a .disappointing step away-Irom socialist'"commitments as· F~uch wows as Marxist-Leninist, anti-imperia1.ism and class . · s:t.n!ggle from its _earty statutes and adopteO:__ r>_?__!_~S;tes_?fhey fear Y!._.:h_ll further widen t~__ _g_E£ bet;._w~_2ich -~:t1_c1_p_()_?_r~ ·­ Others feel FRELIMO 1 s soc1alist . goals remaTn- the sam~-----but its tactics and rhetoric hav~ adapted tb external and internal pressures. Still others say FR~LIMO is finally abandoning unre~listi~ policies and goals _for more practical capitalist-oriented measures and objective's. But for almost all, the Congress debates and decisions reflected a bitter legacy of the war: taq..i:_t._ ____ §.J:imissi_gp.) that South African destabilizationha achiev~d some success, forcing FRELIMO to modify, ma~es seen___ aEJ_-·anat1ieffia' to so1lth-ATrica··-a.rfa Hie West. on the other--lia:nd.,~d.e.b_ates r~d a neal thy realism, determined resistance to South African;·-a:-ggression, ·a:n~ative flexibility in continuing to work towards FRELIMO's fundamental goals of social justice and equity. Party Congresses and Democratic Debate This was the 5th Congress since FRELIMO was founded from the merger of three nationalist organizations in 1962, and the third since independence in 1975. A party congress is FRELIMO's top decision-making forum. In a country where the party is constitutionally supreme, these congresses also set the direction for government policies as well. At each Congress, delegates evaluate the party's successes and failures, what political strategies and policies they will adopt or drop, and elect new party leaders for the next 5-6 years. FRELIMO enjoyed broad political support at independence because of its leading role in the struggle to end Portuguese colonialism. Part of FRELIMO's task at -· 2 - independence was to give the poor and illiterate - over 90% of Mozambique's people - the confidence to join in debating public policies. As in most African countries colonized by western 'democracies', Mozambicans had not been allowed to freely express political ideas (particularly pro-independence sentiments)~ Democracy was still an abstract concept for most Mozambicans. In 1976-77, FRELIMO set up dynamizing groups (GDs) as the first link between grassroots people and the FRELIMO party and FRELIMO-led government. This-experiment in grassroots democracy organized people in their neighborhoods and workplaces to discuss co~on problems, to try to find local solutions, and to critique national programs and policies proposed by FRELIMO or the government. GDs, members told me in Maputo in 1977, also encouraged literacy, worked to empower women and ease their problems, and encouraged people's participation in public debate. In late 1977, in a nation-wide process lasting several months, GDs became the fora at which qualifications and views of candidates for the newly created People's Assembly were discussed and debated. At its third_~Q~~-in 1977, ERELIMO--~~ates voted to ch"!_nge its struc~£_~fronLCI. _groq,.Q._::._b_g,se_g_JJlli t_~_Q __f:f_QJl:t_ o(__ ma_~y tenaerrci:e€r1nto S!,_MQJ:'x_~i-s.:t;.-¥-a-:t:l.guard party commit ted '£0-----:QUiJ:ding sOci~m, and urged that most-governmem:~ resources go to ~upport the public. sector. GDs were turned ~-party cell~_.:. Ma~y-~9zampicans now _§.!~Y,_!J1T§:'.=:-w_g__§ _ _ct mistake:-----pew people at the grass_fgots understood what MaiXISiil~Leninism -wa_s-,-and the emphasis -on--poTftical - c~tness al1enatea potential support (even, some say, creating a base of potential support for the MNR). Radio Mozambique's director Manuel Tome, recalling a meeting in Manica province at the time, told the Fifth Congress; I made my spe~ch and concluded with the new catchwords "Long live FRELIMO! Long live Marxism-Leninism!" I then asked the peasants if they had now understood what Marxism-Leninism is. A man stood up and answered, in his local vernacular, that 'To my understanding it must be Marx's son with his wife Lenin.' A musical entrepreneur I met on the plane to Maputo agreed: "Why are we calling ourselves Marxist-Leninist? What do they mean? First, we are Mozambican. We need to ensure people have enough to eat, a home, clothing, a right to work. You don't have to be a socialist to do that." FRE~~gz.e s s :hn_lia.i_c.tiJ;j_s:ally___r_e:__g..§_§_~9---~t~ :eoil. tica~-!..~_c;::_~q_- and other deci!~:;_ions taken six____Y§_9.rs, §]XI~ Despite aid flows to state farms, production had dropped, due to lack of management skills and growing - 3 - sabotage by the South African-backed MNR insurgents. The Congress moved to encourage more local initi_atiy_e_s__and fe~-irec"E-s'Eate resources to small farmers (pe~§_arJ._t§_ __9:r: ___ !:_ge fa~) and co opexa:t-J::v~TI-also--urged a clearer separation of party an~oveYnment structures and doubled the size of FRELIMO's Central Committee from 60 to 120 members to include more from rural areas. The 5th Congress is the first~-~~ Chissano's leader sl'rtp"·:·-·-l\1ali y view him as !J!Qf._e pragmatic thailfVracne~­ ~~-~rr-a-party leadership- led by FRELIMO's~utive comm1ttee, the lO-man Political Bureau - that has changed little since before independence. He is said to favor broadening FRELIMO's base, and to supQort a mixed economy w~th space fgJ;:__pLi.yg.J:~e--.inJj::i;ativ~. Since being elected____, President_by_ FRELIMO's Central Committee in Nov. 1986, he has appo~_§everal people Y>Tith Yi~_clo_§_§__ to him to new positions, including Armando Guebuza (now Transport Minister), Mariano Matsjnbe (Security Minister)., and Pascoal Mocumbi___Jforeign Minister).
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