Vol. 3 No. 5 REPORT ( South Afr"ica: Beyond Stalemate?
SOUTH AFRICA BEYOND STALEMATE C A N A D A TARGETTING CANADA Apartheid's friends on the offensive M E D I A THE EDUCATION OF MICHAEL VALPY D E B A T E MOVING FORWARD ON SANCTIONS A view from inside South Africa W 0 M E N SEXISM BEWARE! Faried Esack speaks out NOT BEHIND BARS
price: $3.00 AtrAgm Vol. 3 No. 5
REPORT May 1988
Contents
Editorial The Terrible Tidings ...... 1
Beyond Stalemate ...... 3
Civil War in Natal ...... 7
Targeting Canada: Apartheid's Friends on the Offensive ...... 10 Southern Africa The Education of Michael Valpy ...... 15 REPORT Valpy on Valpy ...... 19 is produced 5 times a year by a vol unteer collective of the Toronto Com Why Is South Africa Getting Away with Murder? 21 mittee for the Liberation of Southern Africa (TCLSAC), Moving Forward on Sanctions: A View from Inside South Africa ...... 427 Bloor St. W. . 23 Toronto, M5S 1X7 Sexism Beware!: Tel. (416) 967-5562 Faried Esack Speaks Out ...... 26 Submissions, suggestions and help with production are welcome and in Not Behind Bars ...... 28 vited. SAR is a member of the Canadian Pe Reviews riodical Publisher's Association. Mozambique: The Video ...... 31 Lina ...... 32 Subscriptions Letters Annual TCLSAC membership and . 33 Southern Africa Report subscription rates are as follows: COVER: University of Cape SUBSCRIPTION: Town students protest the bannings of 17 anti-apartheidorganizations Individual (1 year) . ... $15.00 Individual (2 years) . ... $30.00 Institution ...... $30.00
MEMBERSHIP: (includes subscription) S. A. R. Collective Jonathan Barker, Regular (Canada) ..... $30.00 Nancy Barker, Lois Browne, Claudette Chase, David Cooke, Mark Fawcett, David Galbraith, Anne Gillies, Unemployed Linda Guebert, Student ...... $15.00 Lee Hemingway, Bernie Kempen, Jo Lee, Senior Blaine Little, Mary MacNutt, Judith Marshall, Alberto Mourato, $50.00 H6lne Moussa, Colleen Omanique, Otto Roesch, John S. Saul, Sustainer ...... to Karen Thomas, Esther Vise, Joe Vise, Mary Vise $300.00 Overseas add $5.00 Cover design by Art Work Cover______deig by Ar Wor- M.--3a"I t VisEJals Printed by Union Labour at Action Print E International Women's Day protest outside the Chamber of Mines, Johannesburg, March 1988 The Terrible Tidings The recent banning from all mean Yet the bannings also signify Needless to say, we should avoid ingful political activity of eighteen something else. Some commenta the temptation to take too much so centrally important South African tors had gone so far as to suggest lace from this, however true it may anti-apartheid organizations - in that the draconian Emergency im be. Worse, in South Africa as else cluding the United Democratic posed nation-wide in South Africa where, is definitely not better, and Front, the Congress of South African in 1986 (and renewed in 1987) had in South Africa things have indeed Trade Unions and the National Ed already put paid to the emancipa become very much worse. Gone is ucation Crisis Committee - is a sig tory movement altogether. The fact now felt compelled the euphoria of 1984 and 1985 when nificant event. However, its signif that the state has take one more very dramatic step the wave of resistance seemed to be icance is two-edged. Certainly, it to in the escalation of its repression cresting and discussion in liberation demonstrates the intention of the this at the cost of, at least momen apartheid state to continue, and in circles seemed at times to be even tarily, putting South Africa back on of a post deed to intensify, its programme more about the lineaments the front pages of the international South Africa than about of repression against any form of apartheid press - suggests that the Emergency how, in fact, to complete the task real democratic opposition in the has not had the effect, envisioned the apartheid state black community. Moreover, as our of overthrowing state, of crushing outright Not that such projections South African Correspondent, Geof by the itself. this long-term goals of struggle frey Spaulding, has already argued the democratic opposition. In about the (socialism vs. cap (Southern Africa REPORT, Decem the 1986-7 Emergency differs from in South Africa democ ber, 1987) of earlier phases of this re the earlier Emergency, that imposed italism, genuine egalitarian racy vs. various forms of "consoci pressive strategy, its cumulative im in the 1960s. Then the opposition gimmickry) are irrelevant pact has meant a serious set-back for was indeed crushed - organization ational" the emancipatory movement in that ally and psychologically - for at least even now, for they can affect the country. This is a reality which is a decade. That has not happened kinds of social forces the emancipa further analyzed in this issue's lead this time, for reasons which our lead tory movement seeks to mobilize in article. article explores. the present and the terms of any al-
Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 0 liances it seeks to form. Nonethe forts to regroup on rough terrain black community in South Africa less the grim reality of the state's and to move forward we discuss in (often wilfully created and manipu repression has brought the true na this issue, we too must embrace the lated by the state and its agents, of ture of the struggle in South Africa terrible tidings. Recently in the ten reflecting the dynamics of class more clearly into focus - at least for Globe and Mail (March 5, 1988), interest and relative privilege within those with eyes to see. In the South Michael Valpy (whose own "educa the black community itself but also, Africa of the Emergency (in Brecht's tion" on South African matters is sometimes, reflecting failures in the phrases) "a guileless word is an ab profiled elsewhere in these pages) methods of political work employed surdity. A smooth forehead beto has also written of the way in which by the forces of emancipation) which kens a hard heart. He who laughs the South African government's own we must seek to understand. And has not yet heard the terrible tid version of the apartheid story still there are debates over the strategy ings." has resonance in Canada (and else and tactics of anti-apartheid work where). It is a version which blurs Not that everyone has heard, or not only in South Africa but also the extent of repression, magnifies here at home (cf. our article on the wants to hear, "the terrible tidings", the scope of so-called "reform", car of course. As we know, part of the disinvestment question in this issue) icatures the democratic movement which we must facilitate. Such un South African government's strategy and manipulates such canards as of repression has been to try to sup dertakings, we would insist, do not "black-on-black violence" and "trib undermine our commitment, they press such news of its dirty deeds alism" the better to "blame the merely strengthen it. It is in this as might otherwise filter out to the victim" for the grisly situation in spirit, too, that we renew our invi wider world. Perhaps Pretoria suf South Africa. As another article tation to those outside our editorial fered a day or two's embarrassment in this issue, "Targeting Canada: working group to join in these tasks for its crackdown in this sphere, but Apartheid's Friends on the Offen in these pages. We welcome your its action was well judged nonethe sive," documents, there are also comments, criticisms and contribu less. As images, particularly the vi Canadians who will work hand tions. suals of television news, dried up, in-glove with South Africa's racist most forgot the main reason why regime to put precisely such misin * * * this was now the case, and the formation across. Self-evidently, a issue of apartheid tended to drift continuing task for Southern Africa As we finalize the present issue away. True, Joe Clark was moved REPORT (and others similarly en of Southern Africa REPORT, word by the bannings (denounced by him gaged) must be to find ever more comes to us of the horrific maiming as "perverse and brutal") to suggest effective means to breach both the of Albie Sachs in Maputo, victim of some revision of his all too comfort blackout on genuine information a South-African planted car bomb. able rejection of any violent action from South Africa and this latter He is a close personal friend of some taken by those South Africans op of us in the outpouring of lies in order to get SAR Collective who have posed to apartheid; "they (the ban worked with the full story across to many more him in Mozambique, nings) leave nothing else," he said. loved potentially sympathetic Canadians for his gentleness, his caring Yet a mood of "out of sight, out of nature, his than might otherwise be the case. deep commitment. He is mind" must have been principally admired by all of us as a lawyer in Not that responsible for the Canadian gov this can be done by ro the service of humanity, as a writer ernment's otherwise increasingly low manticizing the situation in South and tireless proponent of the arts, profile Africa. on the issue of South Africa. As we noted in our previous as an ANC militant in the cause of That, and the fact that such destruc issue regarding the situation in the South African freedom. We stand tion of the democratic movement in Frontline States, "an anti-apartheid beside him in his present travail, as South Africa as the apartheid state movement built on mere enthusiasm we seek to stand beside all who con has managed to achieve has made and apolitical moralizing cannot eas tinue the struggle against apartheid, the need to forestall, by preemptive ily survive the cruel vicissitudes in however dark the hour. Note too, as action, a revolutionary denouement evitable in so difficult a struggle as a CIDMAA press release published to the anti-apartheid struggle a lit the one for Southern Africa". The elsewhere in this issue documents, tle less pressing for Prime Minister "intellectual honesty and analytical that Albie Sachs has been merely Mulroney and his ilk. rigour" we then called for is no less one target among many in the past * * * necessary vis-h-vis the "cruel vicis several weeks as the South African situdes" which characterize the cur state has sought to direct the same The anti-apartheid movement in rent moment in South Africa. There kind of murderous tactics it is re Canada and other western countries are strengths on the side of repres fining cannot afford to be so sanguine, at home against the ANC-in sion and weaknesses on the side of exile. Here, then, is another brutal however. Like the movement in resistance that we must acknowl reason why side South Africa itself, whose ef- our commitment must edge. There are splits within the indeed be strengthened.
may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT Beyond Stalemate On February 24, 1988, the South political role), are at least equally tories across the Eastern rand, for African government banned from damaging. Any kind of "politi example. Nonetheless, in a meet all meaningful political activity the cal campaign" by the union is pro ing between COSATU and South most central above-ground anti hibited. Take, as merely one ex Africa's leading business organiza apartheid organizations in South ample, the case of funeral obser tions (FCI and ASSOCOM) it was Africa. This was an additional turn vances, often a rallying point for re made perfectly clear to the union of the screw in the successive States sistance. According to COSATU'S that state and capital are in com of Emergency, proclaimed from mid lawyer, Halton Cheadle, the "re plete agreement on this legislation. 1985 on, that have already taken striction on COSATU commemorat In addition, a new bill on "the a severe toll of such organizations' ing the death of any person is so Promotion of Orderly Internal Pol ability to confront the state and to wide that it would prohibit union itics" is being discussed in Parlia press for democratic changes. members from observing Easter"! ment. If approved, this bill would Meanwhile, the Federation has also allow the Minister of Justice to Particularly severely affected has been the UDF. Already, under the Emergency, its 1985 leaders, "Terror" Lekota and Popo Molefe, were arrested, to be followed by the arrest of their 1986 successors, Mo hamed Valli and Mur phey Morobe. Re gional leaders like Oscar Mpetha, Trevor Manuel and Arnold Stofile have been imprisoned. In deed, according to the Detainees Parents' Sup port Committee, more than 75% of the 25,000 people who have been detained since the im- ALSO 94N position of the States o© P1CNE~ Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 3 0 The crackdown pendent unions the better to disci The state's perfectly predictable Why the crackdown? There is pline them within a carefully con response to this perfectly pre of its half-hearted re some debate about the trolled collective bargaining process; dictable failure reasons for been greater re the recent bannings the addition of parliamentary cham form project has (to which we pression. This is sometimes pre will return), less about the reasons bers for Indians and "Coloureds" the better to incorporate them as ju sented as being a retreat from higher for choosing the broader repressive ground forced upon the National strategy nior (and largely powerless) part exemplified by the succes Party government by the right sive Emergencies. Of course, repres ners in continuing white hegemony; and so on. What soon became ward pull of significant sectors of sion is nothing new in South Africa. clear, however, was that the grow the Afrikaner electorate, and in Quite the contrary. But faced with ing movement for emancipation in deed that pull is there. But the both economic and political crises in South Africa could not be side bottom line is a rather different - the 1970's, the state in part be tracked in this manner. Thus unions one, nonetheless. For the truth of cause of the urging of certain key used the space gained by recognition the matter is that genuine democ sectors of capital - did try to strike to press their demands and, indeed, racy (or, indeed, any meaningful a finer balance between continuing to enter more forcefully into the po steps towards it) is not on offer repression and some measure of "re litical arena; community organiza from the powers-that-be in Preto form." tions targeted new township coun- ria, and the black populace de mands no less. It is crucial to emphasize, therefore, that the logic of repression springs from within the NP, not from without. More over, to the extent that the Emer gency has stalled mass mobiliza tion, has forced the resistance, out side the workplaces, into engaging mainly in symbolic activities even in such militant townships as Crad dock, Alexandria and Mamelodi, to that extent business, too, has fallen in behind the state's aggres sive actions. (Thus Gavin Relly of Anglo-American, erstwhile inter locutor with the ANC in Lusaka, now says complacently in defence of the Emergency that "we can't go for ward with reforms without peace" while Tony Bloom, an even more reform-minded spokesperson for big business, now chooses to emigrate to England!) This, despite the fact that such government actions don't solve the underlying economic prob lems, nor legitimate the established Yet even the most liberalizing cils (and puppet African officials) order for the longer run. spirits in the corporate sphere had more clearly as the enemy and gen In fact, legitimation seems very difficulty in conceptualizing a gen erated their own political infrastruc far from being the name of the game. ture; students, uine deracialization and democrati parents and teach One key to the repression has been ers first boycotted, then attempted zation of capitalism. And if this was the overwhelming presence of the to take back, deemed too risky and unpredictable the schools from the South African Defence Force in the apartheid state. The national level an exercise for them, how much townships and the development of expression of this popular upsurge, more was this true of the wield a highly sophisticated National Se brought into focus by an organiza ers of state power. "Reform" was curity Management System, super tion like the UDF and often centered quickly revealed as being designed to vised, at the local level, by para on ANC-inspired campaigns and slo military Joint Management Com be, at best, cooptative rather than gans, was to crest dramatically in mittees. But a second key to re structural: the recognition of inde- 1984 and 1985. pression is at least equally ominous. A may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT 0= & 0MOM In the first round of its response to are mentioned). The latter are said from within, the state's embarrass the rising resistance movement the to be more preoccupied than oth ment would have been considerable. state still harboured the notion, ap ers with sweetening the pill of (nec Yet whatever the specific facts of parently, that black leaders could essary) repression by pumping in the matter and whatever the specific be found who would not only ac creased economic resources into the tactical considerations that moved cept half a loaf but also act as in townships (and indeed certain "pilot the state to its most recent out termediaries to convince the mass of projects" like Alexandra have begun rages, an important positive point the black population to accept that to exemplify some of this intention). does stand clarified by the bannings. too. That having failed, the regime Yet the funds for this are severely These further steps were seen by now more ruthlessly seeks, in the ur limited, given the financial crisis of the state to be necessary because ban areas, black councillors, busi the state and the high costs of de the democratic movement would not nessmen and professionals who will fending apartheid by more conven be crushed by the Emergency as an serve merely as allies in repression, tional means, a fact underscored in earlier popular movement, that of as defenders of their (relative) priv the government's own recent bud the 1950s, was crushed by an ear ilege, as partners in crime. Hence get. In any case, it is definitely the lier Emergency. Whatever the fu the grisly phenomenon of the vig most hard-line approach to estab ture costs of these bannings, then, ilante, working, with police collu lishing hegemony that seems to be they do serve to dramatize a posi sion, to terrorize urban populations the most salient. tive point: the movement lives. and to remove physically the leaders of the democratic opposition. (For the portrait of a "super-vigilante," Gatsha Buthelezi, see the following article which focuses on the recent struggles in Pietermaritzburg.) Why the Bannings? Not that the problem of legitima tion then disappears. As Stephen Friedman has written in The Weekly Mail (March 10), "Even if the Emer gency has restored quiet to the town ships, it has not won their cooper ation. It has not won support for black local authorities, or, indeed, willing 'moderate' takers for the Na tional Statutory Council." Even the hardest of hard-liners (Defence Min ister Malan, Police Minister van der Merwe and Law and Order Minis ter de Vlok are usually included in this category) would like, as well, to change that climate of opinion, see ing the municipal elections planned for October as an occasion for es Indeed, it has been suggested From survival to victory tablishing the hegemony of the black that it is precisely the clearing of "moderates," for ensuring the co the political decks for the municipal This is an important point to make, operation and not merely the com elections which explains why it was though it need not come as any pliance of the townships. How felt necessary to now take the fur great surprise. Earlier issues of SAR ever, the substance of their "hard ther step of banning from political have documented the strengths of line" is, as seen, to continue to activity organizations whom many the emancipatory movement which seek to do this primarily by crush had thought to have already been has emerged in South Africa: the ing all alternative sets of political stymied by the Emergency. There political creativity it has demon actors. Some analysts have identi has also been speculation that the strated; the density of organiza fied another group within the rul UDF was moving towards a decision tional infrastructure that undergirds ing party who retain, even now, a actually to contest those elections it it; the strength of the psychological more "reformist" approach ( Foreign self! If that had indeed happened charge, of the demand for freedom, Minister Pik Botha and Constitu and the UDF had then been empow which drives it. At the same time, tional Development Minister Heunis ered to neutralize such structures the movement must not only live, Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 not only survive, but it must also tri Emergency struck, of course. Yet ef term planning, and to the necessity umph - and that is a challenge of an forts to build at the grass-roots take to regroup, consolidate, and lay the altogether different order. on an even greater urgency in the basis for a protracted war. Then, Clearly, the euphoria that ac present period. And so do attempts too, there is the fact of the con companied the 1984-1985 great push to revive and consolidate regional or tinuing rent strikes in Soweto, the forward helped obscure from view ganizations, even as difficulties mul fact of the recent massive stayaway, some of the weaknesses of the move tiply in keeping alive vibrant na hurled in the very teeth of the polit ment, and it is such weaknesses that tional linkages under the severe con ical restrictions, to mark Sharpeville have become more evident as the ditions imposed by the Emergency. Day. These are the straws in the state's response has become more What, finally, of the trade unions, wind that we must continue to heed. ruthless and repressive. For ex even more central to the struggle Perhaps Stephen Friedman is correct ample, the ANC's promise, at its than previously by virtue of their (The Weekly Mail, March 4) in say 1985 Consultative Conference, to having a solid shop-floor base? Yet ing that the movement is, at least move from a policy of "armed pro they will place themselves ever more for the moment, weaker physically paganda" and exemplary sabotage dangerously in the state's firing line than the state even if it is stronger to one of arming and defending peo to the extent that they attempt to politically. We must face soberly ple's struggles in the townships has continue, now in direct defiance of the implications of this fact and con been slow to crystallize - even if the the recent regulations, their impor tinue to monitor, in future issues of current trial in Bethal of ANC ac tant efforts to give that industrial SAR, the efforts of South Africans to tivist Ebrahim Ismail Ebrahim, with presence broader political resonance. fight back innovatively against the apartheid state. But, at the same its information regarding the impor It is probably too early to spec tance of new kinds of township mil time, there is no reason to think that ulate, at any great length, as to how itary/police targets, does document the recent bannings will be any more the movement will move from merely the continuing attempt to do so. successful than the Emergency itself defending itself against the state's in crushing, absolutely, the popu onslaught to regaining the initiative. And what of efforts to ground lar movement. The people of South national level organizations like the Clearly it must move beyond even Africa have come too far to stop that level of organization and politi UDF ever more firmly (and demo now. cratically) in the community and cization achieved in the early 1980s. other organizations for which it Yet there are encouraging signs that (Both this and the following article came to speak? What of efforts to organizations, at the local level and draw in part on reports filed directly build much stronger political net beyond, are giving much greater em from South Africa by Pierre Frangoisof works even closer to the ground, phasis to education and training of CIDMAA in Montreal to be published at block and local neighbourhood fresh cadres (so necessary to fill the in CIDMAA's journal, Afrique. We are level? The necessity to do this had leadership ranks tragically depleted grateful to CIDMAA for its permission begun to be emphasized before the by arrest and assassination), to long to make our own use of this material.) Soweto youths took to the streets after the funeral of Detainees' Parents Support Committee member Sicelo Dlomo. The youths were refused access to the cemetery, so they marched to Sicelo's home. may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT mut'g-'a OxAm around Durban, Pietermaritzburg, Pinetown, the UDF is strong, as Civil War in Natal it is among the Asian community. (Characteristically, Buthelezi does Much has been made in the west project than some who rule within not miss this opportunity to attack ern media in recent months of the the bantustan framework. Thus the UDF for being "Indian domi bloody clashes which have occurred he has attempted, to some extent, nated"!) The UDF is also strong between black political organiza to appeal over Pretoria's head to among the township youth, through tions in the Pietermaritzburg area capital, seeking to strike a better its affiliates SAYCO and SABSCO. of Natal. These clashes have pit deal for himself within the schema For its part COSATU has become ted the Inkatha organization of the of inter-elite accommodation and well entrenched amongst metal, tex KwaZulu bantustan's Chief Gatsha "power-sharing" projected by the tile and retail workers. Its core Buthelezi against both the United Kwa-Natal indaba. He has com group is composed of the old FOS Democratic Front and the Congress plemented his organization's use of ATU unions, first organized in Na of South African Trade Unions brute force to establish its sway tal in the early 1970s, and these (COSATU). Unfortunately for com in Zululand with a dash of right have maintained a strong tradition mentators sympathetic to the South wing populist ideology, structured, of democratic shop-floor structures. African government, the situation does not easily lend itself to inter pretation in terms of "tribal con flict," that demagogic catch-all used so often to delegitimate African po litical initiatives. After all, the protagonists on both sides of the Pietermaritzburg conflict are, in the main, Zulu (this fact being it ...... self clear evidence of the falsity of Chief Buthelezi's claim, too often re peated even in such newspapers as Toronto's Globe and Mail "to repre sent six million Zulus"!) But at least it is - isn't it? - a case of "black on-black" violence, the implicit sub text of this assertion being, appar ently, that the carnage in Pietermar itzburg is merely one further exam ple that, somehow, serves to disqual Vigilantes attack while the police look on ify African claims to a democratic not least importantly, around a pro Not surprisingly, therefore, the voice in South Africa as a whole. gramme of ethnic (Zulu) national UDF and COSATU have come to How important it is, therefore, ism. Often presented as a moderate be seen as the primary enemy by to place the Pietermaritzburg events in western circles - chiefly because Buthelezi, seriously qualifying, for within the context of the workings of his deep commitment to capital example, his claim to present him of the overall apartheid system. For ist values and his hostility to sanc self within the Kwa-Natal indaba as Chief Buthelezi is as prominent an tions - he is, in reality, as brutal and the more or less exclusive spokesper actor as he is in contemporary South self-serving a political actor as South son for the African population in the Africa in large part because he has Africa has to offer. province. Smash them he feels he availed himself of the resources (jobs It is in this latter fact that must, a goal which meshes neatly and other forms of patronage, links there lies the key to the Pieter with that of the South African to the structure of quasi-traditional maritzburg events. For Buthelezi state. The state has returned the social control in the rural areas, has been far less successful in es favour (as we will see below) by some access to the means of in tablishing his political sway in the hounding only UDF/COSATU dur stitutionalized violence) available to urban areas than in the rural ar ing the Pietermaritzburg in-fighting, collaborators within the apartheid eas. In the former the tradi hindering them at every turn (espe state's bantustan system - the bet tions of democratic nationalism and cially when, as has tended to hap ter to consolidate a power base for working-class self-assertion are far pen, the political tide has come to himself. It is true that Buthelezi more prominent features of the po run in their favour) while hinder has a marginally more independent litical scene. Thus, in the townships ing Inkatha not at all. As a re- Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 ~T~1~Th ~ ~~______suit, under an umbrella of quasi communal taps, some located two as well, most notably on the mili legality, Buthelezi has emerged as a kilometres or more from many tant bus drivers of Sizanami Mazulu kind of "super-vigilante" within the houses, and sewage facilities are ex Transport Company. state's overall strategy of contain tremely primitive. Violence increases ment of the popular movement out In December, 1987, more than 90 lined in the previous article, doing One could continue such an item people were killed in the Pieter the state's work for it while pursu ization of the features of Pieter maritzburg area. In January ing his own interests. maritzburg's massive poverty. Yet, of this year the number reached in the end, one must return to 111, with killings often preceded. Buthelezi's strategy in order to com prehend events. When the war there first began to surface in August, 1985, its spark was Inkatha's stated intention to "clean up" the town ships. At the time, youth identi fied with the UDF were conduct ing a commercial boycott and did, at times, use some heavy-handed tactics to win the entire popula tion's support. Inkatha apparently thought the resentment of some township dwellers might prove fer tile ground for their own organizing, and its members went into the town ships to "recruit." But their meth ods proved to be particularly brutal ones: people refusing to join Inkatha were threatened, harassed, beaten. Poverty in Pietermaritzburg An even better opportunity was Desmond Tut at hand for Inkatha, however. With by horrible mutilation and torture. It bears emphasizing that these po the imposition of the State of Emer And Buthelezi continued to stall. litical processes have been played gency, the UDF at a national Thus, when a meeting between the out against a background of real level was badly weakened. Inkatha two sides at last had been ar economic crisis in Pietermaritzburg, now intensified its attacks on UDF ranged shortly before a background, Christmas, both sides of the cadres and clashes multiplied around Buthelezi scuttled it by denounc conflict agree, which has given an Pietermaritzburg. The UDF itself ing the UDF and the ANC. He additional, rather desperate, edge bent over backwards to make peace, publicized a document published by to the confrontation. More than appealing to the local Chamber of the "ANC's Marxist Workers' Ten 400,000 people live around this sec Commerce to intervene, for exam dency," a small and politically ir ond biggest urban centre of Natal, ple. Local and national church lead relevant group that had been ex in five main townships. Accord ers also attempted to intercede, ask pelled from the ANC long before. ing to the Development Studies Re ing Inkatha to negotiate. But on Oc Its document criticized the ANC and search Group of Natal University, tober 29, 1987, Buthelezi harshly de the UDF for being "too soft" on more than 31% of these Africans are nounced Bishop Tutu for his "pro Inkatha. Buthelezi explained that unemployed. In Edendale, the rate ANC stance." Nevertheless, on the clashes in Pietermaritzburg were is more than 39%, and 50% of these November 1, churches and the UDF caused by such "radical elements" unemployed are youth of less than 25 held a peaceful meeting in Eden within the ANC and the UDF, an years. In the townships living condi dale's church, all spokespersons reaf odd accusation quickly rebuffed by tions are appalling. More than 70% firming that the source of the prob the UDF who explained that they of the population live in mud and lem in Natal was apartheid and not had nothing to do with either the daub houses, with only a sprinkling Inkatha. The Natal president of the document or the group! of block and brick houses. In Eden UDF, Archie Gumede, asked person Meanwhile, on the ground, the dale and Vulindlela, where 70% of ally to meet with Buthelezi. But all townships were becoming real the Africans are concentrated, there such diplomatic niceties were lost on war zones, with distinct areas con is neither electricity nor water, the the latter who, bent on victory, now trolled by one group or the other latter being only available through loosed Inkatha thugs on COSATU busily organizing commando units 8 may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT and strategizing urban warfare. bels" - erstwhile vigilantes loosely "It is open to question," understates Nonetheless it soon became obvious legalized in para-police units - into Gumede, "whether the security po that the "comrades" associated with the trouble zones, many of whom lice and the government are inter the UDF were in fact winning. True, are clearly identified with Inkatha ested in restoring normal life to the some UDF leaders were forced out of (Weseni Awetha, one very promi area"! the townships, but groups of youth nent "kitskonstabel," is the son of Not coincidentally, until the im showed immense courage and deter a senior member of that organiza plementation of these latest repres minaton, with the support, by and tion). Events occur like the gath sive measures the tide was turn large, of their communities. ering of hundreds of Inkatha sup ing in favour of the UDF-COSATU porters in Edendale on January 31 alliance. On the ground, Inkatha Significantly, it is only when to hear their leaders call them to "impis" were retreating. In the bat Inkatha has appeared to be losing war; dozens of houses are subse tle of ideas such court injunctions that the state has intervened. Thus quently burned down. Small won against the warlords as had been more than 800 people have been der churches can estimate that more won were also having an impact. Ac arrested by the police and army than 60,000 people have been dis cording to COSATU's Alec Irwin, in Pietermaritzburg since the dec placed since the beginning of the "The court procedures were at laration of the State of Emergency. conflict. And the conflict spreads, tempts to break down the wall of Not one of these has been identified to Clermont, near Pinetown, for in- prejudice against our organizations Victim of the vigilantes with Inkatha, despite clear evidence stance, where three persons identi and a wall of prejudice in favour of of the participation in various out fied with the UDF were killed early Inkatha..." Even within traditional rages of the most well-known of the in March. communities, the brutal tactics used Inkatha "warlords." True, there are The latest bannings tilt the bal by Inkatha were beginning to turn several trials in the courts presently ance towards Buthelezi ever more people against it. in which parents of murdered youths firmly. As a result of them, even But the state could not allow are accusing Inkatha members and the most tentative moves towards this to happen. With the new re the Kwazulu police. One com negotiations - the so-called "peace strictions - against the UDF and plains of the killing of MAWU shop talks" - are now stalled in Pieter COSATU, but not, needless to say, stewards Phineas Sibiya and Simon maritzburg. Certainly, with the against Inkatha - the situation may Ngubane, while in another 19 resi UDF paralyzed both nationally and well be reversing itself again. In this dents of Ashdown have asked for a locally, that organization has great respect, Pietermaritzburg provides court restricting order against iden difficulty in intervening positively. one very dramatic example of the tified Inkatha members and leaders. Thus, the two major UDF leaders in challenge which now faces the pop Yet, in the latter case, three of the region, Archie Gumede and A.S. ular movement: to find new ways to the complainants have already been Chetty, are now banned and, more confront the novel forms of repres assassinated. And the state thinks recently, three very important local sion being minted by the apartheid nothing of sending 300 "kitskonsta- activists have been put in detention. system in the present conjuncture. 9 SouthernSouthern Africa REPORT may 1988 99 Targeting Canada: Apartheid's Friends on the Offensive BY DAVID GALBRAITH Tambo's long awaited visit to Ot more than coincidental. The video with single-minded, al David Galbraith is a Toronto-based tawa, copies of the tape, and an attempts, deliv assim graduate student and a member of the accompanying booklet, were most obsessive insistence, to the twin spectres Southern Africa REPORT collective. ered to all federal MPs. Moreover, ilate the ANC to its release also coincided with a ma of "international communism," and A video tape distributed to all jor series of newspaper ads run by its correlative, "terrorism." Thus, Canadian MPs; a full page ad in the South African embassy, which the ANC is inserted within the a Calgary newspaper during the were explicitly directed against the predictable list of "the PLO, IRA Olympics; a series of small public Tambo visit (see, e.g., Globe and ...Red Brigades, Baader-Meinhof meetings in the Maritimes. Each, Mail, Aug. 28, 1987). Gang" etc., just as images from by itself might be merely another Tambo's reception in Ottawa South Africa are juxtaposed to in the seemingly endless barrage of suggests that this campaign was not footage of the Rome Airport mas pro-apartheid propaganda which the entirely ineffective. Many observers sacre and the Achille Lauro. We solidarity movement has been con were caught off-guard by the chilly are warned at the beginning that fronting for years. But cumulatively climate of his discussions with Clark "the following video contains mate- a more sinister pattern can be dis I cerned: we seem to be in the midst 0sse wihthiEducation of a much more coherent initiative assisted with theirastn educational ale chldren expenses. and University Comrades ofBursaries our grantees a to influence key sectors of Canadian are provided for children of prisoners or detainees, or under special - circumstances, ex detainees public opinion by the South African the MAHLANGU COLLEGEwho in wishMorogoro, to further Tanzania. their studies, at government and its local support Emergency ers than we have witnessed for some grants; A Tambo fund helps with emergencies e.g.victims of police aggression, bombed homes of comrades an( time. cadres, medical expenses for "AIDS", funeral grants for fallen If we in the solidarity comrades etc. movement * Personal allowances for Comrades: A large amount of pocket are to respond with maximum ef money for purchasing petrol bombs, tyres for neclaces sjamboks fo, fect, it may be useful to examine the Peoples' Courts, condoms for AIDS etc. is paid to comrades and persons who are not in the position to sources of this material, and some buy it. of its specific political strategies. * Projects: Dependants' Conference's policy is to prevent dependance Therefore certain groups and comrades are given For if it's true that, on one level, a small block grant in order to establish Peoples' Courts. Where these materials merely repeat the possible, the Dependants' Conference also assist these comrades to racist apologias we've come to ex up the projects. pect over the years, it's • Released prisoners' grants: Upon release from prison, a large nonetheless grant is provided to help the comrades also to continue the struggle and the case that the new wave of for those comrades who wish to take up refuge in Angola, Botswana pro-apartheid materials sometimes Lesotho Swaziland Zimbabwe and Zambia. displays a new and potentially dan gerous sophistication in presentation and in the identification of its audi Excerpt from ences. faked Dependants' Conference pamphlet sent to anti-apartheid groups in Canada. Journalistic sleaze from Wash ington to Worthington and Mulroney (see Southern Africa rial which may offend sensitive view The centrepiece of the new order REPORT, III, 2). Mulroney's ear ers." And it would be hard to find of apartheid apologias is the video lier visit to the Frontline States had, anyone who could watch without "The ANC Method: Violence," al after all, led some to expect that horror the gruesome sequences of "necklace" killings, legedly written and directed by the Tambo would receive a rather sym with which the well-known right-wing press hack pathetic hearing. Instead, he was tape displays a ghoulish fascination. and sometime Tory candidate Pe subjected to a series of tired homilies This is, then, the central rhetorical ter Worthington. Its timing could on "violence" and "communism." device of the tape: to equate opposi hardly have tion to the Pretoria regime, from the been more carefully That these are precisely the contrived. The day ANC, the UDF, the churches, and before Oliver themes of the video is obviously the international community, with 4 ^ may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT a defence of the most shocking vi was, by itself, responsible for the (in a Dec. 11, 1986 editorial headed olence. rather frosty tone of Tambo's re "For Chief Buthelezi"!). As for the But what of the South African ception in Ottawa. The ground Tory right wing, to whom Mulroney state and its violence, its terror, its had been prepared well in ad and Clark were, in no small measure, denial of the most elementary hu vance. Michael Valpy commented responding, they had been primed man rights to its citizens? All of this recently on the relative success of by even less sophisticated appeals to remains literally invisible, if only be the South African initiative to dele visceral anti-communism from com cause, for Worthington and his back gitimize the ANC among some sec mentators such as the Toronto Sun's ers, apartheid itself no longer ex tions of the Canadian public (Globe noxious Bob MacDonald, who some ists. "Nothing can justify the in and Mail, March 5, 1988). Al- times seemed simply to insert his humanities of apartheid, as it ex isted, before the process of disman tling it began, or in fact justify the few remaining semblances of it in South African society today," the package piously announces. Instead, using Gatsha Buthelezi (as usual, "the paramount leader of the six million strong Zulu nation") and Craig Williamson (modestly iden tified only as a "former member ANC/SA Communist Party," rather than more correctly as one of Preto ria's most successful and dangerous intelligence agents) as its spokesper sons, the video continually strives to counterpoise the claimed reformist initiatives of the South African state and its collaborators to the alleged commitment to "terror disguised as liberation" on the part of the op position. Apartheid, we're repeat Joe Clarkfacing reporters after being heckled at Montreal antz-apartheid edly assured, has been transformed: conference, February 1987 to continue to demand sanctions or though welcome, Valpy's concerns own picture atop South African em to call for the release of detainees is emerged a bit late in the game, bassy press releases. merely to be duped by a conspiracy particularly in light of the Globe's to bring an otherwise peaceful and Although the "Worthington earlier editorial enthusiasm for Gat video" corresponds quite closely to progressive society under the control sha Buthelezi as "the best hope, if of "communism." * the usual editorial line of the Sun, not the only hope, for the emer its putative creator's earlier em But it would be overstating gence of a moderate black leader ployer, some commentators have ex the case to argue that the video ship from the ashes of apartheid" pressed cynicism about its author ship. Hugh Winsor, writing in the * The latter point is underlined by star witness for the prosecution in the Globe (Nov. 16, 1987), displayed the video's dedication "in memory of 1966 trial which sentenced Brain Fis no hesitation in labelling the video Bartholomew Hiapane who devoted his cher to life imprisonment. Later, in life to fighting apartheid and social in 1981, he testified before the American "South African propaganda." Many justice." Moreover, Hlapane's alleged Congressional Subcommittee on Secu observers noted, at the time, the "murder" offers a reference point to rity and Terrorism, an early Reagan close resemblance between its claims which the tape continually returns, im ite attempt to revive the golden days (and, indeed, even its use of image plying that he was merely an "honest of the House Un-American Activities and quotation) and the officially ac nationalist," callously murdered by the Committee quickly abandoned as insuf knowledged ads placed by the South ANC for revealing its ties to "inter ficiently credible even by the far right's African Embassy. And the circum national communism." The truth is, usual standards of plausibility. In light stances of its production are, to say not surprisingly,more sinister. Hlapane of his long and enthusiastic record as a the least, murky. Officially, it is at a relatively prominent mem traitor and collaborator, it would not had been tributed to Feluca Holdings, a small ber of the ANC in the fifties and early be surprising if, indeed, he had been sixties. Subsequently, however, he be executed. company controlled by Worthing trayed the movement, appearing as the ton. But certainly the project re- Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 11 (i:mmffilffi quired, at minimum, the active sup Legge, an enterprising Herald jour document may well prefigure a new port and collaboration of the au nalist, was able to demonstrate that and dangerous direction in the pro thorities, if only in light of cur the ad had, in fact, been placed paganda offensive. In any event, its rent Emergency regulations. Ulti by an employee of the South Africa timely exposure by the Inter-Church mately, of course, it doesn't mat Press Office, whose claims to be act Coalition minimized any potential ter very much whether Worthington ing on his own initiative were lame, damage. financed the project himself or ac even by the usual standards of arms tually played the role attributed to length deniability (see Calgary Her "They're back": Pretoria's him in the credits: the video cor ald, Feb. 21 and 23, 1988). Maple Leafs responds so precisely to Pretoria's This episode suggests an almost What is new in this campaign is agenda that these questions are fun comic level of incompetence. the evident importance which the damentally irrelevant. But more sinister, particularly in light regime attaches to Canada in its pro Nonetheless, the South African of recent events, was the false pam paganda war. In the past, we had government itself has always gone phlet recently mailed to a number been relatively marginal; the real ac to quite extraordinary lengths to of Canadian solidarity groups and tion was going on in London and present a positive face abroad. Any subsequently exposed by the Inter- in Washington. In both of these one who questions this should re capitals, South Africa dealt with view the history of the late sev governments which it could assume enties "Muldergate" scandal. The would be relatively sympathetic to core of this conspiracy was the at its agendas. In addition, it had tempt by Pretoria's security services a well-organized network of lobby to control or at least influence me ists and friends in place, through dia coverage of South African events its carefully orchestrated contacts by acquiring newspapers both at with the extreme, but nonetheless home and abroad. This initiative ex influential, right. Even there, how tended so far as an attempt to pur ever, it was careful to nuance its ap chase the then-sinking Washington peals according to local conditions: Star from its financially strapped in Washington, its lobbyists stressed right-wing owners. In addition, the "Cuban threat" in Angola and the South African propagandists en the charms of Jonas Savimbi; in joyed a close working relationship London, they preferred quieter ap with such unsavory stars of the Rea peals to economic self-interest. In gan era as Brian Crozier, and Robert the heady early years of Reagan Moss, who had been connected with and Thatcher, Canada got some the CIA-funded World Forum Fea what lost in the shuffle. tures, and Arnaud de Borchgrave, In hindsight, the appointment first of Newsweek and later editor of Glenn Babb as of the Moonie-owned Washington Babb in Manitoba, March 1987 ambassador under lined the heightened importance of Times, who collectively became the Church Coalition on Africa. This Canada in Pretoria's calculations. "terrorism experts" behind such fan document purports to emanate from Babb adopted an aggressively high tasies as the alleged KGB conspiracy the Dependants' Conference of the profile strategy. In the 1985 to assassinate the Pope. South African Council of Churches, early '86 period, with daily im and, indeed, closely resembles in Other recent Canadian propa ages of the Vaal uprising on the TV appearance legitimate materials is ganda initiatives can be more di news, this consisted in the main of sued by that body. However, this rectly tied to the South African maudlin appeals to "free speech," in forgery endorses violence government. During the Calgary and "neck the interests of hearing "all points lace" killings, and goes so far as Olympics, for example, a full page of view." But with the relative suc to suggest that donations ad appeared in the Calgary Her to the cess of the Emergency in remov Conference might provide ald (Feb. 20, 1988) over the "pocket ing South Africa from network vis money for purchasing petrol name of the London-based "Free bombs. ibility, greater opportunities became tyres for necklaces, [and] sjamboks dom in Sport," calling for the available to contest the political ter for People's Courts." In light of re reinstatement of South Africa in rain. It was in this context that cent attempts by the South African the Olympics and petulantly whin the themes of "black-on-black vi state to delegitimize the churches as ing "How much longer must world olence," "terrorism" and its corol centres of opposition to the regime, class South African athletes remain lary,"communism," and the promise and to paint them as surrogates pawns of politicians?" Gordon for of "reform" were the armed resistance movement, pushed into the this foreground. 12 may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT offilaffift Babb himself became proba in Western Canada, the Canadian Why us? foreign bly the most prominent League of Rights, and its publica But why should the South Africans diplomat in the country, especially tion, the anti-semitic Canadian In suddenly be so concerned about around his visit to the Peguis In telligence Service, has played an ac Canada? The answer probably lies dian Reserve in Manitoba. Although tive role in mobilizing support for in the increasingly prominent role the Canadian impact of this ges apartheid, often without even the which Canada has assumed in re ture was blunted by the effective veneer of "reformist" rhetoric which cent years in international debate response of the Assembly of First surrounds the official government around apartheid. Within the Com Nations and other native spokes statements. monwealth, Canada has emerged as people, it received massive public the principal "Western" advocate of ity, both in Canada and in South This points to a serious under limited sanctions against Pretoria. Africa itself. But within Canada, lying contradiction which the South Although we in the solidarity move the embassy was less successful in Africans have yet to resolve, and ment have frequently criticized the recruiting local shills of Babb's abil which the current wave of propa limitations and the contradictions in ity. They were forced to fall back ganda seeks to redress. As earlier the Canadian government's policies on a series of older contacts, whose attempts to build support for the on this issue (and will, doubtless, marginality from the political main Smith regime in Rhodesia suggested, have occasion to do so in the fu stream reflected, in no small mea the constituencies which can be mo ture), it remains nonetheless clear sure, the absence of a highly or bilized in overt support for racist that Pretoria regards even these lim ganized right-wing infrastructure in regimes are relatively marginal to ited responses with concern, particu Canada. True, the Toronto Sun the mainstream of Canadian politi larly when they are compared to the could be counted on to rise to the cal life, moving not much closer to more friendly winds blowing from occasion out of genuine ideological the political centre than the hard London and Washington. While it's enthusiasm, but its political weight right of the Tories. More sophis unlikely that the South African gov is less than that of its American or ticated spokespersons are required ernment believes it possible to re British counterparts. Instead, the and more "nuanced" themes de verse completely these measures, it embassy was forced to rely, if only manded. And it's here that the clearly believes that a more aggres pending more sophisticated initia absence of a well-organized and sive propaganda campaign can both tives, on the existing networks of the funded right wing has created seri inhibit their further expansion, and far right. ous problems for the South African undermine any possible Canadian government. True, their embassy movement towards support or recog stage right, the usual Enter, has, for years, attempted to re nition of the ANC. What Pretoria suspects. From under the rocks cruit more "legitimate" friends from obviously fears is that Canada might they crawled, the Canadian affili within the business community, the begin to move towards the position ates of the "World Anti-Communist academy and the Tory caucus, who of the Scandinavian countries. League," the Unification Church, could be persuaded to accept the In order to achieve these goals, the aging bands of anti-semites, free "fact finding" jaunts which the racists, fundamentalists and red specific constituencies have been tar business-funded South Africa Foun geted for attention. Within the busi comprise the baiters who collectively dation has, for years, laid on. crackpot right-wing fringe on the ness community, the South Africans will probably attempt to undermine margins of Canadian political life But even here, the embassy's (see Stanley R. Barrett, Is God a success has been relatively limited. the effect of the sanctions cam Racist? The Right Wing in Canada, Bob Coates, who had accepted such paign by working in cooperation Toronto, 1987). At the Univer offers while President of the To with such right wing organizations Fraser Institute to promote sity of Toronto, the Worthington ries, and before his ill-fated tenure as the video was sponsored by the Moonies; as Minister of National Defence, the view that sanctions are both and harmful, and that at York University by the "Lib was probably their most prominent ineffective the already existing "re erty Coalition." In addition, it success in this respect, but even they inhibit was distributed by "Citizens for For he carried little weight within the form" policies of the state. Here, expect to see much more eign Aid Reform" (sic), founded dominant circles of the Conserva we can and led by Paul Fromm, previously tive Party. And their initiatives of Buthelezi, and a motley assort ment of local collaborators. Already, known as the leader of the Edmund within the business community, al Burke Society (which mutated, in though both less widely publicized this campaign is relatively well ad vanced, as Buthelezi's speech to a turn, into the overtly fascist West and more successful, were in some of the Fraser Insti ern Guard), and a participant in measure checked by the aggressive joint meeting tute and the Canadian Club demon World Anti-Communist League con pro-sanctions campaigns of the mid Globe and Mail, Dec. 9 ferences. Elsewhere, particularly eighties. strates (see Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 (,rZffiMffi1& and 11, 1986, and the already cited ment, they are likely to target the urban centres, doubtless hoping that Globe editorial). Conservative Party itself, and its any use of such materials in these political constituencies, in order to papers might be more likely to pass In this context, one of the more keep up pressure on Mulroney and unnoticed than they would in mass interesting aspects of the recent Clark. This apparent targeting of circulation publications. South African jaunt by a cabal of opinion leaders in smaller commu Other groups with consistent "Canadian native sup leaders" (sic) was nities with substantial Tory anti-apartheid records, such as their travelling companions: Dono port is the most probable explana Canadian churches, may well find van Carter of the Western Canadian tion for the recent upsurge in pro themselves on the receiving end Society for Southern Africa, John apartheid meetings and submissions of propaganda campaigns of vary Templehoff of the Canadian Friends to local newspapers in the Maritimes ing sophistication, as augured by of South Africa Society and Eileen (see What's the Word!, Feb., 1988). the forged South African Coun cil of Churches pamphlet. We shouldn't rule out the possibility that apartheid's defenders will strive to exploit to their own advantage al ready existing divisions within the churches over a wide spectrum of questions concerning social policy. What should be clear is that the apartheid regime believes that the State of Emergency has opened up a window of opportunity for it to be gin to influence the terrain on which discussion takes place and policy is formed. Clearly, it will not simply seek to "defend" apartheid. That option was written off long ago, ex cept in relation to the most marginal constituencies. Instead, it will con tinually stress its commitment to "reform." How far it will succeed in this object will depend on a se Kaunda, Mulroney, Mugabe Masire in Zimbabwe, Feb. 1987 ries of factors. Although the soli darity movement cannot directly in Pressler of the British Columbia As if to underline the point, Glenn fluence the course of events within Free Speech League (see Globe and Babb's final speaking engagement in South Africa, which is, of course, ul Mail, Aug. 24, 1987). This im Canada was to have been in Sept timately where these questions will plies an agenda somewhat broader Isles, the centre of Mulroney's own be answered, we can and should be than an attempt merely to embar constituency, a ploy blocked only by prepared to respond more aggres rass Joe Clark in the aftermath of his the vigorous response of local trade sively and with greater sophistica Southern Africa tour: it suggests a unionists. Some aspects of this ori tion to what is, in certain respects, more coherently elaborated plan to entation could well change, however, a new situation. link Pretoria's long-time Canadian depending on the outcome of the an friends with an emerging, albeit rel ticipated federal election campaign. atively marginal, right wing within A CORRECTION the native business community (see As if in anticipation of its long Canadian Dimension, Jan. 1988). The sentence at the bottom of col term need to reach constituencies umn two on page 6 of Linda Free In the more public spheres of beyond the Toj'is and their imme man's article in Southern Africa RE Canadian political life, the regime diate supporters, the South African PORT, Vol. 3, No. 3 (December and its supporters will emphasize embassy has apparently decided to 1987) should have read: "Denmark, its "reform" initiatives, and attempt focus its attention on the media Norway and Finland had unilater to link any opposition, be it from in smaller communities. Thus, it ally imposed a total trade ban on the ANC or the churches, to the recently provided a disinformation South Africa." We apologize for the twin shibboleths of "terrorism" and package to French language newspa error in typesetting which altered "communism." Here, for the mo- pers in Quebec, outside the major the meaning. I A may 198 Southern Africa REPORT The Education of Michael Valpy BY OWEN TURNER cant, since for many Canadians, inforced by Valpy's early reports and This material is taken from Owen this newspaper must have consti the opinions of the Globe's editorial Turner's M.A. essay, "Changing Per tuted their main exposure to South writers. spectives: Canadian Views of South African issues. By depending on Certain trends in the Globe's Africa - An Analysis of Reporting in this particular source of informa news coverage of South African is the Montreal Gazette and the Toronto tion, one would have gained a sues are identifiable. These trends, Globe and Mail 1983 - 1986" distorted image of South Africa, fairly broad in nature, were di at least up until September 1984. rectly related to internal South up his post As Oakland Ross takes From January 1983 to September African events and the worldwide Globe and Mail's African cor as the 1984, 19.2% of the Globe's references reaction to them. From January time respondent, it is an appropriate to South Africa were presented in 1983 to September 1984, the two and its pre to review how the Globe, its small, filler-sized "Around the issues that dominated news cov vious correspondent, Michael Valpy, World" news column. Many of erage were Namibian independence presented South Africa to Canadi these reports dealt with such issues and the new Constitution. From ans. Between 1983 and 1986 the as "toilet collapses, man bleeds to September 1984, with the begin 2,041 articles, editori Globe carried death" or "monkeys attack house." nings of violent resistance, to July als, political cartoons, reports and Other reports covered acts of vio 1985, the two most dominant issues news briefs dealing primarily or sec lence by black South Africans such of coverage were reports of unrest ondarily with South Africa. The as burning to death women accused and the debate on whether the use first of Valpy's 260 South African of witchcraft. On the whole these of sanctions was a legitimate method related reports appeared on Febru superficial and often sensational re to pressure Pretoria to reform its ary 28, 1984. ports could only result in distor policies. From July 1985, when Pre The quality of the Globe's cov tion. The distorted foundation laid toria declared a state of emergency, erage of South Africa is signifi- by these images would come to be re- to the end of 1986, coverage of un- Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 rest was superseded by that of the African Constitution, sanctions and perceptions. By late August 1984, international movement towards di Buthelezi. These differences grew the UDF had organized a success vestment, disinvestment and imple with the passage of time and were ful boycott of elections for the new menting sanctions. reinforced by a certain evolution in parliament. This factor, combined Misled and misleading Valpy's interpretations. with further exposure to non-white Conservative outlook anti-apartheid activity, seemed to Michael Valpy arrived in Africa with encourage Valpy to rethink his po little knowledge of South African During 1983 the Globe's basic con sition. At this point he dropped politics. His early reports on South servatism was evident in its edito his earlier belief in the liberaliza Africa issues tended towards the su rial view of South Africa as a le tion of the Afrikaner middle class perficial, laced with a certain ele gitimate state with legitimate se and stated that the Constitution was ment of naivet6. An example ap curity concerns. This conservative dangerous and further entrenched pears in Valpy's report on the perception, expressed in relation to sign racism (25, 27 Aug 84). Nevertheless, ing of the Nkomati Accord. Taking the Namibian issue, was extended in a post-election editorial, which the role of a society reporter, Valpy throughout the whole spectrum of disagreed with Valpy's stance, the stated that "most wonderful was the the South African debate. Editorial Globe suggested that the new parlia inspection of the troops by the two debate over the Constitution was fo ment should not be totally dismissed leaders" (17 March 84). Uninformed cused on white opinion. The poten as it was probably the only hope for opinions seemingly based on out tial split in the Afrikaner commu eventual political equality. Evolu of-date textbook material presented nity was seen to be more important tion rather than revolution was seen Globe readers with a distorted im than black opinion. Valpy's first as the only feasible option (30 Aug age of the historical reality of South Constitutional article reflected this 84). It is clear that only when the Africa. Valpy's lack of basic histor conservative analysis. To him, ac black majority asserted itself would ical knowledge led him into contro cepting "coloured" and Asians into the press find it necessary to se versial statements, such as "White parliament represented altered per riously question the status-quo in South Africans are a tribe of Africa ceptions by whites. Focusing on South Africa. This is most evident and have lived there three centuries, the rise of a new black middle in the debate over sanctions. longer than the Bantu" (18 Feb 85). class, Valpy suggested that increased At the height of unrest in Au political power always followed in Violence erupted in South Africa gust 1985, Valpy offered his analy creased economic power, and when as the Constitution took effect. In sis of blacks under apartheid. Valpy the black middle class rose above attempting to explain widespread ri stated that majority rule would re a seemingly magical 8%, white per ots, observers generally blamed such sult in violence and chaos. This ceptions would alter further (4 Apr issues as black discontent with pay, was so, as the black majority was 84). Valpy continued in the same rent and education. The consti largely a "'peasant class, scantily ed vein in the following issue of the tutional issue was taken as a sec ucated and tribally factioned." He Globe. He believed that Afrikan ondary aspect of black dissatisfac accused African states of economic ers were shedding their stereotyped tion, not the immediate cause of un mismanagement, claiming they were images of non-whites because mid rest. Only from late 1985 onwards a "shambles of corruption, inepti dle class Afrikaners saw their des did the press identify the constitu tude and failed policies" (17 Aug tiny as Africans, and therefore rec tional issue as an important factor in 85). Four days later a Globe ed ognized the need for change and ac widespread unrest. The intensifica itorial agreed that one person one commodation. Most of Valpy's arti tion of violence resulted in increased vote would mean political instabil cle was spent highlighting the views television exposure and a heighten ity and economic chaos. The edi of an Afrikaner member of parlia ing of the sanctions debate. The de torial contained Valpy's analysis of ment. Valpy spoke positively of this bate was further fueled by pressures the development of blacks in South man and his views, but did not com from church organizations and anti Africa and belittled their future as ment when his informant said that apartheid interest groups. a transfer of power from whites nation builders. It suggested that to Editorialists & columnist at blacks was not up for a parliamentary chamber be created discussion in odds for blacks as an experience in po his framework. If simple discussion The sanctions debate had lain dor litical education. This editorial and was not even possible, one wonders mant in the Globe throughout 1983, Valpy's opinions were labelled racist then the cause of Valpy's optimism. with a total of seven references cen by some observers. Valpy's Clearly, Valpy optimism was founded in tering mainly on Namibia. This sit had some influence in forming edi a disregard of the organizational po uation continued up until Septem torial opinion, but clear differences tential of blacks in South Africa, ber 1984 with a further seven refer remained between Valpy and edito and a belief that the Constitution ences. Before the start of renewed rialists over such issues as the South represented an evolution in white unrest, Valpy had rejected disin- 4m ..9u A a may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT - M vestment as counterproductive. As post-constitutional unrest spread, a Globe editorial suggested that it was doubtful whether sanctions were useful, as opposed to emotionally satisfying. Taking up the view Valpy had expressed earlier, the edi torial stated that black political ad vancement would go hand in hand with the development of the South African industrial sector. Disinvest ment would be an ally of apartheid, since the best hope for the future was the creation of a prosperous black urban class demanding rights. The Globe suggested that Ottawa should require company reports on compliance with the Canadian code of conduct and called this process "Canada's version of constructive engagement" (25 Sept 84). Awarding the Nobel Prize to Bishop Tutu became a factor in the subsequent increased debate over sanctions. Globe editorialists re jected Tutu's implicit acceptance of sanctions and disinvestment and cited Chief Buthelezi as a black na tionalist opposed to them. From January 1985 onwards, the Globe's dians. Sanctions and disinvestment two major catalysts for this in editorial policy supported Buthelezi were rejected in support of strength creased coverage were a speech by and his goals. ening the code of conduct. President Botha on August 15, dash ing hopes for reforms, and the Com Debate continued in January and Valpy viewed the growing dis investment movement as grounded monwealth Conference in October. February with reports of possible Of the 285 South African-related ar U.S. sanctions and pressures by anti more in transatlantic propaganda than in economics. He believed the ticles which appeared in the August apartheid groups on corporations October period, more than 40% and government agencies. Visits impact on the South African econ omy would be negligible (1 July 85). dealt with sanctions. Neither Valpy to Canada by South African ac nor Globe editorialists significantly tivists were covered thoroughly by On July 8, 1985, Canada imposed very weak, largely symbolic sanc altered their opposition to impor the Globe. On February 15 the Globe tant sanctions and disinvestment tions. In response, and with an evi carried a Valpy report which claimed during 1985. that the Canadian-owned Bata shoe dent sense of relief, the Globe praised company contravened the code of the wisdom of arguing against dis The Globe's editorial policy re conduct due to its practices in the investment and condemned church jecting significant sanctions modi KwaZulu homeland. Valpy's arti groups and the New Democratic fied somewhat in 1986. Only sanc cle was influential and lent strong Party for being prepared "to battle tions aimed at whites became ac force to those who supported disin apartheid to the last black worker" ceptable. This stance clearly de vestment. However, editorialists did (10 July 85). The Globe would praise fended the Globe's continuing rejec not comment directly on the Bata sanctions as long as they were weak tion of disinvestment. Disinvest controversy at this time. and largely symbolic. ment was seen as harming the eco nomic prospects of blacks. The March 1985 killings at Uitenhage prompted Globe editorial Pretoria's imposition of a state Sanctions turmoil ists to reject the status-quo in South of emergency on July 21 initi From January to mid-May 1986, Africa and equate the performance ated events which catapulted South there was weak coverage of the sanc of Canadian firms with the foreign Africa into the dominant news story tions debate, and South African policy and moral standards of Cana for the following three months. The related issues in general. It took Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 17 C. %Z.3 a further dramatic incident before policy left open to try (10 July 86). local reporters and correspondents, his legitimacy and the debate would renew. On May High and low points who questioned 19, 1986, with the Commonwealth moderation. July 1986 marked a highpoint in Eminent Persons Group in South as the South South African coverage. The Globe Only in 1985, Africa for talks, Pretoria launched African situation deteriorated, did carried 153 articles of which over air raids against Zambia, Zimbabwe the search for representative black 60% dealt with the issue of sanc and Botswana. Like the Botha leaders commence. In February 1985 tions. The issue was of such inten speech of the previous year, this act Valpy declared the ANC to be South sity that even a Globe sports writer triggered a sanctions debate in the Africa's most authentic black lead offered his opinions. In late July the Globe of unprecedented intensity. ers. In general a definite metamor Globe acknowledged that some ac phosis took place in regard to opin A Globe editorial responded to tion was necessary and insisted that ion on the ANC with Valpy show the raids by acknowledging that any sanctions be aimed at whites to sanctions were inevitable. Once prevent the economic destabilization ing the clearest change. Viewed as a terrorist again it raised Buthelezi as an exam of black Africa (31 July 86). organization in 1983-84, ple of black South Africans who re by 1985-86 the ANC was perceived The Globe gave front-page cover jected sanctions and disinvestment, as a legitimate force. Valpy's view age to the conclusion but recognized that selective sanc of the Com of the ANC as a moderate force in monwealth summit. Although the tions such as diplomatic measures creased in direct proportion as Pre summit was widely thought of as and a carefully toria was seen less as an agent for selected boycott were a failure, the Globe viewed it as a change. However, Globe editorial acceptable. The Globe claimed that "muted triumph for realism." The sanctions ists, having identified Buthelezi as should show moral dis sanctions agreed upon were super pleasure while not causing material ficial, yet Globe editorialists found South Africa's saviour, rejected the deprivation (5 June 86). this "eminently worthy" as they ANC, dubbing its members violent The debate intensified further showed contempt, but did little Marxists. with threats by African nations to damage (6 Aug 86). Summing Up pull out of the Commonwealth un After the end of the summit less sanctions were imposed, com Valpy's opinions were transformed South African coverage lost its dom by his experiences in South Africa. bined with a nationwide state of inant position in the press. More emergency in South Africa. The In April of 1986, Valpy rejected over, although the Globe had rec his earlier belief that majority rule Globe now found it necessary to ognized the need for sanctions be support would create violence and chaos. sanctions as a compromise fore the summit, it saw fit to pub to preserve He condemned Afrikaners for stat the Commonwealth, lish an advertisement by the South while downplaying their effective ing the myth that black rule would African Tourist Bureau on Septem destroy South Africa economically ness against South Africa. ber 4, 1986. Publishing this adver and politically (23 Apr 86). Needless Then came a further tisement clearly broke change. On the voluntary to say, he failed to mention that he June 30, 1986, the Globe presented ban on tourism promotion agreed to was once a proponent of this myth. the first of a five-part series entitled at the summit. Plainly, the Globe's Valpy came to believe that mob rule "Sanctions." The series, presented earlier view of the ban on promotion by youths, in the townships, was the by Globe columnists including Valpy, as "eminently worthy" was a state result of a history of "capitalist ex was decidedly anti-sanctions in na ment of relief not of conviction. ploitation of black labour" (4 Dec 85). ture. Valpy stated that sanctions Closely tied to the Globe's rejec He later equated "class" with be would harm blacks and result in in tion of disinvestment was its support ing black and described apartheid creased violence. Citing Botswana for Chief Buthelezi. This support as economic class repression (16 Apr as an example of an African na extended throughout the sanctions 86). This interpretation was obvi tion which did not support sanc debate to December 1986, when the ously light years from any that Globe tions, he concluded that sanctions Globe claimed that Buthelezi and his editorialists would care to express. would result in devastating retali Indaba plan was the best, if not There are clear disadvantages in ation by South Africa on African the only, hope for the emergence placing correspondents in situations states. However, Valpy would take of a moderate black leadership in for which they are not adequately only five days to change his stance. post-apartheid South Africa (2, 11 prepared. Inconsistency and unin He returned from a trip to Botswana Dec 86). Conversely, Valpy openly formed opinions are the most ob and Zimbabwe in support of sanc questioned Buthelezi's moderation, vious. To his credit, Valpy's opin tions. Noting the Zambian threat to and declared Inkatha to be "a ter ions evolved, but one must wonder leave the Commonwealth, he stated ror group." Buthelezi remained a what effect his earlier opinions had that the ANC had tried talk for fifty moderate to Globe editorialists and on Globe readers and their percep years and sanctions were the only news service reporters, contrary to tions of South Africa. I - may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT ~ooi(~iL0 southern continent. It is not now Ross's exclusive mandate. The ti Valpyon Valpy tle I was given - just once, and not re-conferred on my successor BY MICHAEL VALPY was "Africa and Middle East Bu Michael Valpy is the former Africa and All of which is prologue. reau Chief", risible in retrospect, Middle East Bureau chief of the Globe If th e Canadian press too seldom but there you are; Canadian news and Mail. holds up a mirror to the world and papers have limited resources. I'll start with a small kick at Owen Canada's role in it, even more sel Our choice of Harare (our pre Turner and then write smoothly un- dom isa mirror held up to the work vious base was Nairobi) obviously der the rubric of constructive discus- done ou t in the world by the Cana reflected our belief that the main sion. I am bothered by his date- dian press. Turner's essay well mer story would be in the south. But frame: the four years of 1983 to its pub. ication. He is hard on me South Africa itself, as perceived by 1986. By including 1983, he can but I fir ad little in his research and the Western press in 1983 in its contrast the Globe and Mail's South analysis of my work with which to police-and-crime-story approach to African coverage before and after disagree - apart from bits of nasty the world, was a quiet place, far it had a resident correspondent on phrasing short of being the venue of the the continent. But the termina tion date of his inquiry - Decem ber 1986 - does not, as he implies, demarcate the end of my time in The Globe's Africa bureau. It falls eight and a half months short of when Oakland Ross replaced me. Turner thus omits, inter alia, The Globe's coverage (mine) and edito rial page assessment of Brian Mul roney's early 1987 visit to the Front Line States and its major implica, tions for Canada's South Africa pol icy, an event upon which students of the Canadian press and its be haviour might be expected to ea gerly fall. More important, he omits The Globe's coverage (mine, with oth ers) and editorial interpretation of last October's Commonwealth Con ference - which really is too bad. Because in it he would find the af- In Sep t. lY64 rent protesis in tie vaai area erupzea into mass uprisings firmation of his essay's main thesis: throug hout South Africa that "there are clear disadvantages in placing correspondents in situa- In J anuary, 1984, I arrived in planet's greatest moral issue of the tions for which they are not ade- Harare, Zimbabwe, to re-open The decade. At that time, the African quately prepared ... " and very clear Globe's IAfrica bureau after a 16 year story - especially in the British press advantages when the correspondents hiatus. We were unsure what work - was Zimbabwe, with lurid tales are prepared. ing cond itions were going to be like, of how blacks were destroying once The Globe's coverage of the Van- very uns ure at the time of Zimbabwe orderly Rhodesia. There were, as couver summit was unmatched by (It was agreed I would not buy fur well, other stories, in particular the other Canadian or foreign news me- niture fc>r the bureau in the event other story ... of sub-Saharan Africa dia and should be labelled in part that a h urried withdrawal from the sinking into terminal debt, of the (It was in fact superb teamwork in- country became required), and un shining hope of post-colonial devel volving Ottawa bureau chief Jeff Sal- sure whEt was going to be the focus opment gone terribly wrong, of the lot, Vancouver correspondent John of our cc verage. reality to black Africa's human jour ney that lay behind the dilettante Cruickshank and The Globe's na tional desk) a product of my tenure My mandate was never exclu chats of North-South in Cancun and Africa or even the as Africa correspondent. sively South the United Nations plaza. Soon Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 0 9ma 0 IL61 after my arrival in Harare, I met to discover things for himself, how recognize until much later the sig the southern Africa correspondent ever slow the process. nificance of what happened in the 3 and 4, of The Washington Post. He told I was seduced until maybe early Vaal Triangle on September present me that, prior to his posting, he 1985 - as was the Canadian Gov 1984 - the beginning of the cycle of black revolution. And hav was sent off on a six-month post ernment: and reading Turner's es time graduate course at Georgetown Uni say, I realize for the first time that ing failed to understand at the versity on the politics and economies my view of South Africa changed what was happening, I don't feel I of the southern continent. My post precisely as the view held by the ever caught up with the story. With ing was announced three and a half Canadian Embassy in South Africa out the events of the Vaal, I might months before I left Canada. For changed - by the National Party's have continued my on-job education, all but a month, I continued to carefully crafted reform rhetoric. I advancing me and The Globe read write a daily Ottawa column. A was seduced for three reasons: I ers on a slow, careful excursion to great deal of my time was spent knew too little history, reform was ward enlightenment, the journalism setting up bureau logistics and try so unquestionably logical, and I mis I'm most comfortable with. Slow ing (bootlessly at that point, speak took South African whites, espe excursions in South Africa ended in ing of harbingers) to obtain a South cially those with the same class September, 1984. African work visa. background as mine, to be Euro I do know what changed my My knowledge of Africa was westerners out of my own cultural thinking: grounded in a child's romance experience. The mindless violence of the with pink swaths on the map and South African police in confronting an undergraduate's infatuation with any display of dissent. The South Julius Nyerere. I doubt if my adult "/ was seduced until African Defence Force's simultane knowledge exceeded that of the or ous attacks on Gaberone, Lusaka, dinary adult Canadian who reads maybe early 1985 by and Harare at the very moment newspapers. I arranged some brief when the Commonwealth Eminent ings - sessions here, sessions there, the National Party's Persons Group was to meet with with CIDA, External, a couple of Pretoria ministers. Glenn Babb's African diplomats, a few academics. carefully crafted ridiculous lies in the advertisement All very thin. There should have reform rhetoric" he published in The Globe and Mail. been more reading done. There The Bureau for Information's ridicu wasn't. lous lies to the foreign press fol lowing the imposition of the first What did The Globe's editors, in I recall pieces I wrote that out state of emergency. The lies told late 1983, expect from their Africa to Canadian visitors to South Africa bureau? I think they saw a "writer's raged people at home, outrage which I tended to set aside as ideological on Glenn Babb's conceived "fact assignment" which is why they sent finding tour." a "writer," someone capable of pre gridlock. I was determined in my senting a Canadian audience with early days in South Africa to present And I began paying attention to emotive word-snapshots of a conti white South Africans as people will the treason trial of the Delmas-22, nent that would have meaning to the ing to devolve power but frightened the most important political prose Canadian experience. If I had been of what that might mean. I looked cution since the Rivonia trial of Nel a senior Globe editor in late 1983, I for those striving to find "middle son Mandela. At Delmas, I saw think I would have given me the as ground." I grasped for thin reeds of the South African state display its signment. A year and a half later? Canadian parallels such as "forced brute clumsiness in trying to con I don't know. South Africa had be removals" of Amerindian communi struct a legal case of subversive con come the story it is now, with all its ties earlier in this century. I talked spiracy against ordinary black South ramifications throughout the world mainly to South African whites be Africans who had been moved fi and, in particular, the southern con cause I believed - as I still in some nally to violence against an intolera tinent ... a story requiring harder measure believe - that power was ble system. Thus the deflowering of journalistic analysis than I am easily theirs to surrender and not some one liberal Canadian journalist. capable of. thing that could ever be taken from them. I believed, as I still believe The Globe has been barred in The dancer cannot be separated but now less innocently, that South South Africa since my departure. from the dance. I am a liberal. Africa is a complicated story tran Pretoria refuses to state why. It I have enormous difficulty ascribing scending slogans and easy journalis could be me, it could be Mulroney's evil to anyone. Keith Davey, in tic exposition. policy, it could be The Globe's edi his autobiography, described me as torial policy, it could be they don't "gentle." I am a journalist who has My great failure is that I did not like Ross. may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT Why Is South Africa Getting Away with Murder? The following is adapted from a press statement by chief representative, asks the authorities for protec CIDMAA, (Centre d'lnformation et de Documentation sur tion against possible attacks. le Mozambique et I'Afrique Australe) in Montreal, April Three urgent questions arise: 10/88. 1. Why has Pretoria expanded its programme of as On April 7, a car bomb in Mozambique's capital, Ma sassinations? puto, almost killed Albie Sachs, the internationally renowned South African jurist, author and anti 2. Why is it getting away with murder? apartheid activist. The bomb flung the car three me 3. What is the Canadian government response? tres off the road, injuring a passing motorist and a child, and shattering most windows in Sachs' nine Assassination is South African Strategy story apartment block. Latest reports say that Sachs Since its May 1986 raids on three neighbouring coun has lost his right arm, possibly an eye, and suffered tries, and the imposition of a nation-wide emergency extensive internal injuries. the next month, Pretoria has decided to deal with Pretoria has of course targeted many ANC mem its domestic crisis almost exclusively by strong-arm bers. One was Sachs' close friend, Prof. Ruth First, methods. As Minister of Law and Order, Adrian Vlok, murdered by a parcel bomb at the university in Ma has put it, the aim in the South African region is puto in August 1982. A War of Assassinations The attempt on Sachs highlights two new elements in Pretoria's programme of assassination. One is the shift to Europe and possibly North America. The other is its scale. The attack on Sachs was the fifth murderous attack on ANC members outside South Africa in just ten days. Six people have died. * March 27, Brussels: 17 kg bomb defused outside apartment of Godfrey Motsepe, ANC representative (second attempt in two months) * March 28, Gabarone: four people killed and burned by South African commandos * March 29, Paris: ANC representative, Dulcie September, shot dead outside her apartment * March 29, Maseru: ANC guerrilla, Mazizi Maqekaza, shot dead in his hospital bed, while re cuperating from an earlier attempt * On April 5, the FBI officially warns the ANC Ob server Mission to the UN of the presence of a "hit squad" planning actions against the ANC. Meanwhile Agbnce-France-Presse writes confidently of the pres ence within South African Security of a "Z-squad" whose modus operandi is precisely cold-blooded mur Dulcie September, ANC Representative in France, der. And in Canada, Yusuf Saloojee, the ANC's assassinated by South African death squad Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 to "bomb the enemy in its bases." Inside the coun e untold thousands have died in South African ag try, there is an unprecedented campaign of violence gression against its neighbours against members of the democratic organizations by the security forces and police-backed vigilante groups, * virtual total censorship has been imposed on South claiming hundreds of lives. Finally, Pretoria has un Africa leashed a massive programme of attacks against any * virtually all legal organizations of the democratic one who it believes to be linked to or sympathetic to opposition have been banned the ANC. The regime is now quite simply trying to a there have been no further moves to "reform" stop the ANC from operating anywhere - inside South apartheid Africa, in the Frontline States, and even in Europe or North America. Canada imposed its last round of limited sanctions against South Africa in August 1986. Then, just Getting Away with Murder be fore two critical Commonwealth Conferences in 1987 The South African Government is extremely sensitive and 1988, Secretary of State Joe Clark spoke of a gen to international reaction, listening very closely to the eral "sanctions fatigue," adding that Canada was not "messages" behind the actions of other countries, es contemplating further measures. In other words, not pecially Western governments. These actions, rather even Canada would impose sanctions. Barely days than eloquent resolutions and speeches condemning later, the seventeen organizations were banned. apartheid, become the yardstick for its decisions. Although Canada's Ambassador MacLean in Pre A case in point is the use of hit squads. Over toria says his government believes financial sanctions the past 18 months, the ANC has warned the gov would be important, Canada is sending quite differ ernments of the US, France, West Germany, Italy, ent signals in other ways. From May 9 to 28, for Sweden and Australia that Pretoria was planning to instance, Canada's Department of Justice will host a use hit squads in their capital cities. In late 1986, "diplomatic conference" in Ottawa, dealing with in British police charged two former Rhodesians with ternational financial leasing and international factor planning to kidnap ANC members in London. When ing, organized by UNIDROIT, based in Rome. An the trial began to reveal British intelligence links in External Affairs spokesman announced that the Gov South Africa, Thatcher's government withdrew the ernment was sidestepping its own rules by admitting charges. Despite an outcry, there was no public ex South African representatives, because "South Africa planation. is a valuable member of an organization which works The message herb was reinforced by the purely on the principle of universality." symbolic response of most Western governments to In the same month, the US-based Inter-nation Wa the Feb. 24 bannings. Moreover, Britain and USA ve ter Association is organizing an international confer toed a UN Security Council motion for further sanc ence in Ottawa, to include six South African dele tions against South Africa. Japan, France and West gates. Germany abstained. In other words, Botha heard that he was free to pursue the strategy underlying the ban nings. What Does the Anti-Apartheid Movement Want? Where is Canada's Bottom Line? In this new climate of assassination, we demand three In October 1985, Prime Minister Mulroney promised things from the Canadian Government: the UN that unless there were progress towards dis 1. Withdrawing the invitation mantling apartheid, his government would impose to South Africa to at tend the UNIDROIT "total sanctions" against South Africa and break off Conference, and refusing visas to South African all relations with Pretoria. officials from the Water Conference 2. Acting Since this promise, the following have occurred in on Mulroney's promise of "total sanctions," in the face of South Africa: the recent bannings and media controls 3. Inquiring urgently into the * 30,000 people have been detained, almost half of possibility of violent acts against ANC members them children in Canada and Canadians in the anti-apartheid network, especially in the light * over 3,000 South Africans have died in "political of death threats to the ANC representative, Yusuf violence" Saloojee. may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT Moving Forward on Sanctions: A View from Inside South Africa sues. To summarise their argument briefly, they suggest that COSATU's position on sanctions [involving sup port for comprehensive mandatory sanctions but with expressed mis givings about certain forms of "se lective sanctions" whose negative ef fects may be borne primarily by the working class. - Ed.], a posi tion which C/F label "ambiguous," must bear substantial responsibility * for the decline of American inter est in sanctions. Further, it is "ma nipulative white (!) workerist intel f4FRI~ lectuals" who are the dominant in OUTFO fluence behind the federation's posi % tion, and - worse! - are now spread J OFE O ing their malevolent ideas via their "privileged access to the West," and the US in particular. It is these "intellectuals" who are clearly the real target for C/F, the butt of their obvious frustration at the failure of their own work in the US to sustain its momentum. No longer riding the crest of the wave, they are angry and upset, and look ing for a scapegoat. This is obvi ous from the tone and language of the article which is jarring, to put it mildly, and singularly unhelpful to BY GEOFFREY SPAULDING coalition which succeeded in pushing serious debate on the sanctions ques through the Comprehensive Anti tion. Geoffrey Spaulding is Southern Africa Apartheid Act (CAAA) in October It was rather surprising to find REPORT's South Africa special corre 1986, it is now proving difficult to such an article in SAR, which in spondent. hold this alliance together to press the past has always tried to inter The article by New York based anti for extensions and reinforcement of vene in antagonistic situations in a apartheid activists Jim Cason and the legislation. constructive fashion. One can only Mike Fleshman (C/F) in the Decem As the SAR editors note, the wonder, for example, at the rele ber 1987 issue of Southern Africa article also raises some important vance of the racial labels used to REPORT (Vol. 3, No. 3, pg. 19, issues concerning the relationship the question at hand. It also is "The State of Apartheid: Assess of certain actors internal to SA a little strange for two New York ing Sanctions at Year One") de trade unions and intellectuals - to based writers to question the ac scribes very succinctly the present the sanctions campaigns. But it is countability of people based inside dilemma of the US anti-apartheid hard - from inside South Africa South Africa, while mounting an at movement: having stitched together to take very seriously Cason and tack on a resolution taken at a trade during 1985/86 a fairly broad-based Fleshman's discussion of these is- union congress attended by 1,500 ac- Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 credited delegates. One might be ex If Cason and Fleshman had From any such moralistic stand cused for thinking this just a little recognised this difference as a con point, it becomes impossible to con arrogant. tradiction inherent in the strategy sider many of the very real difficul One could respond point by of international economic pressure, ties imposed on anti-apartheid work point to the various excesses in this they could, I think, have under by the nature of American politics: article, as well as to the similar views stood the COSATU resolution or the the necessary compromises required expressed by many anti-apartheid NUMSA response to Ford/Samcor to build national coalitions, for ex activists in the West. It seems [The union received 24% of Ford's ample, or the "flavour of the month" more useful, however, to recognise divested South African shares and nature of Americans' concern with the importance of location and con insisted that Ford sustain licensing, foreign policy issues. This latter text in these debates. In other sales and transfer agreement with its factor is fostered precisely by TV, words, whether one is based inside South African successor firm - Ed.] the absence of whose images C/F as reflecting something other than or outside South Africa makes a lament so much, as contributing to ambivalence and a softening of sup big difference to one's perspective the subsiding of "public outrage." port. on the whole issue of international (It can be mentioned in passing that economic pressure. It is only to Bearing this in mind, I turn to while South African censorship may be expected that activists in the the central difficulty of the C/F ar have stopped the images initially, for Western countries will place more ticle, which is that its simplistic ar many months now it is SA security emphasis on international actions guments completely divert attention force action which has ended the re than do South Africans themselves from any effort to come to grips ality behind the news images. Cen - sanctions and boycotts are more with the real issues involved in the sorship is only infrequently needed or less western activists' only card, impasse which the American anti in early 1988.) the one way they can contribute apartheid campaign has reached. In What is equally serious is the to apartheid's elimination. South stead of examining the obstacles and failure - consequent upon an ap Africans, on the other hand, have a constraints which have emerged, Ca proach based solely on moralizing far more diverse range of strategies son/Fleshman put forward an "anal to confront the opponents of sanc available to them (and therefore, it ysis" which amounts,in effect, to ar tions on their own terrain. In the should be noted, a far more com guing that the fleas (the evil intel Cason/Fleshman piece, this is re plex problem). So sanctions are rel lectuals) on the tail (COSATU) are flected in their barely considering atively less important. wagging the entire dog (the US Ad the question at the centre of the ministration??!!). This may slightly Reagan report: "Are sanctions In addition, however, the factors caricature their argument, but does working?" This is, of course, the which need to be taken into con clearly demonstrate its absurdity. rection in which sanctions oppo sideration in weighing up support The underlying problem, I think, nents have tried to define the debate for sanctions line up differently in is that C/F appear to approach since late 1986, when various offi side South Africa than they do out sanctions campaigns as moral cru cial unilateral and multilateral mea side. Sanctions advocates in the US, sades, rather than political pro sures were implemented. Arguing Canada or anywhere else do not have cesses. This is indicated by their that the South African government's to live with their effects - negative references to a "clear moral imper increasing control indicates clearly as well as positive - and this can ative" (now diluted by the passing that sanctions are not working, sanc make their calculations distinct from of the CAAA) and the need "to re tions opponents conclude, of course, those of people in South Africa who vive public outrage." Their strate that there should be a return to the do have to make the adjustments. Of gic thinking vis-4-vis their potential discredited policy of "constructive course, this point is frequently made constituency in the US is limited to engagement." by the opponents of sanctions. Of the problem of evoking an emotional The point actually at issue in course, movement leaders have said response. While one would not want this debate is the interpretation to that South Africans are prepared to to suggest that there should be no be placed on the notion of "work accept the cost. Neither of these moral element in politics, a politics ing." It is obviously convenient facts make the point - that context that is limited to this is unlikely to for opponents of sanctions to take affects perspectives on sanctions sustain itself. It may well succeed the view that sanctions "working" less valid. And the very success in the short-term in creating a mas would involve the apartheid state of the sanctions and disinvestment sive groundswell of concern, but as visibly crumbling as a result. In re campaigns - the legislative measures has been demonstrated over the past sponse to such a line of argument, passed, the corporate withdrawals, two years (in South Africa as much however, it is not quite adequate for real or sham - imposes even greater as in the US), such movements tend sanctions advocates simply to point divergence between the two strategic to evaporate even more quickly than to the limited nature of the sanctions calculations. they emerge. imposed, and call for more, as C/F may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT do. Such a response implies accep tions. The South African state is bilization and active opposition, the tance of the terms of the discussion not the Iranian or Philippine state: level of overt state repression, and - that sanctions could indeed end it will take more than US pressure, the nature of state/ruling class ef apartheid. even in the form of comprehensive forts to develop new means through sanctions, to bring it down. To which to maintain their broad au It is true that some in South - to rede thority and domination. Africa, most notably church lead break with this approach fine the meaning of sanctions "work ers, have on occasion presented sanc The balance of these forces ing" - requires locating sanctions tions in this way - as an alterna is constantly shifting, of course. very explicitly within the context of tive to other forms of political strug Nonetheless, certain key "moments" the wider liberation struggle. This gle. But this is not common, and when such shifts are more funda means understanding sanctions in indeed most North American anti mental are identifiable. One such to the existing balance of apartheid activists would, if asked, relation "moment," for example, was the forces, and the overall direction of endorse the sentiment expressed last banning of the ANC and other strategy. What is crucial here is year by Richard Trumka, United movements in March 1960. This that these latter variables are always Mine Workers of America presi signalled that the level of mass or shifting. dent and US Shell Boycott chair: ganization was now moving into an "ebb" phase. One characteristic "Sanctions alone cannot eradicate It is significant that despite their of more fundamen apartheid; that task is ultimately title - "The State of Apartheid" any period of such tal shift is that it usually involves left to the people of South Africa C/F do not include in their as the emergence of a new "theory of themselves. Economic pressure ... sessment of "sanctions at year one" transition," of a new broad strate can [only] hasten the day." any serious consideration of the im gic perspective designed to identify plications of the changing political Nevertheless, one sometimes has the primary means of transforming scene inside South Africa. For them, the sense, from US activists, that the state. In 1960, this was reflected this apparently has little bearing on this is little more than a ritual in the adoption of armed struggle the relevance or thrust of either the nod to self-determination for South by the liberation movements, end sanctions campaigns or par Africans. Hidden behind this is the various ing the "passive resistance" cam sanctions measures. Start notion that what is really needed to ticular paigns of the '50s. In other words, from a view of sanctions as a do the trick is American power. A ing a basic shift occurring in the bal moral issue - "we must do something shared view of the omnipotence and ance of forces provokes a reassess and what we can do is impose sanc justice of American foreign policy ment of overall strategy. Such a re tions" - leads naturally to a very in sorting out other countries' con assessment is essential: in general, limited analysis of the links between flicts is found amongst many Ameri fundamental shifts in the balance of developments in the wider liberation cans who differ only over which side forces are the result of a new ruling struggle and the sanctions issue of the conflict should be the lucky class strategy, adopted in response "everything we can do - every new beneficiary. In the anti-apartheid to growing mass opposition. The lib sanction, each disinvestment - will arena, this is reflected in the priori eration movement needs in turn to help." In other words, the relation tising of US sanctions/disinvestment adapt its own strategy to the chang ship between sanctions and other as campaigns over the strategic needs ing circumstances. and choices of South African organ pects of the struggle is static and izations. Hence C/F's attack on stable and unproblematic. In sum, it is by making this kind of nuanced understanding of the spe the trade unions, in effect for fail It should be obvious that the lat ing to adapt their sanctions pol cific conjuncture in South Africa ter could only be true if the overall the starting point of strategising on icy to the needs of the US cam struggle were simply a linear pro paigns. They complain, for example, sanctions that it is possible to de cess, involving a steady increase in velop a much more satisfactory ap that "COSATU's increasingly am the strength of the opposition un proach to sanctions than that taken bivalent attitude towards corporate til it was more powerful than the withdrawal ... [is] undermin[ing] the state and liberation was achieved. by Cason and Fleshman. Such an divestment movement - by far the This is patent nonsense, yet it is im approach would locate sanctions as most important and successful anti plicit in much of the strategic think one aspect of the wider struggle, em apartheid campaign in the US." ing on sanctions. A more appro phasising particularly the links be This is simply not acceptable as priate perspective is, of course, one tween shifts in the latter and sanc a general approach. But in addition, which views the overall struggle is tions. It is precisely this kind of ap in the case of South Africa, it fun an uneven process, with "ebb" and proach to the question of sanctions damentally misunderstands the na "flow" phases reflecting such reali that I will seek to exemplify in a sub ture of the state, the target of sanc- ties as the fluctuations of mass mo- sequent article. Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 "[The oppression of women] is often an extension of religious val Sexism Beware!: ues, whether it is Christianity,or Is lam, or Hinduism, and it has often been an extension of cultural val Faried Esack Speaks Out ues, whether it is African traditional society, or the Khoi-Khoi and the "There is no question of postpon movement in South Africa. This Khoi-San traditions that some of the ing the liberation of women until af holds that women's liberation is sub Coloured communities may be liv ter freedom, because the oppression sumed by national liberation (or, for ing out. And this has preceded the that women experience is not neces some, socialist transformation), and coming to South Africa of white peo sarily a consequence of apartheid..." that the struggle against women's ple." As far as we are concerned, the oppression is subordinate to the Esack gave some examples of struggle of women, is as important struggle against apartheid. But contemporary sexist as the struggle for national libera some of the Faried was well-rehearsed in re practices that OPAS is drawing at tion, because we feel that we could sponding to the arguments that end up in a country wherein "the tention to. Many of the males in prop up this position, and to the the student and youth organizations people governing" means "men gov well-worn objections and resistances were extremely sexist in their be erning." invariably raised in anti-apartheid haviours and relationships. There An unlikely but staunch and meetings (internally and interna was a phenomenon of "boycott ba tionally) when articulate defender of anti-sexism women (and very oc bies", the result of sexual encounters casionally within South Africa's liberation men) claim attention for that occurred during the school boy gender issues. struggle is Maulana Faried Esack, cotts amongst students with min leader of the UDF-affiliated Call Radical responses imal sex education. It was the of Islam. Esack, who was re women, not the men involved, who cently in Toronto, is also a leading On the oft-heard line that femi were having to carry the full bur figure in OPAS (meaning Beware! nism is a western and bourgeois phe den of parenting. He also referred to in Afrikaans), the Organisation of nomenon, and therefore not appro the macho culture evidenced in the People Against Sexism, a small priate to the South African libera Natal conflict between Inkatha and (twenty-odd), non-racial and female tion struggle ... ? UDF supporters, where, on both dominated activist group based in Well, for that sides, men were branding and pun Cape Town. He devoted consider matter socialism as it ishing women who refused to sleep able time in his various meetings is being debated within South with them as being "of the enemy." with church and solidarity organi Africa is a Western phenomenon zations, to expounding his views too. ("Marx was not exactly a black The question of priorities. working class person.") "For us it on women's oppression and talking The question of priorities of struggle, is not the origins of the ideas that about the objectives of OPAS. and where women's liberation fits in, is important, but their relevance to is always a hard one. "When the OPAS is "committed to exposing people inside South Africa. And the exigencies of anti-apartheid struggle the marriage between apartheid and oppression of women is real . .." are so pressing," Esack was asked, male dominance and ensuring that "where On the argument that it is is there time and energy to in a new South Africa, women will apartheid that oppresses women, devote to the struggle against sex occupy their rightful place." This and women will be free once ism?" His response was complex and means working "to make women's apartheid is gone ...? qualified, and took a number of struggle against sexism an integral an gles. Appropriately so, given that part of the movement for freedom "It is true that the essen he was talking from a real context in South Africa." The tactics tial oppression of women is un in of struggle, not as an abstract clude der apartheid. But it is also true exer picketing schools where cases cise. of sexual harassment have occurred, that women are being oppressed as and organizing to get the issue of women. Women are being oppressed First, Esack charged, the argu women's oppression raised within by men and the apartheid system ment about women's issues not be every possible forum of the progres has got nothing to do with it. It ing a priority at this point in the sive movement. accentuates, it intensifies that op struggle is often used as a smoke pression, but we have no guarantee screen - "a smokescreen [for men] The views of Esack and OPAS that that kind of oppression will not to continue their own oppression of clearly represent a departure from continue in a post-apartheidsociety. women both in their individual lives the "official" position on gender is And so we have to work towards se and in their organizational struc sues within the broad democratic curing those guaranteesnow. tures." Referring to the "rubbish- may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT ings" which OPAS tends to receive litical struggle." But if we hold a eas and say that when your husband from the community organizations, broader ("purer") view of "political" is home for those three weeks, make he maintained that people are very to mean the struggle for complete sure that you are not oppressed as threatened by challenges to their liberation, then there is no question a person." So better not to argue ideological and practical positions that women's issues are inherently abstractly about the level of prior on gender relations. part of that. ity to accord women's struggle, just "place it firmly on the agenda Secondly, a point about the gen in the On his personal practice and al liberation movement." eral context of the struggle and how location of energies? Well, he re this influences - "impoverishes" in The Maulana is quick to ac alised that he gave priority to the knowledge that his views are not his words - the vision of that strug political liberation of the people ... gle. "Apartheid has widely appreciated by the commu brutalized our people in nity organizations and such a blatant and vi even the women's orga cious manner, that in nizations. His promi many ways our people nence in OPAS is a bit have become blinded to of an enigma and em any issues other than the barrassment to many in purely political pressures the community. But this that they experience on a is clearly not inhibiting day-to-day basis, the as his commitment to keep saults on their dignity as ing the issue of women's human beings. So there oppression within pub is hardly the time and lic purview. During the Culture for Another energy to pay attention South Africa (CASA) to some of the more uni festival in Amsterdam in versal issues" ... such as December last year for gender oppression, sur example, Faried was in vival of species (human sistent on the validity of and animal). "But dealing with gender is the truth is that all sues. these problems are inter twined. And if in princi The "gender ques ple you are opposed to in tion" has become an in justice, you can't address evitable moment of any international anti-apart those problems without heid forum - whether also addressing injustice raised by spokespersons to women." ("... and for the liberation move saving the whales", he ment or democratic added with a glint of or t ganizations within mischievousness that ac South knowledged his maverick Africa, or by women > working within solidarity position.) movements and attempt The conception of Faried Es ing to reconcile their "political" and its impli own feminism and gen cations for women's struggle was "although sometimes I experience a der struggles within their respective a theme Faried returned to fre bit of doubt in my own mind about organizational contexts with their quently. When it is argued that whether they [women's issues] are understanding of the issues of gen "women's struggle is tied to the not equally important." He ac der oppression in Southern Africa. political struggle", it often implies knowledged that it was extremely Faried Esack and OPAS's strong the narrower sense, that is, the problematic to raise women's op stance on the place of anti-sexist struggle against the white govern pression amongst people fighting for struggle within the liberation strug ment. "But it must be remembered their very survival. Take the case of gle introduces a provocative and that the political struggle [in this the woman in the rural areas whose challenging contribution to the de sense] is a male-dominated strug husband is away from her for 11 bate, one quite different from the gle." It is fundamentally unjust to months and 1 week. "So how do you one that we generally encounter here tie the women's struggle to the "po- now talk to women in the rural ar- in North America. Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 W(Dmam A WOMAN S PLAEE IS IN THE STRUGGLE NT'A,2 AN A NOT BE DBARS CoNy PfoJ 's : (~R4.-, " l 1A 1r~ C:. NV I' ~!~)A 7~v/1\~ A Names of women prisonersand detainees are a d to banner honouring women at last legal meeting held byDPSC Not Behind Bars As the South African state tight Two of these groups, the De woman, Elda Bani, was one of six ens the screws of repression, the de tainees Parents' Support Commit people who died in prison or under tention and mistreatment of women tee (DPSC) and the Detainees Sup police custody during the same one as political prisoners has become port Committee (DESCOM), were year period. (In 1987 five people an increasingly visible issue around recently banned. They were in the were executed for "political crimes" which to organize previously under midst of a campaign which had des and at present there are 50 people organized segments of society, both ignated the month of February to on death row.) Women detainees in South Africa itself and in the in focus on the difficulties faced by face particular difficulties specific to ternational community. women detainees. their gender, from the discomfort and humiliation of going without The starkness and horror of a According to the DPSC 1987 an sanitary towels to the violence of system that will imprison and tor nual review, women make up about rape. Pregnant women have fre ture even children tears through lib ten per cent of the detainee popu quently reported they were beaten eral white reluctance to taking a lation. They have been held under with intent to harm their unborn stand and has forced many South virtually every section of the secu children and sometimes suffered mis African whites of conscience to join rity legislation. Of the 25,000 de as a result. groups which have sprung up to de tained in the year before June 1987, carriages fend detainees. 3,000 were women. A 56 year old At one of the DPSC's last pub- Africa REPORT may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT lie meetings held to commemo Jesse Duarte of FEDTRAW, well materials and petitions were dis rate women in detention, a for known to many Canadians through tributed to solidarity groups across mer detainee who spent most of her 1986 tour, has joined the ranks the country. The campaign gathered her pregnancy in solitary confine of the detained. national momentum at the Vancou ment told the audience about her A concert, Bend the Bars, origi ver Parallel Commonwealth Confer fears of the effects of the inad nally sponsored by DPSC, was also ence where a women's sectoral work equate diet on her unborn child. hastily taken up by FEDTRAW, as shop was attended by a member of She described how a fellow de was the publication of a book on the DPSC. tainee and leader of the Federation women in detention, A Women's Some success can be measured of Transvaal Women (FEDTRAW), Place Is in the Struggle, Not Behind in the response to the petitions, a Sister Bernard Ncube, managed to Bars. hearing from Joe Clark, followed by smuggle her extra food. Sister the raising of the issue in the meet Bernard, as a detainee under Section The issue of women political pris ing between Clark and P.W. Botha 29, was entitled to food parcels from oners in South Africa has also served and a promise by External Affairs to outside. as a mobilizing theme for a suc monitor the case. cessful solidarity initiative amongst Despite the bannings, National When the South African state women based in Toronto. Detainees Day, March 12, was still announced the imminent hanging commemorated, and other previ In 1987, the South African of the Sharpeville Six, solidarity ously planned activities of the cam Women's Day Committee of Toronto groups in Toronto renewed their en paign were still carried out, although chose Theresa Ramashamola as a ergies around the issue of political not under the usual sponsorship of symbol of their August 9th event. prisoners amongst others. A Fri the DPSC. Instead it was women un Theresa is presently on death row day evening anti-apartheid demon der the banner of FEDTRAW who along with five others, collectively stration at one of the city's busiest took to the streets in protest. (A few known as the Sharpeville Six. She intersections is establishing itself as days earlier they had used the op is the first woman to be sentenced to a regular event. portunity of International Women's death for a politically related charge. Day to challenge the Chamber of Hopefully these efforts, as well Mines and the British Consulate to The committee drew in women as those in other countries, are only take a stand against the new Labour from the churches, labour, black or the beginnings of increasing inter Relations Amendment Bill and the ganizations, and Native and femi national public action in support bannings). Perhaps as a result of nist solidarity groups. To extend of South African political prisoners, her participation in these actions, the campaign nationally, education men, women and children. Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 5FREEDOMS FORUM Posters for campaigns run by FEDTRAW, DPSC, Five Freedoms Forum and the British campaign to end executions THE PLAIN TRUTH? I If you doubt the breadth of South Africa's propaganda writer uses the technique of reporting opinions while reach, pick up your April copy of The Plain Truth, avail appearing to take the stance of wanting to understand. able free, courtesy of the Worldwide Church of God. This is a typical sentence: "South Africans wonder why The magazine, which claims a circulation of seven mil many in the West would want to force South Africa into a Marxist dictatorship, lion and is distributed throughout North America by which the former assume as in evitable both subscription and street boxes, features a cover if the black activists in the African National Congress gain control." article entitled "South Africa's Future: Healing the Wounds." The free distribution of a glossy magazine requires a hefty bank account and the publishers of The Plain The article uses the arguments that have served the Truth seem to have all they need. The Worldwide South African state for years: that South Africa's prob Church of God was founded by Herbert W. Armstrong lems are far too complicated for outsiders to judge; that who died in 1986 leaving an organization which had South African's white politicians are introducing re annual revenues of $140 million in 1985. By 1987 an forms as fast as they can without straining the society; nual revenues had risen to $163 million and its baptised that blacks are better off than before; and the article membership was reported up 7,000 to 87,000 in congre implies that the government stands as a bulwark be gations spread out through 56 countries. As well as tween order and "inter-tribal strife." the magazine, the church beams out its "World of To To complete the picture, the article points out that the morrow" telecast on about 340 stations and five cable United States gets a significant percentage of strategic networks, including 16 outlets outside North America. metals from South Africa and raises the spectre of So But take heart: circulation of The Plain Truth is re viet interests in the region. For most of the article the ported to have dropped by one million since 1985. may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT Efforts to reform the army are detailed, including the training of Mozambique: The Video middle rank officers in Zimbabwe by the British army. BY LARRY KUEHN was with went in and destroyed a vil Gains are being made in control rounding up the villagers, tak Larry Kuehn is a teacher/educator,and lage, of the country by Frelimo, with the part of the editorial collective of New ing their clothing and food, and se army winning back some areas, and lecting out the teachers, leaders and Directions. He is presently working for troops from Zimbabwe and Tanzania Frelimo people to kill. cuso. helping to protect the vital rail cor A mutilated victim - with ears ridors so that transportation can be Mozambique: The Struggle For Sur nose cut off - recounts her ex restored. vival, produced by Video Africa, di and perience, describing the terror of the Mozambique - the Struggle for rected by Bob & Amy Coen. 57 terrible violence directed against her Survival has sufficient breadth, bal min., colour video, Mozambique and many others. ance and detail to provide a good in Zimbabwe 1987. Rental: $74/$55 troduction to audiences of that vast (Available from IDERA Films, 2524 And shot after shot shows torn number of Canadians who know vir Cypress, Vancouver V6J 3N2.) up rail lines, bombed bridges and tually nothing about Mozambique, refugees barely able to find food, How best could a filmmaker con often mistaking it for that island off clothing and shelter. vince an audience of skeptics that the east coast of Africa, Madagascar. the MNR - the bandidos in Mozam The video pictures a country fac This is a long video - 57 min bique - are in the service of South ing war, a wrecked economy, mil utes - so coherently structured that Africa and trained and supplied by lions of internal refugees, famine it would be very difficult to select South Africa? and children who have less chance of out a portion to show for situations adulthood than in any What more powerful evidence surviving to that require a shorter presentation. could be provided than the head of other country. That coherence is also one of its real intelligence from Ian Smith's Rhode Yet, strangely enough, this is not strengths as an educational experi sian regime telling the story of how a statement of despair. It is, as the ence. they created the MNR (Renamo) title says, about struggle, about not The film works, then, on two vi in the mid-70's, and turned it over giving up, about working to rebuild. tally interconnected levels. Mozam to South Africa when Robert Mu bique, as a country, is presented gabe took over and Rhodesia be The shots of destruction are bal by views of the beauty of the sympathetically in its efforts to sur came Zimbabwe? anced country - its beaches, its country vive the ruthless onslaught of South Africa. But Mozambique is Mozam Just such testimony from Ken side, its people. Flower, former head of the Rhode bicans. The cruel fact is that, for sian intelligence service, is wo And it tells about the recent the individual peasants whose lives ven throughout Mozambique - the opening of the market system and are shown in the video, their hope Struggle for Survival. It provides the improvements in food supplies in the each day is that the war's reach will clinching evidence, should any be cities. be escaped another night. needed, that achieving peace and de velopment in Mozambique requires an end to the apartheid system in South Africa. Flower describes how the Rhode sians built a secret army, emphasiz ing that "at no time did the move ment (the MNR) have its own po litical program." Rather, what the Rhodesians, and later the South Africans, offered was a "way of life." Much of the video describes that way of life - robbing, killing, de stroying and mutilating. One of the Renamo defectors in terviewed tells about an operation in which he took part. The bandidos he Village burned by the bandits in Sofala, Mozambique Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 0 0 Lina BY JO LEE Lina Magaia was in Toronto in Febru ary for a brief visit as part of a tour promoting the English publication of her book Dumba Nengue: Run for Your Life. Of the book, William Minter has written: "A powerful and mov ing firsthand account. Mozambican writer Lina Magaia tells the stories of her neighbours and friends in ru ral Gaza province, the human targets of apartheid's proxy terror campaign. This book is a unique resource for com municating the lived reality of Mozam bique's struggle for survival." Lina Magaia spoke about the incidents de Lina Magaia speaks to students at Eastdale Collegiate in Toronto scribed in Dumba Nengue, as well as Renamo. But such young men run about some of her experiences in the these boys to be other than human, US, to a small group of TCLSAC mem away fast. Young children can't. when they catch them, they deal bers. So now boys eleven, twelve, thir with them in ways so brutal you can teen caught in bandit attacks, their not understand. But you must un Lina Magaia warmly greets those parents, brothers, sisters tortured, derstand. For the people, these boys of us she's never met before. Old raped and killed in front of them, are are not human. If they catch one friends she hugs, shares reminis forced to leave their villages and join of these boys they burn him alive in cence, jokes. We move to the liv the bandits. Terrorized daily, of an oil drum - how else can you kill ing room, a small group of us gath ten heavily drugged the young boys something that is not human? What ered against the cold Canadian win become, in the words of the people will happen to these young men? ter to hear her news of Mozambique. "other-than-human." What can we do about the damage, It doesn't matter how many times the psychological damage, the phys I hear it, read it - the shock and Lina continues, "How I miss Samora. ical damage? What will we do with power of lives such as hers force an Samora said these young men are them when the war is over?" immediacy of response. This strong our brothers, our sons, our family. woman's dark eyes flash as she We must welcome them back. For Her voice is calm, so soft, I strain to straightforwardly recounts her life the older ones, help them find wives, hear. and those with whom she works in give them land. Lina Magaia works in Manhica Manhica. Her story comes alive, as But it isso hard. Like inmyfam province where she is responsible for a grim reality, one I shudder against. ily. A young boy was taken away agricultural and rural development As she continues, I hear echoes of an by the bandits. Renamo feeds on projects. The results of her work other voice, images of another short, these children's fears and supersti fuel in her a sustaining optimism. stocky woman in whose similar soft, tions. They tell them that they will Optimism in the midst of brutality round face dark eyes glitter with hu be invincible to bullets and death if and nightmares as peasant farmers mour and pain. It's my Salvadorean they drink the blood of those they grow surpluses in the war-ravaged friend Febe, months after the tor kill. Then these young boys are sent land, exchanging their surplus for ture, one eye still half closed from back to their own villages to kill more seeds and tools. She gauges the beatings. But the smile, the those of their families who still re their successes and needs by assess dark, flashing eyes. Febe, Lina Ma main. This young boy, my relative. ing their demands for goods. "I can gaia. How can they speak so calmly He killed all the children, his cousins tell what they do and what they of the horrors that shape their lives? and then their mother ...he killed could do as they tell me what equip Lina recounts tales of "the ban her too. ment, tools and seeds they want. dits" and the worsening terror of It's hard then to remember these Now I exchange goods for their crops their tactics. At first, young men are our sons, our brothers. The but I am going to experiment by in their late teens and early twen people cannot believe human beings paying with money. When I see ties were captured and forced to join can do these things. So believing what they buy with money I'll know may 1988 Southern Africa REPORT x _1" a lot about what we can achieve." dits." A return to popularly based destruction of Mozambique. I find Another gauge of the success of her military tactics honed in the war it hard to believe she can have so projects is the threats against her of liberation against the Portuguese much faith in this reaching out to life. Frequently her work is the tar with less reliance on conventional Nancy Reagan, Betty Ford, Mau get of bandit attacks and crude mes armed forces. reen Reagan, Rockefellers. But ... sages promising her death have be The talk shifts to her trip to she does. And, if anyone could come commonplace. Again the grin, the US where her book, aptly sub convince the Nancy Reagans or the the dark eyes dance, "But I've got titled Peasant Tales of Tragedy in Rockefellers, it would be Lina Mag my boys to protect me," young mili Mozambique, has recently been pub aia. South Africa's destabilizing in tia who help guard the projects, the lished. This amazing woman, one of tervention must be defeated and she people and Lina. two educated in Lisbon before inde does whatever she can, whatever is pendence, trained as an economist, in her power to hasten its end. Her optimism is buoyed too tells of how she sent copies of her by the recent restructuring in the book to the wives of the most pow The images, the brutal reality armed forces. She speaks of her re erful men in the US. Lina is abso she brings so close, stay with me. spect and pride in the man now in lutely convinced that if people only Lina Magaia, Febe, it is such women charge of the armed forces in her dis knew what was going on, they would who have moved us to chose the side trict. For Lina, he is someone who help to stop it. She's not naive. we have chosen, who inspire us to do "knows how to deal with the ban- She lives with the apartheid regime's what we can. Readers' Forum .. . SAR EDUCATION ISSUE out permission from the photogra pher or from the collectives' own or 11 April 1988 ganization, OCCZIM, although they I am a black South African studying portray five of these 800 worker ini at Stanford University and was over tiated enterprises.) The growth and whelmed to read the insightful issue survival of this popular movement, of Southern Africa REPORT, Vol. 3 the determination and vitality of the No. 1 on "Education and Transfor 25,000 members who have come to mation." gether in self-managed, owned and My research (towards Ph.D.) fo operated worker co-ops, is interna cuses on curriculum policy in post tionally unprecedented. It perhaps apartheid South Africa, drawing on would have merited at least a side lessons from Zimbabwe.... bar next to your Zimbabwe article. Sincerely, Sincerely, Steve Seaborn Jonathan D. Jansen Ottawa Stanford, CA, USA Ed. Note: We have also been contacted SAR BANNED by Bruce Paton regarding the use of 15 Feb. 1988 ZIMBABWE CO-OP EXHIBIT his photographs in our last issue with out prior consultation. We have since Congratulations. Feb. 5 Weekly April 1988 apologized to him. He expressed the Mail, page 4, reports that SAR Vol ume 3, Number 3, was banned in As one of your regular readers while concern that the reproductions should South Africa. We must be doing working in Southern Africa and now more fairly represent his work by being something right - or left perhaps. here in Canada I was disturbed to shot from his originalsrather than from Alert the masses. Also the fun note your mere fleeting reference the posters. He also felt that OCCZIM to Zimbabwe's collective coopera was not properly credited. We feel that ders. ... Regards to all in the frozen wastes. your otherwise informa Bruce's photographs greatly enhanced tives within Jim and Mike tive issue on the Frontline States. our previous issue and look forward to (Especially as your Zimbabwe pho being able to use his work in the fu [Cason & Fleshman] New York tographs were actually "lifted" with- ture. Southern Africa REPORT may 1988 in the development of (latis le (0,eloppetnetit des -ican societies, cultures atidstale.s, AOCIO .S,C-1111111-e-S el ["Itits ali-ic,