Criminal Justice

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Criminal Justice Malawi Justice Sector and the Rule of Law A review by AfriMAP and Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa Written and researched by Professor Fidelis Edge Kanyongolo 01&/40$*&5:'06/%"5*0/ Copyright © 2006 by the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form, or by any means, without the prior permission of the publisher. Published by: Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa ISBN: 1-920051-32-7 For more information, contact: AfriMAP Open Society Foundation 5th Floor, Cambridge House 100 Cambridge Grove London, W6 OLE, United Kingdom www.afrimap.org Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa 12th Floor, Braamfontein Centre 23 Jorissen Street South Africa www.osisa.org Layout and printing by: Compress, South Africa Cover Graphic by Kobwani Kamiyala, Malawi 9edj[dji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¹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¹OBODJBMNBOBHFNFOU # $PVSUBENJOJTUSBUJPO $ "WBJMBCJMJUZPGMFHJTMBUJPOBOEKVSJTQSVEFODF *OEFQFOEFODFPGKVEHFTBOEMBXZFST " +VEHFT # 1SPTFDVUJPOTFSWJDFT $ -BXZFST $SJNJOBMKVTUJDF " 1SPUFDUJPOGSPNDSJNF # 1PMJDJOH $ 'BJSUSJBM % "QQSPQSJBUFSFNFEJFTBOETFOUFODJOH & 1SJTPOT "DDFTTUPKVTUJDF " ,OPXMFEHFPGSJHIUT # 1IZTJDBMBDDFTT $ 'JOBODJBMBDDFTT % 3JHIUUPBQQFBSKVSJTEJDUJPOBMSFTUSJDUJPOT & 3FBTPOBCMFEFMBZ ' 3FTQFDUGPSDPVSUPSEFST (.FDIBOJTNTUPBTTFSUSJHIUTPVUTJEFUIFDPVSUTZTUFN )5SBEJUJPOBMBOEPUIFSOPOTUBUFKVTUJDFTZTUFNT %FWFMPQNFOUQBSUOFST " %FWFMPQNFOUBTTJTUBODFBOETUSBUFHZJOUIFKVTUJDFTFDUPS # %POPSQSPKFDUTBOEIVNBOSFTPVSDFT $ %FWFMPQNFOUBTTJTUBODFBOEQSPNPUJPOPGSFTQFDUGPSIVNBOSJHIUT % "DDFTTUPJOGPSNBUJPOBCPVUEFWFMPQNFOUBTTJTUBODFUPUIFKVTUJDFTFDUPS "OOFYFT "OOFY" *OUFSOBUJPOBMBHSFFNFOUT "OOFY# %POPSBTTJTUBODF "OOFY$ #JCMJPHSBQIZ "OOFY% -JTUPGQFSTPOTJOUFSWJFXFE B_ije\YWi[ijkZ_[i Judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation 50 Government disobedience of a court order 61 The challenges of accessing copies of High Court judgments 98 Non-governmental legal assistance 113 Access to justice 145 Donor assistance to the justice sector 160 WJ."-"8*+645*$&4&$503"/%5)&36-&0'-"8 B_ije\WYhedoci ACB Anti-Corruption Bureau ADF African Development Fund CARER Centre for Advice and Research and Education in Rights CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CILIC Civil Liberties Committee DFID Department for International Development (UK) DPP director of public prosecutions EU European Union GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit IBA International Bar Association IMF International Monetary Fund NCSJ National Council for Safety and Justice NORAD Norwegian Agency for Development MASSAJ Malawi Safety, Security and Access to Justice MEJN Malawi Economic Justice Network NGO non-governmental organisation SADC Southern African Development Community SAW Society for the Advancement of Women SWAp sector-wide approach UNDP United Nations Development Programme UNICEF United Nation’s Children’s Fund USAID United States Agency for International Development WLSA Women and Law in Southern Africa Research and Education Trust ."-"8*+645*$&4&$503"/%5)&36-&0'-"8WJJ 7Yademb[Z][c[dji Numerous individuals and research organisations made valuable contributions to the prepara- tion and finalisation of this report. Foremost among these is Professor Fidelis Edge Kanyongolo, the author of this report, without whom this work would not have been possible. Flossie Gomile-Chidyaonga, the Afrimap coordinator for Malawi, provided constant guid- ance and logistical support through the research process. Chrispine Sibande provided valuable research assistance to the author. Necton Mhura, Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Malawi, and other faculty members provided the research team with kind use of computer facilities and office space. Tawanda Mutasah, OSISA Executive Director, and OSISA staff provided guidance, leader- ship and support for the consultative process that accompanied the research and report writing. Ozias Tungwarara, Pascal Kambale, and Bronwen Manby of AfriMAP led the editing process and made valuable contributions on substance and style. Smita Choraria of AfriMAP, Jonas Pohlmann and Louise Griffin assisted with supplemen- tary research and meticulous copy editing. Ari Korpivaara and his team at the Open Society Institute also made a valuable contribution to the copy editing and proofing process. Numerous key personnel in various institutions in the justice sector gave up their time to be interviewed, often at very short notice. Sincere appreciation is extended to all involved. WJJJ."-"8*+645*$&4&$503"/%5)&36-&0'-"8 Fh[\WY[ The Africa Governance Monitoring and Advocacy Project (AfriMAP) of the Open Society Foundation was established in 2004 to monitor observance of standards relating to human rights, the rule of law and accountable government, by both African states and their development partners. African states have undertaken increasing commitments to good governance since the African Union replaced the Organisation of African Unity in 2002. Among these commitments are the provisions of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, in which member states agree to promote human rights, democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance. Other newly adopted documents include the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), as well as the Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption. AfriMAP’s research is intended to facili- tate and promote respect for these commitments by highlighting key issues and by providing a platform for national civil society organisations to engage in their own monitoring efforts. AfriMAP’s methodology is based on standardised reporting frameworks that link respect for good governance and human rights to development that benefits poor people. Through a process of expert consultation, AfriMAP has developed reporting frameworks in three thematic areas: the justice sector and the rule of law, political participation, and the delivery of public services. The questionnaires that result, among them the questionnaire on the justice sector and the rule of law that guided this report, are available at the AfriMAP website: www.afrimap.org. The reports are elaborated by experts from the countries concerned, in close collaboration with the Open Society Institute’s network of foundations in Africa and AfriMAP’s own staff. Drafts of this report were reviewed by a range of experts, and their comments and criticisms are reflected in the final content. These reports are intended to form a resource both for activists in the country concerned and for others working across Africa to improve respect for human rights and democratic values. ."-"8*+645*$&4&$503"/%5)&36-&0'-"8JY <eh[mehZ The 1994 democratic Constitution that represented Malawi’s decisive break with Banda’s dicta- torial regime ushered in a new set of human rights and democratic standards, aspirations and values. This included a commitment to ensure that Malawi complied with African and interna- tional norms and standards on human rights, the rule of law and democratic governance. To what extent has Malawi lived up to this commitment, and what could be done by Malawian state institutions, civil society entities, and development partners to ensure that these intentions are realised? This report, Malawi: Justice Sector and the Rule of Law, seeks to aid and focus the efforts of various players committed to Malawi’s success in the area of justice delivery and rule of law observance. It is also a resource for African institutions seeking to enable Malawi to meet its commitments under the Constitutive Act of the African Union, the New Partnership
Recommended publications
  • Government & Politics Corr
    1 CONCEPTUAL AND CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND Augustine Titani Magolowondo INTRODUCTION This book is about Government and politics in Malawi. The diversity of issues that are discussed in the subsequent chapters bears testimony to the complexity of this subject matter. The aim of this first chapter is twofold. First, as you may have probably experienced in our daily discourse, the terms Government and politics are often confused with other key terms such as state and nation. As a starting point, this chapter clarifies these related concepts, which are inherently connected but yet conceptually distinct. Second, the discussion in this chapter aims at providing the context within which politics and Government in Malawi operate. In this regard, I look at both the political history and key socio-economic characteristics of Malawi. Finally, I discuss challenges facing Malawi’s politics and Government today. WHAT IS POLITICS? The concept of politics is as old as Government itself. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher (384–322 BC) argued that ‘man is by nature a political animal’. What was meant is that politics is not only inevitable but also essential to human activity. In other words, wherever there are human beings, politics is unavoidable. However, much as Aristotle’s maxim has become almost indisputable among the students of politics, there is no consensus on what exactly is to be understood by politics. To appreciate the conceptual complexity of politics, let us consider for instance the 2000 constitutional amendment to Section 65 of the Malawi Constitution (popularly called the ‘crossing of the floor’ provision). This amendment was to result in any member of Parliament (MP) losing his/her seat should he/she join 1 GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN MALAWI any organisation whose objectives were deemed to be political in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • MALAWI Government Releases Many Political Prisoners Jack Mapanje
    April 24, 1991 MALAWI Government releases many political prisoners Jack Mapanje and others still held Africa Watch welcomes the release of 87 political prisoners in Malawi, including some 25 held under presidential detention orders. The releases represent a significant step by the government towards complying with Malawi's legal obligations under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights, which it ratified a year ago. However, in other respects Malawi's performance still falls far short of the standards required by the Charter. In particular Africa Watch remains concerned about the fate of about 19 prisoners still detained without charge at Mikuyu prison, who include the internationally-renowned poet Jack Mapanje. The release of political prisoners began at the beginning of January, when George Mtafu, Margaret Marango Banda, Blaise Machila and William Masiku were set free: George Mtafu, who had been held without charge at Chichiri Prison, is Malawi's only neurosurgeon. He was arrested in February 1989 because he had criticized discrimination against civil servants who originated from Malawi's northern region, in particular the forcible redeployment of school teachers to their district of origin. Margaret Marango Banda, a former announcer with the Malawi Broadcasting Corporation, was an official of the Chitukuko Cha Amai mu Malawi (CCAM), the national women's organization. She is believed to have criticized corruption in the CCAM, which is headed by Cecilia Tamanda Kadzamira, the country's "Official Hostess." She was arrested in July 1988 and held without charge at Zomba Prison. Blaise Machila used to be a lecturer in English at Chancellor College in the University of Malawi.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics, Democracy and Governance in Independent
    POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality Art of Larisa: Mask from Malawi By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME A Dissertation submitted to The University of Birmingham in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Centre of West African Studies School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law The University of Birmingham January 2011 1 POLITICS, DEMOCRACY AND GOVERNANCE IN INDEPENDENT MALAWI: The dichotomy between promises and reality MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY Dissertation By WEBSTER SIAME KAMEME 2 Table of Contents Table of Contents ……………………………………………………….. 3-6 Acronyms ……………………………………………………………….. 7 Dedication ……………………………………………………………….. 8 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………….. 8 Abstract ……………………………………………………………….. 9 Chapter 1: Introductory ……………………………………………….. 10 1.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 10 1.1 Background information ……………………………………….. 11 1.2 Objectives and Scope of Research ……………………….. 15 1.3 Conclusion ……………………………………………………….. 16 Chapter 2: Review of Literature ……………………………………….. 17 2.0 Introduction ……………………………………………………….. 17 2.1 The Politics of Democracy in Contemporary Malawi ……….. 17 2.2 Parliamentary Politics and Accountability ……………….. 19 2.2.1 Legitimisation ……………………………………….. 19 2.2.2 Political Accountability ……………………………….. 20 2.2.3 Abuse of Political Power ……………………………….. 21 2.3 Parliamentary Democracy ……………………………………….. 22 2.3.1 The will of the people ……………………………….. 23 2.3.2 Authority of Government ……………………………….. 24 2.4 Critical issues of governance in Malawi Parliament ……….. 25 2.4.1 Accountability of Parliament and its Members ……….. 27 2.4.2 The importance of transparency ……………………….. 29 2.4.3 Parliament and the rule of law ……………………….. 30 2.4.4 Participatory Democracy ……………………………….. 31 2.4.5 Consensus ……………………………………………….. 33 2.4.6 A responsive Parliament ……………………………….. 34 2.5 The dichotomy between regime and state ……………….
    [Show full text]
  • Prison Reform in Africa: Recent Trends
    PRISON REFORM IN AFRICA: RECENT TRENDS Makubetse Sekhonyane Vineyard hotel 16 March 2005 Africa- Prison Population Rates per 100 000 Burkina Faso 23 Comoros 30 Gambia 32 Nigeria 33 Madagascar 130 Reunion 143 Lesotho 143 Countries Zimbabwe 160 Namibia 267 Swaziland 324 Botswana 327 South Africa 402 0 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 400 450 Rates Common trends ♦Overcrowding ♦Poor facilities ♦Lack of resources ♦Health/Communicable diseases ♦ Adverse socio-economic circumstances Overcrowding • Results from old and colonial laws • Rogue and vagabond (Malawi) • Defilement (Uganda) • Loitering (Kenya) • Repressive laws • Posa (Zimbabwe) • Police performance • Locking up the usual suspects (Crackdown, defilement etc) • Discord in the Criminal Justice System • Punitive societies Poor facilities ♦ Old and dilapidated buildings Lesotho prisons ‘worse than pigsties’ - SABC news November 25, 2004 Nigerian prisons are horrible, This Day, Lagos, February 1, 2005 ♦ Not enough money is allocated to facilities ♦ Inappropriate design (reflect a punitive colonial paradigm) ♦ Poor ventilation and light (Breeding ground for communicable diseases) Lack resources ♦ Not enough cell accommodation • Danger of sexual violence • Potential for spread of communicable skin diseases • Facilitate gang formation ♦ Inadequate staff • Shortened inmate exercise or time outside • Increased security risk for staff and inmates • Shortened meal periods ♦ Food shortage ♦ Clothes shortage for both personnel and inmates Health/Communicable diseases ♦ Insufficient qualified medical personnel
    [Show full text]
  • At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi
    At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi The Final Report of the 1999 ARTICLE 19 Malawi Election Media Monitoring Project March 2000 At the Crossroads Freedom of Expression in Malawi The Final Report of the 1999 ARTICLE 19 Malawi Election Media Monitoring Project ARTICLE 19 International Centre Against Censorship March 2000 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 1-902598-18-0 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was written by Dr Diana Cammack, Project Coordinator of the Malawi Media Monitoring Project. The project ran between February and June 1999 and was managed by Robert Jamieson. This report was edited by Richard Carver, Senior Consultant to ARTICLE 19. The report was copy-edited and designed by Liz Schofield, with assistance from Rotimi Sankore. ARTICLE 19 is grateful to those organizations that provided financial support for the monitoring project and the publication of this report: the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa, the European Commission, the Malawi / German Programme for Democracy and Decentralisation (MGPDD/GTZ) and the Inter-ministerial Committee for Human Rights and Democracy (GOM/UNDP). ii At the Crossroads: Freedom of Expression in Malawi 1 MEDIA FREEDOM IN THE NEW MALAWI “The UDF have had no censorship anywhere; it is a real friend of the press”. Sam Mpasu, Minister of Information, 1999 Until the end of the single-party era in 1994 Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda and his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) maintained control partly by imposing on the nation and its people a culture of silence.1 People were afraid to speak against the government and censored themselves in word and deed.
    [Show full text]
  • 16Th Annual Activity Report by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union
    SIXTEENTH ANNUAL ACTIVITY REPORT OF THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES’ RIGHTS 2002 - 2003 I. ORGANISATION OF WORK A. Period covered by the Report 1. The Fifteenth Annual Activity Report was adopted by the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity meeting in July 2002 in Durban, South Africa. The Sixteenth Annual Activity Report covers the 32nd and 33rd Ordinary Sessions of the African Commission respectively held from 17th to 23rd October 2002 in Banjul, The Gambia and from 15th to 29th May 2003 in Niamey, Niger. B. Status of ratification 2. All Member States of the African Union are parties to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. C. Sessions and Agenda 3. Since the adoption of the Fifteenth Annual Activity Report in July 2002, the African Commission has held two Ordinary Sessions. The agenda for each of the sessions is contained in Annex I to this report. D. Composition and participation 4. The following Members of the Commission participated in the deliberations of the 32nd Ordinary Session -: - Commissioner Kamel Rezag-Bara Chairperson - Commissioner Jainaba Johm Vice Chairperson - Commissioner A. Badawi El Sheikh - Commissioner Andrew R. Chigovera - Commissioner Yasser Sid Ahmed El-Hassan - Commissioner Angela Melo - Commissioner Hatem Ben Salem - Commissioner Salimata Sawadogo The 32nd Ordinary Session took place over a period of 7 days rather than the normal 15 days. As such, the following Members of the African Commission who had intended to attend the Session in the 2nd week were unable to attend the 32nd Ordinary Session as they had prior engagements to attend to in the first week of the Session.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER = MALAWI the 25 Years of Life
    @CHAPTER = MALAWI The 25 years of Life-President Hastings Kamuzu Banda's rule in Malawi have been synonymous with torture, extrajudicial killings, detentions without trial and severely circumscribed civil and political liberties. Despite the gross abuses under Banda's rule, the United States has remained an important ally and has failed to make human rights an integral part of U.S. policy toward Malawi. Under the Reagan administration's policy of "constructive engagement" with South Africa, Malawi's close ties to the South African government ensured it uncritical U.S. support. (Malawi is the only southern African nation with full diplomatic relations with South Africa.) The policy of "constructive engagement," which opposed the isolation of South Africa by the international community and sought a pragmatic approach to South Africa by the southern African nations, has undergone some welcome changes under the Bush administration. The changes, which include an acknowledgement of the positive impact of sanctions, provide an opportunity for a reassessment of U.S. policy toward Malawi. A reassessment is crucial to prevent U.S. identification with the abuses of the Banda regime. An important place to begin would be the State Department's country reports on human rights practices in Malawi for 1989. The 1988 report was fairly accurate as far as it went -- describing, for example, human rights in Malawi as "widely circumscribed" -- but it failed to identify the central issue of ethnic discrimination behind the abuses. The U.S. should also begin to protest abuses. In 1989, Banda waged a campaign against alleged opponents, with special emphasis on those from northern Malawi.
    [Show full text]
  • General Assembly Distr
    UNITED NATIONS A General Assembly Distr. GENERAL A/51/178 27 June 1996 ENGLISH ORIGINAL: ARABIC/ENGLISH/ FRENCH/RUSSIAN/ SPANISH Fifty-first session Item 17 (a) of the preliminary list* ELECTIONS TO FILL VACANCIES IN SUBSIDIARY ORGANS AND OTHER ELECTIONS ELECTION OF THE MEMBERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL LAW COMMISSION Note by the Secretary-General 1. In a note verbale of 1 November 1995 to the Permanent Representatives of States Members of the United Nations, the Secretary-General invited nomination by Governments of candidates for election to the International Law Commission for the next five-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1997 and any statements of qualifications of candidates that the nominating Governments might wish to submit. 2. The names of the candidates nominated for election to the Commission are set out in document A/51/177. 3. The statements of qualifications of the candidates submitted by the nominating Governments are annexed hereto. * A/51/50. 96-16139 (E) 250796 200996 /... A/51/178 English Page 2 *9616139* ANNEX Statements of qualifications of candidates ADDO, Emmanuel Akwei (Ghana) [Original: English] Born 10 September 1943. Married with three children. Education: Accra Academy, Accra, 1958-1962. Mfantsipim School, Cape Coast, 1962-1964. University of Ghana, Legon, 1965-1969. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, United Kingdom, 1977-1978. International Development Law Institute, Rome, November-December 1986. International Law Institute, Washington, D.C., U.S.A., 6-31 March 1989. Academic and professional record: LL.B. (Hons.) (Ghana), 1968. Practical Certificate in Law, 1969 Called to the Bar, October 1969. Solicitor and Advocate, Superior Court of Judicature, Ghana, October 1969.
    [Show full text]
  • Regulations for the Vera Chirwa Award
    CENTRE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, UNIVERSITY OF PRETORIA VERA CHIRWA HUMAN RIGHTS AWARD REGULATIONS 1. Introduction Vera Mlangazua Chirwa is a Malawian-born lawyer and human and civil rights activist. She fought for multiparty democratic rule in Malawi and was charged with treason, tried and sentenced to death by the authoritarian regime of Hastings Kamuzu Banda. She spent 12 years on death row with her husband Orton Chirwa, a lawyer and once Malawian Minister of Justice and Attorney General. The Chirwas’ execution date was set for 9 June 1983, but international pressure saved their lives. While in detention, they were tortured, often kept in leg irons, received inadequate food and were denied proper medical attention which led to the death of Vera Chirwa’s husband Orton. Vera Chirwa was eventually released in 1993 and a new constitution was adopted, which allowed for multiparty democracy. Vera Chirwa established herself as a leading voice for human rights in Malawi and started an NGO. She became a member of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights in 1999 and served as the Commission’s Special Rapporteur on Prisons and Conditions of Detention in Africa. She retired from the Commission in 2005 but remains a human rights champion in her home country, across the continent and the globe. On the occasion of the Centre for Human Rights being awarded the UNESCO Prize for Human Rights Education (current UNESCO Bilbao Prize for the Promotion of a Culture of Human Rights), the Vera Chirwa Human Rights Award was instituted in 2006 in recognition of her personal sacrifice and contribution to the protection and promotion of human rights in Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender and Ethnicity in Banda's Malawi Abstract
    Gender and Ethnicity in Banda’s Malawi Edwin S. Segal Professor Emeritus Department of Anthropology University of Louisville Abstract During his thirty year reign in Malawi Kamuzu Banda built a state mythology and ideology of development based on constructions of gender and ethnicity that promised no future and little economic change for the majority of the population. The social structures that were established created patterns and processes that continue, a decade after Banda's death, to organize social and cultural life. Page 1 of 29 malawi paper final.doc Gender and Ethnicity in Banda Malawi1 Malawi’s first republic came to an end in 1992-94 with the peaceful, electorally based deposition of Kamuzu Banda as president. Banda lived long enough to see his title, “President for Life,” fade into irrelevancy. My contention here is that the sociocultural structures established in Banda’s 30 year reign brought patterns and processes into being that continue, at least in part, to organize social and cultural life a decade after his death. I also contend, though I do not explore it in this paper, that understanding a relatively non-urban, non- industrialized state such as Malawi leads inevitably to an insight into the more generalized post colonial situation of many Africa nations. In order to be able to grasp the realities of contemporary Malawi it is necessary to subject Banda’s Malawi to some scrutiny. Two major foci of Banda’s regime and its policies were gender and ethnicity, seen as crucial elements to control in order to create and accelerate economic development.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of an African Clergy in the Anglican Church in Malawi with Special Focus on the Election of Bishops 1898-1996
    Appendix to The Making of an African Clergy in the Anglican Church in Malawi with special focus on the Election of Bishops 1898-1996 by Henry Mbaya Interviews 1 Interviewee: Father David D. Banda Retired priest Liwaladzi, Nkhotakota Interviewer: Henry Mbaya 30th January 1996, Age: 72 HM: Father, it has been a long time since we last saw one another, probably five years have lapsed. I come here to ask you if you can help me to try to know what actually was happening with the training of the African leadership in our church in the years gone by. I am particularly interested in the training of the African clergy under the missionaries. With your experience am sure you will be able to share some of what you know with me as a student of the University of Natal. DB: I will try where I can for I have been outside active ministry for a long time now. HM: What were most important areas that the missionaries stressed in the training of the Africans as clergy? DB: Emphasis was on the esteem of the priesthood as "kingship". The position and status of a priest was approximated to that of a local chief. A priest was a teacher, leader and judge of cases in his local society. He was a teacher of morals. He was on the same par as a local chief to some extent even greater. In some cases this would provoke rivalry between the two. For example Fr. Leonard Kamungu was poisoned by the chief. Another important emphasis was on family leadership with strong emphasis on moral leadership and strength of character one displayed in his family with respect to discipline vis-a-vis children.
    [Show full text]
  • HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA and the MARGINALIZATION of WOMEN in MALAWI, 1964-1994 by Patrick Enso
    ABSTRACT THE INVENTED TRADITION: HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA AND THE MARGINALIZATION OF WOMEN IN MALAWI, 1964-1994 by Patrick Enson Mwanjawala This study examines how President Banda controlled women of Malawi and manipulated their powers to create and sustain one man’s political institution, which lasted for 30 years. Banda invented a tradition that exploited women’s power to build and maintain an image of himself as a heroic figure. The study addresses the following questions: What defined Banda’s invented tradition? How did Banda invent a tradition? How did the invented tradition minimize women’s political power? The data from the Malawi National Archives, Indiana University archives and the Pro-Quest newspapers display that: President Banda adopted kingship style of leadership from pre-colonial Africa. He also adopted the Scottish church leadership, which referred to the biblical principles of the Old Testament in addressing the question of female rule. Banda invented Malawi’s tradition by combining the two leadership systems. These two systems inserted male dominance in the tradition of Banda, which later facilitated the marginalization of women’s power politically, socially, and economically. For 30 years of his reign, women became worshipers and supporters of Banda and very few male politicians. They danced and praised Banda merely for his presence until the 1990s. Women in 1992, however, challenged the very same image they supported for years. THE INVENTED TRADITION: HASTINGS KAMUZU BANDA AND THE MARGINALIZATION OF WOMEN IN POLITICS, 1964-1994 Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Patrick Enson Mwanjawala Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2020 Advisor: Dr.
    [Show full text]