DOCSLIB.ORG

State of Democracy MALAWI

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
State of Democracy MALAWI This study was compiled as a working document in 2000 as part of International IDEA’s work on State of Democracy and Democracy Assessments. © International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2000 International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Applications for permission to reproduce or translate all or any part of this publication should be made to: International IDEA SE -103 34 Stockholm Sweden www.idea.int International IDEA encourages dissemination of its work and will promptly respond to requests for permission to reproduce or translate its publications. DEMOCRACY REPORT FOR MALAWI Dr. Wiseman Chirwa Dr. Nandini Patel Dr. Fidelis Kanyongolo 1 INTRODUCTION Before colonization, the territory which is now Malawi was occupied by a wide range of social groups, each with its own arrangements for determining rights, regulating the accountability of those in power and a measure of popular participation. Yet these pre-colonial systems overlooked such social anomalies as prejudice against sections of the community such as women. Nor was there a compelling reason for equality before the law, judicial independence, secure human rights, regular elections, encouraging popular participation in governance or otherwise facilitating civil society. Hence, democratic elements were undoubtedly present in precolonial Malawian society but were outweighed by more undemocratic features. Colonial rule brought no fundamental improvement in the state of democracy, introducing undemocratic features of its own. The colonial constitutional arrangement was predicated on racial discrimination. Black 'natives' did not enjoy equality before the law or protection of their human rights. Despite being the overwhelming majority, they could not participate in choosing the government, and their few civil society organisations had limited influence on governance. Government was accountable to the British Colonial Office and not to the natives it governed. The elections of 1961 marked a watershed in Malawi or Nyasaland as it was known. The franchise was based on equality: all people voted, including the black majority. Other elements of democracy such as the guarantee of human rights and civil society remained undeveloped till Independence in 1964 and the adoption of the Independence Constitution. The new Constitution built on the achievements of 1961 to ensure a range of human rights, judicial independence and regular elections, and severed the symbolic colonial link of retaining the British monarch as head of state. These achievements were reversed in two years when Malawi became a republic. The 1966 Republican Constitution did not guarantee human rights, institutionalising instead one of Southern Africa's most undemocratic regimes under a Life Presidency. Sweeping powers enabled the appointment of an unlimited number of Members of Parliament, and establishment of a one-party state and a traditional court system with no independence. In practice, human rights were violated routinely, minorities had little legal protection, civil society and popular participation in the political process were virtually non-existent and state power was exercised by a largely unaccountable government. This system could not sustain itself indefinitely. By the early 1990s, the democratisation process gained a new lease of life. Malawian 'transition' as it has come to be known is a remarkable story of people making politics. Protests drew in students and workers, enabling the Opposition to seize the moment. Multiparty elections, a balance between legislature and executive, and judicial independence have been adopted as norms. The contribution of the urban elite stands out though some sectional disputes remained. The obverse of this heightened participation was a seeming rural indifference: older people recalled only that President Banda had led them to Independence, not his autocracy. This was reflected in under- registration of voters (3.8 million in 1994 to 4.7 million in the 1993 referendum), despite a lowering of the voting age. The popular demand for change was also regionally uneven, 2 a problem that bedevils politics to this day. But the 1999 election saw record registration and ballots cast of 5.1 and 4.8 million respectively. This sea change in visible politics was mirrored by a review of its constitutional form. In February 1994, a draft constitution was approved and adopted in May 1995. The unitary constitution is based on English common law. The President is head of state, and directly elected for a five-year term concurrently with the 193 members of the National Assembly. The President heads a cabinet, not all composed of elected legislators. The electoral process seems to be working though there are lingering questions such as constituency demarcation and vote-seat conversion, whose importance reflects other weakness, strengthening the impression that democracy has yet to acquire depth. Local government elections were eventually held on November 21, 2000, six years behind. This delay has caused political and institutional concern, including over the role of the Senate whose three-year term is concurrent and which is required to include some locally elected officials. There is a plethora of political parties, whose total claim to popular support is twice the population of Malawi and four times the electorate. Perhaps eight parties are significant entities and command a wide following. The process of democratisation appears to be as much about civil and political participation as about social and economic welfare and institutional maturation. On all these fronts there has been discernible movement. The 1990s witnessed a remarkable surge in civil society in unmistakable stages of development, but which in the end failed to act in concert with the state to pursue a socio-economic programme. The population labours heroically to make a living by scarce means; adult literacy is 57 % (42% for women), infant mortality is high, and nutritional indicators are subject to the harvest and vagaries of household income. Malawi is among the poorest and most foreign-indebted countries in the world, nine-tenths of all people making a living from low-productivity agriculture, yet has borne a protracted refugee burden from Mozambique. Less than half of GDP comes from agriculture, though the high-value segment of the sector provides 90% of exports. Industry accounts for 12% of GDP; a third is agro-based for export. In the decades since Independence, Malawi has partaken of the continent's sharp fluctuations in growth. In the manner of other subSaharan countries, it has had to reform its economy without much improvement of its meagre productive base. Acute inflation and stagnant peasant agriculture characterize the economy. Creating jobs, guaranteeing food, strengthening infrastructure for production, correcting maldistribution, and reining in prices are priority socio-economic tasks in this young democracy. 3 0.1 Preliminary Data (time-line): historical summary of main staging posts and setbacks to democratisation, with dates of events (Adopted from the APSO Country Briefing Manual, with modifications and additions) Early Years Bantu groups move into the area forcing others out 1600s & 1700s Africans’ initial contacts with Portuguese travellers 1859 David Livingstone, Scottish missionary and explorer, visits the Lake Nyasa (Malawi) region, notes the misery caused by the Arab slave traders. 1862 Universities Mission to Central Africa (Anglican) attempts to establish a mission 1875 Free Church of Scotland Livingstonia Mission arrives 1880s/1890s Colonial settler plantation economy develops in the Shire Highlands, southern part of the country 1891 British Central Africa Protectorate proclaimed Elliot Kamwana Chirwa, a Watch Tower preacher leads the first millenial (religious) protest against colonial rule 1912 The first Native Welfare Association is formed, engages the colonial government on matters of African welfare 1915 John Chilembwe uprising 1944 The Nyasaland African Congress, the first political party, is formed 1947/1949 Trade Unions are registered, marking emergence of organized labour movement 1953 Nyasaland becomes part of the Central Africa Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. (Northern Rhodesia is not Zambia; Southern Rhodesia is not Zimbabwe). - Strike by plantation workers sparks off rural protest against colonial rule and the settler plantation economy 4 1958 Dr Hastings Kamuzu Banda returns to Nyasaland to lead the Congress Party. 1959 State of Emergency declared. Dr. Banda and other political leaders are detained. - Orton Chirwa finds and leads the Malawi Congress Party, which later becomes the ruling party. 1963 Self government achieved 6 July 1964 Independence Day, Dr Banda is the Prime Minister 1966 Malawi is declared a Republic within the Commonwealth. Dr Banda is the first President 1971 Dr Banda is made life President of the Republic of Malawi 1992 Catholic Bishops issue a pastoral letter critical of government Chakufwa Chihana, a trade unionist, challenges Dr Banda, calls for a referendum and is arrested for two years. University students and urban unorganized workers stage demonstrations and strikes, sparking off popular protest against the regime The Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) and the United Democratic Front (UDF) emerge as pressure groups, later register as opposition
Load more

Recommended publications
  • MALAWI COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    MALAWI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 31 OCTOBER 2012 MALAWI 31 OCTOBER 2012 Contents Preface Useful news sources for further information Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.05 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01 Local government elections ................................................................................ 3.05 Foreign donor aid to Malawi suspended ............................................................ 3.07 Anti-government protests: July 2011 ................................................................. 3.10 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 2012) ......................................... 4.01 5. CONSTITUTION .......................................................................................................... 5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01 Human Rights 7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01 8. SECURITY FORCES ...................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi's 2014
    Domestic Election Observers and Electoral Fraud in Malawi’s 2014 Elections George Ofosu Daniel N. Posner University of California, Los Angeles University of California, Los Angeles This version: 31 December 2015 We thank Omer Ali, Sarah Brierley, Chad Hazlett, and Mike Thies for their comments and suggestions on an earlier version of the paper. We gratefully acknowledge the collaboration of the Malawi Electoral Support Network (MESN) and the National Democratic Institute, especially MESN board director Steve Duwa. We also thank the Innovation for Poverty Action (IPA)—Malawi office for their support in the recruitment, training, and deployment of research assistants, and our 200 RAs for their help in data collection. We thank Kim Yi Dionne and Boniface Dulani for their support during our fieldwork. Pericles Kalande and Sammar Smesme provided research assistance. This research was made possible with support from the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the sole responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government, or the Democracy Fellows and Grants Program implementer, Institute of International Education (IIE). The research was approved by the UCLA IRB (#14-000553) on May 13, 2014. Abstract We present findings from a field experiment that estimates the causal effect of domestic election observers on election day malfeasance and downstream aggregation fraud in Malawi’s 2014 general elections. Our analyses leverage the random assignment of election observers to 1,049 polling stations located in a nationally representative sample of 90 constituencies. Since these polling stations already had observers assigned by other domestic monitoring organizations, our results speak to the marginal impact on electoral fraud of having an additional observer.
    [Show full text]
  • Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 8 | Issue 2 Article 1 Spring 2010 Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Edwin Odhiambo Abuya, Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections?, 8 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 122 (2010). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol8/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2010 by Northwestern University School of Law Volume 8, Issue 2 (Spring 2010) Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Can African States Conduct Free and Fair Presidential Elections? Edwin Odhiambo Abuya* Asiyekubali kushindwa si msihindani.1 I. INTRODUCTION ¶1 Can African States hold free and fair elections? To put it another way, is it possible to conduct presidential elections in Africa that meet internationally recognized standards? These questions can be answered in the affirmative. However, in order to safeguard voting rights, specific reforms must be adopted and implemented on the ground. In keeping with international legal standards on democracy,2 the constitutions of many African states recognize the right to vote.3 This right is reflected in the fact that these states hold regular elections. The right to vote is fundamental in any democratic state, but an entitlement does not guarantee that right simply by providing for elections.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights and Constitution Making Human Rights and Constitution Making
    HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING New York and Geneva, 2018 II HUMAN RIGHTS AND CONSTITUTION MAKING Requests to reproduce excerpts or to photocopy should be addressed to the Copyright Clearance Center at copyright.com. All other queries on rights and licenses, including subsidiary rights, should be addressed to: United Nations Publications, 300 East 42nd St, New York, NY 10017, United States of America. E-mail: [email protected]; website: un.org/publications United Nations publication issued by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Photo credit: © Ververidis Vasilis / Shutterstock.com The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a figure indicates a reference to a United Nations document. HR/PUB/17/5 © 2018 United Nations All worldwide rights reserved Sales no.: E.17.XIV.4 ISBN: 978-92-1-154221-9 eISBN: 978-92-1-362251-3 CONTENTS III CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 1 I. CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS AND HUMAN RIGHTS ......................... 2 A. Why a rights-based approach to constitutional reform? .................... 3 1. Framing the issue .......................................................................3 2. The constitutional State ................................................................6 3. Functions of the constitution in the contemporary world ...................7 4. The constitution and democratic governance ..................................8 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Deliberation As an Epistemic Endeavor: Umunthu and Social Change In
    Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya December 2012 © 2012 Fletcher O. M. Ziwoya All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology by FLETCHER O. M. ZIWOYA has been approved for the School of Communication Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Claudia L. Hale Professor of Communication Studies Scott Titsworth Interim Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii ABSTRACT ZIWOYA, FLETCHER O. M., Ph.D. December 2012, Communication Studies Deliberation as an Epistemic Endeavor: UMunthu and Social Change in Malawi’s Political Ecology Director of Dissertation: Claudia Hale This dissertation examines the epistemic role of democratic processes in Malawi. In this study, I challenge the view that Malawi’s Local Government model of public participation is representative and open to all forms of knowledge production. Through a case study analysis of the political economy of knowledge production of selected District Councils in Malawi, I argue that the consultative approach adopted by the Councils is flawed. The Habermasian approach adopted by the Councils assumes that development processes should be free, fair, and accommodative of open forms of deliberation, consultation, and dissent. The Habermasian ideals stipulate that no single form of reasoning or knowledge dominates others. By advocating for “the power of the better argument” Habermas (1984, 1998a, 1998b, 2001) provided room for adversarial debate which is not encouraged in the Malawi local governance system.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 Making, Unmaking and Remaking Political Party Coalitions
    POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI 111 4 MAKING, UNMAKING AND REMAKING POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI Explaining the Prevalence of Office-Seeking Behaviour DENIS KADIMA AND SAMSON LEMBANI INTRODUCTION The contemporary history of political alliances in Malawi dates back to the early 1990s when Malawian political and social groupings joined forces and succeeded in voting out the 30-year-old one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda in 1994. While a recent unpublished study by Lars Svåsand, Nixon Khembo and Lise Rakner (2004) gives an account of the reconfiguration of Malawi’s party system after the 2004 general elections, there is no chronological and comprehensive account of the main coalitions of political parties in the country, their accomplishments and setbacks and the lessons that can be drawn from their experience. This explains the need for this study as well as the unique contribution that it makes to the field of party coalition politics. The study deals only with alliances made up of political parties. For this reason, the pre-1994 election alliance of various political pressure groups, faith-based organisations and non-governmental organisations, which worked towards the effective introduction of a democratic multiparty system, is not given significant attention. The study devotes equal attention to the history of both governing and opposition coalitions in Malawi. Specifically, it examines the short-lived coalition between the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) after the 1994 general elections; the 1995 alliance between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and AFORD; the alliance forged between the MCP and AFORD prior to the 1999 general elections; the UDF- AFORD-NCD Coalition preceding the 2004 general elections and the 111 112 THE POLITICS OF PARTY COALITIONS IN AFRICA Mgwirizano coalition of 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • Mauritius's Constitution of 1968 with Amendments Through 2016
    PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:39 constituteproject.org Mauritius's Constitution of 1968 with Amendments through 2016 This complete constitution has been generated from excerpts of texts from the repository of the Comparative Constitutions Project, and distributed on constituteproject.org. constituteproject.org PDF generated: 26 Aug 2021, 16:39 Table of contents CHAPTER I: THE STATE AND THE CONSTITUTION . 7 1. The State . 7 2. Constitution is supreme law . 7 CHAPTER II: PROTECTION OF FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS OF THE INDIVIDUAL . 7 3. Fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual . 7 4. Protection of right to life . 7 5. Protection of right to personal liberty . 8 6. Protection from slavery and forced labour . 10 7. Protection from inhuman treatment . 11 8. Protection from deprivation of property . 11 9. Protection for privacy of home and other property . 14 10. Provisions to secure protection of law . 15 11. Protection of freedom of conscience . 17 12. Protection of freedom of expression . 17 13. Protection of freedom of assembly and association . 18 14. Protection of freedom to establish schools . 18 15. Protection of freedom of movement . 19 16. Protection from discrimination . 20 17. Enforcement of protective provisions . 21 17A. Payment or retiring allowances to Members . 22 18. Derogations from fundamental rights and freedoms under emergency powers . 22 19. Interpretation and savings . 23 CHAPTER III: CITIZENSHIP . 25 20. Persons who became citizens on 12 March 1968 . 25 21. Persons entitled to be registered as citizens . 25 22. Persons born in Mauritius after 11 March 1968 . 26 23. Persons born outside Mauritius after 11 March 1968 .
    [Show full text]
  • Colonialism and Economic Development in Africa
    NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES COLONIALISM AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA Leander Heldring James A. Robinson Working Paper 18566 http://www.nber.org/papers/w18566 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 November 2012 We are grateful to Jan Vansina for his suggestions and advice. We have also benefitted greatly from many discussions with Daron Acemoglu, Robert Bates, Philip Osafo-Kwaako, Jon Weigel and Neil Parsons on the topic of this research. Finally, we thank Johannes Fedderke, Ewout Frankema and Pim de Zwart for generously providing us with their data. The views expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer- reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2012 by Leander Heldring and James A. Robinson. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Colonialism and Economic Development in Africa Leander Heldring and James A. Robinson NBER Working Paper No. 18566 November 2012 JEL No. N37,N47,O55 ABSTRACT In this paper we evaluate the impact of colonialism on development in Sub-Saharan Africa. In the world context, colonialism had very heterogeneous effects, operating through many mechanisms, sometimes encouraging development sometimes retarding it. In the African case, however, this heterogeneity is muted, making an assessment of the average effect more interesting.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Trajectories in Africa: Unravelling the Impact of Foreign Aid 3
    number 7, 2013 Overview When, why and how has foreign aid Democratic Trajectories in facilitated, or hindered, democracy in recipient countries? Focusing on sub- Saharan Africa, this policy brief examines Africa: Unravelling the Impact the impact of foreign aid on supporting transitions from one-party to multi- of Foreign Aid party regimes, preventing democratic breakdown and the erosion of civil liberties, enhancing vertical and horizon- ver the last decade, sub-saharan africa has tal accountability, and enabling competi- experienced impressive economic growth and witnessed the emergence of a tive political party systems. Particular O nascent middle class. Nevertheless, for a number of African governments, foreign attention is given to the trade-offs and aid continues to represent a vital source of finance to provide public goods and complementarities between different services. While aid certainly plays a role in shaping development outcomes in types of foreign aid, namely democracy Africa, this policy brief focuses on its impact on general political governance and assistance and economic development aid. Select policy recommendations are specifically democracy. As highlighted in a declaration at the conclusion of the offered to improve aid effectiveness at 2011 Fourth High-Level Forum of Aid Effectiveness, “promoting human rights, bolstering democratic trajectories democracy, and good governance” are viewed as integral to the efforts of the inter- 1 within the region. national donor community. The relationship between aid and democracy is especially relevant in Africa due to the region’s still high level of aid dependence and its relatively short experi- Written by Danielle Resnick ence with democracy. Official development assistance (ODA) to all of Africa as a © United Nations University, 2013 share of gross national income (GNI) has declined from 6.2 to 4.9 per cent over ISBN 978-92-808-3109-2 the period from 1990 to 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • Government & Politics Corr
    1 CONCEPTUAL AND CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND Augustine Titani Magolowondo INTRODUCTION This book is about Government and politics in Malawi. The diversity of issues that are discussed in the subsequent chapters bears testimony to the complexity of this subject matter. The aim of this first chapter is twofold. First, as you may have probably experienced in our daily discourse, the terms Government and politics are often confused with other key terms such as state and nation. As a starting point, this chapter clarifies these related concepts, which are inherently connected but yet conceptually distinct. Second, the discussion in this chapter aims at providing the context within which politics and Government in Malawi operate. In this regard, I look at both the political history and key socio-economic characteristics of Malawi. Finally, I discuss challenges facing Malawi’s politics and Government today. WHAT IS POLITICS? The concept of politics is as old as Government itself. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher (384–322 BC) argued that ‘man is by nature a political animal’. What was meant is that politics is not only inevitable but also essential to human activity. In other words, wherever there are human beings, politics is unavoidable. However, much as Aristotle’s maxim has become almost indisputable among the students of politics, there is no consensus on what exactly is to be understood by politics. To appreciate the conceptual complexity of politics, let us consider for instance the 2000 constitutional amendment to Section 65 of the Malawi Constitution (popularly called the ‘crossing of the floor’ provision). This amendment was to result in any member of Parliament (MP) losing his/her seat should he/she join 1 GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN MALAWI any organisation whose objectives were deemed to be political in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • Transition from a Personal Dictatorship in Malawi
    The Transition from a Personal Dictatorship: Democratization and the Legacy of the Past in Malawi Please do not cite this pre-final version The final version was published as a book chapter in: Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o, ed . The African Search for Stable Forms of Statehood: Essays in Political Criticism Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2008, pp. 187-227. Stephen Brown Associate Professor School of Political Studies University of Ottawa [email protected] In the early 1990s, numerous African dictatorships relatively rapidly and rather unexpectedly liberalized politically. The degrees to which they democratized—and speed at which they did so—varied greatly. The new forms of governance also differed significantly from country to country, as do their prospects. To a certain extent, the variations can be ascribed to decisions of key players at specific moments in time, often in bargaining with other actors. Analyses of transitions based primarily on such voluntaristic factors, such as O’Donnell and Schmitter (1986), tend to minimize the effects of the past. Others, such as Bratton and van de Walle (1994), see clear patterns in how certain types of neopatrimonial regimes in Africa democratize, placing greater emphasis on institutional history. This chapter examines the democratization process in Malawi, using Bratton and van de Walle’s finding as a framework to analyze Malawi’s post- authoritarian governance and prospects for further democratization. Personal Dictatorship as Analytical Category Hastings Kamuzu Banda rule Malawi from independence in 1964 until 1994 through a highly arbitrary and personalized system. “Life President” Banda was the supreme authority; his word had the force of law and was ruthlessly enforced.
    [Show full text]
  • Migrated Archives): Ceylon
    Colonial administration records (migrated archives): Ceylon Following earlier settlements by the Dutch and Despatches and registers of despatches sent to, and received from, the Colonial Portuguese, the British colony of Ceylon was Secretary established in 1802 but it was not until the annexation of the Kingdom of Kandy in 1815 that FCO 141/2180-2186, 2192-2245, 2248-2249, 2260, 2264-2273: the entire island came under British control. In Open, confidential and secret despatches covering a variety of topics including the acts and ordinances, 1948, Ceylon became a self-governing state and a the economy, agriculture and produce, lands and buildings, imports and exports, civil aviation, railways, member of the British Commonwealth, and in 1972 banks and prisons. Despatches regarding civil servants include memorials, pensions, recruitment, dismissals it became the independent republic under the name and suggestions for New Year’s honours. 1872-1948, with gaps. The years 1897-1903 and 1906 have been of Sri Lanka. release in previous tranches. Below is a selection of files grouped according to Telegrams and registers of telegrams sent to and received from the Colonial Secretary theme to assist research. This list should be used in conjunction with the full catalogue list as not all are FCO 141/2187-2191, 2246-2247, 2250-2263, 2274-2275 : included here. The files cover the period between Open, confidential and secret telegrams on topics such as imports and exports, defence costs and 1872 and 1948 and include a substantial number of regulations, taxation and the economy, the armed forces, railways, prisons and civil servants 1899-1948.
    [Show full text]