Niger Conflict Insights April 2021
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S/2019/868 Security Council
United Nations S/2019/868 Security Council Distr.: General 11 November 2019 Original: English Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel Report of the Secretary-General I. Introduction 1. The present report is submitted pursuant to Security Council resolution 2391 (2017), in which the Council requested me, in close coordination with the States members of the Group of Five for the Sahel (G5 Sahel) (Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and the Niger) and the African Union, to report on the activities of the Joint Force of the Group of Five for the Sahel. It provides an update since my report of 6 May 2019 (S/2019/371) on progress made in the operationalization of the Joint Force, international support for the Force, the implementation of the technical agreement signed between the United Nations, the European Union and G5 Sahel States in February 2018, challenges encountered by the Force and the implementation by the G5 Sahel States of a human rights and international humanitarian law compliance framework. 2. The period under review was marked by low-intensity activity by the Joint Force due to the rainy season, which hampered the movements of the Force, and the impact of persistent equipment and training shortfalls on its operations. In accordance with resolution 2391 (2017), international partners continued to mobilize in support of the G5 Sahel. The attack of 30 September on the Force’s base in Boulikessi, Mopti region, central Mali, inflicted heavy casualties. The terrorist group Jama'a Nusrat ul-Islam wa al-Muslimin (JNIM) claimed responsibility for the attack. -
Narrative and Meaning of Sawaba's Rebellion in Niger
Sawaba's rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning Walraven, K. van; Abbink, G.J.; Bruijn, M.E. de Citation Walraven, K. van. (2003). Sawaba's rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning. In G. J. Abbink & M. E. de Bruijn (Eds.), African dynamics (pp. 218-252). Leiden: Brill. Retrieved from https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12903 Version: Not Applicable (or Unknown) License: Leiden University Non-exclusive license Downloaded from: https://hdl.handle.net/1887/12903 Note: To cite this publication please use the final published version (if applicable). 9 Sawaba’s rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): Narrative and meaning Klaas van Walraven One of the least-studied revolts in post-colonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the life of President Diori in the spring of 1965. Personal aspirations for higher education, access to jobs and social advancement, probably constituted the driving force of Sawaba’s rank and file. Lured by the party leader, Djibo Bakary, with promises of scholarships abroad, they went to the far corners of the world, for what turned out to be guerrilla training. The leadership’s motivations were grounded in a personal desire for political power, justified by a cocktail of militant nationalism, Marxism-Leninism and Maoist beliefs. Sawaba, however, failed to grasp the weakness of its domestic support base. The mystifying dimensions of revolutionary ideologies may have encouraged Djibo to ignore the facts on the ground and order his foot soldiers to march to their deaths. -
Elections in Niger: Casting Ballots Or Casting Doubts?
Elections in Niger: casting ballots or casting doubts? Given its centrality to the Sahel region, the international community needs Niger to remain a bulwark of stability. While recent data collected throughout the country shows an increase in motivation to participate in this month's election, doubts about the electoral process and concerns for longstanding development issues mar the enthusiasm. Birnin Gaouré, Dosso, December 2020 By Johannes Claes and Rida Lyammouri with Navanti staff Published in collaboration with Niger could see its first democratic transition since independence as the country heads to the polls for the presidential election on 27 December.1 Current President Mahamadou Issoufou has indicated he will respect his constitutionally mandated two-term limit of 10 years, passing the flag to his protégé, Mohamed Bazoum. Political instability looms, however, as Issoufou and Bazoum’s Nigerien Party for Democracy and Socialism (PNDS) and a coalition of opposition parties fail to agree on the rules of the game. Political inclusion and enhanced trust in the institutions governing Niger’s electoral process are key if the risk of political crisis is to be avoided. Niger’s central role in Western policymakers’ security and political agendas in the Sahel — coupled with its history of four successful coups in 1976, 1994, 1999, and 2010 — serve to caution Western governments that preserving stability through political inclusion should take top priority over clinging to a political candidate that best represents foreign interests.2 During a turbulent electoral year in the region, Western governments must focus on the long-term goals of stabilizing and legitimizing Niger’s political system as a means of ensuring an ally in security and migration matters — not the other way around. -
The Security– Migration–Development Nexus Bernardo Venturi 109
HE SAHEL T M THE SECURITy– IVE FRO The nexus of security, migration and development in Africa is crucial, T but certainly not only because of the flows of migrants coming to PEC MIGRATion– Europe. It is evident that development, migration, peace and securi- S ER P DEVELOPMENT ty are connected in several ways, but more light needs to be shed on A the concrete effects of their interactions. In this complex framework, : D NEXUS REVISED: the Sahel region represents an important region where the security– E migration–development nexus is particularly present and deserves S EVI A PERSPECTIVE further analysis. This research aims at re-conceptualizing this nexus R through the analysis of this linkage in the Sahel region, and in par- S FROM THE SAHEL ticular vis-à-vis three case countries: Niger, Senegal and Sudan. The EXU N publication also recasts the European Union and the United States T approaches to these dynamics and explores current and potential EN partnerships in the region. M FEPS is the progressive political foundation established at the European level. Created in 2007, it aims at establishing an intellec- tual crossroad between social democracy and the European project. ion–Develop T As a platform for ideas and dialogue, FEPS works in close collabora- tion with social democratic organizations, and in particular national foundations and think tanks across and beyond Europe, to tackle y–Migra the challenges that we are facing today. FEPS inputs fresh thinking T at the core of its action and serves as an instrument for pan-Euro- pean, intellectual political reflection. -
COUNTRY ANALYSES and PLANS Niger NIGER
COUNTRY ANALYSES AND PLANS Niger NIGER $104M of CapEx funding and $96M of annual OpEx funding will enable Niger to connect over 19,000 schools This investment will bring 3.5 million students and teachers online and bring connectivity to 7.2 million community members who live locally, potentially enabling over 525 million USD of GDP growth, a 1.8% increase. Source: Dalberg Analysis based on Giga mapping and modelling data, 2020 NIGER “The Giga initiative is a great project for us because it comes to complement the already existing efforts we had of last mile connectivity to different essential services like schools.” IBRAHIMA GUIMBA-SAÏDOU Director, ANSI & Minister | Special Advisor NIGER Mobile coverage has steadily increased over the last 5 years, further connectivity is required to achieve rural development plans In the last 5 years mobile broadband coverage has grown The Government of Niger is aiming to drive economic growth through but internet use has lagged behind digitization with universal access to connectivity Broadband coverage and internet penetration, % of Niger hopes to achieve this target through the following internet population. (ITU, 2020) connectivity and education policies: 100 • Renaissance Act II Program: The President’s 2016 reform program envisages 3G Coverage an improvement in the quality of public services by improving digital Internet users1 communication within society. This led to the creation of National Agency for 80 Information Systems (ANSI) and the strategic vision "NIGER 2.0“ Airtel became the first 4G -
Niger Country Brief: Property Rights and Land Markets
NIGER COUNTRY BRIEF: PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND MARKETS Yazon Gnoumou Land Tenure Center, University of Wisconsin–Madison with Peter C. Bloch Land Tenure Center, University of Wisconsin–Madison Under Subcontract to Development Alternatives, Inc. Financed by U.S. Agency for International Development, BASIS IQC LAG-I-00-98-0026-0 March 2003 Niger i Brief Contents Page 1. INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Purpose of the country brief 1 1.2 Contents of the document 1 2. PROFILE OF NIGER AND ITS AGRICULTURE SECTOR AND AGRARIAN STRUCTURE 2 2.1 General background of the country 2 2.2 General background of the economy and agriculture 2 2.3 Land tenure background 3 2.4 Land conflicts and resolution mechanisms 3 3. EVIDENCE OF LAND MARKETS IN NIGER 5 4. INTERVENTIONS ON PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND MARKETS 7 4.1 The colonial regime 7 4.2 The Hamani Diori regime 7 4.3 The Kountché regime 8 4.4 The Rural Code 9 4.5 Problems facing the Rural Code 10 4.6 The Land Commissions 10 5. ASSESSMENT OF INTERVENTIONS ON PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND MARKET DEVELOPMENT 11 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 13 BIBLIOGRAPHY 15 APPENDIX I. SELECTED INDICATORS 25 Niger ii Brief NIGER COUNTRY BRIEF: PROPERTY RIGHTS AND LAND MARKETS Yazon Gnoumou with Peter C. Bloch 1. INTRODUCTION 1.1 PURPOSE OF THE COUNTRY BRIEF The purpose of the country brief is to determine to which extent USAID’s programs to improve land markets and property rights have contributed to secure tenure and lower transactions costs in developing countries and countries in transition, thereby helping to achieve economic growth and sustainable development. -
Case Study One: the G-5 Sahel Background
Case Study One: The G-5 Sahel Background: G5 Sahel countries – Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger – face a plethora of complex challenges, including the growing threat of violent extremism, governance deficiencies, climate change and demographic growth. The interconnectedness of these challenges have made it imperative that countries coordinate their efforts to promote regional development and tackle cross-border insecurity. The G5 Sahel, which is an inter- governmental organization established in 2014 in Nouakchott was intended to do exactly that. So far, however, the response of the involved countries has been largely dominated by a security focus. In 2017, the G5 Sahel launched a Joint Force (Force conjointe du G5 Sahel, FC-G5S). This concept of joint military operations was not new in the Sahel. Rather, this collaboration sought to resurrect a short-lived joint Malian-Mauritanian experiment that had taken place in 2011. In Operation Benkan (Unity), the forces of both countries collaborated to dislodge militants of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) from their base in the Wagadou forest on the Malian side of their border. In 2013, the Nigerian, Malian and French armies conducted Operation Roussette on the border between Mali and Niger. After Operation Roussette, a handful of cross-border military operations were carried out in early 2014 by hundreds of troops from the five armies concerned. Each army operated on its side of the border, but had a right of hot pursuit, and was assisted by French troops who provided support in terms of planning, logistics, intelligence, air cover, and medical evacuations. After a year of coordinated military action in which the practice of coalition warfare proved promising, the necessity for the affected states to institutionalize their military consultation, planning, and operations became more pressing. -
Operation Serval. Analyzing the French Strategy Against Jihadists in Mali
ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 3rd Quarter 2015 Operation Serval Analyzing the French Strategy against Jihadists in Mali LT COL STÉPHANE SPET, FRENCH AIR FORCE* imilar to the events that occurred two years earlier in Benghazi, the crews of the four Mirage 2000Ds that took off on the evening of 11 January 2013 from Chad inbound for Kona in central Mali knew that they were about to conduct a mis- sion that needed to stop the jihadist offensive to secure Bamako, the capital of Mali, and its population. This time, they were not alone because French special forces Swere already on the battlefield, ready to bring their firepower to bear. French military forces intended to prevent jihadist fighters from creating a caliphate in Mali. They also knew that suppressing any jihadist activity there would be another challenge—a more political one intended to remove the arrows from the jihadists’ hands. By answering the call for assistance from the Malian president to prevent jihadists from raiding Bamako and creating a radical Islamist state, French president François Hollande consented to engage his country in the Sahel to fight jihadists. Within a week, Operation Serval had put together a joint force that stopped the jihadist offensive and retook the initiative. Within two months, the French-led coalition had liberated the en- tire Malian territory after destruction of jihadist strongholds in the Adrar des Ifoghas by displaying a strategy that surprised both the coalition’s enemies and its allies. On 31 July 2014, this first chapter of the war on terror in the Sahel officially closed with a victory and the attainment of all objectives at that time. -
NER N3051 4.Pdf
Hamani Diori President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of the Niger Bornbeganin his1916careerin Niger,as a teacher.Hamani InDiori1952graduatedhe becamefromthetheprincipalEcole ofNormalea schoolin inDakarNiamey.and In 1946,he founded the Niger Progressive Party (P. P. N. ), local division of the African Democratic Rally (R.D.A.). Mr. Diori served as Deputy from Niger to the French National Assembly from 1946 to 1951, and again from 1956 to 1958. He became Vice President of that Assembly on June 21, 1957 and remained in that post until December 1958. In March 1958, Mr. Diori was a member of the French Delegation to the European Parliamentary Assembly. When, on December 18, 1958, Niger chose the status of self-governing Republic and member State of the Community, Mr. Diori became President of the Provisional Government. Following adoption of the Niger's Constitution on February 25, 1959 by the Constituent Assembly, the Republic of the Niger formed its first Government and Mr. Diori was con¬ firmed as President of the Council of Ministers. (o M - H Zg TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE The Republic of the Niger 3 Highlights of History and Recent Political Evolution 6 The Land and the People 8 Social and Cultural Development 13 Education 13 Public Health 16 Social Legislation 17 The Economy 18 Cash Crops 21 Stock Raising 24 Industry 28 Transportation 29 Foreign Trade 32 rTHE REPUBLIC OF THE NIGER A Modern Democratic State In 78%the Referendumvote in favorofofSeptemberthe Constitution28, 1958,drawnthe peopleup by Generalof Niger dereturnedGaulle'sa Government, offering the Overseas Territories of the French Republic a choice between several possible statuses. -
LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER
Co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union LAW ENFORCEMENT TRAINING FOR CAPACITY BUILDING LET4CAP Law Enforcement Training for Capacity Building NIGER Downloadable Country Booklet DL. 2.5 (Ve 1.2) Dissemination level: PU Let4Cap Grant Contract no.: HOME/ 2015/ISFP/AG/LETX/8753 Start date: 01/11/2016 Duration: 33 months Dissemination Level PU: Public X PP: Restricted to other programme participants (including the Commission) RE: Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (including the Commission) Revision history Rev. Date Author Notes 1.0 20/03/2018 SSSA Overall structure and first draft 1.1 06/05/2018 SSSA Second version after internal feedback among SSSA staff 1.2 09/05/2018 SSSA Final version version before feedback from partners LET4CAP_WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable_2.5 VER1.2 WorkpackageNumber 2 Deliverable Deliverable 2.5 Downloadable country booklets VER V. 1 . 2 2 NIGER Country Information Package 3 This Country Information Package has been prepared by Eric REPETTO and Claudia KNERING, under the scientific supervision of Professor Andrea de GUTTRY and Dr. Annalisa CRETA. Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy www.santannapisa.it LET4CAP, co-funded by the Internal Security Fund of the European Union, aims to contribute to more consistent and efficient assistance in law enforcement capacity building to third countries. The Project consists in the design and provision of training interventions drawn on the experience of the partners and fine-tuned after a piloting and consolidation phase. © 2018 by LET4CAP All rights reserved. 4 Table of contents 1. Country Profile 1.1Country in Brief 1.2Modern and Contemporary History of Niger 1.3 Geography 1.4Territorial and Administrative Units 1.5 Population 1.6Ethnic Groups, Languages, Religion 1.7Health 1.8Education and Literacy 1.9Country Economy 2. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
THE POLITICS OF ELECTORAL REFORM IN FRANCOPHONE WEST AFRICA: THE BIRTH AND CHANGE OF ELECTORAL RULES IN MALI, NIGER, AND SENEGAL By MAMADOU BODIAN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Mamadou Bodian To my late father, Lansana Bodian, for always believing in me ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I want first to thank and express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Dr. Leonardo A. Villalón, who has been a great mentor and good friend. He has believed in me and prepared me to get to this place in my academic life. The pursuit of a degree in political science would not be possible without his support. I am also grateful to my committee members: Bryon Moraski, Michael Bernhard, Daniel A. Smith, Lawrence Dodd, and Fiona McLaughlin for generously offering their time, guidance and good will throughout the preparation and review of this work. This dissertation grew in the vibrant intellectual atmosphere provided by the University of Florida. The Department of Political Science and the Center for African Studies have been a friendly workplace. It would be impossible to list the debts to professors, students, friends, and colleagues who have incurred during the long development and the writing of this work. Among those to whom I am most grateful are Aida A. Hozic, Ido Oren, Badredine Arfi, Kevin Funk, Sebastian Sclofsky, Oumar Ba, Lina Benabdallah, Amanda Edgell, and Eric Lake. I am also thankful to fellow Africanists: Emily Hauser, Anna Mwaba, Chesney McOmber, Nic Knowlton, Ashley Leinweber, Steve Lichty, and Ann Wainscott. -
S/RES/2359 (2017) Security Council
United Nations S/RES/2359 (2017) Security Council Distr.: General 21 June 2017 Resolution 2359 (2017) Adopted by the Security Council at its 7979th meeting, on 21 June 2017 The Security Council, Recalling its resolutions 2295 (2016), 2253 (2015), and 2227 (2015), Recalling its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, Affirming its strong commitment to the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania and Niger, Expressing its continued concern over the transnational dimension of the terrorist threat in the Sahel region, as well as the serious challenges posed by transnational organized crime in the Sahel region, including arms and drug trafficking, the smuggling of migrants, trafficking in persons, and its increasing links, in some cases, with terrorism, and underscoring the responsibility of the countries in the region in addressing these threats and challenges, Recalling the listing of MUJAO, the Organisation of Al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, Ansar Eddine and its leader Iyad Ag Ghali, and Al Mourabitoun on the Al-Qaida sanctions list established by the 1267/1989/2253 ISIL (Da’esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions Committee, reiterating its readiness, under the above- mentioned regime, to sanction further individuals, groups, undertakings and entities who are associated with Al-Qaida and other listed entities and individuals, and taking note of the merger of AQIM, Al Mourabitoun and Ansar Eddine terrorist groups into Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin