Christoph Dieckmann, Saulius Suþiedëlis

Lietuvos þydø persekiojimas ir masinës þudynës 1941 m. vasarà ir rudená

Presecution and Mass Murder of Lithuanian during Summer and Fall of 1941

1 Christoph Dieckmann, Saulius Suþiedëlis TARPTAUTINË KOMISIJA THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION

NACIØ IR SOVIETINIO FOR THE EVALUATION Lietuvos þydø The Presecution OKUPACINIØ REÞIMØ OF THE CRIMES OF THE NAZI persekiojimas ir and Mass Murder NUSIKALTIMAMS LIETUVOJE AND SOVIET OCCUPATION masinës þudynës of ÁVERTINTI REGIMES IN 1941 m. vasarà during Summer ir rudená and Fall of 1941

SERIJA: SERIES: ÐALTINIAI IR ANALIZË SOURCES AND ANALYSIS

TOTALITARINIØ REÞIMØ THE CRIMES OF THE TOTALITARIAN

NUSIKALTIMAI LIETUVOJE REGIMES IN LITHUANIA

SOVIETØ OKUPACIJA THE SOVIET OCCUPATION

III TOMAS VOLUME III

margi raðtai 2006

2 3 UDK 947.45:933 Li-141 Lietuvos þydø persekiojimas ir masinës Ok-141 þudynës 1941 m. vasarà ir rudená: ðaltiniai ir analizë = The Persecution and Mass Murder of Lithuanian Jews during Summer and Fall Leidinys parengtas ir iðleistas of 1941: Sources and Analysis / Christoph Dieckmann, Saulius Suþiedëlis. – Vilnius: TARPTAUTINËS KOMISIJOS NACIØ Margi raðtai, 2006. – 387 p. – (Totalitariniø IR SOVIETINIO OKUPACINIØ REÞIMØ reþimø nusikaltimai Lietuvoje = The Crimes NUSIKALTIMAMS LIETUVOJE ÁVERTINTI uþsakymu of the Totalitarian Regimes in Lithuania; Naciø okupacija = The Nazi Occupation, t. The publication is prepared and 3/ Tarptautinë komisija naciø ir sovietinio published under the order of okupaciniø reþimø nusikaltimams Lietuvoje THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION FOR THE ávertinti) Gretut. tekstas liet., angl. – Bibliogr. EVALUATION OF THE CRIMES OF THE NAZI AND iðnaðose. – Vilnius: Margi raðtai, 2006. – 332 SOVIET OCCUPATION REGIMES IN LITHUANIA p.: iliustr. – (Totalitariniø reþimø nusikaltimai Leidiná recenzavo/Reviewed by Lietuvoje = The crimes of the totalitarian regimes in Lithuania; Sovietø okupacija = The dr. B ARBARA MIHOK ir prof. dr. LIUDAS TRUSKA Soviet Occupation, t. 3/ Tarptautinë komisija Á anglø kalbà vertë/Translated into English naciø ir sovietinio okupaciniø reþimø INGRIDA VIÈIULYTË nusikaltimams Lietuvoje ávertinti) Gretut. Á lietuviø kalbà vertë/Translated into Lithuanian tekstas liet., angl. – Bibliogr. iðnaðose ir p. ... E DITA GYLIENË, AUKSË KUOKÐTIENË ISBN 9986-09-280-9

Lietuviðko teksto redaktorius/Lithuanian version editor Ðios istorinës studijos autoriai, remdamiesi Lietuvos, Latvijos, Rusijos, Vokietijos bei JAV A NTANAS RYBELIS archyvø dokumentais ir kitais ðaltiniais, Angliðko teksto redaktorë/English version editor atskleidþia þydø masiniø þudyniø DAIVA GRIGELYTË organizavimo mechanizmà naciø–sovietø Dailininkas/Designer karo pradþioje Lietuvoje, analizuoja lietuviø dalyvavimo þydø genocide aplinkybes. Taip A LFONSAS ÞVILIUS pat autoriai siekia kaip galima tiksliau Maketavo/Layout by nustatyti þydø aukø skaièiø. Kartu AURELIJUS PETRIKAUSKAS spausdinamas didelis pluoštas archyviniø dokumentø ir nuotraukø. Tekstai spausdinami lietuviø ir anglø kalbomis. Tai treèiasis Tarptautinës komisijos naciø ir sovietinio okupaciniø reþimø nusikaltimams Lietuvoje ávertinti leidþiamos knygø serijos „Totalitariniø reþimø nusikaltimai Lietuvoje“ leidinys. UDK 947.45:933+[343.3+323.15(=924:474.5)

ISBN 9986-09-280-9

© Tarptautinë komisija naciø ir sovietinio SL 319. 2006 04 28. 35,1 sp. l. okupaciniø reþimø nusikaltimams Lietuvoje Tir. 1000 egz. Uþsakymas 4. ávertinti, 2006 Leidykla „Margi raðtai“, Laisvës pr. 60, © Christoph Dieckmann, Saulius Suþiedëlis, 2006 LT-05120 Vilnius, el. p. [email protected]. © Vertimas á anglø kalbà – Ingrida Vièiulytë, 2006 Spausdino Standartø spaustuvë, S. Dariaus © Vertimas á lietuviø kalbà – Edita Gylienë, ir S. Girëno g. 39, LT-02189 Vilnius. Auksë Kuokðtienë, 2006 © „Margi raðtai“, 2006 Printed in Lithuania

4 5 Turinys

„Galutinio sprendimo“ link: aukø Pratarmë (Emanuelis Zingeris) 9 identifikavimas (kategorizavimas) 9 ÁVADAS. Padëtis vokieèiø Miestø, miesteliø ir kaimo invazijos iðvakarëse 9 vietoviø getai 9 Pirmojo naciø–sovietø karo etapo „Galutinio sprendimo“ rengimas smurto aukos 9 provincijoje: pradþia Kauno Aukø kategorijos 9 apygardoje 9 Vokieèiø „galutinio sprendimo“ Vietinës valdþios institucijos ir planavimas 9 „galutinis sprendimas“ provincijoje: „Reivyèio byla“ 9 Vokieèiø planai dël lietuviø vaidmens invazijos á SSRS metu 9 Genocidas Jurbarke ir Utenoje: dviejø provincijos miestø istorijos 9 Smurtas ir iðpuoliai prieð þydus Kaune pirmosiomis naciø–sovietø karo Jurbarko þydø þudynës 9 valandomis ir dienomis: vokieèiø kurstymas Þydø þudynës Utenos apskrityje 9 bei lietuviø bendradarbiavimas 9 Naikinimo dokumentavimas: Jägerio Situacijos paaðtrëjimas ir vokieèiø ataskaitos ir mirtinas smûgis 1941 m. saugumo policijos vaidmuo 9 vasaros pabaigoje ir rudená 9 Pogromø organizavimas: vokieèiø Genocido proceso apþvalga: ir lietuviø santykiai 9 genocido institucijos ir etapai 9 Vokieèiø saugumo policijos ryðiai Ðaltiniai ir literatûra 9 su lietuviais 9 Archyvai, apklausos ir tardymai, Pogromai: vokieèiø saugumo pajëgø juridiniai dokumentai 9 tikslai ir vaidmuo 9 Spausdinti ðaltiniai: dienoraðèiai, Ávairûs pogromø tikslai 9 atsiminimai, dokumentø rinkiniai 9 „Parengiamasis etapas“: pasiruoðimas Literatûra 9 „pavojingø“ þydø sunaikinimui 9 Santrumpos 9 Organizuoti ðaudymai birþelio pabaigoje ir liepos pradþioje, vykæ VII forte 9 Tekstas anglø kalba/Text in English 9 Ðaudymai VII forte 1941 06 30– Priedai/Attachments 9 1941 07 05 9 Tarptautinës komisijos naciø ir Vokieèiø ir lietuviø ðaudikai 9 sovietinio okupaciniø reþimø nusikaltimams Lietuvoje ávertinti Vokieèiø reakcija á þudynes VII forte 9 iðvados 9 Hamanno bûrio ir TDA organizavimas 9 Turinys anglø kalba/Contents in English 9

6 7 8 9 Reichui prieðiðkø elementø sunaikinimo gavo LIETUVOS ÞYDØ keturios bataliono dydþio operatyvinës grupës. Vëliau ðie specialûs operatyviniai daliniai or- PERSEKIOJIMAS IR MASINËS ganizavo ir skatino masines þudynes, kurios savo uþmoju smarkiai pranoko akcijas, anks- ÞUDYNËS 1941 METØ èiau ávykdytas Lenkijoje, ir vadovavo joms2. Vy- riausiosios reicho saugumo valdybos (Reichsi- VASARÀ IR RUDENÁ: cherheitshauptamt, toliau – RSHA) virðininkas Reinhardas Heydrichas iðleido slaptà direk- ÐALTINIAI IR ANALIZË tyvà, nurodanèià, kad pagrindinis operatyvi- niø grupiø smûgis turi tekti komunistams ir þydams, tarnavusiems Sovietø partijai ir vy- riausybei, nors aiðkiai nenurodë konkreèios to- Ávadas. talaus naikinimo programos. Prieðiðkai sovie- Padëtis invazijos iðvakarëse tø atþvilgiu nusiteikæ vietiniai aktyvistai turë-

Þydø persekiojimas ir þudynës 1 Pasak vieno amerikieèiø mokslininko, „naciø Lietuvoje prasidëjo pirmosiomis naciø okupa- naikinamojo karo planai, sprendþiant ið jø veiklos Lenkijoje, reiðkë ne kà kita, kaip cijos valandomis. Birþelio pabaigoje (t. y. pra- sovietiniø þydø genocidà“. – Christopher R. ëjus savaitei nuo karo pradþios) þydai jau su- Browning, “From ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ to darë didelæ dalá ar net daugumà civiliø, nuþu- Genocide to the ‘’”, autoriaus esë dytø per pirmàjá Vokietijos ir Sovietø Sàjungos rinkinyje Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German konflikto etapà. Be to, jokia kita þmoniø grupë, Killers (Cambridge, 2000), p. 25. 2 Pavyzdinis mokslinis darbas: Helmut Krausnick, iðskyrus tikrus bei tariamus komunistus ir so- Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die Truppe des vietø kolaborantus, nepatyrë tokio baisaus vie- Weltanschauungskrieges: Die der ðo paþeminimo. und des SD (Stuttgart, 1981), Svarbiausias ið visø prievartà skatinusiø þr. p. 19–31 apie operatyviniø grupiø (toliau – veiksniø buvo naciø sprendimas vykdyti ope- EG) kilmæ, taip pat p. 32 ir tolesnius pusla- racijà „Barbarossa“ kaip naikinimo kampani- pius apie Lenkijos kampanijà. Richardas Rhodesas neseniai iðleido populiarià knygà jà (Vernichtungskrieg) – tokia karo forma ið es- apie operatyviniø grupiø vaidmená Rytø mës skyrësi nuo Vakarø fronto kariniø kam- kampanijos metu: Masters of Death: The SS- panijø1. Siekiant vykdyti „valymo“ operacijas Einsatzgruppen and the Invention of the Holo- vokieèiø armijos okupuotoje teritorijoje, buvo caust (New York, 2002). Geriausias ið dabarti- suformuoti sukarinti policijos daliniai, vado- niø veikalø apie operatyviniø grupiø veiklà – Peterio Kleino (Hg.) Die Einsatzgruppen in der vaujami saugumo policijos ir Saugumo tarny- besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. Die Tätigskeits- bos (, toliau – SD), – liûdnai pa- und Lageberichte des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei garsëjusios operatyvinës grupës (Einsatzgrup- und des SD (, 1997). Nauji dokumentai ir pen, toliau – EG). Panaðios operatyvinës grupës áþvalgos, susijusios su Lenkijos kampanija, veikë naciø kampanijos Lenkijoje metu – ten pateikiamos Alexanderio B. Rossino knygoje jos vykdë lenkø inteligentijos þudynes ir masi- Hitler Strikes : Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity (Lawrence, KS, 2003) ir Michaelo nes gyventojø perkraustymo operacijas. 1941 Wildto darbe Generation des Unbedingten: Das metø pavasará, vokieèiø invazijos á Sovietø Sà- Führungskorps des Reichssicherheitshauptamtes jungà iðvakarëse, specialius nurodymus dël (Hamburg, 2002), p. 419–485.

10 11 jo bûti slapta raginami naikinti komunistus ir aneksavus Klaipëdos kraðtà, ilgalaikis vokie- vos politikoje, todël tik retkarèiais skirdavo þydai negalá vaidinti Lietuvos vieðajame gyve- þydus nepaliekant pëdsakø (allerdings spuren- èiø ir lietuviø saugumo policijø bendradarbia- jiems kelis ðimtus reichsmarkiø (Reichsmark, to- nime jokio vaidmens. „Pogromø organizavi- los), rodanèiø, jog visa tai inspiruoja vokieèiai. vimas dar labiau sustiprëjo, pasiþymëjo ir an- liau – RM), kad nenutrûktø informacijos srau- mas“ neturás kliudyti vis didëjanèiam þydø Toliau pateikiama iðsamesnë dokumentais pa- tilenkiðkomis tendencijomis. Dar 1940 m. pir- tas. Radikaliai antilenkiðkai ir antisemitiðkai emigravimui7. RSHA virðininkas Heydrichas remta saugumo policijos nurodymø analizë. mojoje pusëje aukðti Lietuvos saugumo nusiteikæ voldemarininkai teikë didelæ svarbà anuo metu taip pat pritarë, kad voldemarinin- Dël savo geografinës padëties Lietuva pir- policijos pareigûnai lankësi Berlyne. O po so- Vokietijos ir Lietuvos bendradarbiavimui ir agi- kams bûtø duodama ðiek tiek pinigø, bet ne moji patyrë naciø invazijos smûgius ir patyrë vietinës aneksijos á Berlynà pabëgo, pavyz- tavo prieð visas partijas. Jø gretose buvo kele- ginklø. visus jos þiaurumus, tarp jø ir þudynes, kurias dþiui, saugumo virðininko pavaduotojas Bort- tas karininkø. Pagrindinis minimalus konsen- Sunku nustatyti, kiek átakos smurtui prieð vykdë mobilûs daliniai. Be to, ðalies socialinë, kevièius ir saugumo inspektorius Pranas susas buvo susijæs su antisemitine veikla – jie þydus ávairiose vietose turëjo vokieèiø skatini- ekonominë ir politinë situacija 1941 metais ret- Meðkauskas-Germantas5. puikavosi patys ávykdæ visus ligðiolinius ið- mas arba koká poveiká darë stichiðki iðpuoliai rospektyviai sukûrë palankias aplinkybes tiek Be to, buvo dar ir kitø ryðiø tarp Lietuvos puolius prieð þydus. Kai 1939 m. birþelio mën. politiniu ir tautiniu pagrindu. Aiðku tai, kad tæsti naikinantá karà, tiek ágyvendinti Heydri- deðiniøjø radikalø ir Vokietijos saugumo poli- voldemarininkai papraðë didelës 100 000 litø abu veiksniai turëjo átakos. Pirmosios vokieèiø cho planà, á „valymo“ operacijas átraukiant vie- cijos bei Uþsienio reikalø ministerijos. Maþ- (apie 41 000 RM) sumos „visø pirma þydø po- invazijos dienos, vienas chaotiðkiausiø ðalies tinius gyventojus. Lietuvos þydø bendruome- daug nuo 1938 m. pradþios vadinamieji vol- gromams rengti“, Uþsienio reikalø ministerija istorijos laikotarpiø dvideðimtajame amþiuje, – në buvo pagarsëjusi pasaulyje savo aktyviu demarininkai stengësi gauti ið Vokietijos pini- atsakë, jog tai esà netikslinga, nes Lietuvos vy- tai sudëtingiausias ir prieðtaringiausias vokie- kultûriniu ir politiniu gyvenimu, bet sovietø gø ir ginklø6. Taèiau Vokietija dar netikëjo, kad riausybë „jau seniai sëkmingai stengiasi ið- èiø okupacijos Lietuvoje aspektas. Pirmosios valdymo laikotarpis smarkiai padidino jau eg- jie galëtø vaidinti svarbesná vaidmená Lietu- stumti þydus ið Lietuvos ekonomikos“, be to, þydø ir daugelio tikrø bei tariamø ne þydø kil- zistavusià átampà tarp lietuviø ir þydø. Yra þi- noma, jog bûta daug aðtriø politiniø ir sociali- 3 Bûdingas incidentas, ávykæs Trakuose, uþregist- Amerikos pasiuntinio Kaune praneðimà, antisemitizmà prieð 1941 metø birþelá þr.: 3 niø konfliktø, kartais neiðvengta ir smurto . Ge- ruotas Lietuvos centriniame valstybës archyve saugomà Jungtiniø Amerikos Valstijø valsty- Liudas Truska, Vygantas Vareikis, Holokausto opolitinës dviejø bendruomeniø orientacijos (toliau – LCVA), f. 378, ap. 10, b. 399, l. 621, biniame archyve (National Archives Record prielaidos: antisemitizmas Lietuvoje: XIX a. buvo visiðkai prieðingos. Dauguma þydø so- Vilniaus saugumo policijos rajono suvestinë Administration, toliau – NARA), M1178, Roll antroji pusë – 1941 m. birþelis = The Precondi- vietus laikë maþesne ið dviejø blogybiø, o dau- Nr. 140, A. Mickevièiaus ataskaita, 1940 m. 19, Norem to State, 1940 m. liepos 17 d., tions for : Anti-Semitism in geliui lietuviø vienintelë reali viltis iðsivaduo- liepos 11 d. Þr. LCVA, f. 378, ap. 10, b. 225, l. 860.00/464. Neseniai paskelbta iðsami Lithuania (Vilnius, 2004), p. 69 ir toliau. 788, Valstybës saugumo departamento lietuviø ir þydø tarpusavio santykiø apþvalga 5 RSHA VI skyriaus 1940 12 20 raðtas Reicho ti ið Stalino tironijos buvo sovietø ir vokieèiø suvestinë Nr. 217, 1940 m. rugpjûèio 5 d. pirmosios sovietinës okupacijos metu: uþsienio reikalø ministerijai (toliau – URM), konfliktas. Politinë pirmøjø sovietiniø metø di- Dideliø nesutarimø kilo dël bandymø Kauno Alfonsas Eidintas, þydai, lietuviai ir holokaustas Algirdo Klimaièio byla, VFR federaliniø þemiø namika skatino plaèiai paplitusià iliuzijà, kad kunigø seminarijà paversti þydø ligonine: þr. (Vilnius, 2002), p. 125 ir tolesni puslapiai. justicijos administravimo institucijø centro Lietuva yra valdoma þydø; þydø-bolðevikø Vincentas Brizgys, Katalikø Baþnyèia Lietuvoje Taip pat þr. Liudo Truskos „Lietuvos valdþios valdyba Liudvigsburge naciø nusikaltimams ðmëklos mità taip pat kûrë prieð þydus nukreip- 1940–1944 metais (Chicago, 1977), p. 25–26 ir ástaigø rusifikavimas 1940–1941 m.“, Lietuvos išaiškinti (Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwal- ta Lietuviø aktyvistø fronto (toliau – LAF), svar- Klemensas Jûra, Monsinjoras (Brooklyn, NY, gyventojø genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo tungen zur Aufklärung von NS-Verbrechen in 1979), p. 66; taip pat þr. Vincas Krëvë, institutas. Darbai, t. 1 (1996), p. 3–28; þr. Ludwigsburg – ZStL), II 207 AR-Z 41/83, t. 2, biausios pasiprieðinimo sovietams grupës, Bolðevikø invazija ir liaudies vyriausybë (Vilnius, Nijolë Maslauskienë, „Lietuvos komunistø l. 284–285. propaganda. Pagaliau stalininës okupacijos 1992), p. 29–30. Apie visuomenës poþiûrá á tautinë ir socialinë sudëtis 1939 m. pabaigoje– 6 Þr. Vokietijos saugumo policijos 1939 m. birþelio jungo kulminacija tapo staigus ir sukëlæs ðokà þydø átakà skaitykite straipsná Lietuvos 1940 m. rugsëjo mën.“, Genocidas ir rezistencija, mën. ataskaità apie voldemarininkø judëjimà beveik 18000 Lietuvos pilieèiø iðveþimas, ávyk- ypatingajame archyve (toliau – LYA), f. 1771, Nr. 1/5 (1999), p. 77–104, taip pat ðio darbo Lietuvoje, kurià Heydrichas 1939 06 29 dytas karo iðvakarëse. Tokioje situacijoje, taip ap. 1, b. 280, l. 153–154. Antisemitinës tæsinys „Lietuvos komunistø sudëtis 1940 persiuntë URM; URM 1939 07 19 pozicija nuotaikos, kurios prasiverþë per riauðes spalio–1941 birþelio mën.“, Genocidas ir (Dörtenbach), Trials of the Major War Criminals pat stiprëjant antisemitinëms nuotaikoms ir Marijampolëje 1940 metø liepos pabaigoje, rezistencija, Nr. 2/6 (1999), p. 20–46. before the International Military Tribunal in augant politinei átampai, Lietuvoje netrûko po- apraðytos Kazio Ðkirpos 1940 metø liepos 1 d. 4 Þr. Valentino Brandiðausko Siekiai atkurti Lietuvos Nuremburg (toliau – IMT), vol. 31, p. 385–391. tencialiø kolaborantø, galinèiø padëti sëkmin- prisiminimuose (Hoover Institution, Turausko valstybingumà (1940 06–1941 09) (Vilnius, Þr. taip pat: Gediminas Rudis, „Jungtinis gai vykdyti prieð komunistus ir þydus nukreip- kolekcija, CSUZ 75015-A; minima sutikus 1996); þr. Saulius Suþiedëlis, „Foreign Saviors, antismetoninës opozicijos sàjûdis 1938–1939 tas valymo operacijas4. profesoriui Alfredui E. Sennui). Taip pat þr. Native Disciples: Perspectives on Collabora- metais“, Lietuvos istorijos metraðtis 1996 Naciø átakà ávykiams Lietuvoje sustiprino þydø pasakojimus, pavyzdþiui, Friedos Frome tion in Lithuania, 1940–1945“, rinkinyje: (Vilnius, 1997), p. 185–215. Some Dare to Dream: Frieda Frome’s Escape from David Gaunt, Paul A. Levine and Laura 7 Uþsienio reikalø ministras Joachimas von tai, kad prieð karà dalis saugumo tarnautojø ir Lithuania (Ames, IA, 1988), p. 7, 10; Harry’o Palosuo, eds., Collaboration and Resistance Ribbentropas 1939 07 21 ásakë kas ketvirtá deðinioji opozicija Antanui Smetonai aktyviai Gordono The Shadow of Death: Holocaust in During the Holocaust: Belarus, , , iðmokëti po 2000–3000 RM, ten pat, siekë vokieèiø paramos. Vokietijai 1939 m. Lithuania (Lexington, KY), p. 11–12, taip pat Lithuania (Berlin, 2004), p. 311–341. Apie p. 385.

12 13 mës komunistø þudynës vyko labai neramioje partizanus9. Beveik tûkstantá þmoniø savo uþ stalinistinio reþimo nusikaltimus lietuviø mø, kaip smurto formø, tampa sunkiau api- ir sudëtingoje aplinkoje. Didelë dalis, o gal ir ruoþtu nuþudë Raudonoji armija, NKVD ir ko- tautai besàlygiðkai suversdama konservatyviai brëþiama, kai susiduriama su beveik savaitæ dauguma lietuviø draugiðkai sutiko vokieèius. munistø aktyvistai (daugiausia Pravieniðkëse, bei religingai ðalies þydø bendruomenei. Ket- trukusiu smurtu Kauno VII forte, pareikalavu- Toká poþiûrá gerai suprato vienas ið Vilniaus Rainiø miðkelyje ir Èervenëje, Baltarusijoje). Be virtajame deðimtmetyje pasireiðkæs antisemi- siu tûkstanèiø aukø. Sàvoka, reiðkianti pogro- geto metraðtininkø Grigorijus Ðuras: „Prasidë- sukilëliø rengiamø sovietø armijos puolimø, tizmo stiprëjimas kai kuriuose visuomenës mà, ðioje studijoje atmeta nei maþo masto ar jus karo veiksmams, ði [sovietø vykdyta] de- aukø bûdavo ir per susidûrimus tarp ávairiø sluoksniuose, nors já ir nelengva skaièiais „ma- trumpalaikio smurto, nei nusako, ar pogromas portacija Raudonajai armijai sukëlë nemaþai prosovietiniø ir antisovietiniø grupuoèiø. An- tematiðkai“ tiksliai ávertinti, peraugo á pavo- kilo spontaniðkai, ar jis buvo kokios nors gru- sunkumø ir paveikë vietiniø gyventojø elgesá tisovietiniams partizanams nuvertus sovieti- jingà prieðiðkumà þydams. pës, organizuotas, planuotas, parengtas ir sis- tuo metu, kai atëjo vokieèiai. Daugelis vokie- næ valdþià, buvo sulaikyti tûkstanèiai tikrø ir 1941 metø vasaros ir rudens ávykius Lietu- temingai ágyvendintas. Ðiuo terminu apibûdi- èius laikë tikraisiais arba galimais gelbëtojais tariamø komunistø bei sovietø ðalininkø10. Pra- voje reikia analizuoti turint omenyje ne tik tuo- namos ne tik brutaliausios þudynës, per ku- nuo neiðvengiamos tremties. Taip okupantai dëta suvedinëti asmenines sàskaitas; bûta kerð- metines Lietuvos realijas bei karo pradþià, bet rias þûsta daugybë þmoniø, bet ir „maþesnio be jokiø pastangø susirado naujø prijauèian- to, plëðikavimo ir prievartavimo atvejø11. Bu- ir atsiþvelgiant á naciø politikos þydø atþvil- masto“ kolektyviniai iðpuoliai prieð þydus13. èiøjø, o netrukus ir talkininkø, kurie uoliai vyk- væs Liaudies seimo deputatas lietuvis Liudas giu raidà. Bûtina ásigilinti á daugybæ proble- Dovas Levinas mini daugiau kaip 40 vieto- dë jø sumanytas akcijas“8. Dovydënas taip pat areðtuotas ir laikomas kar- mø, susijusiø su terminija, metodika ir paèiais viø, kuriose, anot jo, pogromai prasidëjo dar Namaþai lietuviø raudonarmieèiø masið- tu su daugeliu þydø. Savo prisiminimuose, at- ðaltiniais. Tai padëtø suprasti ankstyvàjá na- prieð atvykstant vokieèiams14. Jei pogromas su- kai dezertyravo ið 29-ojo teritorinio ðauliø kor- spindinèiuose tø laikø aplinkybes ir ávykius, ciø invazijos etapà. Kokios vokieèiø ir lietuviø prantamas èia nurodyta prasme, ðitoks eksce- puso, kai kurie pakëlë ginklà prieð jø daliniams jis pasakoja, kad „kilus rusø–vokieèiø karui, grupuotës bei institucijos dalyvavo ðiuose nu- vadovavusius rusø karininkus. Kai kurie jø pri- kai kuriuos apëmë kerðto, kaþin kokio siautëji- sikaltimuose ir kokie buvo jø motyvai bei tiks- 8 sijungë prie formuojamø pagalbinës policijos mo aistra. Dar skaudesnis atrodë neapykan- lai? Kas tie nusikaltëliai? Ar tai buvo sponta- Grigorijus ðuras, Uþraðai: Vilniaus geto kronika 1941–1944, vertë Nijolë Kvaraciejûtë ir daliniø. Greitai artëjanèios vokieèiø pajëgos ir tos iðsiverþimas, kai matei dalyvaujant graþø, niðki gyventojø iðpuoliai prieð þydus, ar ðiuos Algimantas Antanavièius (Vilnius, 1997), p. 23. tai, jog ið pradþiø sovietø saugumo pareigû- rodos, gyvenimo dþiaugsmu ir nelaimëmis dar pogromus ið ðalies valdë ir planavo kaþkieno Taip pat þr. Laimono Noreikos pasakojimà nai neleido pabëgëliams kirsti SSRS tikrosios nesugadintà jaunimà...“12 ilga ranka? Kodël vokieèiai nusistatë rengti po- „Mano 1941–1942 metai“, Metai, Nr. 5–6 sienos, labiau negu kuris kitas veiksnys lëmë, Abejoniø nekelia tai, kad dël smurto ir as- gromus ir ðaudyti þydus? Kodël vokieèiø ir lie- (2001), p. 151–163. kad daugeliui pabëgëliø, ypaè þydams, buvo meniniø sàskaitø suvedinëjimo karo bei suki- tuviø pusëje neatsirado jëgø, kurios bûtø galë- 9 Arûnas Bubnys, Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva. (1941– 1944) (Vilnius, 1998), p. 70; þr. Rimanto Zizo uþkirstas kelias trauktis. Situacijà pablogino limo ákarðtyje daugelá þmoniø, tarp jø ir þydø, jusios veiksmingai pasiprieðinti ðioms akivaiz- „Lietuvos pilieèiø neþydø persekiojimas, sparti sovietinës valdþios griûtis, taip pat ið imta persekioti kaip komunistus; tad jie buvo dþiai nusikalstamoms þudynëms? civiliø gyventojø þudynës“, Christoph dalies organizuotas, ið dalies spontaniðkas an- sunaikinti dël politiniø, o ne dël antisemitiniø Dieckmann, Toleikis, Rimantas tisovietinis sukilimas bei 1941 metø birþelio motyvø. Be to, pirmosiomis naciø invazijos die- Zizas, Karo belaisviø ir civiliø gyventojø þudynës 23 d. paskelbtas Lietuvos Laikinosios Vyriau- nomis padrikos ávairiø tautybiø komunistiniø Pirmojo naciø–sovietø Lietuvoje: 1941–1944 (Vilnius, 2005), p. 77–216. 10 sybës (toliau – LV), kurioje pagrindinis vaid- aktyvistø grupës su ginklu prieðinosi vokie- karo etapo smurto aukos Þr. Ðiauliø apygardos prokuroro Mato Krygerio 1941 m. liepos 29 d. raðtà Bubnio darbe muo teko LAF, sudarymas. Iki birþelio 28 d. èiams ir naikindamos tikrus ir tariamus anti- Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva, p. 233–234. visa Lietuvos SSR teritorija buvo okupuota vo- sovietinius elementus bandë padëti sovietams Analitiniu poþiûriu derëtø skirti siste- 11 Tipiðkø dokumentø rinkiná galite rasti Valentino kieèiø. Tuo metu Vermachtas paskelbë, kad pe- kariauti. Tokie susidûrimai ir kovos ið tiesø ne- mingà þydø ðaudymà nuo pogromø. Sàvoka Brandiðausko (sud.) darbe 1941 m. birþelio rima visà valdþià, kurià vykdys vokieèiø karo gali bûti vadinamos pogromais, karo nusikal- „pogromas“ suprantama kaip kolektyviniai sukilimas: dokumentø rinkinys (Vilnius, 2000). komendantai. timais arba nusikaltimais þmoniðkumui, net smurtiniai iðpuoliai prieð þydus dël to, kad jie Þr. trumpà pasakojimà Bubnio darbe Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva, p. 33–47. Birþelá vykæs teroras prasiverþë ávairiomis jeigu jø metu þûdavo þydai. (Toliau bus pa- yra þydai. Antisemitiniai veiksmai, kuriais kë- 12 Liudas Dovydënas, Mes valdysim pasaulá, t. 1–2 formomis. Skirtingai nuo 1941 metø vasaros teikta tikslesniø duomenø ir paaiðkinimø apie sinamasi á þmoniø sveikatà, gyvybæ ar turtà, ir (New York, 1970), p. 466. pabaigoje ir rudená vykusiø Lietuvos þydø nai- pirmøjø invazijos dienø naciø ir jø kolaboran- vieðas paþeminimas taip pat laikomi pogro- 13 Tikslaus pogromo apibrëþimo nëra, esama tik kinimo operacijø, pirmieji iðpuoliai prieð þy- tø nuþudytø aukø kategorijas.) mu. Pogromo tikslas yra pats smurtas, ir po- ávairiø bandymø já apibûdinti. Raulas Hilber- dus bei jø pogromai buvo dalis platesniø þu- Vis dëlto esama gausiø duomenø, liudijan- gromas daþnai naudojamas kaip teroro ar ábau- gas pogromu laikë „trumpà smarkø visuome- dymo akcijø, kuriø aukomis tapo ir ávairûs ki- èiø, kad ypaè þydams buvo itin þiauriai kerði- ginimo priemonë, o sistemingo ðaudymo pa- nës smurto protrûká prieð þydø tautybës gyventojus“ (Hilberg, Die Vernichtung der tø tautybiø aukos, ypaè Lietuvoje ir Ukrainoje. jama. Visø pirma, LAF, ávairiø sukilëliø ástai- skirtis kiek kitokia – sunaikinti paèius europäischen Juden, Frankfurt, 1990, p. 324). Bûta atvejø, kai vokieèiø kareiviai suðaudyda- gø ir paèiø vokieèiø retorika vienareikðmiðkai gyvuosius. Vieðumas ðiuo atveju nëra bûtinas. 14 Levin, Litvaks. A Short History of the Jews in vo civilius lietuvius, kartais net antisovietinius tapatino bolðevizmà ir judaizmà, atsakomybæ Taèiau skiriamoji riba tarp pogromø ir ðaudy- Lithuania (, 2000), p. 218.

14 15 sø skaièius ir mastai, be abejonës, yra teisingi. no þydai, ruoðiantys trauktis: „Þydø padëtis bës kartu su kûdikiu po to, kai vokieèiai iðvyko Vokieèiø Pateiksime tik vienà pavyzdá: 1941 m. birþelio baisi... Þydø kaimynø sûnus, puikus vaikinas, ið þudyniø vietos. Pastatai buvo sudeginti27. „Galutinio sprendimo“ 22 d. Kazlø Rûdos partizanø vadas Malakaus- pasiëmæs kuprinæ dingo ið namø. Tëvas taip Dalá pirmøjø karo dienø smurto sudarë be- planavimas kas tarnybiniame dienoraðtyje áraðë: „Ðaudy- pat nori bëgti. Jis atëjo pas mane ir papraðë sitraukianèio sovietø reþimo nusikaltimai. So- mø nëra. Raudonarmieèiø per naktá nuosto- padëti jo ðeimai. Sakë, kad vokieèiai gal neþu- vietø milicija ir partijos aktyvistai nuþudë apie Ðio skirsnio dëmesio centre – klausimai, liai: 71 uþmuðtas. Be to uþmuðti 4 þydai (vieti- dysià moterø ir vaikø. [...] Jie pradëjo kaþkà pa- 1100 þmoniø. Ðitie nusikaltimai iðsamiai iðtir- susijæ su pirmosiomis karo savaitëmis vyku- niai gyventojai)“15. Jei pogromas suprantamas kuoti, bet vëliau vyras ir þmona iðvyko kaip ti istorikø monografijose ir oficialiuose prane- siø pogromø ir ðaudymø prielaidomis. Kodël kaip spontaniðkas arba organizuotas smurto stovëjo, ji tik su rankinuku. Þydai bëgo su krep- ðimuose, rengtuose po 1990 metø28. vokieèiai siekë rengti pogromus ir ðaudyti protrûkis, kai vieðø þudyniø metu þûsta dau- ðiais, vaikiðkais veþimëliais, lagaminais, ryðu- Kaip matysime ið toliau pateiktos an- þydus? gybë þydø tautybës þmoniø, visø pirma turint liais ir vis dëlto tuðèiomis... ábaugintais, iðblyð- tiþydiðko smurto analizës, ypaè tiriant Kaune Kaip þinoma, klausimas, ar vokieèiø sau- omenyje pogromai Kaune. Kitur Lietuvoje pa- kusiais veidais “21. ir kitose vietovëse vykusius pogromus bei jø gumo policijos operatyviniø grupiø vadai dar naðaus didelio masto ekscesø nebuvo. Nustatyti tikslø aukø skaièiø nebeámano- kontekstà, iðkyla sudëtinga metodinë proble- prieð prasidedant karui buvo gavæ ásakymà nu- ma. Lietuviø pogrindþio spaudoje 1942–1943 ma: labai nedaug tëra iðlikusiø ano meto ðalti- þudyti visus Sovietø Sàjungos þydus, yra la- m. buvo raðoma, kad iki 1941 m. liepos pra- niø, daugeliu atvejø tenka remtis iðgyvenusiø bai ginèytinas. Ðaltiniai pateikia iðties maþai Aukø kategorijos dþios buvo nuþudyta apie 5 000 Lietuvos gy- þydø liudijimais, pokario meto pasakojimais medþiagos ðiems dalykams iðaiðkinti, todël lie- ventojø neþydø22. Jei ðis skaièius pasitvirtintø, bei lietuviø ar vokieèiø tardymo ir teismo pro- ka daug erdvës interpretacijai. Ðis klausimas Pirmosiomis prasidëjusio karo savaitë- tai bûtø didþiausia pirmosios karo savaitës ci- cesø metu gautais parodymais, kurie daþnai visuomet sudarë svarbià istorijos mokslo dis- mis buvo aukø ið ávairiø Lietuvos gyventojø viliø aukø grupë, neskaitant þydø tautybës vy- tiesiogiai vieni kitiems prieðtarauja. kusijø apie holokaustà dalá. grupiø. Daug civiliø þmoniø þuvo per vokie- rø. Kad aukø skaièius ið tikrøjø buvo palyginti èiø bombardavimus, juos taip pat ðaudë ir didelis, byloja ir 1941 m. liepos pabaigos do- 15 Plg. LCVA, R-635-1-1, l. 25. apygardos teismo raðtà (pasiraðytà Mato Kry- nervinga vokieèiø armija. Smurtas ir mirtis kumentai, kuriuose pareigûnams ásakyta leng- 16 Þr. Garfunkel, Kovno, p. 29 ir kt.; Garfunkel, gerio) Tauragës apskrities virðininkui, 1941 7 29, grësë daugybei pabëgëliø. Likæ gyvi þydai pa- vabûdiðkai nenaikinti lietuviø tautybës kali- Vikhtikste Momentn, p. 1679 ir kt.; Gar, Umkum, LCVA, R 1476-1-3, l. 110 ir kt., iðspausdinta kn.: sakodavo apie daþnus lietuviø sukilëliø ið- niø23. Teisingumo ministras Meèislovas Mac- p. 31 ir kt. Iðnaðose paliekama nestandartinë Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 87 ir kt. ir Masinës puolius prieð þydø pabëgëlius16. Vokieèiai kevièius informavo Laikinàjà Vyriausybæ, kad autoriø vartojama ðaltiniø nuorodø sistema, kai þudynës, t. 2, p. 187 ir kt.; Þr. MacQueen, pateikiama tik autoriaus pavardë ir vienas Context, p. 46; Eidintas, Byla, p. 127 ir kt. bombardavo didesnius Lietuvos kelius, ku- kai kuriose provincijose þmonës suimami ir nu- esminis darbo pavadinimo þodis, kuris iðskiria- 24 Þr. Protokolà Nr. 23, 1941 7 22, Arvydas 24 riuose buvo pilna bëganèiø civiliø asmenø ir teisiami be juridinio pagrindo . Vokietijos sau- mas kursyvu. Pilnas ðaltinio apraðas pateiktas Anuðauskas (sud.), Lietuvos Laikinoji Vyriausy- raudonarmieèiø. Kol kas neámanoma tiksliai gumo policija netgi skelbë ataskaitose, kad per- ðaltiniø ir literatûros sàraðe, iðspausdintame bë (toliau – LLV), p. 105. nustatyti pabëgëliø ir evakuojamøjø skaièiø, pildytuose kiekvieno apskrities miesto kalëji- knygos pabaigoje, p. – Leidëjø pastaba. 25 Þr. Stasio Èenkaus 1942 7 14 raðtà Kauno t. y. þmoniø, kuriems pirmosiomis karo die- muose susigrûdæ sëdëjo vidutiniðkai po 600 17 Þr. Ilja Altman, Dokumenty rossyskich archivov o saugumo policijos vadui, LCVA, R 1399-1-8, nomis pavyko iðvykti ið Lietuvos. Kaip rodo lietuviø – taigi ið viso per 13 000 – ir daugu- Cholokoste v Litve – nespausdintas Tarptauti- l. 12, iðspausdinta kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, nës konferencijos apie holokaustà, vykusios p. 102 ir kt. Þr. 3-iojo operatyvinio bûrio neseniai aptikti sovietinës valdþios dokumen- mos jø suëmimo prieþastis buvo visiðkai ne- Vilniuje 2002 m. rugsëjo 4 d., praneðimas, p. (, toliau – EK 3) teritorijoje iki tai, iki 1941 m. pabaigos ið vokieèiø okupuo- aiðki25. 2; Arad, Ghetto, p. 215, priëmë ið Vilniaus 1941 12 01 ávykdytø egzekucijø sàraðà (4-oji tø kraðtø buvo evakuota daugiau kaip 10 mi- Bûdavo netgi vykdomos kolektyvinës baus- miesto 3 500 pabëgëliø ir besislapstanèiøjø. redakcija ið 5), 1941 12 2, Bundesarchiv Berlin lijonø þmoniø, tarp jø 42 500 ið Lietuvos. Kiek mës iðtisiems kaimams. Birþelio 24 d. iki ðiol 18 Levin, Litvaks, p. 199. (toliau – BA), R 70 Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 88. 19 26 ið jø buvo þydø, dar nenustatyta17. Dovas Le- nenustatyti vokieèiai nuþudë beveik visus 35 Arad, Solution, p. 234. Þr. Gitlerovskaja okkupacija v Litve. – Vilnius, 20 Þr. Rimantas Zizas, Lietuvos pilieèiø neþydø 1966, p. 87 ir kt.; Rakûnas, Kova, p. 19; vinas mano, kad maþdaug 15 000 þydø tauty- nedidelio Ablingos miestelio, esanèio 20 km á persekiojimas, Civiliø gyventojø þudynës, ten pat Rukðënas, Politika, p. 134. bës vyrø (?) ir moterø (?) pavyko laiku pabëgti rytus nuo Gargþdø, gyventojus ir dar septynis 21 E. Kutorgienës-Buivydaitës dienoraðèio 1941 m. 27 Èia pateikiama tik trumpa ne þydø kilmës aukø ið Lietuvos18. Yitzhako Arado vertinimu, sëk- gretimos gyvenvietës þmones26. Vyrus uþdarë birþelio 23 d. áraðas, LCVA, 1390-1-138. 1 apþvalga. Daug platesná pasakojimà galima mingai pabëgo nuo 4 000 iki 6 000 þmoniø19. á darþinæ, tarp jø buvusius du sovietø aktyvis- dalis, l. 2. Ðiek tiek kitaip juodraðtyje, p. 622. rasti jau minëtame Rimanto Zizo darbe Pasak Tarptautinës komisijos tyrëjo Rimanto tus nuþudë ið karto dar birþelio 23 d., o kitus 22 Þr. Eidintas, Byla, p. 108 su nuoroda á: Truska, (þr. 9 iðnaðà). Atleisk, ten pat, p. 672. 28 Þr. Anuðauskas, Naikinimas, p. 110–133; taip Zizo, pabëgti sugebëjo 8 000 þmoniø20. su ðeimomis suðaudë birþelio 24 d. Visø 35 au- 23 Þr. Panevëþio apygardos teismo raðtà (pasiraðytà pat Arvydas Anuðauskas, Sovietø vykdytos 1941 m. birþelio 23 d. gydytoja Elena Ku- kø pavardës yra þinomos. Pavyko iðgyventi tik Igno Kazlausko) visiems vietinës apsaugos kariðkiø ir civiliø gyventojø þudynës 1941 m. torgienë, bûdama Kaune, dienoraðtyje apraðë poniai Martinkienei su suþeistu penkiø mëne- ðtabams, policijos vadams ir apskrièiø virðinin- birþelio 22–28 d., Praneðimas Tarptautinei baisià ir pavojingà padëtá, á kurià pateko Kau- siø kûdikiu Joana Srebliûte. Ji iðsikapstë ið duo- kams, 1941 7 26, LCVA, R 708-1-2, l. 8; Ðiauliø komisijai 2003 m. gruodþio mën.

16 17 Ilgà laikà nemaþai istorikø ir teisininkø ma- dëtingà sàveikà tarp ávykiø okupuotuose krað- Tuo metu buvo prasidëjæs ir planingas þy- pradëti karà prieð JAV. Antra vertus, nacional- në, kad dar prieð vokieèiø antpuolá buvo pa- tuose ir Reicho centre. Tuo metu, kai 1941 m. dø þudymas: nuo 1940 m. liepos mën. vyko socialistø vadovybë manë galësianti pasinau- skelbti visuotiniai ásakymai þudyti Sovietø Sà- vasarà dar buvo rimtai diskutuojama dël teri- vadinamoji „eutanazijos akcija“ – Vokietijos doti Sovietø Sàjungos iðtekliais – pirmiausia jungos þydus29. Reikðmingà poveiká istoriog- torinio „galutinio sprendimo“ perspektyvos, neágaliøjø ástaigose buvo þudomi psichine ir grûdais ir nafta. Ðios neva karinës strateginës rafijai padarë 5-ojo deðimtmeèio antrojoje o netrukus kai kur ásivyravo tendencija forsuoti fizine negalia sergantys þydai, o nuo 1941 m. bûtinybës iðkovoti greità pergalæ padarinys – pusëje sàjungininkø surengtas Niurnbergo masiná þydø naikinimà regionø mastu, kaip, balandþio mën. – „akcija 14 f 13“, kurios metu nepaprastai rizikinga þaibiðko karo strategija procesas, taip pat 6-ojo deðimtmeèio antrojoje pavyzdþiui, 1941 m. rudená Vartegau (Wart- buvo þudomi neágalûs arba nepageidaujami (Blitzkriegsstrategie), kuri turëjo uþtikrinti grei- pusëje vadinamojoje Ulmo operatyvinës gru- hegau), t. y. okupuotoje Vakarø Lenkijoje, ir Len- koncentracijos stovyklø kaliniai; tuomet þuvo tà Sovietø Sàjungos valstybës ir Raudonosios pës byloje paskelbtas nuosprendis policinin- kijos generalinëje gubernijoje, kur 1941–1942 ir daug þydø tautybës kaliniø. armijos þlugimà. Þaibiðko karo strategija apë- kams, kurie buvo kaltinami 1941 m. vasarà da- m. þiemà buvo pradëta fiziðkai naikinti þydus, Nuo 1939 m. buvo siekiama ið Vokietijos më ir logistikos, aprûpinimo klausimø spren- lyvavæ masinëse þudynëse Lietuvos pasienio sistemingai likviduojant juos daugiausia mir- aneksuotø vakariniø Lenkijos þemiø á Genera- dimà, o tai buvo pagrindinë problema kariau- ruoþe. ties stovyklose – ir kaip tik tuose okupuotos linæ gubernijà iðvaryti visus þydus ir daugu- jant milþiniðkose Rusijos platybëse. Aprûpi- Taèiau nuo 8-ojo deðimtmeèio pasigirdo vis Sovietø Sàjungos kraðtuose, kur dar iki 1941 mà lenkø, kad bûtø pakankamai vietos ið Piet- nimo problemos turëjo bûti sprendþiamos tokiu daugiau balsø, kad ði vienareikðmiðka nuomo- m. pabaigos per masinius ðaudymus þuvo apie ryèiø ir Rytø Europos, taip pat ið Baltijos ðaliø bûdu: vokieèiø kariuomenæ privalëjo iðlaikyti në apie buvusius ásakymus neatitinka to sudë- 800 000 þydø (be Generalinei gubernijai pri- persikëlusiems vokieèiams, kurie turëjo bûti ten vietiniai kaimø gyventojai; kadangi dël kariuo- tingo proceso, kuris vyko sovietø okupuotuo- klausiusios Rytø Galicijos). ákurdinti vietoj lenkø ir þydø. 1941 m. kovo më- menei bûtino maisto produktø kiekio drastið- se kraðtuose30. Pastarojo meto tyrinëjimai iðaið- Pirmiausia reikëtø trumpai aptarti daugia- nesá ðie trëmimai, vykæ sudëtingai ir sunkiai, kai smuktø vietiniø gyventojø pragyvenimo ly- kino, kad gausius vokieèiø SS (Schutzstaffeln – lypá Vokietijos karo veiksmø prieð Sovietø Sà- buvo nutraukti, nes juos uþgoþë pasiruoðimas gis, tiksliau, jie imtø badauti ar mirtø badu, apsaugos bûriai) ir policijos pareigûnø paro- jungà kontekstà. Pernelyg ilgai nacionalsocia- karui su Sovietø Sàjunga; be to, juos sustabdë buvo labai svarbu sustiprinti vokieèiø kariuo- dymus pokario metais lëmë procesiniai takti- listø reþimo vykdyta antisemitinë politika bu- ir nesibaigiantys Generalinës gubernijos vokie- menës uþnugará. Tik ávedus grieþtà kontrolæ ir niai motyvai, todël jie tik labai ribotai padeda vo nuo ðio konteksto atsiejama ir izoliuojama. èiø civilinës valdþios protestai. Dabar depor- terorà bûtø galima greitai parûpinti vokieèiø atskleisti istorines aplinkybes. Dar Niurnber- Iki 1940–1941 metø sandûros Treèiojo rei- tacijø planuotojø þvilgsnis nukrypo á Sovietø go proceso metu vyravæs EG D vado Otto Oh- cho antisemitinë politika jau buvo toli paþen- Sàjungos teritorijà: tiksliniais regionais buvo lendorfo teiginys, neva prieð karà buvo nedvip- gusi ir atsidûrusi daugelio politikos srièiø san- laikomos Baltarusijos pelkës, Uþuralës regio- 29 Þr. Arad, Holocaust, p. 1018, 1021, 1037; Levin, rasmiðkai ásakyta þudyti þydus, tebuvo Ohlen- kirtoje. Ja vis dar buvo siekiama pamaþu prie- nas ir sovietø Gulago lageriai prie Arkties van- Litvaks, p. 217–219; Yahil, Shoah, p. 356; Reitlinger, Endlösung, p. 90; Hilberg, Vernich- dorfo ir jo advokatø sàmoningai pasirinkta varta iðstumti þydus ið Vokietijos valdomø denyno. 1941 m. iðplëtotas kraupusis „gene- tung, p. 303 ir kt.; Krausnick, Judenverfolgung, „gynybos linija“, turëjusi sumaþinti kaltina- kraðtø. Idëja apie „nustatytà teritorijà“, savo- ralinis Rytø planas“ (), kuriuo p. 609–615; Krausnick, Hitler, p. 99; Jäckel, mojo, tebuvusio tik ásakymø vykdytoju, kaltæ31. tiðkà „mirties rezervatà“ (Sterbereservat), suda- buvo siekiama iðtrëmus 30 mln. slavø ir ákû- Entschlußbildung, p. 16 ir kt. Nors Amerikos karinis tribunolas ir patikëjo rë antisemitinës politikos pagrindà33. Su „ga- rus vokieèiø gyvenvietes galutinai etniðkai per- 30 Þr. Streim, Eröffnung; Longerich, Massenmord; Ohlendorfo grupës versija, taèiau nepripaþi- lutinio sprendimo“ sàvoka anuo metu buvo sie- tvarkyti visà Rytø Europà, jau rëmësi prielai- Longerich, Politik, p. 310–320 ir ten pat, p. 94–112; Ogorreck, Einsatzgruppen, p. 12–14; no bûtinybës vykdyti ásakymus. Ði situacija pa- jami ávairiausi utopiniai projektai ieðkant da, kad Sovietø Sàjungos teritorijoje nebeliks p. 210–220; Browning, Months, p. 8–38; sikartojo ir 6-ajame deðimtmetyje vykusiame teritorijos, á kurià ið vokieèiø átakos sferos turë- þydø. Browning, Judenmord, p. 51 ir kt.; S. Friedlan- Ulmo operatyvinës grupës teismo procese, kai tø bûti deportuoti visi þydai. Planus paversti Su ðia trëmimo ir kolonizavimo politika der, Antisemitismus, p. 18–60; Burrin, Hitler, buvo tiesiami operatyviniø grupiø nariai, vei- rytinæ okupuotos Lenkijos dalá prie Liublino (Vertreibungs-und Siedlungspolitik), kurioje su- p. 106–153; Pohl, Judenverfolgung, p. 52 ir kt.; kæ Lietuvos pasienio ruoþe32. arba Madagaskaro salà þydø izoliavimo ir nu- sipina antisemitizmo, antislavizmo ir germa- Sandkühler, Endlösung, p. 111 ir kt. 31 Toliau reikëtø ávertinti naujausius tyrimus, skurdinimo vieta vokieèiams teko atidëti 1940 nizavimo tendencijos, nuo 1940–1941 metø Þr. Streim, Eröffnung, p. 111; Wildt, Generation, p. 555–557. susijusius su ásakymais þudyti Sovietø Sàjun- m. pavasará ir rudená. Tai, kad ðie planai vidu- sandûros buvo susijusios ir kitos politikos sri- 32 Þr. Dieckmann, Krieg, p. 292–298, kur pateikti gos – ne visos Europos – þydus, ir atsiþvelgti á tinës trukmës perspektyvoje buvo genocidinio tys, kurioms karo su Sovietø Sàjunga metu te- árodymø dokumentai. Lietuvos situacijà 1941 m. vasarà. „Galutinis pobûdþio, dar labiau pabrëþë Adolfo Hitlerio ko milþiniðka svarba. 33 Pirmoji citata: Adolfo Karlo Eichmanno tezës þydø klausimo sprendimas“ (Endlösung der Ju- kanceliarijos 1941 m. kovo mën. iðsakyti pa- Dël kariniø strateginiø ir ekonominiø prie- (Tischvorlage) Heinrichui Himmleriui, pateiktos denfrage) rengiant masines þudynes buvo su- siûlymai prievarta sterilizuoti milijonus þydø. þasèiø nacionalsocialistø reþimui buvo itin 1940 12 4 leidinyje: Heim/Aly, Bevölkerungs- struktur, p. 26 ir kt.; Breitman, Architekt, dëtingas ir netolydus procesas, kurio nelëmë Taip turëjo bûti iðsaugota kol kas gyvos þydø svarbu greitai laimëti ðá karà. Nesutriuðkinus p. 201. Antroji citata: Pohl, Holocaust, p. 58. vienkartiniai nacionalsocialistø vadovybës kartos darbo jëga ir uþkirstas kelias jos daugi- Sovietø Sàjungos ir Raudonosios armijos atro- 34 Þr. áþangà Witte ir kt. (Hg.), Dienstkalender, p. 69 sprendimai. Ðiuo atveju reikëtø iðnagrinëti su- nimuisi34. dë neámanoma toliau kariauti prieð Anglijà ir ir kt.

18 19 armijai pakankamai maisto ir apsaugoti, kad pasiprieðinimo prevencijai ir numatomai rasis- nagrinëjant Vokietijos okupacinæ politikà pa- gam þaibiðkam Vokietijos karui. vietiniai gyventojai jo nesuvalgytø. Su ðiomis tinei iðkeldinimo politikai (Umsiedlungspolitik) aiðkëja, kad 1941–1945 m. laikotarpiu daug kas Kadangi kariaujant su Lenkija 1939–1940 dël karinës logistikos atsiradusiomis strategi- okupuotuose kraðtuose. Toks darbuotojø sty- priklausë nuo situacijos vietoje. Be to, þvelgiant m. Vermachtas, SS ir civilinë valdþia turëjo rim- jomis karo iðvakarëse buvo siejami dar dides- gius turëjo dvejopø pasekmiø: viena vertus, ið dabartinës perspektyvos, visa koncepcija ir tø tarpusavio nesutarimo problemø, ruoðiantis ni grobikiðki planai. Aprûpinimas maisto pro- trûkstamà personalà turëjo kompensuoti beri- didieji jos komponentai tebuvo begalinës di- karui prieð Sovietø Sàjungà buvo stengiamasi duktais Vokietijos okupuotoje Europoje smar- bis teroras, kurá vykdë Vermachto ir SS daliniai. dybës manijos iðraiðka. Nebuvo galima rimtai ið anksto iðvengti panaðiø ginèø sudarant vidi- kiai ir greitai blogëjo, artëjo neáveikiamas maisto Antra vertus, vokieèiø darbuotojø gretas turëjo tikëtis, kad Sovietø Sàjunga staiga þlugs kaip nius susitarimus dël karo teisës ir tarptautinës stygius, ir nacionalsocialistø vadovybës sàmo- papildyti, pavyzdþiui, lietuviai pagalbininkai. „molinis kolosas“, lygiai kaip nebuvo galima teisës paþeidimø. Ðiame kontekste savo vaid- nëje atgijo koðmariðki Pirmojo pasaulinio ka- Minimø aspektø analizë paaiðkina vokie- laukti, kad iðtisi regionai ir visi gyventojai pa- mená turëjo suvaidinti gerai þinomi vadinamie- ro, kuomet Vokietijos reichas susidûrë su mil- èiø motyvø daugialypumà. Karinës strategijos, klus vokieèiø primestam aprûpinimo ir bado ji nusikalstami ásakymai, kuriuos reikia glaus- þiniðkomis bado problemomis, vaizdai. Iðkilo karo pramonës ir iðkeldinimo politikos proble- diktatui arba susitaikys su jiems skirtu koloni- tai panagrinëti: ásakas dël karinio teismingumo grësmë, kad dël aprûpinimo problemø þlugs mos buvo glaudþiai tarpusavyje susijusios, zuotos ar net pavergtos tautos statusu, kad tik bei procedûrø operacijos „Barbarosos“ plote ir „tëvynës frontas“ (Heimatfront). Norëdama ið- praktiðkai nulëmë nepaprastai greità karo tem- galëtø tarnauti ðeimininkams ir naujakuriams ypatingø kariniø priemoniø (Gerichtsbarkeitser- spræsti ðias problemas, naciø vadovybë nu- pà ir sudëtingà jo uþtikrinimo situacijà. vokieèiams (Herrenmenschen). lass), instrukcijos kariuomenei (Richtlinien für die sprendë vykdyti masiniø þudyniø geopoliti- Dël kompleksiðko karybos pobûdþio Vokie- Kokià reikðmæ turëjo Vokietijos planai So- Truppe) ir ásakymas dël komisarø (Kommissarbe- kà, plëðti gyventojus ir maþinti jø aprûpinimà tijos okupacinei politikai Lietuvoje buvo bû- vietø Sàjungos þydø atþvilgiu vykdomai poli- fehl). Sovietø vadovaujanèiojo sluoksnio iðþu- maistu (Unterversorgung). Ne tik vokieèiø ka- dinga tai, kad ávairiø instancijø – Vermachto, tikai? Apie genocidinius planus iðvaryti þy- dymas turëjo pagreitinti Sovietø Sàjungos ir Rau- riuomenë, bet ir Vokietijos reichas bei kitos Eu- SS ir civilinës valdþios, kurioje dominavo Na- dus á sutriuðkinti planuojamos Sovietø Sàjun- donosios armijos þlugimà ir uþkirsti kelià pasi- ropos dalys turëjo bûti aprûpinamos maistu ið cionalsocialistinë vokieèiø darbininkø partija gos platybes jau uþsiminta anksèiau. Buvo prieðinimui. Atsiradus erdvei, kurioje negalioja Sovietø Sàjungos teritorijø. Dël rasistinio vo- (National-Socialistische Deutsche Arbeitpartei, to- aiðku, kad tuo metu gyvenusi þydø karta turë- jokia teisë (rechtsfreier Raum), Vokietijos vermach- kieèiø antislavizmo 1941 m. pavasará buvo nu- liau – NSDAP) bei jos padaliniai – vadovybës jo bûti paskutinë. Jos likimas turëjo bûti nu- to, policijos ir SS daliniams turëjo atsiverti gali- tarta ir ásakyta vykdant mitybos politikà nu- sutarë tarpusavyje dël pagrindiniø tikslø: ið- lemtas pasibaigus karui. Taèiau tai dar nereið- mybë vykdyti teroro politikà, kad bûtø pasiekti marinti badu apie 30 mln. rusø ir baltarusiø ir bandyti viskà dël greitos pergalës, paspartinti kë, kad karo metu reikëjo nuþudyti visus Sovie- Vokietijos karo tikslai. atkirsti nuo tiekimo beveik visus didþiuosius ekstremalià grobikiðkà ekonominæ politikà tø Sàjungos þydus. Minëtieji ásakymai yra þinomi nuo Niurn- SSRS miestus. Vokietijos vadovybë manë, kad (wirtschaftliche Raubpolitik) ir minimaliai suma- Ið kà tik apþvelgtø vokieèiø ketinimø taip bergo procesø laikø, todël èia jie tik trumpai didþiules badaujanèias sritis galima geogra- þinti bet kokio pobûdþio saugumo politikos pat paaiðkëja, kad kai kuriems þydø tautybës apibendrinami. Pagal atitinkamus 1941 m. ko- fiðkai izoliuoti visø pirma rusø teritorijoje saugojimo problemas vokieèiø átakos sferoje. gyventojams buvo numatyta staigesnë mirtis. vo mën. Hitlerio duotus nurodymus RSHA (großrussischer Raum) pastaràjà apsupus bufe- Pasaulëþiûros prasme ðie dalykai buvo grin- 1940–1941 m. sandûroje vokieèiø parengtame virðininkas Heydrichas ir Vokietijos vieðosios rinëmis zonomis, kurios apimtø vakarines ir dþiami utopija apie „vokieèiø gyvenamosios bado plane buvo numatyta numarinti beveik policijos () vadas Kurtas Dalu- pietines nerusiðkas Sovietø Sàjungos þemes, t. erdvës (Lebensraum) kûrimà Rytuose“ ir milþi- visus miestø gyventojus kai kuriose Sovietø Sà- ege susitarë su Vermachtu, o ypaè su generali- y. prie Rytø priskirtas Baltijos ðalis ir likusias niðkos kolonijinës imperijos steigimà Rytø Eu- jungos þemëse, – bet turbût ne Baltijos valsty- niu intendantu generolu leitenantu Eduardu Baltarusijos bei Ukrainos teritorijas. ropoje, kuri bûtø kertinis Vokietijai sie- bëse, – kad Vokietijos vermachtas ir visas Rei- Wagneriu ið kariuomenës vyriausiosios vado- Ðie ketinimai dar labiau paaðtrino vokieèiø kiant valdyti pasaulá. Vokieèiø antisemitams chas bûtø aprûpinti maisto produktais. Kadan- vybës dël veiklos srièiø pasidalijimo karinës saugumo uþtikrinimo problemà (Sicherungsprob- atrodë savaime suprantama, kad þydams, kaip gi didþioji dauguma þydø gyveno miestuose, valdþios valdomuose kraðtuose36. Ðiø SS, poli- lem). Akivaizdþiai trûko vokieèiø vykdytojø per- pagrindiniam ideologiniam prieðui, ðioje im- tad ir jie turëjo mirti badu. Apie toká ketinimà sonalo. Vertinant pagal personalo poreiká, ku- perijoje neturëjo likti vietos. 1941 m. birþelá Heinrichas Himmleris informa- 35 ris ekonomikos ir politikos ástaigose buvo lai- Taèiau nors ir buvo sutariama dël esmës, vo SS vadovybæ . Antra vertus, Sovietø Sàjun- 35 Þr. Witte ir kt. (Hg.), Dienstkalender, p. 172–174 komas minimaliu karo tikslams pasiekti, liko neiðspræsta daug konkreèiø klausimø. Ins- gos þydø inteligentija, kuri dël rasistinio vo- (1941 6 12 – 15 áraðas). paaiðkëjo, kad 1941 m. pavasará trûko, priklau- titucijø lygiu SS toli graþu nebuvo tikra, kaip ið kieèiø poþiûrio buvo laikoma socialiniu bolðe- 36 Þr. Hitleris, 1941 3 3, Vyriausiosios vermachto somai nuo regionø, nuo 72% iki 89% reikiamo tikrøjø elgsis Vermachtas. SS ir civilinës val- vizmo pagrindu, karo metu turëjo bûti kuo vadovybës karo dienoraðtis (Kriegstagebuch der personalo. Todël iðkilo pavojus keturiems pa- dþios santykis taip pat buvo neaiðkus. Politi- greièiau suðaudyta. Buvo manoma, kad didþi- Oberkommando der , toliau – KTB OKW), t. 1, p. 341; Heydricho pastaba grindiniams planinës vokieèiø karybos kompo- niu poþiûriu klausimø këlë nevienoda ir besi- àjà sovietø valdþios elito dalá sudaro þydai, (Vermerk), datuota 1941 3 26; Aly, Endlösung, nentams: tiekimui ir transportui, 1941-øjø metø keièianti atskirø politikos srièiø, tarp kuriø bû- tad jø nuþudymas turëjo pagreitinti sovietø p. 270; Hitleris, 1941 3 30, Franzo Halderio derliaus vartojimo ir marinimo badu planams, ta prieðtaringø átampø, svarba. Iðsamiau valstybës þlugimà ir atneðti sëkmæ itin rizikin- KTB (toliau – KTB Halder), t. 2, p. 336 ir kt.

20 21 cijos ir Vermachto susitarimø rezultatas ir bu- letas 1941 m. kovo–balandþio mën. sudarytø vaitei nuo karo pradþios, o priminimas apie pan.“), – lygiai kaip ir 1941 m. geguþës 13 d. vo tie vadinamieji nusikalstami ásakymai, ku- susitarimø tarp SS ir Vermachto. Svarbiausi jø: bendrà aptarimà, ávykusá prieð dvylika dienø. potvarkyje, kuriuo panaikinamas karinis teis- riais Vokietijos reicho vadovybë paþeidë ga- 1941 m. kovo 13 d. OKW instrukcijos, kuriose Tad Vokietijos saugumo policija dar likus pen- mingumas ir pagal kurá kone kiekvienas gy- liojanèias karo teisës ir tarptautinës teisës nor- Hitlerio paliepimu buvo nurodyta, kad Him- kioms dienoms iki karo pradþios aiðkiai keti- ventojas potencialiai tapo beteisis. Tad opera- mas (1907 m. Hagos konvencijà dël sausumos mleriui pavedamos „ypatingos uþduotys <...>, no sukelti pogromus – nepriklausomai nuo so- tyviniø grupiø ir bûriø vadams tam tikra pras- karo ástatymø, 1929 m. Þenevos konvencijà dël susijusios su lemiama kova tarp dviejø prie- vietiniø þiaurumø, ávykdytø traukiantis Rau- me buvo paliktos laisvos rankos spræsti. elgesio su karo belaisviais, 1929 m. Raudonojo ðiðkø politiniø sistemø“, taip pat susitarimas donajai armijai. Nebuvo jokio iðsamesnio ásakymo, o tik in- Kryþiaus konvencijà dël suþeistøjø ir ligoniø tarp generalinio intendanto Wagnerio ir RSHA Be to, 1941 m. liepos 2 d. Heydricho raðte strukcija, kuri prilygo ágaliojimui þudyti. veikianèiosiose armijose padëties gerinimo ir virðininko Heydricho, kuris buvo sudarytas vyresniesiems SS ir policijos vadams okupuo- Taip raðytine forma buvo apibrëþta aukø paproèiø teisæ)37. 1941 m. kovo 26 d. ir tik truputá pakeistas 1941 toje Sovietø Sàjungoje apraðomas aukø ratas grupë: reikëjo likviduoti politinæ Sovietø Sà- Jau minëtas vadinamasis karinio teismin- m. balandþio 28 d., iðleidus vadinamàjá potvar- tiksliai atitinka nurodytàjá su Vermachtu su- jungos vadovybæ, kurios neatsiejama dalis, gumo ásakas, Vyriausiosios vermachto vado- ká dël kariuomenës (Regelung des Heeres), pagal derintame 1941 m. liepos 6 d. ásakyme dël ko- nacionalsocialistø vadø manymu, buvo þy- vybës (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, toliau – kurá SS daliniai galëjo bûti naudojami armijos misarø, – tam tikra prasme tai paralelinis nu- dai, sudaræ bolðevizmo skleidëjø branduolá. OKW) iðleistas 1941 m. geguþës 13 d., panaiki- ir kariuomenës uþnugario srityse. Taigi opera- rodymas saugumo policijai. Nors „tam tikrus Be ðiø dokumentuotø Heydricho nurodymø no karo teismo kompetencijà skirti bausmæ uþ tyvinëms grupëms ir operatyviniams bûriams postus partijoje ir valstybëje uþimanèius þy- nepastebimai sukelti þydø pogromus (1941 m. „nusikalstamà prieðiðkø civiliø asmenø vei- buvo suteikta teisë „gavus pavedimà savo at- dus“ Heydrichas aiðkiai nurodë kaip þudyti- birþelio 29 d.) ir nuþudyti visus þydus, uþ- kà“, teisæ bausti savo nuoþiûra perleisdamas sakomybe imtis vykdomøjø priemoniø civiliø nus asmenis, taèiau kaip sovietiniai valstybës imanèius valstybinius bei partinius postus karininkams vietose. Taigi tose vietovëse, ið ku- gyventojø atþvilgiu“41. ir partijos funkcionieriai jie ir taip buvo priski- (1941 m. liepos 2 d.), be abejonës, buvo ir þo- riø buvo puldinëjamas Vermachtas, turëjo bû- Anksèiau minëta ilgametë diskusija dël to, riami nedelsiant þudytinø asmenø grupei44. diniø nurodymø arba instrukcijø, kurios ne- ti imamasi „kolektyviniø prievartos priemo- koks buvo ásakymø, kuriuos prieð iðvykdami Prieðø grupë nors ir buvo paminëta, vis dëlto buvo uþfiksuotos raðtu. Tikriausiai tai ávyko niø“. Vokietijos vermachto kariø atþvilgiu ne- gavo Himmlerio daliniai ir ypaè operatyviniai liko neapibrëþta („kiti radikalûs elementai ir 1941 m. liepos 17 d., kai Heydrichas buvo su- begalëjo bûti vykdomas baudþiamasis bûriai, tikslus turinys, visà laikà rëmësi keliais persekiojimas, net jei jie bûtø ávykdæ „kariná iðlikusiais dokumentais. Visø pirma, tai du nusikaltimà arba nusiþengimà“. Tad Sovietø laiðkai, kuriuos Heydrichas iðsiuntë operaty- 37 Þr. iðsamø apraðà, atliktà pagal tarptautinæ Verbande des Heeres), priimtas 1941 4 28; teisæ, su ðaltiniø tekstais naujajame Hambur- iðspausdinta: Anatomie des SS-Staates, t. 2, Sàjungos civiliai gyventojai galutinai neteko vinëms grupëms arba aukðtesniesiems SS ir po- go socialiniø tyrinëjimø instituto (Hamburger p. 171–173. Himmlerio daliniams, kurie buvo 38 teisinës apsaugos . 1941 m. geguþës 19 d. in- licijos vadams prasidëjus karui. 1941 m. birþe- Institut für Sozialforschung) iðleistame kataloge skirti masinëms þudynëms Sovietø Sàjungoje strukcijose dël kariuomenës elgesio Rusijoje (tu- lio 29 d. Heydrichas, „remdamasis jau birþelio „Vermachto nusikaltimai“ (Verbrechen der vykdyti, priklausë: keturios operatyvinës rima galvoje Sovietø Sàjunga) kariams buvo nu- 17 d. Berlyne þodþiu iðdëstytais savo sampro- Wehrmacht), Hamburg, 2002, p. 16–36. saugumo policijos grupës, kurias sudarë apie rodyta kovoti su visais bolðevizmo skleidëjais. tavimais“, operatyviniø grupiø vadams „pri- 38 Ásakas dël karinio teismingumo vykdymo 3 000 kariø, SS reichsfiurerio vadovybës ðtabas su dviem SS kavalerijos pulkais ir dviem Konkreèiai tai reiðkë: „imtis negailestingø ir minë“42: „Barbarosos“ plano teritorijoje ir dël ypatingø kariuomenës priemoniø (Erlaß über die motorizuotomis pëstininkø brigadomis, kurias ryþtingø priemoniø prieð bolðevikinius kirðin- „Uþimamuose naujuose kraðtuose negali- Ausübung der Kriegsgerichtsbarkeit im Gebiet sudarë apie 25 000 kariø, bei vieðosios tojus, partizanus, þydus bei visiðkai uþgniauþti ma trukdyti prieð komunistus ir prieð þydus “Barbarossa” und über besondere Maßnahmen der policijos batalionai, kuriuose tarnavo apie bet koká aktyvø ir pasyvø pasiprieðinimà“39. nusiteikusiø gyventojø pastangoms apsivaly- Truppe), Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv Freiburg / 12 000 vyrø. 1941 m. birþelio 6 d. iðleistas Vyriausiosios ti. Prieðingai – jas reikia inicijuoti, tiesa, nepa- Breisgau (toliau – BA-MA), RW 4/v. 577, 42 Operatyviniai 1941 6 29 ir 1941 7 2, ásakymai vermachto vadovybës ásakymas dël komisarø stebimai, ir skatinti, o prireikus nukreipti tei- l. 72–74. Nr. 1 (citata) ir Nr. 2 operatyviniø grupiø 39 Instrukcijos dël kariuomenës elgesio Rusijoje vadams, iðspausdinti: Klein, Einsatzgruppen, buvo skirtas karinei valdþiai ir nukreiptas singa linkme, bet taip, kad vietos „savisaugos (Richtlinien für das Verhalten der Truppe in p. 318–321. prieð ideologinius Raudonosios armijos funk- bûriai“ vëliau negalëtø minëti gautø nurody- Russland), paskelbtos 1941 5 19, BA-MA, 43 Heydricho telegrama operatyviniø grupiø cionierius, kurie nebuvo pripaþástami karei- mø arba politiniø tikslø. <...> Ið pradþiø reikia RW 4/v. 524, l. 13 ir kt. vadams, operatyvinis ásakymas (Einsatzbefehl) viais. Mûðio lauke Vermachtas privalëjo juos vengti sudarinëti nuolatinius ið centro valdo- 40 Instrukcijos dël elgesio su politiniais komisarais Nr. 1, iðspausdinta: Longerich, Ermordung, tuètuojau nuþudyti, o armijø ir kariuomenës mus savisaugos bûrius; vietoj jø tikslinga ska- (Richtlinien für die Behandlung politischer p. 118 ir kt. 44 uþnugario srityse – perduoti saugumo polici- tinti vietinius liaudies rengiamus pogromus, Kommissare), iðleistos 1941 6 6, BA-MA, Heydricho 1941 7 2 raðtas vyresniesiems SS ir RW 4/v. 578, l. 42–44. policijos vadams, kopija EG A vadui Franzui jos ir SD operatyvinëms grupëms40. kaip nurodyta anksèiau “43. 41 Potvarkis dël saugumo policijos ir SD naudoji- Walteriui Stahleckeriui, BA, R 70 Sowjetunion Himmlerio SS ir policijos pajëgø naudoji- Taigi ði telegrama buvo ne ásakymas, kurá mo kariuomenës junginiuose (Regelung des 15, l. 6–10; iðspausdinta: Klein, Einsatzgrup- mà karinës valdþios tikslams reglamentavo ke- operatyviniø grupiø vadai gavo tik praëjus sa- Einsatzes der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD im pen, p. 323–328.

22 23 kvietæs á Berlynà operatyviniø grupiø ir bûriø Be to, yra dar vienas ilgà laikà nepastebë- vimas: „Ið ðio bûrio veiklos, kuri buvo apëmu- nymu, galëjo bûti aktyvûs pasiprieðinimo vo- vadus45. tas svarbus ðaltinis apie daugelio þydø vyrø si visà Lietuvà, paaiðkëjo, kad likvidavus ne- kieèiø okupacijai dalyviai ir buvo laikomi Tai, kad bûta þodiniø ásakymø, labiausiai nuþudymà. Yra þinoma, kad ið sovietiniø karo daugelá þydø nebuvo ámanoma stabilizuoti fron- veikliais þydø bolðevikais. Jie buvo prilygi- paaiðkëja ið EG A vado Franzo Walterio Stah- belaisviø tuètuojau bûdavo suðaudomi visi to uþnugario ruoþo“ (iðskirta autoriaus)54. nami aktyviems arba potencialiems vokieèiø leckerio 1941 m. rugpjûèio 6 d. uþraðø, kuriuo- þydai – tai buvo raðtu dokumentuota dar 1941 Prevencijos idëjai buvo teikiama didelë reþimo prieðams, ypaè komunistams ir sovie- se, turint galvoje diskusijà dël civilinei valdþiai m. birþelio 28 d.49 Christianas Streitas ir Chris- svarba. Reikëjo kovoti ne tik su faktiðkai gre- tø funkcionieriams56. Taèiau RSHA norëjo pa- skirtos antisemitinës instrukcijos projekto, tei- tianas Gerlachas pagrástai atkreipë dëmesá á sianèiu pavojumi, bet ir su gyventojais, kurie bandyti kiek ámanoma iðplësti masines þydø giama, kad ðis projektas glaudþiai siejasi su 1941 m. liepos 17 d. operatyvinio ásakymo Nr. potencialiai galëjo tapti prieðais55. þudynes, perþengdama susitarimø su Ver- „principiniais, raðtu neskelbtinais aukðtesnio- 8 á karo belaisviø stovyklas siunèiamiems sau- Pirmosiomis karo savaitëmis operatyviniø machtu ir civiline valdþia ribas. Tai atsispin- sios instancijos ásakymais saugumo polici- gumo policijos ir SD bûriams priedus. Ðis ása- grupiø vykdytø þudyniø aukomis visø pirma dëjo atitinkamuose EG A ir EK 3 dokumen- jai“46. Formuluotë „aukðtesnioji instancija“ pa- kymas buvo taikomas ne tik karo belaisviams, tapo tie þydai, kurie, nacionalsocialistø ma- tuose. Ieðkant juose suformuluotø saugumo rodo, kad tai nebuvo Hitlerio nurodymai, prie- bet ir stovyklose uþdarytiems civiliams asme- ðingu atveju bûtø pasakyta „aukðèiausioji nims50. Heydricho pateiktame þudytinø asme- 45 Apie ðá pasitarimà nëra jokiø ano meto komen- 51 RSHA instrukcijos dël eiliniø karo belaisviø instancija“ (kaip marinimo badu plane), tai bu- nø sàraðe, be liepos 2 d. nurodytø asmenø, bu- tarø, tik pokario meto parodymai. Þr. Wildt, stovyklose (Stalaguose) ir laikinosiose stovyklo- vo Himmlerio arba Heydricho nurodymai. vo paminëta „sovietinë rusø inteligencija“ bei Generation, p. 557. se (Dulaguose) dislokuotinø saugumo policijos Ðie þodþiu pateikti nurodymai veikiausiai „visi þydai“51. Taigi tai buvo konkretus ásaky- 46 Operatyvinës grupës vado pozicija, iðdëstyta (Sicherheitpolizei – Sipo) ir SD vadø bûriø buvo susijæ su karinei tarnybai tinkamo am- mas þudyti visus þydus civilius vyrus belais- 1941 8 6, Latvijos valstybinis istoijos archyvas (Richtlinien des RSHA für die in die Stalags und þiaus þydø vyrø þudymu. Kiti þydø vyrai, mo- viø stovyklose, á kurias kai kuriuose Baltarusi- (Latvijas Valsts Vestures Archivs, toliau – Dulags abzustellenden Kommandos des Chefs der terys ir vaikai dar nebuvo priskirti pirmajai au- jos miestuose buvo suvaryti apskritai visi karo LVVA), P 1026-1-3, l. 237–239; þr. taip pat Sipo und des SD). Operatyvinis ásakymas Nr. 8, 1941 7 9 praneðimà apie ávyká (Ereignismel- Tarptautinis karo tribunolas (Internationaler 47 kø grupei . Apkeliavæs Baltijos ðalis, 1941 m. tarnybai tinkamo amþiaus vyrai. Lietuvoje ne- dung, toliau – EM). Militärgerichtshof, toliau – IMG), XXVI, liepos pabaigoje SS reichsfiurerio ðtabo infor- buvo tokiø milþiniðkø stovyklø kaip prie Mins- 47 Tilþës telegrama RSHA, datuota 1941 7 p. 111–115, 502-PS; BA, R 58/1027, macinës tarnybos karininkas (Nachrichtenoffi- ko Lietuvoje panaðios stovyklos buvo ákurtos 1, ZStL, SSRS kolekcija (Sammlung UdSSR), l. 190–194. zier, arba Ic) May’us praneðë, kad vietos sau- Kaune. Á Kauno VII fortà nuo pat pradþiø buvo aplankas (Ordner, toliau – Ord.) 245 Ag, Nr. 52 Hanso Krauso apklausa (Vernehmung Hans gumo policija abejojanti, „ar ðaudant vien tik uþdaromi daugiausia vien þydai. Beveik visi 254–257, l. 2–5. Kraus), vykusi 1959 10 21, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 48 SS reichsfiurerio ðtabas, Ic karininko veiklos 21/58, t. 8, l. 211. vyriðkos lyties þydus galima ið esmës iðspræsti jie buvo suðaudyti. 1941 7 20–1941 7 27 ataskaita, cituota ið: 53 Otto Dietricho (1b ypatingasis bûrys – Sonder- 48 þydø problemà“ . Vokieèiø saugumo policijos poþiûriu, jos Krakowski, Möglichkeiten, p. 120. kommando (SK) 1b) apklausa 1959 11 3, Ericho Apþvelgus pirmosiomis savaitëmis vykdy- paskirtis buvo pasirûpinti policine uþgrobtos 49 Þr. instrukcijø dël karo belaisviø stovyklose Ehrlingerio byla (Ehrlinger-Verfahren), t. 8, tø ðaudymø praktikà, taip pat perðasi iðvada, teritorijos apsauga. Remiantis prieðininko sà- dislokuotinø saugumo policijos ir SD vadø l. 275. kad saugumo policija siekë iðplësti aukø ratà. voka, kuri 4-ojo deðimtmeèio antrojoje pusëje bûriø projektà, datuotà 1941 6 28. Niurnbergo 54 Iðankstinis 1942 2 4 praneðimas apie antràjà Nustatyto amþiaus þydø vyrø þudymas gero- buvo ásigalëjusi apskritai visoje vokieèiø poli- dokumentas PS 078, esantis, pavyzdþiui, bendràjà EG A ataskaità (Vorbericht zum Institut für Zeitgeschichte bibliotekoje Miunchene. zweiten Gesamtbericht der EG A), BA, R 90/146. kai pranoko 1941 m. liepos 2 d. raðytiná Heyd- cijoje, jinai privalëjo kovoti su visais valstybei Manoma, kad tarp karo belaisviø buvo apie 55 Prieðo sàvokà þr. taip pat: Herbert, Best, p. 163– richo nurodymà þudyti „partinius ir valstybi- ir tautai prieðiðkais elementais52. Valstybës 80 000 Sovietø Sàjungos þydø. Ið 61 000 þydø 180, 237–245. Ji aiðkiai suformuluota ano nius postus uþimanèius þydus“. Kadangi tai prieðais okupuotose Sovietø Sàjungos teritori- kilmës Lenkijos kareiviø, kurie dar 1939 m. meto SK 4a 1943 3 19 raðte SD nevietiniø buvo aptarta su Vermachtu ir bûsimàja civili- jose buvo laikomi pirmiausia komunistai ir jø pateko á vokieèiø nelaisvæ, greièiausiai neiðgyve- bûriø (Außenkommandos) vadams: „Saugumo ne valdþia, nekilo esminiø nesutarimø. Nesu- aplinkos þmonës. Tautos prieðai visø pirma no në vienas. Þr. Pohl, Holocaust, p. 36 ir p. 46. policijos ir SD uþduotis – nustatyti Reicho 50 Þr. Gerlach, Morde, p. 503–505. Apie civiliø prieðus ir kovoti su jais dël saugumo, o kovos tarimai kildavo tuomet, kai perþengiant minë- buvo þydai. Remiantis ðiuo poþiûriu, „norint kaliniø stovyklà Minske þr. ten pat, p. 506– veiksmø srityje – ypaè dël kariuomenës tojo nurodymo ribas buvo þudomi arba turëjo nuraminti uþnugario teritorijas“ reikëjo viso- 514. Christian Streit, „Ostkrieg, Antibolsche- saugumo. Reikia ne tik sunaikinti aktyviai bûti þudomi þydai vyrai, kurie dar buvo nau- mis priemonëmis uþkirsti kelià pavojui, kuris wismus und ‘Endlösung’ leidinyje: Geschichte veikianèius prieðininkus, bet ir imtis prevenci- dingi pirmiausia ekonominiu atþvilgiu ir ne- gali kilti vokieèiø vieðpatavimui“53. Iðanksti- und Gesellschaft 17 (1991), p. 242–255. Reikia niø priemoniø tokiems elementams likviduoti, këlë pavojaus saugumo policijai. Dël ðios prie- niame 3-iojo operatyvinio bûrio (Einsatzkom- atkreipti dëmesá á tai, kad RSHA kalboje kurie dël savo paþiûrø ir praeities esant þasties 1941 m. birþelio pabaigoje Ðiauliuose, mando, toliau – EK) praneðime, kuris buvo pa- posakis „visi þydai“ nereiðkia visø þydø palankioms aplinkybëms gali tapti aktyviais tautybës gyventojø, o tik þydø tautybës vyrus. prieðais. Ðià uþduotá saugumo policija vykdo spalio mënesá Vilniuje ir lapkrièio mënesá Kau- teiktas 1942 m. pradþioje dël antrosios Stah- Jei ásakymas þudyti buvo taikomas þydø su reikiamu grieþtumu, laikydamasi visuoti- ne kilo konfliktø tarp saugumo policijos, Ver- leckerio ataskaitos, saugumo policijos tikslams moterims ir vaikams, tai bûdavo aiðkiai niø fiurerio nurodymø“. IMG, t. 31, PS 3012. machto ir civilinës valdþios. buvo áteisintas antisemitinës politikos eskala- nurodoma. 56 Þr. Gerlach, Ausweitung, p. 26 ir kt.

24 25 policijos vykdytos antisemitinës politikos Taèiau tai tebuvo ásivaizduojamas tikslas giau karo tarnybai tinkamø þydø tautybës vy- tenantas dr. Kurtas Gräbe ir dr. Heinzas Gräfe tikslø, susiduriama su aiðkiais ketinimais vi- (Zielvorstellung), o ne grieþtas ásakymas ne- rø. Vokieèiø saugumo policija siekë savo poli- ið Tilþës gestapo, vëliau perëjæs á RSHA VI tar- siðkai iðnaikinti þydus. delsiant þudyti visus þydus. Ir tokia tikslo tikos tikslams panaudoti vietinius gyventojus nybà, apsiëmë pagyvinti ryðius su emigravu- Stahleckeris pirmojoje savo ataskaitoje samprata numatë taktinæ galimybæ elgtis di- nevokieèius. Þudikiðki saugumo policijos tiks- siais lietuviais bei ðalies gyventojais ir infor- 1941 m. spalio 15 d. raðë: „Vykdydama ásaky- ferencijuotai. Nagrinëjant ðiuos klausimus rei- lai perþengë Vermachto ir bûsimosios civili- muoti apie tai Uþsienio reikalø ministerijà bei mà saugumo policija buvo tvirtai nusprendu- kia prisiminti, kad pirmosiomis karo savaitë- nës valdþios susitarimø ribas. Taèiau visos Vermachto vadovybæ. 1941 m. sausio–kovo më- si visomis priemonëmis ir labai ryþtingai mis buvo tikimasi greitos pergalës prieð So- vokieèiø institucijos drauge siekë to paties tiks- nesiais, kuomet Lietuvoje lankësi Vokietijos spræsti þydø klausimà“, „kaip ámanoma grei- vietø Sàjungà. Reikia taip pat pabrëþti, kad lo – dalá þydø iðtremti, o kitus ilgainiui sunai- persikëlëliø reikalø komisija (Umsiedlungskom- èiau ávykdyti iðkeltà apvalymo uþdaviná“, kalbama apie þodinius ásakymus. Jie buvo at- kinti. Taèiau minimos institucijos ásivaizdavo mission), buvo vykdomi ir ðnipinëjimo veiks- „saugumo policijos atliekamo apvalymo dar- ëjæ ið RSHA, ið saugumo policijos vadovybës procesà kiek skirtingai. mai bei rengiamas sukilimas. Agento Richar- bo tikslas buvo likviduoti kuo daugiau þydø“57. (Heydricho ir Himmlerio), ir tai nebuvo vie- do Kossmanno vadovaujamai persikëlëliø or- Antrojoje, 1942 m. vasario 1 dienos, Stahlec- tos saugumo policijos vadø savavaliðkai ið- ganizacijai priklausë, pavyzdþiui, W. Vogelis kerio ataskaitoje kalbama apie „kiek ámano- plësti ágaliojimai. Vokieèiø planai (socialiniai reikalai) ir Alfredas Kinderis (svei- ma visiðkà þydijos likvidavimà“ ir paþymima, Taigi kalbant apie karo pradþioje iðleistus dël lietuviø vaidmens katos apsauga), kurie kuravo vietinius lietu- jog „ðiø spontaniðkø apvalymo akcijø nepa- ásakymus negalima iðeities taðku laikyti koká invazijos á SSRS metu viø agentus63. kako, kad bûtø stabilizuotas fronto uþnuga- nors ásivaizduotà visuotiná Hitlerio ásakymà Nuo 1940 m. antrosios pusës ir ypaè 1941 m. rio ruoþas“58. Antrojoje Karlo Jägerio ataskai- þudyti. Taip pat svarbu aiðkiai atskirti ávai- Vokiðkø ðaltiniø, kurie informuoja apie pavasará vokieèiø pasirengimo karui dalimi ta- toje (1941 m. gruodþio 1 d.) sakoma, kad „3-iasis rias SS, vokieèiø policijos institucijas, Ver- vokieèiø planus átraukti lietuvius á vokieèiø ka- po OKW Abvero II skyriaus pastangos sukelti operatyvinis bûrys pasiekë uþsibrëþtà tikslà – machto ir civilinës valdþios ástaigas. Doku- ro veiksmus, yra nedaug64. Ypaè OKW Abvero „tautiniø maþumø sukilimus“ Sovietø Sàjun- iðspræsti þydø problemà Lietuvoje. < > Ir mentuose uþfiksuota, kad jos susitarë tarpu- II skyrius (maþumø ir sabotaþo klausimai) ir goje64. Abveras mëgino vadovauti „neorgani- ðiuos þydø darbininkus bei jø ðeimas að norë- savyje dël esminio tikslo, t. y. þudyti „þydus RSHA VI tarnyba (uþsienio klausimai) bandë zuotoms pasiprieðinimo grupëms“ Baltijos ða- jau sunaikinti, taèiau tam grieþtai pasiprieði- bolðevikus“. Taèiau saugumo policija siekë panaudoti lietuvius vokieèiø karo veiksmø lyse65. Prasidëjus karui sukilëliai turëjo uþimti no civilinë valdþia (reichskomisaras) ir Ver- kuo skubiau, daþnai sëkmingai, iðplësti ma- tikslams ágyvendinti65. OKW pulkininkas lei- kalëjimus, tiltus, fabrikus, geleþinkeliø trans- machtas, kurie pareikalavo, kad ðie þydai ir jø siniø þudyniø praktikà. Daugelyje vietoviø ðeimos nebûtø sunaikinti! Tikslas – iðvalyti saugumo policijai pavyko nuþudyti karinei

Lietuvà nuo þydø – galëjo bûti pasiektas tik tarnybai tinkamo amþiaus þydus. Pagal þu- 57 A operatyvinës grupës bendroji ataskaita iki 63 Apie A. Kinderá þr. Edmundo Drukteinio dël to, kad ið rinktiniø vyrø buvo suorgani- dikø logikà, nuþudþius ðeimos maitintojà þu- 1941 10 15 (Gesamtbericht der Einsatzgruppe parodymus 1941 5 6, Boleslovas Baranauskas zuotas skrajojantis bûrys, vadovaujamas dymo politikos aukomis netrukus tapdavo ir A bis 15.10.1941), Maskvos ypatingasis (sud.) Hitlerininkø penktoji kolona Lietuvoje oberðturmfiurerio Joachimo Hamanno, kuris gyvos likusios moterys bei vaikai. Juolab kad archyvas, 500-4-93. (Vilnius, 1961), p. 71. 58 64 visiðkai suprato manuosius tikslus ir sugebë- tam buvo randama daugybë pateisinimø, ir A operatyvinës grupës bendroji ataskaita nuo Admirolas Wilhelmas Canaris 1941 2 21 praneðë 1941 10 16 iki 1942 1 31, Maskvos ypatingasis generalinio ðtabo vadovui Halderiui apie jo uþtikrinti bendradarbiavimà su lietuviø par- ðios þudynës karinei ir civilinei valdþiai bû- archyvas, 500-4-91. „rengiamas priemones, skirtas Ukrainai ir tizanais ir atitinkamo civilinëmis ástaigomis. davo pateikiamos kaip neva „karinë bûtiny- 59 3-iasis operatyvinis bûrys, EK 3 teritorijoje iki Baltijos ðalims“, Halderio KTB, t. 2, p. 287. Tokiø akcijø vykdymas pirmiausia yra orga- bë“ – dingstis bûdavo maisto produktø sty- 1941 12 1 ávykdytø egzekucijø sàraðas Vëliau (1941 5 17) kariuomenës operatyvinio nizacinis klausimas. Pasiryþimas sistemingai gius, infekciniø ligø plitimas, sargybos per- (Einsatzkommando 3, Gesamtaufstellung der skyriaus vadovas Adolfas Heusingeris iðvalyti kiekvienà apskritá nuo þydø pareika- sonalo sànaudø maþinimas ar ketinimas im Bereich des EK3 bis zum 1.12.1941 informavo Halderá apie „suirutës planus“ durchgeführten Exekutionen), 1941 12 2, BA, (Zersetzungsvorhaben) Ukrainoje ir Baltijos lavo kruopðèiai iðtirti kiekvienos akcijos pa- naudoti butus kitai paskirèiai. Himmleris pats R 70 Sowjetunion 15. ðalyse, ten pat, p. 418. rengimà ir esanèias atitinkamoje apskrityje sà- nurodë pagrindinæ prieþastá saugumo polici- 60 2-ojo operatyvinio bûrio 1942 m. pradþios 65 Rytø Prûsijos ruoþo ðtabo (Abschnittsstab lygas“59. Analogiðkø formuluoèiø buvo ir 2-ojo jos poþiûriu: neturëtø likti gyvas në vienas ataskaita (Bericht des Einsatzkommando 2 von Ostpreussen) Abvero II skyriaus (Ic) ryðiø operatyvinio bûrio ataskaitose: „Tikslas, kurá „kerðytojas“. Anfang 1942), BA, R 70 Sowjetunion/15. karininko (Verbindungsoffizier, toliau – VO) nuo pat pradþios uþsibrëþë 2-asis operatyvi- Atsakydami á èia pateiktus klausimus, dar 61 Deja, Vermachto karinës þvalgybos (Abvero) 1941 5 21 áraðas („ypatingos svarbos, grieþtai nis bûrys, buvo radikalus þydø problemos kartà apibendrinsime tai, kas svarbiausia tyri- bylos buvo sunaikintos, taèiau Ðiaurës slapta“) praneðime Nr. 449/41 apie liaudies armijø grupës bylose yra ðiek tiek informaci- pasiprieðinimo grupiø organizavimà ir sprendimas þudant visus þydus. < > Bus sie- nëjant pirmàsias karo savaites: nuo liepos 17 d. jos, kuri bent ið dalies atskleidþia vokieèiø apmokymà Baltijos valstybëse, uþ kurá atsako kiama Ostlandà kiek ámanoma visiðkai iðva- vokieèiø saugumo policijai teko uþduotis ini- planus. Abvero II skyrius, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, lyti nuo þydø“60. cijuoti pogromus. Ji siekë iððaudyti kuo dau- 62 Iðsamiau Þr. Kangeris, Kollaboration, p. 185. l. 50 ir kt.

26 27 porto mazgus, policijos nuovadas ir kitus stra- nurodymai buvo verèiami á lietuviø kalbà ir, studentai, kai kurie Katalikø baþnyèios dvasi- troliavo Klaipëdos pasienio policijos komisa- tegiðkai svarbius objektus66. OKW Abvero II kai jie per Suomijà arba jûros keliais per Rygà ninkai ir ávairiø visuomenës sluoksniø nacio- riatas (PPK), kuriam ið pradþiø vadovavo Pau- skyrius (vadovaujamas Lahouseno ir koordi- ar per Lietuvos sienà slapta patekdavo á Balti- nalistai76. Per keturis Vokietijos pasienio poli- lis Schwarzas ið Lauksargiø pasienio polici- nuojamas visø pirma dr. Gräbe’s) turëjo kartu jos ðalis, juos galima buvo traktuoti tik kaip cijos komisariatus ir karinio ðnipinëjimo pa- jos punkto, o po to Herbertas Schmidtke (Klai- su Abvero padaliniu Karaliauèiuje parengti ðià „tautos sukilimo vadovybës ásakymus“. Net ir dalinius ties Lietuvos–Vokietijos siena buvo pëdos PPK). Ten 1940 m. rudená buvo apsistojæ karinæ paramà. Taèiau paaiðkëjo, kad palaiky- vyriausieji Lietuvos turëjo ásitikinti, kad tai LAF palaikomi intensyvûs ryðiai ir teikiama pagal- keli ðimtai lietuviø, tarp jø 60–70 lietuviø poli- ti ryðius su Lietuvoje veikianèiomis grupëmis vado Kazio Ðkirpos ásakymai72. Dar 1941 m. ba pereinant sienà. cininkø77. 1941 m. pavasará Vokietijos abveras labai sudëtinga67. Be to, vokieèiai nerimavo, kad liepos mën. vokieèiø saugumo policijos ata- Prie pat Vokietijos–Lietuvos sienos Abve- ið jø parengë 90 sabotaþo specialistø lietuviø. jø nurodymai „ið vietos gyventojø sudarytoms skaitose buvo teigiama, kad Lietuviø aktyvis- ras ir gestapas buvo árengæ lietuviø pabëgëliø Oro pajëgø () stovykloje Baltijos jûros savanoriðkoms pasiprieðinimo grupëms“ sau- tø frontà „paskyrë OKW“, – tai, aiðku, klaidin- priëmimo stovyklas, kuriose buvo ieðkomi ir pakrantëje, uþmaskavus kaip montuotojus, bu- goti tam tikrus objektus gali padëti sovietø ðni- ga versija, sumenkinanti lietuviø iniciatyvà ku- verbuojami agentai. Gleisgarbeno stovyklà prie vo apmokytos rengti sabotaþà dvi grupës po pams nuspëti Vokietijos karinius taktinius pla- riant LAF73. Angerapo (Lager Gleisgarben bei Angerapp) kon- 45 vyrus, kurie prieð pat puolimà turëjo pereiti nus. Todël atitinkamiems vadams tik bendrais Abveras buvo informuotas, kad Lietuvoje bruoþais turëjo bûti pasakyta, jog bûtina sau- veikia du organizaciniai ðtabai, vienas Kaune, 66 Pirmosios mintys apie tai kilo dar 1940 m. 71 Áraðas praneðime apie liaudies aktyvistø grupiø 68 goti jø teritorijoje esanèius objektus . o kitas – Vilniuje. Jei NKVD aptiktø vienà jø, rugpjûèio mën. Savo sudarytame operacijos nuginklavimà, 1941 6 13, BA-MA, RH 19 III/ 1941 m. geguþës mën. parengiamieji dar- toliau veiktø antrasis ðtabas. LAF tvirtino Ab- plane (Operationsentwurf) 1940 8 5 Marcksas 722, l. 81. bai atrodë taip paþengæ á prieká, kad buvo ma- verui, esà „praktiðkai kiekvienoje Lietuvos vie- raðë, kad reikëtø taip pat ir Lietuvoje paban- 72 Rytø Prûsijos ruoþo ðtabo Abvero II skyriaus ryðiø noma, jog Baltijos valstybëse „neabejotinai“ tovëje (mieste ar kaime) pagal aplinkybes yra dyti, padedant Abvero II skyriui, uþkirsti kelià karininko, 1941 5 21 („ypatingos svarbos, grieþtai reikia tikëtis „sukilëliø veiksmø“. Ginèytinas sudaryta didesnë arba maþesnë aktyvistø gru- naikinimui ir perduoti á vokieèiø rankas slapta“) praneðime Nr. 449/41 apie liaudies nesugriautus geleþinkelius bei tiltus. Þr. pasiprieðinimo grupiø organizavimà ir apmoky- 74 buvo tik sukilimo pradþios laikas. Lietuviai pri- pë“ . Jø ginkluotë labai skirësi, daugiausia tai Überschär/Bezymenskij, Angriff, p. 231. mà Baltijos valstybëse, uþ kurá atsako Abvero II mygtinai siûlë sukilti, kai tik vokieèiai perþengs buvo rankiniai ðaunamieji ginklai. Vokieèiai 67 Bylos 1941 5 9 áraðas (Aktenvermerk) apie skyrius, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, l. 50 ir kt. sienà. Abveras savo ruoþtu reikalavo palauk- slapta buvo atgabenæ á Lietuvà 200 belgiðkø Karaliauèiaus Abvero padalinyje 1941 5 7 73 Þr. saugumo policijos ir SD veiklos ir padëties ti, kol vokieèiø kariuomenë priartës69. Taèiau pistoletø ir lenkiðkø rankiniø granatø. Abvero vykusá pasitarimà (Besprechung), BA, RH 19 1941 7 31 ataskaita, iðspausdinta: Klein, baimintasi, kad á ðias grupes gali ásiskverbti vertinimu, galima „visai pagrástai“ tikëtis, kad III/722, l. 25 ir kt. Ið Lietuvos pusës ryðius Einsatzgruppen, p. 115. tarp Vermachto ir lietuviø turëjo palaikyti 74 1941 6 3 áraðas praneðime apie Rytø Prûsijos sovietø agentai, todël „tautiniai daliniai“ po artëjant vokieèiø kariuomenei kils „ryþtingas agentai Brunius, majoras Gecevièius ir majoras ruoþo ðtabo Abvero II skyriaus VO funkcijas, Vokietijos puolimo turëjo bûti „geruoju“ nu- sukilimas“ prieð „dabartinius engëjus rusus“. Puodþius, kuris kaip LAF atstovas buvo BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, l. 74. ginkluoti70. Atëjus vokieèiø kariuomenei, jø uþ- LAF planavo, kad sukilëliai su raiðèiais ant atsakingas uþ ryðius su Lietuva. 75 1941 6 13 áraðas praneðime apie liaudies duotys bûsianèios ávykdytos, nors kai kuriuos rankoviø „patys pradës partizaniná karà prieð 68 Bylos 1941 5 18 áraðas apie Abvero II skyriuje aktyvistø grupiø nuginklavimà, BA-MA, RH sukilëlius buvo numatyta toliau panaudoti rusus“, be to, bus saugomi tam tikri objektai ir 1941 5 15 vykusá pasitarimà dël 800-ojo pulko 19 III/722, l. 81. Slaptaþodis uþmezgant ir pasiprieðinimo grupiø panaudojimo, BA- ryðius tarp vokieèiø armijos ir lietuviø kaip padëjëjus, vertëjus ir vedlius71. „atsiþvelgiant á temperamentà“ bus stengiama- MA, RH III/722, l. 46 ir kt. Vermachto aktyvistø – „Diunkerkas“ (Dünkirchen). Plg. Vokieèiø karinë þvalgyba laikësi nuomonës, si „padaryti prieðui kuo didesnæ þalà“. Ðiuo kariams ið 800-ojo pulko buvo nurodyta 15 Vyriausiosios armijos vadovybës (Armleober- kad vietiniø grupuoèiø vadai („daugiausia bu- atveju reikëtø „susitaikyti su pavieniais eksce- objektø. Bylos áraðas, datuotas 1941 5 21, apie kommando, toliau – AOK) 18 Ic/Abvero væ karininkai, inteligentai ar kunigai“) nuro- sais“75. Tai, kad Abveras jau nuo pradþiø susi- Abvero II skyriuje 1941 5 20 vykusá pasitari- karininko (Abwehroffizier, toliau – AO) specialø dymus gautø ið lietuviø emigrantø Berlyne, ta- taikë su tuo, jog prasidës „ekscesai“ (Übergrif- mà dël Abvero II skyriaus veiklos Rusijos 1941 6 18 ásakymà dël apsaugos ir sabotaþo èiau ji nieko konkreèiai neþinojo apie vadovy- fe), leidþia pagrástai manyti, kad surtiniams teritorijoje, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, l. 50 ir kt. veiksmø prieðo teritorijoje, BA-MA, RH 20- 1941 2 25 OKW ið lietuviø gavo jos paèios 18/63, l. 89–91; atitinkamà specialø ásakymà, bës struktûrà paèioje Lietuvoje, nes informacija veiksmams ið principo pritarta. pareikalautà iðsamià Lietuvos ekonomikos ir kuriame pateikiama lietuviø pogrindþiui ið Lietuvos sunkiai pasiekdavo Vokietijà. Ab- Karo iðvakarëse Vokietijos karinëms insti- gamybos apþvalgà. skirta informacija, 1941 6 21 iðleido 4-oji veras klydo manydamas, kad þvalgyba kon- tucijoms turëjo bûti pateikta kuo daugiau in- 69 Savo nurodymuose dël Lietuvos iðlaisvinimo tankø grupë. Þr. Ðkirpa, Aufstand, p. 287. troliuoja lietuviø pogrindþio judëjimo vadovy- formacijos apie Lietuvà. Pasak Ðkirpos, infor- LAF 1941 3 24 numatë datà, kada vokieèiai 76 Þr. ðkirpa, Aufstand, p. 117 ir kt. bæ, nes lietuviø karo ataðë neva „nuolat gauna matoriais ir aktyvistais galëjo bûti Raudono- perþengs Lietuvos sienà. Þr. Budreckis, Revolt, 77 Þr. Herberto Schmidtke’s apklausà 1956 2 27, ten nurodymus ið Abvero II skyriaus“ ir perduoda sios armijos lietuviðkasis korpusas, buvæ p. 35. pat, t. 1, l. 160 ir kt.; Prano Lukio apklausà 70 Bylos 1941 5 21 áraðas apie Abvero II skyriuje 1957 2 21, ten pat, t. 10, l. 2728–2731; Antano juos toliau. Anot vokieèiø, vietiniai lietuviø va- Lietuvos ðauliø sàjungos nariai, „Geleþinio vil- 1941 5 20 vykusá pasitarimà dël Abvero II Ðvarplaièio apklausà 1940 12 14, Penktoji dai neþinojo, kad „jø vyriausiajai vadovybei ko“ nariai, Lietuvos valstybës pareigûnai, kai skyriaus veiklos Rusijos teritorijoje, BA-MA, kolona, p. 52; J. Ilèiuko parodymus (Aussage vadovauja vokieèiø kariðkiai“, nes vokieèiø kurios jaunimo organizacijos, moksleiviai ir RH 19 III/722, l. 50 ir kt. J. Ilèiukas) 1940 10 27, ten pat, p. 55–59.

28 29 „þaliàjà sienà“. Dalis ðiø buvusiø karininkø ir ákaito. O þydams toks praneðimas ávarë dar muoti tokius TDA dalinius buvo planuota dar tojus, kad ðtabui priklauso tik tie asmenys, ku- puskarininkiø buvo atvykæ ið pabëgëliø sto- daugiau baimës82. 1941 m. kovo mën. Ðias kuopas savo tikslams rie ant rankovës ryði baltà raiðtá su uþraðu vyklø ir privalëjo pasiraðyti, kad laikysis vo- Pirmosiomis karo dienomis lietuviø organi- naudojo ir vokieèiø saugumo policija87. „TDA“ ir LAF ðtabo antspaudu90. kieèiø karinës drausmës78. Viena ið jø uþduo- zacijø struktûra dar buvo labai nepastovi. Be Birþelio 28 d. Lietuvos Laikinoji Vyriausy- Vis gausesni bûriai uniformuotø, taip pat ci- èiø buvo paremti vietinius aktyvistus. Laikinosios Vyriausybës institucijø ir LAF, dar bë nurodë mokëti partizanams atlyginimà, o viliø lietuviø su baltais raiðèiais traukdavo gat- Prasidëjus karui, Klaipëdos kareivinëse su- veikë keletas partizanø ðtabø. Gana aiðku, kad paþymëjimus apie iðtarnautà laikà turëjo pa- vëmis. Jie pasiskirstydavo po visà miestà – kai sirinko apie 100 lietuviø. Jiems vadovavo bû- po keliø dienø sukilëliai ëmë veikti organizuo- teikti partizanø vadai88. Birþelio 30 d. buvo nu- kurie planingai suiminëdavo þydus jø paèiø bu- simasis Lietuvos vieðosios policijos (Ordnungs- tai. Sukilimo metu birþelio 24 d. Kauno karo spræsta iðlaikyti TDA batalionà Kauno karo ko- tuose, o kiti savavaliðkai sulaikydavo þydø tau- polizei) vadas Vytautas Reivytis, kuris jau se- komendantûra paskelbë atsiðaukimà, kad visi mendanto biudþeto lëðomis89. Taèiau ið karto tybës praeivius: vyrus, moteris ir jaunuolius91. niai dirbo vokieèiø Abverui79. Jie lydëjo vokieèiø Lietuvos policijos pareigûnai, kurie dirbo poli- nepavyko sukontroliuoti visø partizanø gru- Yra pagrindo manyti, kad suimant þmones Kau- kariuomenæ puolimo metu, ir daugelis jø per cijoje iki sovietinës okupacijos 1940 m. birþelio piø. Po dviejø savaièiø Kauno burmistrui Ka- ne dalyvaudavo ir greitai reorganizuota saugu- kelias dienas uþëmë svarbiausius civilinës val- 15 d., privalo gráþti á savo buvusias darbovietes, ziui Palèiauskui vël prireikë informuoti gyven- mo bei kriminalinë policijos92. dþios ir policijos postus. Agentai sudarinëjo ir o Ðauliø sàjungos nariai raginami gráþti á savo sàraðus, á kuriuos pirmiausia átraukë komu- bûrius. Ðiems nurodymams per artimiausius më- 78 Rytø Prûsijos ruoþo ðtabo Abvero II skyriaus 85 Þr. Kauno karo komendanto Jurgio Bobelio nistø ir sovietø reþimui simpatizuojanèiø as- nesius pakluso apie 3000 asmenø, t. y. maþdaug ryðiø karininko 1941 5 21 áraðas („ypatingos ásakymus Nr. 1 ir Nr. 7, 1941 6 24 ir menø pavardes. Ið dalies jie galëjo remtis bu- 40% visø anksèiau dirbusiø policininkø83. svarbos, grieþtai slapta“) praneðime Nr. 449/ 1941 6 25, LCVA, R 1444-1-8, l. 7 ir l. 26. vusios Lietuvos valstybës saugumo departa- Lietuvos Laikinoji Vyriausybë, vadovauja- 41 apie liaudies pasiprieðinimo grupiø 86 Kauno karo komendanto Bobelio ásakymas Nr. 9, mento iki 1940 m. sudarytais komunistø ir ma laikinai ministro pirmininko pareigas ei- organizavimà ir apmokymà Baltijos valstybë- 1941 6 28, LCVA, R 1444-1-8, l. 28; Kauno karo se, uþ kurá atsako Abvero II skyrius, BA-MA, komendanto Bobelio 1941 6 28 praneðimas, átariamøjø komunistine veikla sàraðais80. nanèiam Juozui Ambrazevièiui, pirmajame po- RH 19 III/722, l. 50 ir kt. Þr. taip pat 1941 6 3 LCVA, R 1444-1-8, l. 35; abu iðspausdinti kn.: sëdyje 1941 m. birþelio 24 d. nusprendë panai- áraðà praneðime apie Rytø Prûsijos ruoþo Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 69 ir kt. kinti ligðiolinæ sovietinæ vyriausybës struktûrà ðtabo Abvero II skyriaus ryðiø karininko 87 Þr. SK 1b 1941 7 1 ataskaità EG A, BA, R 70 Smurtas ir iðpuoliai prieð ir, be kita ko, priskirti atkuriamos Lietuvos vi- funkcijas, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, l. 74. Yra Sowjetunion 15; EM 14, 1941 7 6, BA, R 58/ þydus Kaune pirmosiomis daus reikalø ministerijos kompetencijai sau- parodymø apie dviejø savaièiø agentø kursus 214; 281-osios apsaugos divizijos (Sicherungs- naciø–sovietø karo valandomis gumo policijà (Schutzpolizei), miestø policijà ir Karaliauèiuje, pavyzdþiui, 20 asmenø 1941 m. division, toliau – Sich. Div.) veiklos Ic ataskai- kovo mën.; tenykðtë SD taip pat esanti tà uþ 1941 7 1 – 1941 7 15 laikotarpá, NARA, ir dienomis: vokieèiø kalëjimus, nuo 1941 m. liepos 15 d. ásteigti po susijusi, o svarbiausia neva buvo organizuo- T 315, Roll 1870, l. 22 ir kt. („Kaune priþiûrint kurstymas bei lietuviø atitinkamà departamentà. Saugumui priklau- janti ginkluotà antisovietiná sukilimà. Þr. vokieèiams buvo sudarytos uniformuotø kariø bendradarbiavimas së saugumo ir kriminalinë policija. Prano Giedraièio parodymus 1944 12 1 ir kuopos, skirtos padëti policijai.“) Tuo metu veikiantys partizanø bûriai buvo 1944 12 5, Penktoji kolona, p. 96, p. 105–107. 88 Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 70. Prasidëjus karui iðkart kilo iðpuoliai sistemingai suskirstyti ir iðsiøsti á 42 mieste 79 Þr. Prano Lukio apklausà 1957 2 21, StA 89 Protokolas Nr. 6, 1941 6 30, LLV, p. 19 ir kt. 90 prieð þydus, kurie, ið Vokietijos oro pajëgø bom- esanèius punktus, áskaitant ir priemiesèius. Ið Ludwigsburg, EL 322, t. 10, l. 2728–2731; Plg. Stankeras, Policija, p. 126, kur cituojamas Vytauto Reivyèio apklausà 1985 1 9, ZStL, Kazio Palèiausko aplinkraðtis, 1941 7 8. 84 bardavimø ir radijo praneðimø supratæ, kad viso buvo iðskirstyti 3 365 vyrai . Taip pat bu- 207 AR 6/85, t. 1, l. 33–43. 91 Á kalëjimà buvo uþdaromos iðtisos ðeimos, prasidëjo karas ir Raudonoji armija pasitrau- vo bandoma kontroliuoti ginklus – jie turëjo 80 Þr. G. Carsteno apklausas 1956 10 18 ir 1957 1 18, pavyzdþiui, 50-metis Leiba Kaplanas, jo kë, daþniausiai neþinojo, kà daryti. Vieni ið kai- bûti skubiai suregistruoti. Nuo nakties ið bir- StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, t. 9, l. 2165 ir 2182; 32 metø þmona Sara ir trys vaikai Mala, Frida mo vietoviø bëgo á miestus, kiti – ið miestø á þelio 25-osios á 26-àjà buvo draudþiama vieðai A. Conrado apklausà 1960 4 29, ten pat, t. 21, ir Benjaminas, kuriems buvo nuo 4 iki 13 kaimus priklausomai nuo to, kur jie manë bû- rodytis su ginklu neturint atitinkamo paþymë- l. 5921; W. Hersmanno apklausà 1957 1 10, t. 7, metø; arba 42 metø amþiaus Ida Friedmann, l. 1752; Hanso Joachimo Böhme’s apklausà jos 16-metë dukra Esther ir pustreèiø metø sià saugesni. Jie dar nesuprato, kà galëtø reikðti jimo85. Ásakymas ávairius „partizanø“ bûrius 1956 12 18, ten pat, t. 7, l. 1572. sûnus Elijahu. Þr. 1941 7 2 raðytus praðymus Raudonosios armijos pasitraukimas ið Kauno. pakeisti sukarintais ir grieþtai organizuotais 81 Plg. pirmøjø karo valandø ir dienø apraðymus: Vokietijos saugumo policijai dël ðiø suëmimø, Vis labiau plito panika, tarsi „po kojomis bûtø junginiais buvo paskelbtas birþelio 28 d., o Kau- Gar, Umkum, p. 33–39. Èia p. 33. ávykdytø 1941 6 26, LCVA, R 973-3-2, l. 1 uþsidegusi þemë“81. Kai Kauno karo komen- no karo komendantûra nuo birþelio 29 d. ëmë 82 Gar, Umkum, p. 34 ir kt. ir kt. dantas pulkininkas Jurgis Bobelis liepë pra- sudarinëti Tautinio darbo apsaugos (toliau – 83 Kauno karo komendanto 1941 6 24 ásakymas 92 Priþiûrint EK 3 ir vadovaujant Jonui Dainaus- neðti per radijà, kad ið þydø namø neva ðau- TDA) batalionà, á kurá ið pradþiø turëjo bûti Nr. 1, LCVA, R 1444-1-8, l. 7; þr. Petras kui, lietuviø policijos 40 vyrø grupæ, kurià Stankeras, Policija, p. 49. sudarë daugiausia ið kalëjimo paleisti kaliniai, 86 doma á artëjanèius vokieèius ir kad uþ vienà priimami tik buvæ kariai . Batalionui vadova- 84 Ligðioliniø partizanø skyriø veiksmø sàraðas, papildë rinktinis personalas. Þr. pirmàjà nuðautà vokietá bus suðaudyta ðimtas þydø, vo pulkininkas Andrius Butkûnas, jo pava- LCVA, R 1444-1-9, l. 6 ir kt., iðspausdintas bendràjà EG 1941 10 15 ataskaità, Maskvos iki tol vyravusi pogromø nuotaika dar labiau duotojas majoras Antanas Impulevièius. Sufor- kn.: Brandiðauskas, Siekiai, p. 157 ir kt. ypatingasis archyvas, 500-4-93, l. 14, 41-43.

30 31 Ið visø surinkimo vietø sulaikytieji buvo ga- birþelio 27 d. „Lietûkio“ garaþe. Ypatingas re- dytojø, vokieèiai aktyviai dalyvavo þeminant mo árankiai buvo naudojami lauþtuvai, medi- benami á centriná kalëjimà ir á VII fortà, esantá á zonansas, kurá sukëlë „Lietûkio“ þudynës, la- ir muðant þydus, bet neþudë jø; dauguma nu- nës lazdos ir vandens siurblio þarnos sunkve- ðiauræ nuo miesto centro. Kasdieniniu reiðki- biau atspindi nepaprastai þiaurø vieðo susi- rodo lietuvius kaip kaltininkus. Kai kurie, nors þimiams plauti. Dviejose nuotraukose matyti niu tapo muðimas, plëðimai, vagystës ir ðiurkð- dorojimo pobûdá negu ðiø þudyniø mastà. Tiks- ir ne visi, skirtingi pasakojimai vienas kità pa- tas pats jaunas vyras, kà tik lauþtuvu uþmu- tus vieðas paþeminimas93. Pasak daugybës liu- lus aukø skaièius nëra þinomas, bet manoma, pildo atsiþvelgiant á tai, kad jie apibûdina skir- ðæs savàjà aukà ir triumfuojanèia veido iðraið- dytojø, svarbø vaidmená ðioje þydø medþiok- kad buvo nuþudyta kiek maþiau negu ðeðias- tingus vokieèiø ir lietuviø dalyvavimo þudy- ka pozuoja. Liudytojai pasakojo, kad þydai ið lëje suvaidino namø savininkai ir kiemsargiai, deðimt þmoniø98. Tarp nuþudytøjø buvo mui- nëse etapus101. Ðiø þudyniø kontekstas iki galo pradþiø turëjæ iðvalyti arkliø mëðlà, po to buvæ nuo kuriø ið dalies priklausë, ar praneðti plë- lo fabriko darbininkas Icchakas Grinas, muzi- dar neiðaiðkintas102. priversti iðplauti kiemà naudodamiesi vandens ðikaujanèioms gaujoms apie jø name gyvenan- kas Ðlomo Goldðteinas, vandens tiekëjas I. Kur- Nuotraukose matyti maþdaug deðimt nusi- þarnomis, o tuomet prasidëjæs kankinimas, ir èius þydus, ar ne. Buvo lietuviø, kurie neiðduo- lianèikas, prekiautojai B. Komaðas ir Ch. kaltëliø, lietuviø kareiviø ir civiliø asmenø su jie vienas po kito buvo nuþudyti arba prigirdyti davo gyventojø arba iðsisukinëdavo sakyda- Cukermanas, moksleiviai Pesachas ir Goldber- baltais raiðèiais ant rankoviø ir su ginklais, ki- vandeniu ið siurblio þarnos104. Kiemà uþtvindë mi, kad þydai jau pabëgæ arba suimti. Ponia gas bei Moðë Ðtromas99. Ði vieta buvo maþdaug tø civiliø asmenø, galbût kà tik paleistø ið ka- kraujas, o galiausiai þydai dar turëjo ir já iðvaly- Fanny Pitum pavadino tikra „laime“ tai, kad ji uþ 200 metrø nuo 16-osios armijos vadovybës lëjimo103, muðanèiø aukas. Tarp þiûrovø daug ti. Aukos buvo uþkastos senosiose kapinëse. To- „gerai sutarë su lietuviu namo savininku, ku- bûstinës – Lietuvos prekybos rûmø. Kiemas ma- vokieèiø kareiviø ir lietuviø civiliø asmenø, taip kià ávykiø eigà patvirtina Lietuvos arkivysku- ris dël to neásileidæs partizanø“. Ji þinojo, „kad tësi pro bûstinës langà100. Pasak kai kuriø liu- pat kelios moterys, vaikø nematyti. Kaip þudy- po Juozapo Skvirecko 1941 m. birþelio 28 d. buvæ atvejø, kai lietuviai namø savininkai net- gi áskøsdavæ namo gyventojus“94. Suimant þydus ar plëðiant jø butus, bûta ir nuþudymø. 93 Lietuvë gydytoja komunistë Kutorgienë savo tautybës gyventojø baimæ ðiomis pirmosiomis Warszawa, Paryý, Amsterdam, Antwerpia, Kowno dienoraðtyje apraðo daug vieðø smurto ir dienomis. Garfunkel, Kovno, p. 28 ir kt. (Warszawa, 2000), 243 ir kt.; plg.: Eidintas, Pabëgusiø þydø butus daþnai iðplëðdavo95. paþeminimo scenø. Kutorgienë, Dienoraðtis, 98 Das Pinkas ha-Kehilot, Lita, p. 543 paminëtos 52 þydai, lietuviai ir holokaustas, p. 170–180. Jonavos gatvëje netoli tilto per Nerá, vedan- ypaè p. 627 ir kt. Nors 1941 6 24 Laikinoji aukos, þuvusios per þudynes „Lietûkio“ 102 Progà spëliojimui suteikia Zenono Blyno, èio á Vilijampolæ, 25–30 vyrø buvo priversti ðok- Vyriausybë paskelbë kreipimàsi á ðaulius ir garaþo kieme; Tory, Holocaust, p. 23, taip pat Lietuvos nacionalistø partijos (LNP) generali- ti, kalbëti þydiðkas maldas ir dainuoti rusið- partizanus, praðydama nesuvedinëti asmeni- minimos 52 aukos; Garfunkel, Kovno, p. 31, nio sekretoriaus, dienoraðèio 1941 m. liepos kas dainas, daryti „sporto pratimus“, o galiau- niø sàskaitø, o kaltuosius perduoti teismui, nurodoma 60 aukø, kaip ir Gar, Umkum, p. 38; 18 d. áraðas: „Buvau sutikæs Petrà Kliorá. siai lietuviai juos parklupdë ir suðaudë. Tarp vis dëlto atrodë, kad tik nedaugelis tai vykdë. Sovietø Sàjungos autoriai kalbëjo apie Pasak jo, Dainauskas Jonas, buv(æs) saugumo Plg. Stankeras, Policija, p. 143 ir kt. maþdaug 50 aukø. Þr. Masinës þudynës, t. 2, pareigûnas, dirbo sovietø laikais saugume, lyg nuþudytøjø buvo Ðmuelis Macas, laikraðèio 94 Þr. Fanny Pitum apklausà 1959 7 2, EK 3 byla, p. 392. tæsdamas kokià tai lenkø organizacijos bylà, 96 „Folksblat“ þurnalistas . Nuo birþelio 25 d. pa- t. 5, l. 1998. 99 A. Faitelson, Neje Zeitung (Yiddisch), 1998 12 31, bet jis tardæs ir suimamus lietuvius Vilniuje. vojus grësë kiekvienam vieðai pasirodþiusiam 95 Þr. Gar, Umkum, p. 36 ir kt.; Mishell, Kaddish, p. 4; laikraðtis „Laikinoji sostinë“, 2000 2 5. Rodos, kad jis suruoðë ir tas þydø muðtynes, þydui97. p. 18; Gordon, Shadow, p. 27; Kutorgienë, Teiginys, kad þudynës buvo kerðto aktas prieð kurios buvo gatvëje ties kapinëmis. Jos buvo Tagebuch, p. 629–631; Faitelson, Widerstand, sovietinio saugumo þydø tautybës pareigû- filmuojamos ir fotografuojamos. Puiki p. 26; Holzman, p. 16 ir kt.; Iðgyvenusios nus, kurie savo ruoþtu vykdë nusikaltimus medþiaga vokieèiams“. Taip cituojama Rosos Simon 1958 12 10 laiðkà, EK 3 byla, t. 1, prieð lietuvius, dokumentais neárodytas. Plg. Eidinto darbe þydai , p. 173. Eidintas Situacijos paaðtrëjimas l. 177d. Kauno karo komendantas pulkininkas iðsamø apraðymà: Rukðënas/Sinkevièius, prideda, kad „gatvë, kuri veda á kapines“, ir vokieèiø saugumo Bobelis 1941 6 24 paragino visus namø Litva, p. 98; Kutorgienë, Dienoraðtis, p. 634. Kaune yra toje paèioje vietoje, kur ir „Lietû- policijos vaidmuo savininkus, vieðbuèiø valdytojus ir pan. 100 Mauracho (16-oji armija) ir Bischoffshauseno kio“ garaþas. atkreipti dëmesá á bëglius, átartinus ir besi- (Ðiaurës armijø grupë) praneðimai 103 1-ojo policininkø bataliono (Schutzmannschaf- Kai auðtant birþelio 25 d. rytui á Kaunà slapstanèius asmenis ir apie juos praneðti. (Berichte), EK 3 byla, t. 1, p. 317; draugijos tsbataillon) narys Pranas Matiukas pasakojo Þr. jo nurodymus, paskelbtus 1941 6 24, „Europäische Publikation e.V.“ pasitarimo, girdëjæs, kad aukos garaþe buvusios nuþudy- áþengë vokieèiø saugumo policijos prieðakinis LCVA, R 1444-1-8, l. 1 ir 8. ávykusio 1956 10 12–13 d., protokolas. 16- tos þiauriausiu bûdu. Dauguma þudikø buvo bûrys (Vorauskommando) kartu su Stahleckeriu, 96 Þr. J. Gar, Umkum, p. 35 ir kt. Beveik tikra, kad osios armijos pagrindinë bûstinë birþelio kà tik paleisti ið kalëjimo. Þr. Prano Matiuko þmoniø persekiojimas þymiai sustiprëjo. Krau- èia kalbama apie tuos paèius þiaurumus, 24–27 d. buvo ásikûrusi Vilkaviðkio muitinëje, apklausà 1961 12 20, LYA archyvas, 47337/3, pûs þydø pogromai tapo pirmøjø karo dienø apibûdintus kaip vykdytus antrà karo dienà. birþelio 27–liepos 1 d. ji buvo Kauno prekybos 1 ir kt. reiðkiniu. Juos apraðë E. Oshry; tekstà, raðytà 1945 m. rûmuose, liepos 1–4 d. – vienoje Ukmergës 104 Juliaus Vainilavièiaus parodymai KGB Vilniuje Turbût garsiausi pirmosios naciø–sovietø geguþës 18 (), galima rasti Lietuvos mokyklø, liepos 4–7 d. – Mezciems poilsio 1959 8 1. Þr. Leonardo Survilos parodymus Mokslø akademijos bibliotekos Rankraðèiø namuose prie Daugpilio. KTB AOK 16, Ia, 1961 1 21, abeji pateikiami kn.: Masinës karo savaitës þiaurumai, minimi daugelyje ho- skyriuje (toliau – MACB RS), f. 159-25, l. 18–19. 1941 6 21–1941 7 31, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45. þudynës, 1 t., p. 231 ir kt. Þr. Mishell, Kaddish, lokausto istorijø, yra liûdnai pagarsëjusios þy- 97 Ne tik Gar, Umkum, bet ir Garfunkelis labai 101 Þr. Tomasz Szarota, U progu zagùady: zajæcia p. 25, kur apraðoma ávykiø eiga pagal þydø dø vyrø þudynës Kaune, vykusios 1941 metø átaigiai apraðë pagrástai didëjanèià þydø antyýydowskie i pogromy w okupowanej Europie: tautybës liudytojo pasakojimà.

32 33 áraðas dienoraðtyje. Já aplankë gydytojas Ma- girdo Klimaièio bûrys sudarë vietiniø nusi- miniø ðaltiniø, Vilijampolës þudyniø metu þy- kø pirmàjà karo savaitæ buvo nuþudytos á ða- tulionis ir kunigas Morkûnas, kurie ið paþásta- kaltëliø branduolá; þudikai buvo skatinami dai buvo puolami vien tik kaip þydai. lá verþiantis vokieèiams arba ið karto po to, mø buvo girdëjæ apie ðiurpø nusikaltimà gara- operatyvinës grupës A vado SS generolo Stah- Antikomunistinio sukilimo Vilniuje metu kai pradëjo veikti ávairios saugumo tarnybos. þo kieme, papasakojo apie tai metropolitui ir leckerio; jiems talkino vokieèiai, kurie apsu- taip pat bûta smurto prieð þydus; per ðiuos Teiginius apie didelio masto pogromus, vy- papraðë jo tarpininkauti bandant uþdrausti pa- po þydø gyvenamà rajonà. Pasak vieno pra- iðpuolius sukilëliai grobdavo þydø vyrus. Ta- kusius prieð vokieèiø pajëgø pasirodymà, rei- naðius ekscesus105. neðimo, vokieèiø patruliai ðaudë á þydus, ban- èiau aukø skaièius Vilniuje pirmosiomis karo kia vertinti atsargiai, kol jie nëra patvirtinti Dokumentø, patvirtinanèiø vokieèiø karei- danèius pasprukti per Vilijos upæ110. Kità dienomis nesiekia þudyniø, vykusiø Kaune, patikimø ðaltiniø nurodant laikà, vietà ir bent viø pokarinius teiginius, esà lietuvës moterys dienà ten buvo rasta daugybë besimëtanèiø masto. Vis dar trûksta duomenø apie visus apytikslá aukø skaièiø. netgi iðkëlusios aukðtyn savo vaikus, kad ðie kûnø daliø ir sudarkytø lavonø. Namai buvo kaimo vietovëse vykusius maþesnio masto po- geriau matytø þudynes, nëra. Ðie ir panaðûs padegti, juose buvæ þmonës sudegë111. Dalis gromus, bet yra þinoma, kad þydø pabëgëliai, teiginiai veikiausiai tëra vokieèiø kariø pastan- nuþudytøjø birþelio 27 d., penktadiená, buvo traukiantys á Rytus, jie buvo puldinëjami ir Pogromø organizavimas: gos paþenklinti visà lietuviø tautà kaip suþvë- palaidota þydø kapinëse, kita dalis uþkasta þudomi113. Pirmosios karo savaitës iðpuoliø vokieèiø ir lietuviø santykiai rëjusius þydø nekentëjus ir palankiau nuðviesti masinëse kapavietëse ant upës kranto112. Svar- prieð þydus pavyzdþiø galima rasti papildy- vokieèiø elgesá. Taèiau daugybë liudytojø pa- bûs yra keli ðio mirtino iðpuolio prieð Kauno tame praneðime apie 1941 metø genocidà kai- Bandant aiðkinti pirmøjø karo dienø ið- tvirtino, kad civiliai þiûrovai dràsino muðan- þydus aspektai, bet svarbiausia tai, kad, skir- mo vietovëse (dr. Arûnas Bubnys)114. Apiben- puoliø prieð þydus genezæ ir eigà, natûraliai èiuosius, o kaþkas netgi grojo akordeonu, kai tingai nuo antikomunistinës „Lietûkio“ þiau- drinus prieinamus duomenis, galima teigti, kyla keletas svarbiø klausimø. Kaip buvo pri- kurie (Wilhelmas Gunsilius) teigë, kad buvo rumø motyvacijos, kurià nurodo nemaþai pir- kad dauguma naciø arba jø kolaborantø au- eita prie pogromø? Kas buvo uþ juos atsakin- grojamas Lietuvos himnas106. (Ðiam pasakoji- mui apie nacionalinio himno grojimà prieðta- 105 Dienoraðèio iðtraukos iðspausdintos leidinyje Engelso, taip pat atpaþinusio ðeðis 700 aukø; Grossman/Ehrenburg, Schwarz- rauja kiti liudytojai) Regis, buvo ir tokiø lietu- Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 51 ir kt. Þr. M. Eglinis, „duonkepiø kuopos“ narius, apklausà buch, p. 582 kalbama maþdaug apie 1000 viø, kurie ðaukë „Gëda Lietuvai!“, bet jie buvo Mirties fortuose, p. 9, taip pat Þr. Brandiðaus- 1960 4 12 EK 3 byla, t. 21, 1. 6805–6809. aukø. Gar, Umkum, p. 38 taip pat nurodoma nutildyti107. kas, Sukilimas, p. 272. 107 Holzman, p. 25. apie 1000 aukø. Budreckis, Revolt, p. 63, Bûtina pabrëþti, kad siekiant aiðkiai ir tiks- 106 Leonardo Survilos parodymai 1961 1 21: 108 Plaèiai priimtà áprastà „Lietûkio“ ávykiø remiantis L. Shausso praneðimu (L. Shauss’ liai atkurti „Lietûkio“ þudyniø istorijà susidu- Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 232. Apie neva aiðkinimà galima rasti kn.: Ernst Klee, Willi Bericht an die aao Komm. (Black book, p. 324 dþiûgaujanèias motinas su vaikais þr. Dressen and Volker Riess ‘The Good Old Days’: ir kt.)) raðoma apie 600 aukø, þuvusiø riama su didele problema – nepaisant turimø pulkininko Bischoffshauseno praneðimà The Holocaust As Seen by Its Perpetrators and Arbarskio, Paverskio, Vilyuskio ir Irogalskio fotonuotraukø ir daþnai cituojamø vokieèiø ir 1959 4 19, Ehrlingerio byla, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z Bystanders, trans. Deborah Burnstone (Old gatvëse. lietuviø, savo akimis maèiusiø ávykius, pasa- 21/58, t.3a, 1. 2291-2295; Wilhelmo Gunsiliu- Saybrook, 1991), p. 23–35. Fotografo Gunsiliu- 110 Szarota, p. 235 ir tolesni puslapiai. Maþà kojimø, vis dar nelengva tiksliai nustatyti ávy- so, buvusio vokieèiø oro pajëgø vadovybës so ir pulkininko Bischoffshauseno teiginiai skaièiø pateikia Oshry savo 1945 m. geguþës kiø sekà bei iðsiaiðkinti kai kurias plaèiai ir ðtabo 16-osios armijos nuotraukø skyriaus prieðtarauja kitø liudytojø parodymams, pareiðkime. fotografo, parodymus 1958 11 11, Ehrlingerio paskelbtiems kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 231; 111 Likæ gyvi asmenys nepatvirtino, kad buvo daþnai skelbtas detales108. byla, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 2, 1. 785a- þr. Algirdo Moðinsko pateiktà paaiðkinimà sudeginta 60 namø, kaip nurodyta pirmojoje Didþiausio masto þudynës pirmàjà karo 791. Plg. Wilhelmo Schwano, lydëjusio „Akiraèiuose“, Nr. 9 (1984), ir „Lietuvos bendrojoje EG A ataskaitoje, pateiktoje savaitæ – tai pogromas Vilijampolëje (Slo- Gunsiliusà, apklausà 1960 4 26, ten pat, t. 13, ryto“, 1999 birþelio 19 medþiagoje, taip pat 1941 10 15, nors tie namai ir buvo sudeginti. bodkoje), kur gyveno daugiausia þydai. Nak- 1. 100. Gausiuose vadinamosios 562-osios vieðo forumo, organizuoto Vytauto Didþiojo 112 Plg. Mishell, Kaddish, p. 20 ir kt.; Gar, Umkum, timis nuo birþelio 25 d., treèiadienio, iki bir- „duonkepiø kuopos“ (Backereikompanie) nariø universitete, garso áraðe (perdavë Liûtas p. 38; Gordon, Shadow, p. 37 ir kt.; Oshry, þelio 27 d., penktadienio, Vilijampolëje vyko parodymuose atkreipiamas dëmesys á tai, kad Mockûnas). Annihilation, p. 1–4, 13–15, apraðo daugybës daugumà þiûrovø sudarë vokieèiø kariai. Plg., 109 Studentø dalyvavimà pabrëþë nemaþai rabinø ir Jeðiboto studentø kanèias bei mirtá organizuotas pogromas, kurio metu ðauna- pavyzdþiui, Karlo Roderio, taip pat padariu- liudytojø. Þr. antai Gar, Umkum, p. 37. Slobodkoje. maisiais ginklais ir peiliais apsiginklavæ lie- sio dvi nuotraukas, apklausà 1959 7 8, Stahleckeris nurodë toká ðiø pogromø aukø 113 Ypaè ðiurpias þudynes apraðo genocidà tuviø sukilëliai – tarp jø buvo ir nemaþai stu- Ehrlingerio byla, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, skaièiø: per pirmàjà naktá – 1500, per kitas iðgyvenæs Sollis Ganoras Wofgango Benzo ir dentø – ásiverþë á daugelá namø ir þvëriðkai t. 4, 1. 2737–2743; Fritzo Lescho apklausà naktis – 2300, ið viso – 3800. Ðis skaièius yra Marion Neiss sudarytame rinkinyje Judenmord nuþudë daugiau kaip tûkstantá þmoniø. Au- 1959 7 8, ten pat, 1. 2747–2749; Huberto per didelis, jis apima ir VII forte suðaudytas in Litauen: Studien und Dokumenten (Berlin, kø suskaièiuojama nuo 600 iki keliø tûkstan- Schmeinko apklausà 1960 8 2, ten pat, t. 12, aukas. Pirmoji bendroji EG A ataskaita, IMG 1999), p. 8–9. 1. 201–203; Ewaldo Schreinerio, nuotraukose 37, p. 682 ir kt. Pinkas ha-Kehilot, Lita, p. 543 114 Þr. Arûno Bubnio „Holokaustas Lietuvos 109 èiø . Tikëtina, kad á pateiktà didþiausià au- atpaþinusio save ir daug kitø kareiviø, minima maþdaug 800 pogromø aukø; provincijoje 1941 m.“, praneðimas Tarptauti- kø skaièiø buvo átraukti asmenys, kurie vëliau priklausiusiø „duonkepiø kuopai“, apklausà Garfunkel, Kovno, p. 31 nurodyta 800 aukø; nei komisijai. buvo nuþudyti VII forte. Liûdnai pagarsëjæs Al- 1960 4 26, ten pat, t. 13, 1. 93 ir kt.; Heinricho Tory, Holocaust, p. 23 paminëta maþiausiai

34 35 gas ir ko jais buvo siekiama? Norint atsakyti á erio, Jägeris ir Hamannas buvo atvaþiavæ ið gromais, o lietuviø pusë, bent jau propagan- davus nurodymus Klimaièiui, EG A prieða- ðiuos klausimus, reikia kuo tiksliau atkurti vo- anksto123. dos poþiûriu, atrodë pasirengusi juos vykdyti kiniam bûriui vis dëlto pavyko inicijuoti po- kieèiø saugumo policijos veiklà pirmosiomis Viena svarbiausiø ðio laikotarpio uþduo- tautiniø ir nacionaliniø interesø vardan125. gromà“127. karo dienomis. Kas ir kada atvyko á Kaunà? Kà èiø, tekusiø vokieèiø saugumo policijai, kaip Kokie buvo tie „sunkumai“ ir kas tas Kli- mes þinome apie vokieèiø ir lietuviø tarpusa- jau minëta, buvo kuo nepastebimiau inicijuoti maitis? Viena vertus, vokieèiø saugumo poli- vio santykius? Kokie tuomet buvo vokieèiø sau- antisemitinius pogromus. Iðsakæs ðá ketinimà Vokieèiø saugumo policijos cijai buvo nelengva atskirti ávairias Kauno su- gumo policijos tikslai? 1941 m. birþelio 17 d. pasitarime, birþelio 29 d. ryðiai su lietuviais kilëliø grupes. EG A ir SK 1b ataskaitose pir- Persekiojimai ir þudynës suintensyvëjo po Heydrichas dar kartà suformulavo já raðtu ope- mosiomis karo dienomis kalbama tai apie to, kai á miestà atvyko Heydricho saugumo po- ratyviniø grupiø vadams124. Kaip pavyko praktiðkai ágyvendinti vo- keturias, tai apie dvi Kaune veikusias grupes, licija, o pogromas Vilijampolëje kaip tik buvo Nuo 1941 m. kovo mën. lietuviø sukilëliø kieèiø siekius organizuoti brutalius pogro- o SK 1b vadas SS oberðturmbanfiureris dr. Eri- vokieèiø atvykimo pasekmë115. Dar naktá ið bir- vadai taip pat stengësi propagandos priemo- mus prieð þydus? Spalio mën. EG A praneðë, chas Ehrlingeris po karo pasakojo apie tris þelio 24-osios á 25-àjà á Kaunà áþengë vokieèiø nëmis parengti iðpuolius prieð þydus, siekda- kad jai pavykæ „nepaisant dideliø sunkumø, partizanø organizacijas128. Antra vertus, nors saugumo policijos prieðakinis bûrys116. Stah- mi juos iðvaryti ið Lietuvos valstybës teritori- pakurstyti vietines antisemitines jëgas reng- lietuviø pasiruoðimas imtis smurto buvo di- leckeris, pasak jo palydovø Emilio Finnbergo jos, retais atvejais þydams buvo grasinama mir- ti pogromus prieð þydus“126. Kitoje tos pa- delis ir kai kuriais atvejais jis galëjo pavirsti ir Horsto Eichlerio, birþelio 23 d. Karaliauèiuje timi. Lietuvos þydai buvo paskelbti uþ ástatymo èios ataskaitos vietoje kartojama, kad „ið pra- þudynëmis, vis dëlto smurto atmosfera buvo susitiko su vyresniuoju SS ir policijos vadu SS ribø, juos leista persekioti. Vokieèiø saugumo dþiø buvo nelauktai sudëtinga pradëti Kau- maþiau paplitusi, nei manë vokieèiø saugu- grupenfiureriu Hansu Adolfu Prützmannu, po policija rodë akivaizdø suinteresuotumà po- ne didesnio masto þydø pogromà. Taèiau mo policija. Inicijuoti pogromus pavyko tik po to birþelio 24 d. kalbëjosi su SS hauptðturmfiu- reriu Hansu Joachimu Böhme ið Tilþës gesta- 115 Likæ gyvi rabinas Sniegas ir Karlas Natkinas, nelauktai greitu Vermachto puolimu. Þr. Georgas Schmidtas, Hellmannas. Þr. 1941-6-30 po, o ankstø birþelio 25 d. rytà atvyko á Kau- duodami parodymus, pabrëþë, kad persekioji- iðtraukas ið IMG XXXVII, p. 670–717, 180-L, EM Nr. 8, BA, R 58/214. 117 nà . Birþelio 26 d. Kaune Stahleckeris susiti- mai paaðtrëjo. Vyriausiojo rabino Sniego èia p. 671 ir kt. Visas dokumentas saugomas 122 EK 3 teritorijoje iki 1941 m. gruodþio 1 d. ko su 16-osios armijos Abvero karininku (Ic) parodymai 1959 6 3, EK 3 byla, t. 3, l. 1063; Maskvos ypatingajame archyve, 500-4-93, ávykdytø egzekucijø sàraðas, BA, R 70 pasitarti dël „vyresniosios SS ir policijos va- Karlo Natkino parodymai 1959 7 18, ten pat, pirmojoje bendrojoje operatyviniø grupiø Sowjetunion 15, l. 81–89, èia l. 81; pirmosios dovybës daliniø prieðakinio bûrio kariuome- t. 6, l. 2149. Þr. Gar, Umkum, p. 36, kur taip veiklos ir padëties 1941 7 31 ataskaitoje. bendrosios EG A ataskaitos 1b priedas, pat pabrëþiama, kad atvykus vokieèiams labai Ypatingøjø bûriø buvimas kovos lauke Maskvos ypatingasis archyvas, 500-4-93; nës uþnugaryje“118, nes jis nesilaikë susitari- padaugëjo nuþudymø. pateisinamas tuo, kad sovietai galëjo sunai- 1941 7 3, EM Nr. 11, BA, R 58/214. mo, pagal kurá ypatingieji bûriai (Sonderkom- 116 Þvelgdamas á praeitá, 1941 m. spalio mën. kinti materialines vertybes. Þr. Klein, Einsat- 123 Þr. Grauerio apklausà 1984 6 13, ZStL, II 207 mandos – SK) galëjo pradëti veikti tik ákûrus Stahleckeris praneða, kad 1941 6 25 á Kaunà zgruppen, p. 113. Po keliø dienø puolant Rygà AR-Z41/83, t. 1, l. 124. armijos uþnugario sritis, bet ne karo veiksmø atvyko prieðakiniai Vermachto junginiai. panaðiø problemø jau nebuvo: Stahleckeris su 124 Operatyvinis ásakymas Nr. 1 operatyviniø zonoje119. Pirmoji bendroji EG A ataskaita, IMG t. 37, „koviniais daliniais“ áþengë á miestà, „bendra- grupiø vadams, iðspausdintas kn.: Longerich, Prieðakiná bûrá sudarë operatyvinës grupës p. 672. Apie tikslø Stahleckerio atvykimo á darbiavimas su AOK puikus. Ámanoma sklan- Ermordung, p. 118 ir kt. Kaunà laikà þr. taip pat tolesnæ iðnaðà ir dþiai ásilieti á prieðakinius skyrius“. 1941 7 4 125 Plaèiau þr. Liudas Truska, Vygandas Vareikis, A ðtabo daliniai, ypatingojo bûrio 1b ir 3-iojo Friedman, Collaboration, p. 182 ir kt. praneðimas apie ávyká (Ereignismeldung, Holokausto prielaidos, p. 88 ir kt. 120 operatyvinio bûrio personalas . Vieningai tei- 117 Emilio Finnbergo apklausa 1966 5 11 Hambur- toliau – EM) Nr. 12, BA, R 58/214, l. 67. 126 Pirmoji bendroji EG A ataskaita, IMG 37, p. 672. giama, kad SS oberðturmfiurerio Ludwigo ge (RSHA byla), StA berlin 1 Js 4/65, t. 6. Þr. 120 Prieðakiniam bûriui priklausë EK 3 SD tarnybos 127 Pirmoji bendroji EG A ataskaita, IMG 37, p. 682. Hüttigo vadovaujamas prieðakinis SK 1b jau Finnbergo parodymus 1960 11 23, Ehrlingerio narys SS pareigûnas Kurtas Mederskis, kuris SK 1b vadas Ehrlingeris taip pat paliudijo, kad birþelio 25 d. atsidûrë Kaune. Èia buvo ieðko- byla, t. 11, l. 569. Þr. Horsto Eichlerio apklau- teigë: „ið pradþiø Vermachtas visai nenorëjo Stahleckeris atvyko á Kaunà netrukus po to, kai sà 1959 9 15–16, EK 3 byla, t. 10, l. 3893 ir áleisti mûsø á Kaunà, nes mums esà nëra kà pasirodë koviniai daliniai ir, neuþmezgæs ryðiø ma bûsto pagrindinei SK 1b daliai, kuri atvyko 3903, taip pat Eichlerio apklausà 1984 5 29, veikti kovos veiksmø lauke“. Kurto Mederskio su kariuomene, ëmësi organizuoti lietuviø birþelio 28 d. Prieðakiniam bûriui teko ir viena Klimaièio byla, t. 1, l. 102. Tilþës gestapo apklausa 1972 3 1, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. partizanø junginius ir prireikus juos kurstyti. pirmøjø uþduoèiø – nustatyti, „kokie asmenys 1941 7 1 raðtas RSHA IV A 1, Maskvos 461.32438, t. 58, l. 13 982. Ðiais parodymais Erhlingeris norëjo sumaþinti laikytini neramumø kurstytojais, iðaiðkinti ru- ypatingasis archyvas, 500-1-758; ZStL, UdSSR 121 Þr. Wilhelmo Hellmanno apklausà 1959 2 3, savàjà kaltæ, taèiau jie sutampa su kitais sø (sovietø) NKVD vadus ir suskaièiuoti gy- Ord. 245 Ag, Nr. 254–257. Ehrlingerio byla, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 2, faktais. Ehrlingerio apklausa 1959 5 12, 118 Ehrlingerio byla, t. 4, l. 2491. ventojus þydus“121. Pagrindinë EK 3 dalis, va- AOK 16 Ic AO veiklos 1940 6 22–1941 12 21 l. 539 ir kt. Þr. Paulio Schulte’s apklausà ataskaita, BA-MA, RH 20-16/473, l. 8 1959 11 4, Ehrlingerio byla, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 128 Þr. Pirmàjà bendràjà EG A ataskaità, IMG 37, dovaujama Jägerio pavaduotojo SS ðturmban- (1941 6 26 áraðas). 21/58, t. 8, l. 302. Prieðakiniam bûriui, be p. 677-679. 1941 7 4 EM Nr. 12, BA, R 58/ fiurerio Gustavo Grauerio, á Kaunà áþengë 119 Pirmojoje bendrojoje EG A ataskaitoje iki Ludwigo Hüttigo, dar priklausë Schulte, 214; Ehrlingerio apklausà 1959 5 11, ZStL II liepos 2 d., dar neiðvykus 1b SK122. Anot Grau- 1941 10 15 ðis skubëjimas buvo aiðkinamas Hermannas Reese, SS unterðturmfiureris 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 4, l. 2483.

36 37 to, kai buvo surasta vadinamoji Klimaièio gru- Taèiau ir ðiuo atveju yra keletas nuorodø. Vie- Pogromai: saugumo policijos ir Vermachto interesus Hil- pë, kuri tolesniuose ávykiuose nebevaidino jo- nas ið Stahleckerio palydovø liudijo, kad Stah- Vokieèiø saugumo tikslai bergas uþsimena tik tarp kitko. Greièiausiai ðiø kio vaidmens, nes tai buvo lietuviai „autsai- leckeris vedæs derybas savotiðkame „lietuviø ir vaidmuo argumentø nepakanka. Kaþin ar Vokietijos va- deriai“129. Birþelio 27 d. ávykusiame Lietuvos ðtabe“133, kitas jo grupës dalyvis taip pat tei- dovai anuomet jau tiksliai þinojo, kas ið tikrø- Laikinosios Vyriausybës posëdyje ministras gë, esà buvo ið anksto nutarta, kad Stahlecke- Ávairûs pogromø tikslai jø ávyks per artimiausius mënesius. Juk jie vis Vytautas Landsbergis-Þemkalnis informavo ris turi nedelsdamas uþmegzti ryðius su lie- dëlto tikëjosi per kelis mënesius galutinai lai- apie „nepaprastai þiaurius“ iðpuolius prieð tuviais, ir ið tikrøjø jis derëjæsis su keliomis Kokius interesus ir ketinimus vokieèiai mëti karà, tuomet pakaktø laiko radikaliai ra- þydus prie „Lietûkio“ garaþo, o ministrai pa- tarpusavyje konkuravusiomis grupëmis133. Vë- siejo su pogromais? Iki ðiol karo pradþioje su- sinei tautinei politikai. praðë áraðyti á protokolà, kad lietuviai parti- liau Stahleckeris apie provokiðkai nusiteiku- rengti pogromai, turint galvoje vokieèiø intere- Be to, vokieèiams turëjo bûti aiðku, kad net zanai ir pavieniai civiliai asmenys turëtø sius partizanus informavæs SK 1b vadà Ehr- sus, ið esmës interpretuojami kaip áþanga á nu- ir dideliø pogromø aukø skaièius yra palygin- „vengti vieðø þydø egzekucijø“. Ðiuos nusi- lingerá134. matytà visø Sovietø Sàjungos þydø iðþudymà, ti maþas. Antai Kaune vieðai surengtø pogro- kaltimus esà ávykdæ tie þmonës, kurie „nieko Aiðkiau apie derybas pasisakë vertëjas ið tarsi bûsimøjø nusikaltimø þenklas, kuris kaip mø aukos – apie tûkstantis (800 Vilijampolëje, bendro neturi nei su [LAF] Aktyvistø Ðtabu, vokieèiø ir lietuviø kalbø SS unterðturmfiure- tam tikras politinis psichologinis þudymo pro- 50–60 „Lietûkio“ garaþe ir apie 150 kitur) þmo- nei su Partizanø Ðtabu, ar nei su Laikinàja ris Richardas Schweizeris, ilgametis agentas gramos [pagal Heydrichà] prologas buvo ne- niø – sudarë vos 16–17% bendro aukø Kaune Lietuvos Vyriausybe“. Taèiau, pasak Lietuvos ir vienas svarbiausiø SD darbuotojø 3-iajame paprastai svarbus138. Raulis Hilbergas nurodo skaièiaus – 6000. Kitaip tariant, daugiau kaip LLV protokolo, èia neturimos galvoje „visos OEK 3, pasak kurio Stahleckeris dvi dienas ið keletà prieþasèiø. Viena, „kiekvienas nuþudy- 83% aukø sudarë þuvusieji per policijos ir ka- tos priemonës, kuriø reikia imtis prieð þydus eilës rengæs pasitarimus su lietuviø karinin- tas þydas – tai maþiau darbo operatyvinëms riniø daliniø vykdytus sistemingus suëmimus dël jø komunistinës veiklos ir kenkimo vokie- kais, tarp kuriø buvo aviacijos karininkø, taip grupëms“. Antra, vietiniø gyventojø neþydø bei þudynes. èiø kariuomenei “130. pat vienas ið jø Bronius Norkus. Stahleckeris dalyvavimas pogromuose reiðkë „galimybæ ap- Tikëtina, kad pogromais buvo siekiama ir Iki ðiol nepavyko tiksliai iðsiaiðkinti, su ko- paaiðkinæs lietuviø karininkams, kad su lietu- siginti nuo galimø kaltintojø ir ðantaþuoti vie- kitø tikslø – tiek vietose, tiek vokieèiø valdþios kiomis institucijomis Stahleckeris vedë pokal- viðkø daliniø pagalba bûtina „sumaþinti þy- tinius gyventojus“139. Apie galbût skirtingus struktûrose. Ðiuos tikslus reikia suprasti vo- bius. Ðiuo metu þinomø ðaltiniø duomenimis dø skaièiø, nes jie yra prieðai“. Todël jie priva- sunku nustatyti ar vëlesni masinëse miesto là susisiekti su Kaune reziduojanèiu atsakin- þudynëse dalyvavusiø ir vokiðkuose ðalti- gu vadu, t. y. su Ehrlingeriu ið EK 1b, ir neturá 129 Informacija apie Klimaitá labai skurdi. 135 Richardo Schweizerio apklausa 1960 4 20, Jo tëvas greièiausiai buvo Lietuvos kariuome- HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t.18, l. niuose paminëtø partizanø grupiø vadai Kli- veikti savarankiðkai. Be to, Stahleckeris paklau- nës karininkas (Algirdo Ðalèio apklausa 6217; Þr. Schweizerio apklausas 1960 10 14 ir maitis ir gydytojas dr. Zigonys buvo priklau- sæs lietuviø, kur Kaune bûtø galima árengti þy- 1986 3 5, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, t. 2, l. 1960 10 22, ten pat, t. 22, l. 6977 ir 7049. somi nuo kokiø nors institucijø. Po pirmosios dø getà. Buvo pasiûlytas Vilijampolës kvarta- 269.) Jis buvo þurnalistas. Jo sesuo 1984 m. 136 Schweizerio apklausa 1962 1 23, ten pat, t. 31, pogromø Vilijampolëje nakties Ministras Pir- las“135. Vëliau Schweizeris pakeitë savo paro- paliudijo, kad jis dar 4-ajame deðimtmetyje l. 8875. Neseniai Eidintas iðsakë teiginá, esà mininkas Juozas Ambrazevièius 1941 m. bir- dymus ir teigë, jog Stahleckeris paaiðkinæs buvo nusiteikæs antikomunistiðkai ir Stahleckeris ir Schweizeris dar naktá á 1941 m. þelio 26 d. kabineto posëdyje skundësi, kad lietuviø karininkams, kad jie „privalo vado- antisemitiðkai, o 1942–1943 m. jis gyrësi birþelio 25-àjà saugumo pastate, kur jau buvo pradëjæs verslà (Birutës Sofijos Kuzmienës susirinkæ apie 40 saugumo darbuotojø, pusæ „Klimaièio partizanø bûrys veikia ne drauge vaujant vokieèiams likviduoti þydus komunis- apklausa 1984 2 28 Vilniuje, ten pat, t. 2, l. valandos nuo 3 val. ryto derëjosi su laikinuoju 136 su Lietuvos Ginkluotø Pajëdø Ðtabu“. Tuo tar- tus“ . 193 ir kt.). 1985 m. Reivytis paliudijo paþás- lietuviø saugumo policijos virðininku Dai- pu kiti Lietuvos partizanai veikia kontakte su Ðis tas þinoma apie lietuviø saugumo poli- tantis Klimaitá kaip voldemarininkà (Vytauto nausku. Stahleckeris spaudæs birþelio 25–27 d. Lietuvos Aktyvistø frontu ir Lietuvos Laiki- cijos dalyvavimo iðtakas. 1941 m. lapkritá par- Reivyèio apklausa 1985 1 9, ZStL, II 207 vykdyti pogromus prieð þydus ir juos suimi- nàja Vyriausybe. Suimami visiðkai nekalti as- tizanas Jonas Þenauskas raðë: „Nuo 1941 m. Ar 6/85, t. 1, l. 36.) Klimaitis mirë Hamburge nëti. 1992 m. Dainauskas teigë, esà saugumas 1988 8 29. nepaklusæs reikalavimui, tam buvo pasirengæ menys arba jø butuose atliekamos birþelio 27 d. pradëjau organizuoti Valstybës 130 Protokolas Nr. 5, 1941 6 27, LLV, p. 17 ir kt. tik pavieniai asmenys. Visai ámanoma, kad kratosMinistras pirmininkas taip pat nusi- saugumo departamentà. Kol atvyko ið Vokieti- 131 Protokolas Nr. 4, 1941 6 26, LLV, p. 15. toks pokalbis galëjo ávykti. Taèiau kas tiksliai skundë, jog „blogai veikia saugumas ir pasi- jos dabartinieji direktoriai ir virðininkai, að su 132 Finnbergo 1960 11 23 parodymai, ZStL, II 204 buvo aptarta ir koks buvo pokalbio rezultatas, taiko areðtø bei kratø pas asmenis, kurie visai kapitonu Kirkila, tai yra su jo bûriu likvidavau AR-Z 21/58, t. 11, l. 569. lieka neaiðku, nes èia kalbama apie vëlesná nekalti“131. likusius komunistus þydus ir kitus komunistø 133 Eichlerio apklausa 1984 5 29, ZStL, II 207 41/ praneðimà (1992 m.), tad bûtina remtis ir 83, t. 1, l. 102 ir kt. kitais ðaltiniais, norint iðsiaiðkinti visas Apie vokieèiø ir lietuviø ryðius pirmosio- pakalikus.“137 137 Pats Ehrlingeris paliudijo tris kartus susitikæs aplinkybes. Þr. Eidintas, Byla, p. 101–103. mis karo dienomis? Deja, mes tur þinoma pa- su Stahleckeriu Kaune. Þr. Ehrlingerio apklau- 137 Cituojama ið Brandiðausko darbo Sukilimas, p. 79. lyginti nedaug – tëra tik liudytojø parodymai, sà 1959 5 11, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 21/58, t. 4, l. 138 Krausnick, Hitlers Einsatzgruppen, p. 145. neámanoma remtis jokiais ano meto ðaltiniais. 2485. 139 Hilberg, Vernichtung, p. 324.

38 39 kieèiø okupacinei valdþios átvirtinimo kon- saugumo policijai. Stahleckeris stengësi pa- 1941 m. liepos pradþioje klausimø dël „lie- pokalbio – telefonu praneðë, kad „ðie politi- tekste. Pirma, vokieèiø saugumo policija sie- rodyti iðoriniam pasauliui, kad „patys vieti- tuviø savanoriø iðpuoliø“ kilo viena hierar- niai klausimai neturi bûti uþkrauti kareiviams; kë vietiniø gyventojø ryþtà veikti nukreipti tam niai gyventojai ëmësi kraðtutiniø priemoniø chine pakopa aukðtesnei Reicho vadovybei – èia kalbama apie bûtinà ravëjimà“ (Flurberei- tikra linkme, kad jis netaptø politiðkai pavo- ir kad taip natûraliai pasireiðkë jø reakcija á Ðiaurës armijø grupei. 1941 m. liepos 3 d. rytà nigung)148, t. y. etniná valymà. Ðiaurës armijø jingas. Kadangi lietuviams neturëjo bûti leis- deðimtmeèius trukusià þydø priespaudà ir ko- vyriausiasis Hitlerio adjutantas pulkininkas grupës vadas oficialiame dienoraðtyje raðë, jog ta kurti nepriklausomà valstybæ arba turëti munistø terorà“142. O kai Vermachto vadovy- Schmundtas lankësi Ðiaurës armijø grupës pa- nors von Roques’as ir skundësi dël masiniø nuolatinæ kariuomenæ, jø energijà reikëjo nu- bë pateikë pirmuosius klausimus apie birþe- grindinëje bûstinëje ir vëliau – greièiausiai po þydø ðaudymø, taèiau jam buvo aiðku, kad lie- kreipti prieð tariamai prieðiðkus þydus. Ðia lio 28 d. pogromus, Stahleckeriui prireikë ra- prasme derëtø interpretuoti ir jau cituotà 1941 ðytiniø praneðimø, kuriais jis galëtø pateisinti 140 Pirmoji bendroji EG A 1941 10 15 ataskaita, AOK 16, Ia, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45, l. 51 m. birþelio 29 d. paskelbto Heydricho aplin- savo nepaprastai þiaurias priemones. Kaip tik IMG 37, p. 683. (1941 6 28). kraðèio skirsná apie tai, kad neleidþiama su- ðiame kontekste bûtinai buvo reikalingi anks- 141 Ten pat, p. 682. 147 Ðiaurës armijos uþnugario srities vado, Ic ir Ic/ darinëti centralizuotø kariniø junginiø, o „vie- èiau minëtieji raðytiniai Heydricho praneði- 142 Ten pat, p. 672. AO veiklos 1941 6 16–1941 7 31 ataskaitos, toje jø tikslinga skatinti vietose liaudies ren- mai. Stahleckeriui ir vyresniesiems SS parei- 143 KTB AOK 16, Ia, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45, l. 36. BA-MA, RH 22/253 (1941 6 28). Ic karininkas Skyrelis pavadintas „Kauno kovø apþvalga“; kartu su Ic/AO 1941 6 22 susitiko su ryðiø giamus pogromus, kaip nurodyta anksèiau“ gûnams buvo reikalingi pateisinamieji prane- KTB Sich. Div. 281); pirmoji padëties ataskai- tarp vadovybës ir saugumo policijos karininku (iðskirta autoriaus). ðimai, kuriuos bûtø galima pateikti vietiniams ta, pateikta Ðiaurës armijos uþnugario srities ðturmbanfiureriu Wesseliu „uþmegzti ryðiø su Antra, vokieèiø saugumo policijai buvo Vermachto vadams, atsakingiems uþ tvarkos vadui; èia VII skyriaus veiklos 1941 7 10 slaptàja karo policija ir saugumo policija“, o svarbu áteisinti savo ketinimus masiðkai þu- uþtikrinimà. ataskaitoje raðoma: „Neapykanta sovietams ir birþelio 23 d. – su pulkininku leitenantu von dyti þmones iniciatyvà priskiriant ne vokie- Apie vokieèiø armijos poþiûrá á vieðas þu- ánirðis pirmosiomis dienomis ypaè Kaune taip Zamory, kuriam vyresniojo SS ir policijos vado èiams, o vietiniams gyventojams. Todël Stah- dynes byloja nemaþai ðaltiniø. 16-osios armi- prasiverþë, kad baltais raiðèiais paþenklinti Ia karininkas Prützmannas dëstë „þvalgybos savisaugos organizacijos nariai ið dalies vieðai (Ic) reikalus“. Ten pat (1941 6 22 – 1941 6 23). leckeris pirmojoje bendroje ataskaitoje pabrë- jos, 281-osios aprûpinimo divizijos ir oro pajë- ir dienos metu þiauriai þudë þinomus komu- 148 Ðiaurës armijø grupës KTB 1941 7 3 áraðas, BA- þë, jog EG A stengësi „kiek ámanoma“ filmuoti gø karo dienoraðèiuose uþsimenama apie po- nistus, komisarus, taip pat moteris ir vaikus, MA, RH 19 III/767, l. 52. Krausnickis jau ir fotografuoti ávykius Kaune, o po keliø die- gromus143. Birþelio 29 d. 16-osios armijos kurie buvo kaltinami áskundæ GPU lietuviø minëjo, kad ði formuluotë bei vyriausiojo nø ir Rygoje, norëdama pagrásti teiginá apie vyriausiasis intendantas raðë: „9) Lietuviø lais- inteligentus. Nors karo lauko komendantûra ir Hitlerio adjutanto tarnybinës funkcijos byloja tai, kad „pirmàsias spontaniðkas þydø ir ko- vës kovotojø iðpuoliai prieð komunistus ir þy- nedelsdama ásikiðo, nepavyko uþkirsti kelio apie tai, jog Schmundtas buvo kalbëjæs su tolesnëms naktinëms keliø tûkstanèiø komu- Hitleriu. Ði formuluotë primena ir Hitlerio munistø egzekucijas vykdë lietuviai ir lat- dus nutraukti. Tolesnës egzekucijos vyksta pri- nistø ir þydø þudynëms“; NARA T 315 Roll motyvus, susijusius su 1941 m. kovo mën. 140 144 viai“ . Èia buvæs svarbus ne vien „uþsibrëþ- þiûrint Kaune veikiantiems SS vadams“ . Tuo 1870; 1-ojo oro laivyno vadovybës kariniø oro nustatytu tradiciniø kariuomenës teisiø tas tikslas apsivalyti (Säuberungsziel)“, „ne laiku veikë Ehrlingerio SK 1b tarnybos laiko- pajëgø tiekimo keliø ðtabo (Kuttigo ðtabo) okupacinëje valdþioje apribojimu paskelbus maþiau svarbu“ buvo „vëlesniems laikams tarpiu, kuomet jis turëjo Kaune pakankamai KTB Nr. 1 (1941 4 1–1941 7 10), l. 507; (KTB visuotiná atleidimo raðtà (Freibrief) Himmlerio sukurti árodomà faktà, kad iðvaduoti gyven- pajëgø145. Prieð tai dvi dienas vyko Vermachto Nr. 1 (1.4.-10.7.41) des Nachschubverbin- SS daliniams, taip pat ir 1939 m. rudená tojai patys griebësi grieþèiausiø priemoniø pasitarimai su EG A vadu Stahleckeriu. Po pir- dungsstabes der Luftwaffe bei Luftflotten- paskelbtà Hitlerio pasakymà apie þudikiðkà kommando 1) BA-MA, RL 7/15 (1941 6 28 Lenkijos elito maþinimà (Dezimierung). Þr. prieð savo prieðus bolðevikus ir þydus, nega- mosios pogromø Vilijampolëje nakties, birþe- áraðas): „4. Vakar ir ðiandien Kaune vyko Krausnick, Hitlers Einsatzgruppen, p. 182. væ jokiø pastebimø vokieèiø institucijø nuro- lio 26 d. 16-osios armijos Ic (þvalgybos) kari- þiaurus pogromas prieð þydus. Vakar „parti- 149 Þr. Leebo dienoraðtá, p. 288. Von Roques’as dymø“141. Taigi reikëjo parengti istorinæ me- ninkas kalbëjosi su Stahleckeriu, o birþelio 28 zanai“ nuðovë 1 500 þydø; nuþudyta 70 þydø pritarë tikslui „spræsti þydø klausimà“, dþiagà galiniams vëlesniems ginèams dël d. su Stahleckeriu susitiko 16-osios armijos Ia tautybës snaiperiø (Heckenschützen). Ðiànakt taèiau manë, kad bûtø kur kas patikimiau „já „grieþèiausiø priemoniø“. (taktikos) karininkas. Jie kalbëjosi apie „a) nau- suðaudyta apie 1000 þydø (skaièius pateikë iðspræsti sterilizuojant visus vyriðkos lyties karo komendantûra). 5. Ðiandien vidurdiená þydus“. Pasak jo parodymø, 1947 m. Ðiaurës Nuo pat pradþiø buvo aiðku, kad brutalus jos vyriausybës sudarymà, Berlyne priimtus nuginkluojami visi gyventojai“. armijø grupës uþnugario srities vadas von ir vieðas pogromø pobûdis atskleistø galimà sprendimus; b) saugumo tarnybos perëmimà, 144 AOK 16 pasitarimo pastaba (Besprechungsno- Roques’as kalbëjosi apie pogromus netgi su Vermachto reakcijà á SS vykdomà þudikiðkà liet.[uviø] pagalbinës policijos (Hilfspolizei) tiz), uþraðyta vyriausiojo intendanto 1941 6 Stahleckeriu, kuris, þinoma, laikësi Vermach- politikà. Ar vël kils daug laiko atimantys kon- uniformas; c) kaip toliau iðvengti þydø pogro- 29, BA-MA, RH 20-16/702. tui nustatytos ávykiø versijos. „Að paklau- fliktai, kaip Lenkijoje 1939–1940 metais? Stak- mø, vykusiø vieðai, gatvëse“146. Ðiaurës armijø 145 1941 6 30, EM, BA, R 58/214. siau apie tai Stahleckerio, kuris teigë, esà 146 leckerio ataskaitoje daþnai cituojami þodþiai grupës uþnugario srities vado Ic karininkas 16 KTB AOK 16, Ic/AO veiklos ataskaita, BA- lietuviai tai daræ savo iniciatyva.“ Þr. Leebo MA, RH 20-16/473, l. 8 (1941 6 26), „Pasita- dienoraðtá, p. 63, 146 pastaba, su nuoroda á apie „vokieèiø sluoksnius“, kuriuose kiltø taip pat uþsiminë apie birþelio 28 d. pasitari- rimas su SS brigadefiureriu, vyresniojo SS ir priesaikiná von Roques’o pareiðkimà (eidesstat- problemø, reiðkë, kad vietiniø Vermachto jun- mà su Stahleckeriu „dël pareigø pasidalijimo policijos vado junginiø prieðakinis bûrys, tliche Versicherung) XII byloje (NOKW 2618, giniø reakcija buvo labai svarbi Vokietijos ir vado informavimo“147. dislokuotas armijos uþnugario srityje“; KTB 1947 10 22).

40 41 tuviø junginiai juos vykdë „vokieèiø policijos traukus skerdynes Kauno gatvëse, ðaudymai ciatyvà ir lietuviø dalyvavimà. Taèiau testas, bilizavimosi. Kaip jau minëta, vokieèiø ragini- institucijø paskatinti“149. vyko gynybiniuose statiniuose prie Kauno“153. skirtas nustatyti, kaip reaguos Vermachtas, mai bei kurstymai þymiai iðplëtë paèiø pirmø- Ið ðiø ðaltiniø matyti, kad Vermachtas bu- 281-osios apsaugos divizijos patruliavimo tar- saugumo policijai pavyko. Ne retø balø, ið- jø þudyniø mastà. Vykstant ðioms akcijoms, vo nuolat gerai informuojamas apie ávykius, nyba stengësi sustabdyti naktinius ðaudymus reiðkianèiø susirûpinimà, Vermachtas rimtai naciai veikë uþkulisiuose, taèiau ðio metodo daþnai aptardavo juos su saugumo policijos mieste154. nesiprieðino þudynëms ir nekëlë jokiø dides- buvo praktiðkai atsisakyta pasibaigus vadina- atstovais ir pasisakydavo tik prieð nekontro- Toliau atsakant á klausimà, ko siekë vokie- niø problemø. Saugumo ketinimas vis dëlto majam vietinio kerðto þydiðkajam bolðevizmui liuojamas þudynes. Nors karinë valdþia buvo èiai rengdami pogromus, reikia prisiminti, kad perimti á savo rankas dar ir politikos formavi- etapui. Nors pirmieji didelio masto iðpuoliai kompetentinga vietose skelbti ásakymus ir at- vokieèiø saugumo policija dël savo antisemiti- mà okupuotuose kraðtuose þlugo. Iki pat karo prieð þydus buvo neabejotinai demoralizuojan- sakinga uþ gyventojø saugumà, ji pritarë þu- niø nuostatø Sovietø Sàjungos þydus ið tikrø- pabaigos saugumo policijai teko tartis su ci- tys, tai dar nereiðkë genocido politikos. Naciø dynëms, kurias vokieèiø saugumo policija vyk- jø laikë pavojingais. Saugumas þinojo, kad dau- viline valdþia ir apsiriboti daugiausia vykdo- ir jø kolaborantø poþiûriu, chaosu gatvëse ne- dë kariniø veiksmø zonoje, po keliø dienø – gelyje Baltijos ðaliø miestø þydai sudarë labai mosiomis funkcijomis. buvo galima iðspræsti „þydø klausimo“. Kaip armijos uþnugario (rückwärtigen Armeegebiet) didelæ gyventojø dalá, o vokieèiø saugumo pa- daþnai cituojamoje ataskaitoje pripaþino Stah- srityje, o galiausiai ir stovinèios kariuomenës jëgos ten buvo menkos. Taigi vokieèiai susidû- leckeris, pasibaigus pirmiesiems pogromams uþnugaryje (rückwärtigen Heeresgebiet). Pro- rë su problema, kaip greitai sukurti uþdarus „Parengiamasis etapas“: nelengvai sekësi juos vël pradëti; suvokta, kad testai buvo vangûs ir ðiuo poþiûriu saugumo getus, kad turint maþai jëgø bûtø galima kon- Pasiruoðimas „pavojingø“ tokie veiksmai galëjo bûti vykdomi tik pirmo- policija ið tiesø pasiekë savo tikslà. Vëlesnis troliuoti „pavojingus“ þydus. Ávykiai Kaune þydø sunaikinimui siomis okupacijos dienomis157. Rytø reikalø ministerijos (Ostministerium) po- greièiausiai klostësi kaip norëta, teroristinis 1941 metø birþelio 23 d., sudaryta Lietuvos litikos skyriaus vedëjas Otto Bräutigamas, kar- ðantaþas buvo sëkmingas: tie þydai, kurie ið- Iðskyrus paèias pirmàsias masines þu- Laikinoji Vyriausybë formaliai nepalaikë or- tu su Kleistu liepos 11 d. aplankæs Ðiaurës ar- gyveno pirmàjà þudyniø bangà, baimindamie- dynes, inicijuotas Tilþës gestapo bei SD ir vyk- ganizuotø þudyniø ir atsiribojo nuo partiza- mijø grupës uþnugario srities vadovybæ, die- si pogromø ir grasinimø nepaleisti á laisvæ þy- dytas specialiai tam sukurtose pasienio zono- nø smurto, nors ir iðleido ásakus, kuriø pagrin- noraðtyje raðë: „Mums tyliai duodant leidimà, dø moterø ir vaikø, buvo pasirengæ bendradar- se (þr. tolesná skyriø apie Jurbarkà)156, pereiti du þydai buvo izoliuojami ir kolektyviai bau- lietuviø pagalbinë policija ávykdë daugybæ þy- biauti kuriant getà. nuo iðpuoliø, primenanèiø pogromus, prie biu- dþiami158. Antra vertus, vyriausybës vadovai dø pogromø“150. Vienas Vermachto kareivis Pagaliau saugumo policijai buvo ne ma- rokratiðkai organizuojamø þudyniø buvo ne- vieðai nepasisakë apie þudyniø, vykusiø Kau- 1941 m. birþelio 29 d. dienoraðtyje áraðë: „Mû- þiau svarbu iðplësti savo kompetencijos ribas ámanoma be karinës ir politinës situacijos sta- ne, klausimu vyriausybë; kiek þinoma, tik vie- sø vokieèiø kareiviai buvo tik ramûs þiûrovai; uþvaldant naujas valdþios sritis. Prieð karà jie nebuvo gavæ ásakymo kaip nors sustabdyti saugumo ágaliojimai apsiribojo vykdomàja kraujo liejimà. Persekiojimas truko dienà ir nak- veikla, o politinë veikla buvo perleista bûsima- 150 Otto Bräutigamo karo dienoraðtis, p. 134. rasti Fischerio-Schwederio tyrime, Fritz Bauer tá nuo birþelio 24 d. iki birþelio 29 d. vakaro. Po jai civilinei valdþiai. Vieðø þudyniø ðmëkla da- 151 Majoro barono von Grießenbecko dienoraðèio et al, vol. 15, eds., Justiz und NS-Verbrechen to viskas pamaþu nurimo“151. bar turëjo tarnauti politinës policijos ambicijai pastabos, áraðytos 1941 6 29, pagal leitenanto (Amsterdam, 1968–1981); þr. Jürgeno Mat- Visos susijusios vokieèiø institucijos – sau- – neva ji vienintelë esanti atsakinga uþ visus dr. Wüsto (AOK 16 501-oji propagandos thauso „Jenseits der Grenze. Die ersten kuopa) praneðimà, cituota ið Krausnick, Massenerschiessungen von Juden in Litauen gumo policija, Vermachtas ir bûsimosios civi- saugumo politikos, o ne vien saugumo policijos Hitlers Einsatzgruppen, p. 179. (Juni–August 1941)“, esantá Zeitschrift für linës valdþios ryðiø karininkai – laikësi pozi- klausimus. Saugumas norëjo pasirodyti esan- 152 Pirmoji bendroji EG A ataskaita, IMG, t. 37, Geschichtswissenschaft, 44 (1996), p. 101 ir kt.; cijos, kad pogromø ir pirmøjø masiniø þudy- tis institucinë atsvara tariamai aptiktam chao- p. 683. taip pat Joachimo Tauberio, Garsden, 1941 niø klausimu nesama didesniø nuomoniø sui, taigi ir vienintelë galima tvarkà palaikanti 153 Wilhelmo Schwano apklausa, 16-osios armijos birþelio 24 d. (laukiama autoriaus rankraðèio skirtumø, dël kuriø bûtø verta rimtai ginèytis. jëga (Ordnungsmacht)155. aeronuotraukø skyrius, 1960 4 26, ZStL, II 204 publikacijos) ir Konrado Kwieto „Rehearsing AR-Z 21/58, t. 13, l. 101. for Murder: The Beginning of the Final Solution Ávertindamas neseniai ávykusius ekscesus, Vieni vokieèiø saugumo policijos tikslai 154 Þr. KTB Sich. Div. 281, NARA, RG 242, T 315, in Lithuania in June 1941“, Holocaust and Stahleckeris savo ataskaitoje pagrástai pabrë- buvo pasiekti, kiti – ne. Nepavyko nukreipti Roll 1869, l. 263 (1941 7 4 áraðas). Genocide Studies, 12/1 (1998), p. 3–7. Taip pat þë, kad pogromai vyko „sklandþiai“, „infor- reikiama linkme lietuviø siekiø atkurti politi- 155 K. Friedman, Collaboration, p. 180 taip pat Þr. Christopho Dieckmanno „Der Krieg und muojant Vermachto tarnybas, kurios visuomet næ nepriklausomybæ. Nors ir bergþdþiai, lie- nurodomas Stahleckerio suinteresuotumas die Ermordung der litauischen Juden“ Ulricho teigiamai ávertino minëtas akcijas“152. Nuo bir- tuviai ir toliau siekë nepriklausomybës, nuo- pabrëþti vietos gyventojø dalyvavimà. Herberto sudarytame rinkinyje Nationalsozialis- 156 þelio pabaigos þudynës vykdavo jau ne taip savos atutonominës centrinës valdþios. Su- Aukø skaièius pagal vokieèiø saugumo tische Vernichtungspolitik 1939–1945 (Frank- policijos ataskaità: Gargþduose – 201, furt, 1998, p. 292–329, o ypaè p. 295–298. vieðai kaip anksèiau, jos buvo perkeltos á VII versti lietuviams kaltæ dël antisemitiniø Kretingoje – 214 ir Palangoje – 111, kaip 157 Pirmoji EG A ataskaita, l. 683. fortà. 1960 m. vienas Vermachto kareivis teis- eskcesø þiaurumo ir brutalumo taip pat ne- minima NARA, 1941 m. liepos 6 d. EM Nr. 14, 158 Þr. Laikinosios Vyriausybës protokolus, raðytus mui paliudijo: „Visi þinojo, kad, vokieèiams nu- pavyko. Ðaltiniai aiðkiai nurodo vokieèiø ini- 2, T175. Daug daugiau informacijos galima 1941 m. birþelio 24–26 d., LLV, p. 9–15.

42 43 nas jos narys, istorikas Zenonas Ivinskis, atsa- tis163. Saugumo policijos ir SD Berlyno biuras Organizuoti ðaudymai dø vyrø buvo suðaudyta. Iki tol veikæ kalëjimai kingas uþ ryðius su vokieèiais, pasiûlë oficia- 1941 metø birþelio 30 d. praneðë, kad kai SK birþelio pabaigoje ir liepos buvo per maþi, todël papildomai buvo áreng- liai pasmerkti smurtà prieð þydus159. Reikia 1b ásikûrë Kaune, lietuviø partizanai per pas- pradþioje, vykæ VII forte tos „laikinosios koncentracijos stovyklos“, ku- konstatuoti ir tai, kad nepaisant neoficialaus kutines tris dienas jau buvo nuþudæ kelis tûks- riose buvo galima laikinai ákurdinti suimtuo- grieþto áspëjimo Klimaièiui160 ir paskelbtø atsi- tanèius þydø164. Nuo tada pogromo tipo ope- Ðaudymai VII forte167 sius168. ðaukimø, apskritai smerkianèiø ástatymø ne- racijas pakeitë organizuotos karinæ vadova- 1941 06 30 – 1941 07 05 Birþelio 30 d. Laikinojo ministrø kabineto silaikymà ir nesankcionuotà smurtà161. Lietu- vimo struktûrà turinèios masinës egzekucijos. posëdyje miesto komendantas Bobelis informa- vos valdþios institucijos ið esmës nebandë ási- Vilniuje iki 1941 metø liepos 8 d. buvo nuþu- Prasidëjus karui Kaune buvo sistemingai vo apie „þydø koncentracijos stovyklos“ VII kiðti ar bent aiðkiai atsiriboti nuo vokieèiø dytas 321 þydas. Masinës þudynës Paneriuo- suiminëjami þydø tautybës vyrai bei moterys forte árengimà, ir visas ministrø kabinetas nu- perëmimo ir vadovavimo paskubomis sukur- se – pagrindinëje þudyniø vietoje – prasidëjo ir uþdaromi daugiausia dviejose vietose: cen- sprendë, kad jos iðlaikymu turi rûpintis komu- tiems daliniams, suformuotiems ið antisovieti- liepos 11 d. Iki liepos pabaigos èia buvo su- triniame kalëjime Mickevièiaus gatvëje ir VII nalinio ûkio viceministras Vladas ðvipas kar- niø partizanø ir Raudonosios armijos dezer- naikinta maþdaug 5000 þydø. Vokieèiai da- forte, kur jie buvo kankinami, o tûkstanèiai þy- tu su komendantu169. tyrø. Naciø gebëjimas átraukti lietuvius á masi- lyvavo masinëse þudynëse ne tik kaip organi- nes egzekucijas turëjo nepalyginti rimtesniø zatoriai ir vadovai, bet ir kaip egzekutoriai. 159 Þr. Liudo Truskos praneðimà Tarptautinei 163 Ehrlingerio ataskaita Berlynui ir EG A, 1941 m. pasekmiø Lietuvos þydams negu pirmosios ka- Pagal pokarinius teismo áraðus, naciams ver- komisijai „Antisemitizmo stiprëjimas Lietuvo- liepos 1, BA (Koblenz), kopija pateikta autoriui; ro savaitës þudynës. LV patvirtino kariniø pa- þiantis per ðiaurës Lietuvà 65-asis vokieèiø je sovietinës okupacijos metais“, 1. NARA, EG, Nr. 14, 1941 m. liepos 6, l. 3–4. jëgø ðtabà, pritarë vadinamojo Tautinio darbo policijos batalionas vykdë masines þydø þu- 160 Lietuvos pokario literatûroje neigiama bet kokia 164 NARA, T175, EM, Nr. 8, 1941 m. birþelio 30, l. 2. apsaugos bataliono sudarymui 1941 metø bir- dynes Kaune ir Ðiauliuose165. Lietuvos valdþios institucijø atsakomybë uþ 165 Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executio- þelio 27 d. ir Kauno karo komendantu paskyrë Kaip jau minëta, pirmøjø naciø invazijos Klimaièio grupës veiksmus. Po karo Ambraze- ners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New vièius teigë, esà Laikinoji Vyriausybë, generolø York, 1996), p. 191–192. Taip pat þr. nuorodas pulkininkà Jurgá Bobelá, kuris periodiðkai atsi- dienø aukomis tapo ne tik þydai, bet ir dauge- Pundzevièiaus ir Rëklaièio padedama, á 65-ojo policijos bataliono veiklà Kaune toliau. skaitydavo ministrø kabinetui. Suprantama, LV lis tikrø bei tariamø ne þydø kilmës komunis- sugebëjo átikinti Klimaitá toliau nevykdyti 166 Statistinæ suvestinæ galima rasti 1941 metø negalëjo paveikti naciø vykdytos genocido po- tø. Ðia prasme operatyvinës grupës vykdë He- pogromø ir daugiau nedirbti Stahleckeriui rugsëjo 10 d. Karlo Jägerio ataskaitoje, litikos, bet – bent jau ið pradþiø – turëjo gali- ydricho nurodymus – skatinti ir organizuoti (Brazaitis, Vienø vieni, p. 88 ir kt., p. 137, saugomoje LYA, ir 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. mybæ informuoti visuomenæ per spaudà ir ra- Reichui prieðiðkø elementø naikinimà. Anti- 143). Kadangi Klimaitis teigë, jog atsisakymo Jägerio ataskaitoje, kurios kopijø yra ávairiuose archyvuose ir kuri skelbta daugelyje leidiniø. dijà. Tad neiðvengiamai perðasi iðvada, jog be þydiðkas ávairiø Lietuvos policijos institucijø atveju Stahleckeris jam grasino mirtimi, generolai jam pataræ pasislëpti nuo Stahlecke- 167 Kaune buvo 12 senø vadinamøjø fortø, kurie ministrø birþelio 27 d. posëdþio metu iðreikðto bei partizanø daliniø, taip pat daugelio gyven- rio uþ Kauno ribø (Þr. Bubnys, Vokieèiø, p. XIX amþiuje þiedu juosë senamiestá, o vëliau vienkartinio paraginimo, kad reikia „vengti tojø vieðas diskursas ið esmës vyko politinio 199, kur ði istorija atpasakojama lygiai taip buvo naudojami kaip kalëjimai. Kai kurie vieðø þydø egzekucijø“, LV neatliko savo pa- kerðto, laisvës siekio ir prieðiðkumo bolðeviz- pat, su nuoroda á LAF nario Adolfo Damuðio fortai vokieèiø okupacijos metais tapo þydø ir reigos ir net nepamëgino aiðkiai pareikðti savo mui, o ne antisemitinës genocidinës ideologi- teiginius.) Pastarasis Klimaièio teiginys, sovietø karo belaisviø naikinimo vietomis, neigiamo nusistatymo antiþydiðko smurto at- jos kontekste. Per pirmàsias ðeðias savaites vy- ðvelniai tariant, yra labai maþai tikëtinas. kalëjimais bei stovyklomis. 161 Á Laisvæ, 1941 birþelio 24. 168 Pirmoji bendroji EG A 1941 10 15 ataskaita, þvilgiu162. kusiø þudyniø metodai ir mastas labai skyrësi 162 Ðitokià inkriminuojanèià formuluotæ galime Maskvos ypatingasis archyvas, 500-4-93, l. 20. Praþûtingas Lietuvos þydø persekiojimo ir nuo lemiamo 1941 metø rugpjûèio, rugsëjo ir rasti 1941 metø birþelio 27 d. praneðime Þr. Kauno kriminalinës policijos paþymà be naikinimo etapas prasidëjo vokieèiams tvir- spalio mënesiais ávykdyto þydø genocido. Ki- ministrø kabineto susirinkimui, skirtam datos, kuri priskirtina minimoms dienoms, èiau perëmus valdþià á savo rankas. TDA da- taip tariant, nors pirmosios þudynës sukëlë „Lietûkio“ þudynëms. Visas tekstas yra toks: apie 254 þydø tautybës moterø gabenimà ið liniai, formaliai ákurti birþelio 28 d., buvo grei- kruvinà ir precedento Lietuvoje neturinèià „Min(isteris) Þemkalnis praneðë apie nepa- kalëjimo á VII fortà. Iðspausdinta kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 254. tai átraukti á masines þydø þudynes. 1941 me- smurto bangà, taèiau tai dar nebuvo naciø „ga- prastai þiaurius þydø kankinimus Kaune, Lietûkio garaþe. Nutarta: Kad neþiûrint visø 169 Posëdþio protokolas Nr. 6, 1941 6 30 rytas, LLV, tø liepos 1 d. SS oberðturmbanfiureris lutinis sprendimas“. priemoniø, kuriø reikia imtis prieð þydus dël p. 19. Miesto komendanto biudþete, kurá Bobelis Ehrlingeris praneðë, kad jam pavyko suburti Vis dëlto Kauno VII forte antràjà karo sa- jø komunistinës veiklos ir kenkimo vokieèiø 1941 m. liepos 5 d. pateikë ministrø kabinetui, penkias lietuviø pagalbinës policijos kuopas vaitæ vykusios þudynës buvo iki tol didþiau- kariuomenei, partizanams ir paskiriems nuo liepos 1 d. buvo numatyta lëðø koncentraci- (Hilfspolizeitruppe), ið kuriø dvi buvo paskir- sias beginkliø civiliø naikinimo aktas ðalies gyventojams vengti vieðø þydø egzekucijø. jos stovyklai ir jos sargybai (21 kareiviui, tos SK 1b þinion. Pasak Ehrlingerio, viena naujøjø amþiø istorijoje166. Daugumà aukø, su- Patirta, kad ðie veiksmai yra padaryti vadovaujamam majoro) iðlaikyti. Protokolas þmoniø, kurie nieko bendra neturi nei su Nr. 11, 1941 7 5, Ten pat, p. 45. Ið tikrøjø á VII kuopa jau saugojo kalinius ir vykdë egzeku- naikintø per pradiná pogromø ir þudymø eta- Aktyvistø Ðtabu, nei su Partizanø Ðtabu, nei fortà buvo iðsiøsta daugiau kareiviø, pavyzdþiui, cijas Kauno VII forte, o kitai buvo pavesta vyk- pà, t. y. iki 1941 metø rugpjûèio mënesio, suda- su Laikinàja Lietuvos Vyriausybe“ 49 asmenys, 1941 7 7 ásakymas Nr. 3 TDA dyti „tvarkos palaikymo policijos“ uþduo- rë þydø vyrai, þuvæ Kauno VII forte. (LLV, p. 18). bataliono rikiuotëms, LCVA, R 1444-1-1, l. 19.

44 45 Kol kas vienintelë nuoroda dël koncentra- neiðleidþiami á namus daugelis tø, kuriems dël tadiená ir visas penktadienis buvo siaubingai Kaune gyvenusios vokietës Helene Holz- cijos stovyklos steigimo Kaune randama ata- ávairiø prieþasèiø nepavyko pabëgti á Rytus173. kruvini. Ðaudymai aikðtëje nesiliovë, uþ pyli- man bandymus padedant þymiems lietuviams skaitoje, kurià vokieèiø karo lauko komendan- Didelëje forto aikðtëje vyrai ir jaunuoliai po at- mø buvo iðvedamos vis kitos þmoniø grupës.“ iðvaduoti ið VII forto jos vyrà þydà Maxà Holz- tûrai pateikë ryðiø pareigûnas A. Þemribas, viru dangumi turëdavo gultis ant þemës ir ne- Liepos 4 d., penktadiená, EK 3 uþregistravo manà suþlugdë vokieèiø saugumo policija, pas 1966 m. teigæs, esà karo lauko komendantas judëti. Moterys ir maþesni vaikai buvo atskirti 416 nuðautø vyrø ir 47 moteris178. Leibas Ko- generolà Stasá Raðtiká ji nebuvo áleista, o jo pa- generolas von Pohlis 1941 m. birþelio 29 d. pra- nuo vyrø ir uþdaryti tamsiuose kazematuose. niuchowsky pasakojo, kad liepos 5 d., penk- vaduotojas nesiëmë padëti180. neðæs, kad ið Berlyno buvo gautas ásakymas Tolesnës dienos virto begaliniais suimtøjø kan- tadiená, vienam austrui ðtabo feldfebeliui ne- Sekmadienio naktá, liepos 6 d., visi maþ- sutelkti Lietuvos þydus á atskirà stovyklà. Po kinimais, kuriø ëmësi priþiûrëtojai, daugiau- va kaip reikalingà darbo jëgà pavyko iðgaben- daug 2 500 vyrø, kurie dar nebuvo suðaudyti to miesto komendantas Bobelis ir burmistras sia lietuviai. Nors svilino karðtis ir netoliese ti ið VII forto devynis asmenis – penkias tvirtovës aikðtëje, þuvo nuo automatø ir ranki- Palèiauskas su generolu von Pohliu derëjæsi buvo tyro vandens ðulinys, nelaimingi kaliniai moteris ir keturis vyrus. To praðë vienas þy- niø granatø, mëtomø nuo pylimø. Nedidelë dël vietos. negavo në laðo vandens. Jei kuris nors sujudë- das, kurio bute jis buvo ásikûræs ir su kuriuo grupë þydø, kuriø nenuþudë kazematuose, sek- Nuo birþelio 29–30 d. þydø tautybës vyrai ir davo, girti sargybiniai daþnai ðaudydavo á mi- susidraugavo179. madiená iðvydo aikðtëje gulint tûkstanèius la- moterys buvo gabenami á vietà, kurià ir SK 1b nià, kartais leisdami kuriam nors nuðliauþti vadino „þydø koncentracijos stovykla“, o bir- iki ðulinio, kad begeriantá nuðautø. Tik liepos þelio 30-osios vakarà ten prasidëjo ðaudymai170. 3 d. þmonës, kurie jau keturias ar penkias die- 170 Þr. Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 60; SK 1b 1941 7 1 174 Þr. Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 67; Fritzo Gern- EK 3 planavo ðioje „þydø koncentracijos sto- nas iðbuvo be maisto, gavo ðiek tiek supeliju- ataskaita EG A ir RSHA, BA, R 70, Sowjetu- hardto apklausà 1959 7 1, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z vykloje“ árengti du skyrius, vienà þydø vyrams, sios duonos, gautos ið vieno vokieèiø aprûpi- nion 15; EM, Nr. 14, 1941 7 6, BA, R 58/214; 21/58, t. 3a, l. 1997. o kità – moterims ir vaikams. Ðaltiniai nurodo, nimo dalinio174. Breitman, Himmler’s Police Auxiliaries, p. 35, 9 175 Koniuchowsky apraðë situacijà visø pirma ið kad liepos pradþioje VII forte kalëjo maþdaug Protarpiais atskiras þydø grupes kaþkur ið- pastaba. Lietuviai VII fortà laikë lietuviø karo VII forte kalëjusiø moterø pozicijø. Þr. YVA, komendantûros „koncentracijos stovyklomis“. O 71/163, p. 4-23; Gar, Umkum, p. 41; 1 500 þydø, o centriniame kalëjime – 1 869 þy- vesdavo. Neva lengvam darbui privalëjo uþsi- Plg. stovyklos komendanto 1941 8 10 siøsto Heinricho Hipplerio, aprûpinimo dalinio dai, 214 lietuviø, 134 rusai, 1 latvis ir 16 lenkø. registruoti asmenys su akiniais, esà reikëjo dak- raðto miesto komendantui dël stovyklos sanitaro, kuris nesuteikë pagalbos ðûviais Kità koncentracijos stovyklà buvo planuojama tarø, advokatø ir inþinieriø. Ðie þmonës negráþ- panaikinimo antraðà, LCVA, R 1444-1-18, l. suþeistai moteriai, apklausa 1959 11 11. Jo árengti IX forte, á kurá patekdavo daugiausia davo – anapus pylimø juos suðaudydavo. 126. 1941 7 11 stovyklos komendanto pareigos dalinyje buvo platinamos VII forto aukø suimtos moterys ir vaikai. Remiantis ðiais duo- 30–40 moterø lietuviø sargybiniai ið pradþiø buvo perduotos atitinkamos sargybos kuopos nuotraukos, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 2, menimis, liepos pradþioje Kaune ið viso buvo iðþagino, o po to suðaudë. Pasak daugelio liu- vadui. Þr. TDA bataliono 1941 7 11 specialøjá l. 793–803. ásakymà Nr. 11, LCVA, R 1444-2-1a, l. 17. 176 Þr. Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 67; Gar, Umkum, ákalinta 3 200 asmenø171. dytojø, kiti girti sargybiniai kazematuose su- 171 Þr. 1941 7 6 EM Nr. 14, BA, R 58/214. Operaty- p. 42. Pagrástas abejones iðsako Eidintas, Byla, 175 1941 m. liepos pradþioje þmoniø medþiok- rengdavo siaubingà terorà . Daugelis iðgyve- viniø grupiø pirmojoje veiklos ir padëties 1941 p. 164. Nepaisant ir kitø tyrinëtojø rimtø lë tapo dar sistemingesnë. Kauno stoties parti- nusiøjø pasakojo, kad netgi lietuviø krepðinio 7 31 ataskaitoje, kuri buvo daugiau platinama abejoniø dël krepðininkø dalyvavimo ðaudy- zanø dalinio paragintas, lietuviø karo komen- komanda, laimëjusi prieð Vermachto koman- negu praneðimai apie ávykius, pateikiama dar muose, 2003 m. balandþio mën. ði istorija tapo dantas liepos 2 d. iðleido nurodymà paþenklin- dà, buvo atvykusi á fortà nuðauti keliasdeðimt nekaltesnë formuluotë: Kaune, „buvusiuose sensacija Izraelio ir JAV þiniasklaidoje. fortuose árengtos dvi didelës þydø ákurdinimo Iðsamus Tarptautinës komisijos istorikø ti visus þydus bei jø gyvenamuosius namus ir þydø – tai buvusi savotiðka premija uþ perga- stovyklos“ ir „nuolat vykdoma stovyklos tyrimas nerado jokiø patikimø duomenø, jog suimti visus þydus, lenkus ir lietuvius komu- læ. Taèiau patikimø tai árodanèiø dokumentø gyventojø patikra“. Iðspausdinta kn.: Klein, ið tikrøjø buvo minimos vokieèiø–lietuviø nistus. Be to, turëjo bûti „iðvalytas“ visø par- nëra176. Kai kurios aukos neiðlaikë ir iðprotëjo. Einsatzgruppen, p. 115. SK 1b poþiûriu, krepðinio varþybos. duotuviø personalas ir neleidþiama „turtin- Tik nedaugeliui pavyko iðsilaisvinti papirkus kalëjimai buvo galutinai perpildyti, o jø 177 Þr. Gar, Umkum, p. 41. giems“ þydams tariamai iðparduoti savo krau- sargybinius. Liko gyvi maþdaug 70 vyrø, ku- apsauga – „labai sudëtinga“.1941 6 30 EM Nr. 178 Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 64. Þr. ten pat, p. 68 ir tuviø. Þydø turtas turëjo bûti skubiai riø nesuðaudë kaip buvusiø Lietuvos kariuo- 8, BA, R 58/214. Plg. SK 1b padëties 1941 7 2 kt. iðgelbëtøjø sàraðà. Þr. EK 3 teritorijoje iki ataskaità (RSHA nuoraðas, 1941 7 7). Maskvos tol ávykdytø egzekucijø 1941 9 10 sàraðà, BA, registruojamas ir konfiskuojamas, o apskritai menës savanoriø. Miesto komendantas Bobe- ypatingasis archyvas, 500-1-758, l. 6–8. R 70 Sowjetunion 15, l. 77. visi ginklai ir nekilnojamasis turtas turëjo per- lis, kuris daþnai lankydavosi VII forte ir duo- Kaliniai netrukus buvo suðaudyti. 179 Koniuchowsky, YVA, O 71/163, p. 24–53. eiti „tikrøjø“ lietuviø nuosavybën. Partizanai davo ásakymus sargybai, nurodë juos 172 Lietuviø aktyvistø 1941 7 2 raðtas Bobeliui, 180 Þr. Holzman, Kind, p. 19–26. Helene Holzman reikalavo be pasigailëjimo naikinti visus, ku- iðlaisvinti177. kuriame yra paþymëtas tos paèios dienos buvo pusiau þydë, krikðtyta evangelikë, rie geria „taurø lietuviø kraujà“, arba tuos, ku- Yizhakui Nemenèiukui, tiksliausiai apra- Bobelio nurodymas, LCVA, R 1444-1-9, l. 79. uþaugusi Vokietijoje, nuo 1923 m. gyvenusi 173 Þr. Leibo Koniuchowsky’o apraðymà, kurá jis Kaune, iðtekëjusi uþ þydo Maxo Holzmano, rie persekiojo sukilëlius172. ðiusiam ávykius VII forte, pavyko iðgyventi. sudarë 1946 m. Feldafinge, remdamasis kuris kaip vokieèiø okupacinës kariuomenës Be Kauno þydø, á VII fortà patekdavo ir þy- Pasislëpæs kazematuose, jis be paliovos gir- liudytojø pasakojimais, YVA, O 71/163, p. 3 kareivis 1916–1918 m. buvo ákurdintas Kaune; dai ið apylinkiø, èia taip pat buvo uþdaromi ir dëjo ðaudant. „Naktis ið ketvirtadienio á penk- ir kt. plg. ten pat, p. 345–363.

46 47 vonø. Nemenèiukas spëjo, kad VII forte ið viso 5-osios kuopos narius191. Birþelio 30 d. pulki- 3 d. kartu su kolegomis evangelikais aplankë ti tokius savavaliðkus ðaudymus“ ir susisiekti þuvo apie 7 000 þmoniø181. Koniuchowsky, ninkas Bobelis perleido 5-àjà kuopà SK 1b VII fortà, kurá jis vadino egzekucijø vieta. Lie- su EK 3196. Pats Jägeris esà buvæs siaubingai remdamasis Kauno þydø tarybos (Judenrat) in- dispozicijai192. pos 4 d. jis raðë dienoraðtyje: „Ðaudymas forte átûþæs197. formacija, teigë, kad buvo suðaudyta 8 000 vy- Þmonës buvo ðaudomi ne vien VII forte, ir trunka iki vëlyvo vakaro“, o ir naktá ið liepos 6 Pasak ðaltiniø, kai kurie Vermachto daliniai rø ir 50 moterø – Kauno ir provincijos þydø182. kitose vietose nuo ðûviø þuvo ðimtai aukø, nors á 7 d. buvo girdëti „ánirtingas þydø ðaudymas.“ buvæ þudyniø „labai sujaudinti“. Todël Stah- Paèios þydø tarybos 1942 m. statistikos duo- tikslø jø skaièiø vargu ar ámanoma nustatyti. Karo ligoninës gydytojai praðë jo pasirûpinti, leckeris gráþo á Kaunà ir atsipraðë Vermachto menimis, pirmoji þudyniø banga nusineðë per SK 1b nariai liudijo, kad egzekucijø metodu, kad bûtø „nutrauktas nuolatinis ðaudymas“. sakydamas, jog „susinervinæ lietuviai tiesiog 6 000 aukø. Turint galvoje, kad per Vilijampo- ðûviais á galvà jie nuþudë ðimtus þmoniø mies- Taèiau liepos 5 d. Vermachto dekanas Wischer- persistengë“198. Jägerio pavaduotojas Graueris lës pogromus buvo nuþudyta apie 1 000, o „Lie- to pakraðtyje esanèiuose laukuose193. tas jam prasitarë, kad Vermachtas ir jo sielova- patvirtino, kad Stahleckeris buvo informuotas tûkio“ garaþe – maþdaug 52–60 aukø, VII forte 65-ojo policijos bataliono nariai tvirtino, da þinà „apie ávykius“, taèiau tai esàs „parti- per radijà ir ið Rygos atvyko á Kaunà, kur jie galëjo þûti iki 5 000 þmoniø183. Á èia nurodytà kad jø 2-oji kuopa ðaudë þmones Kaune194. nës policijos reikalas“195. kalbëjæsi „þydø klausimu“199. Kaip minëta anks- Kaune þuvusiø aukø skaièiø (6 000), greièiau- Liepos 6 d. þudynës VII forte sukëlë didelá èiau, birþelio pabaigoje, po Vilijampolës pogro- siai átraukti ir tie asmenys, kurie þuvo vietiniø sujudimà Vermachto ir vokieèiø saugumo po- mø ir þudyniø „Lietûkio“ garaþe, Stahleckeris þudymo akcijø metu184. Vokieèiø reakcija licijos gretose. EK 3 vadas Jägeris po karo tei- susitarë su 16-àja armija, kad kitos „egzekuci- á þudynes VII forte gë, esà Norkus, negavæs tiesioginio ásakymo, jos vyks tik priþiûrint Kaune apsistojusiam SS VII forte suðaudë apie 3 000 þydø vyrø. Jäge- vadui“. Taigi jis, kaip SS vadas, prisiëmë atsa- Vokieèiø ir lietuviø VII forte vykusios þudynës buvo girdi- ris, apþiûrëjæs þudyniø vietà ir jam pasirodæ, komybæ uþ „tvarkingà“ þudyniø vykdymà. Sa- ðaudikai mos ir mieste. Netoliese ásikûrusios Vermach- tarsi ten buvo ðaudyta kaip pakliuvo. Jis pa- vo ruoþtu Jägeris iðkart susisiekë su karo lauko to karo ligoninës katalikø dvasininkas liepos reiðkæs Norkui, kad „ateityje ðis turi nutrauk- komendantûra ir ásakë skubiai uþkasti lavonus. VII forte þmones ðaudë vokieèiø ir lietu- viø kareiviai bei policininkai. Vokieèiø pusëje tai buvo SK 1b kariai, áskaitant SS ginkluotøjø 181 Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 70. EK 3 tà dienà 187 Þr. TDA bataliono 1941 m. liepos–rugpjûèio 191 Nemenèiukas VII forte atpaþino du lietuvius. pajëgø (Waffen-SS) grupæ, kuriai vadovavo SS uþraðë: Kaunas: „VII fortas (þydai automa- mën. ásakymus sargybai; santrauka: Stang, Vienas jø – puskarininkis Julius Tamulis, kuris oberðturmbanfiureris Ehrlingeris, ir gestapo tais) 2514“. EK 3 teritorijoje iki tol ávykdytø Kollaboration, p. 134–140. 1941 m. liepos pabaigoje buvo TDA bataliono 188 pareigûno SS unterðturmfiurerio Kurto Burk- egzekucijø 1941 9 10 sàraðas, BA, R 70 Pirmosios kuopos nariai po karo 5-osios kuopos bûrio vadas; kitas – miesto Sowjetunion 15, l. 77. prisipaþino dalyvavæ ðaudant: þr. Jono karo komendantas Bobelis; apie Tamulá þr. hardto grupæ185. 182 Koniuchowsky, YVA, O 71/163, p. 55. Baranausko, iki 1941 m. birþelio mën. taip pat Nemenèiuk, VII. Fort, p. 64–70; apie Ðaudymui taip pat atsiuntë 9-ojo policijos 183 Þr. pateikiamà statistikà iki 1942 m. gruodþio dirbusio sovietams, apklausà Vilniuje Bobelá ten pat, p. 69. bataliono pirmosios kuopos antràjá bûrá, pri- mën.: Hidden History, p. 158–160. 1947 8 28: pirmoji kuopa beveik kasdien 192 Þr. miesto komendanto 1941 6 30 raðtà klausiusá EK 3186. Be to, þudynëse dalyvavo ir 184 Kitos þudyniø vietos minimos SK 1b ir 65-ojo ðaudë þydus VII forte; kuopa beveik nedarë Ehrlingeriui, LCVA, R 1444-1-4, l. 18. ávairios kuopos ið birþelio 28 d. sudaryto lietu- policijos bataliono nariø parodymuose. Plg. nieko kito, tik ðaudë, þr. Masinës þudynës, 1 t., 193 Wilhelmo Hellmanno apklausa 1959 2 3, ZStL, skirsná apie ðaulius-þudikus. p. 258–259; Stasio Nëniaus apklausa Sovietø II 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 2, l. 553. viø TDA bataliono, kuris kiekvienai sargybos 185 Apie tai yra gausu paèiø SK 1b nariø parody- Sàjungoje 1947 7 29, vertimas á vokieèiø 194 Wilhelmo Solbacho apklausa 1964 8 12, HStA pamainai VII forte skirdavo po 49, o kalëjime mø. Þr. apklausas ðiø asmenø: Theodoro k.: HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t. 231, Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t. 232, l. 200 ir Mickevièiaus gatvëje – po 18 vyrø. Kuopos keis- Feldmanno 1959 12 4, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, l. 14 807. kt.; Paulio Bauro apklausa 1965 7 21, ten pat, davosi187. Pirmoji kuopa daugiausia dalyvavo t. 8, l. 403; Hermanno Zitzmanno 1959 12 8, 189 Velavièiaus apklausa 1946 12 24, LYA, b. 6203, lapai nenumeruoti. ðaudant þmones VII forte188. ten pat, t. 8, l. 447; Hanso Bässe’s 1960 1 21, Nr. 38701/3, l. 93. Apie Barzdos, Norkaus ir 195 Iðtraukos ið Georgo Handricko dienoraðèio, EK Po karo Lietuvos kalëjimø administraci- ten pat, t. 8, ab l. 497, protokolo 11 p.; tas Klimavièiaus paskyrimà þr. TDA bataliono 3 byla, t. 26, l. 7717a; paskutinës trys citatos pats, 1960 3 4, t. 11, p. 219 ir 223; Hanso 1941 7 3 ásakymà Nr. 2, LCVA, R 1444-1-1, ið Handricko 1961 4 5 parodymø, ten pat, l. jos darbuotojas Ignas Velavièius sakë, kad Meyerio 1960 3 3, ten pat, t. 11, l. 189–197; l. 17. Jägeris ir Schweizeris vadino Norkø 7717. ðaudymuose daugiausia dalyvavo leitenan- Roberto Herbsto 1960 2 24, ten pat, t. 11, l. pagrindiniu ðaudymø dalyviu. Þr. Richardo 196 Jägerio apklausa 1959 6 15, HStA Wiesbaden, to Juozo Barzdos vadovaujama 3-ioji kuopa, 229; Richardo Schmidto 1960 11 29, ten pat, Schweizerio apklausà 1960 10 14, HStA Abt. 461.32438, t. 5, l. 1919. kurios bûrio vadas buvo Bronius Norkus, ir t. 11, l. 533. Apie SS ginkluotuosius dalinius Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t. 22, l. 6979; 197 Peterio Eisenbartho apklausa 1960 5 10, ten kapitono Viktoro Klimavièiaus vadovaujama þr. taip pat Waffen-SS nario Wernerio Kruse’s Jägerio apklausà 1959 6 15, ten pat, t. 5, pat, t. 19, l. 6351. apklausà 1961 8 31, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. l. 1919. 198 Emilio Finnbergo parodymai, 1960 11 23, ZStL, 4-oji kuopa189. Barzdai ir Norkui pavaldûs 3- 461.32438, t. 30, l. 8529. 190 Þr. Kaltina nuþudytieji, p. 41 ir kt. (Jonas II 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 11, l. 571. iosios kuopos kariai teismui prisipaþino ðau- 186 Ericho Schlegelio apklausa 1959 3 16, ten pat, Palubinskas), p. 44 (Pranas Matiukas), p. 50 199 Gustavo Grauerio apklausa, 1960 12 3, ten pat, dæ þmones VII forte190, o liudytojai atpaþino t. 39, l. 10 271. (Aleksas Raiþys). t. 12, l. 597.

48 49 Horstas Schweinbergeris, kuris ið 9-ojo polici- Kaune Lietuvos vadovybë savo ruoþtu mëgi- „Galutinio sprendimo“ link: klausimà, kà laikyti þydu. Tai buvo paini teisi- jos bataliono 1-osios kuopos buvo nusiøstas á no sudrausminti TDA bataliono narius. 1941 m. Aukø identifikavimas në problema ðalyje, kurioje gyveno asimiliuoti EK 3, vëliau liepë 300 nuþudytø sovietø karo liepos 11 d. bataliono vadas pulkininkas An- (kategorizavimas) ir daþniausiai sekuliarizuoti þydai, kuriø dau- belaisviø uþkasti bombø iðraustose duobëse200. drius Butkûnas iðleido grieþtà ásakymà, kuriuo gelis buvo susituokæ su ne þydais, sukûræ mið- Jägeriui ir jo pavaduotojui Graueriui visø pir- grasinant mirties bausme buvo draudþiama su- Raulio Hilbergo apibrëþti Europos þy- rias ðeimas213. Taèiau Lietuvoje tokiø prakti- ma buvo svarbu iðvengti dël „svilinanèio karð- imti þmones ir atlikti kratas privaèiuose namuo- dø naikinimo etapai – tai pati tinkamiausia niø sunkumø, su kuriais susidûrë naciø teisës èio“ padidëjusio epidemijos pavojaus, kuris ga- se negavus paties vado, Lietuvos karo komen- paradigma, leidþianti suprasti biurokratiðkai ekspertai rengdami ketvirtojo deðimtmeèio va- lëjo bûti dar viena konflikto su Vermachtu prie- danto arba lietuviø saugumo policijos vadovo organizuojamà naikinimo procesà. Pasak Hil- dinamuosius Niurnbergo ástatymus, nekilo: þy- þastis201. EK 3 kriminalinio skyriaus pirmasis ásakymo. Be pagrindo vykstantys suëmimai, sa- bergo, ágyvendinant jau priimtà nutarimà vyk- dai èia istoriðkai gyveno atskirose bendruome- vadovas Johannesas Schäferis pareiðkë, kad vivalë ir plëðimai daugiau nebûsià toleruojami. dyti genocidà bûtina sistemingai nustatyti au- nëse, o asimiliacija, ásiliejimas á daugumos kul- ðaudymai VII forte vyko „nevaldomai“, o „epi- Ið suimtøjø asmenø leidþiama atimti tik doku- kø tapatumà, nusavinti jø turtà, surinkti ir ákur- tûrà buvo greièiau iðimtis negu taisyklë. demijos pavojus, chlorkalkiø naudojimas ir pan. mentus ir prireikus ginklus207. Taèiau paaiðkëjo, dinti jas uþdarose vietovëse – ðie þingsniai Lietuvoje teisiná-rasiná þydo apibrëþimà, sufor- këlë problemø“. Tarnybiniams tikslams jis nu- kad atitinkamà ásakymà buvo bûtina pakartoti bûtini prieð baigiamàjá naikinimo etapà212. Hit- muluotà pirmàkart ðalies istorijoje, paskelbë vo- fotografavæs lavonus202. 1941 m. lapkrièio mën. ypaè lietuviø policijai208. leriui atëjus á valdþià, Reicho biurokratai dau- kieèiø kariuomenës vadovybë antràjà karo sa- Po gerø penkiø savaièiø ðios masinës ka- Po masiniø ðaudymø VII forte liepos pra- gelá mënesiø bandë rasti atsakymà á paprastà vaitæ; ðis apibrëþimas buvo áraðytas á „Kraðto pavietës prie VII forto ëmë kelti problemø. Gy- dþioje þudyniø banga Kaune atslûgo. Þydai ventojai skundësi Kauno komendantûros sa- buvo suvaryti á getus. Liepos 7 d. vyriausybës nitarijos skyriaus virðininkui dël nepakeliamos posëdyje Bobelis praneðë, kad Stahleckeris ása- 200 Horsto Schweinbergerio apklausa 1960 12 2, 208 Þr. Lietuvos saugumo departamento virðininko smarvës203. Antrojoje liepos pusëje dar buvo kæs Kauno þydus suvaryti á getà. Pasak Bobe- HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t. 23, Èenkaus 1941 11 17 raðtà Lietuvos policijos draudþiama maudytis Nemune ir Neryje – esà lio, Stahleckeris praneðæs, kad „masinë þydø l. 7 286. Þr. Schweinbergerio apklausà departamento virðininkui Reivyèiui, LCVA, 1984 2 23, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, t. 1, R 691-1-20, l. 160. ten yra „lavonø nuodø“204. likvidacija“ toliau nebus vykdoma. Vokieèiø l. 142 ir kt. 209 Protokolas Nr. 12, 1941 7 7 popietë, Vyriausybë, Uþ ðias þmogþudystes buvo atsakinga vo- nurodymu Vilijampolëje steigiamas þydø ge- 201 Þr. Grauerio apklausà 1960 m. sausá (diena p. 50 ir kt. kieèiø saugumo policija, net jei ir nebuvo nu- tas, á kurá per keturias savaites turës persikelti neáskaitoma), HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 210 Garfunkel, Kovno, p. 37–39; Tory, Holocaust, matyta, kad masinës þudynës VII forte bus to- visi Kauno þydai209. 461.32438, t. 15, l. 5710; Grauerio apklausà p. 9–12. Goldbergas apraðë susitikimà su kio pobûdþio, kaip èia nurodyta. Tuo neleidþia Kità dienà, 1941 m. liepos 8-àjà, Stahlecke- 1984 6 13, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, t. 1, l. Jägeriu ir Stahleckeriu. Josef Goldberg, abejoti gausios po karo surengtos SK 1b ir EK 3 ris ir Jägeris ðantaþavo penkis Kauno þydø at- 125 ir kt. Per abi apklausas Graueris kalbëjo „Bletlech fun Kovner Ältestenrat (bis nach der apie tai, kad VII forte jis yra matæs ir Ver- groiser Akzije)“, rinkinyje Fun letste Churbn, vokieèiø dalyviø apklausos, kuriose aiðkiai at- stovus teigdami, kad lietuviø partizanai tik to- machto karininkø. H. 7, p. 30–57, èia p. 34. sispindi tiek vokieèiø iniciatyva, tiek lietuviø kiu atveju liausis juos persekiojæ ir ið fortø bus 202 Johanneso Schäferio apklausa 1971 7 30, HStA 211 Ásakymas Nr. 15 ir þydø komisijos praðymai dalyvavimas ðiame procese. paleista maþdaug 3000 vaikø ir moterø, jei iki Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, t. 53, l. 12 980 ir iðspausdinti: Tory, Holocaust, p. 14–21. 1941 m. rugpjûèio 15 d. visi þydai persikels á kt. Schäferio apklausa 1984 9 3, ZStL, II 207 Þr. Kauno miesto savivaldybës posëdþio, getà210. Þydams atrodë, kad tylus susitaikymas AR-Z 41/83, t. 2, l. 207. vykusio 1941 7 25, dël getoizacijos rezultatø 203 Hamanno bûrio su jø nuosavybës grobstymu ir izoliavimas ge- Sanitarijos skyriaus virðininko 1941 8 16 protokolà, LCVA, R 1444-1-6, l. 2-4; iðspaus- raportas Kauno komendantui, LCVA, R 1444- dinta kn: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 234–237. ir TDA organizavimas tuose yra vienintelë reali viltis gauti minima- 1-4, l. 247; iðspausdinta kn.: Masinës þudynës, 212 Þr. Raulio Hilbergo The Destruction of the lià apsaugà. t. 1, p. 254. European Jews (New York, 1961), p. 31 ir toliau. Norëdama ateityje iðvengti konfliktø su Liepos 10 d. karo komendantas Bobelis ir 204 Kauno ekonomikos bûrio KTB 1941 7 21 áraðas, Ðiø masinio naikinimo etapø ágyvendinimas Vermachtu dël tokiø „visiðkai neorganizuotø burmistras Palèiauskas pasiraðë ásakymà Nr. BA-MA, RW 30/15. gali uþtrukti kelerius metus: taip atsitiko 205 masiniø ðaudymø“205, vokieèiø saugumo poli- 15, pagal kurá visi þydø tautybës gyventojai iki Hanso Krauso apklausa 1959 10 21, ZStL II Treèiajame reiche. Taèiau jis taip pat gali bûti 204 AR-Z 21/58, t. 8, l. 219. Krausas taip atliktas þaibiðku greièiu – tai iliustruoja cija nusprendë sudaryti ypatingus vokieèiø va- rugpjûèio 15 d. privalëjo persikelti á Vilijampo- persakë Joachimo Hamanno, su kuriuo gyveno Ruandos pavyzdys. Be to, kaip atsitiko Pietø dovaujamus mirties bûrius (Mordkommandos). læ, o nuo liepos 12 d. – neðioti geltonà skiria- viename kambaryje, þodþius. Afrikoje, reþimas gali nuspræsti nevykdyti Policijos þargonu buvo aiðkinama, kad dël ðiø màjá þenklà. Þydø persikëlimo komiteto ban- 206 Taip suformuluota EK 3 iðankstinëje ataskaito- galutinio etapo. Lietuvos provincijose ðis „ávykiø“ tapo „bûtina“ ið vokieèiø ir lietuviø dymai rasti patogesnæ vietà numatytam getui je, kuri yra antrojoje EG A 1942 m. vasario procesas plëtojosi taip greitai, kad ekspropria- sudaryti vadinamàjá „Hamanno bûrᓠ(Ha- ir susitarti dël pakenèiamesnio persikëlimo lai- mën. ataskaitoje, BA, R 90/146. cija ir naikinimas vyko praktiðkai vienu metu. 207 213 mann-Kommando), kad ateityje bûtø galima kotarpio nesulaukë lietuviðkosios savivaldy- Þr. TDA bataliono specialaus 1941 7 11 Þr. Michael Burleigh ir Wolfgang Wippermann, ásakymo Nr. 11 § 2 ir § 3, LCVA, R 1444-2-1a, The Racial State: 1933–1945 (Camb- 206 211 geriau kontroliuoti þudynes . bës pritarimo . l. 17. ridge, 1993).

50 51 karo vado skelbimà okupuotam kraðtui“. Jis riamos visiems pilieèiams), taip pat visiðkai uþ- procesas taip pat priklauso þydø naikinimo pos 26–27 dienomis. Ðá pasikeitimà atspindi savo forma, turiniu ir dvasia atitiko ástatymus, draudþianèius þydams vartoti cukrø ir valgyti istorijos puslapiams220. ásakai, iðleisti Kaune, ðalies de facto administ- anksèiau iðleistus Reiche: mësà216. Joniðkio vietinës valdþios institucijos Lietuvos miestø þydai buvo apgyvendina- raciniame centre, skirti miestui ir jo apylin- „Þydas yra tas, kurio bent trys seneliai bu- smulkiai apraðë administravimo eigà, kurioje mi atskirose zonose atsiþvelgiant á vokieèiø këms. Kauno apygardos komisariatui (Gebiet- vo gryno kraujo þydai. Be to, þydu laikomas minimas ir þydø reikalø komisijos ákûrimas; ði karinës vadovybës nurodymus. Provincijoje skommissariat), aprëpianèiam 12 000 kv. km tas, kurio du seneliai buvo gryno kraujo þydai, komisija ásakë ið dalies nusavinti þydø turtà, buvo kuriami maþesni laikini getai: Telðiuo- plotà, priklausë Kauno, Këdainiø, Marijampo- a) jeigu jis 1941 m. birþelio 22 d. priklausë taip pat leido juos naudoti kaip darbo jëgà ir se, Þagarëje, Raseiniuose, Skuode, Jurbarke, lës, Ðakiø, Vilkaviðkio ir Lazdijø apskritys, ku- þydø religijai, apribojo vietos þydø bendravimà su neþy- Këdainiuose ir kituose miestuose bei mieste- riose gyveno apie 700 000 þmoniø222. 1941 m. b) jeigu jis ðio skelbimo pasirodymo metu dais217. 1941 metø liepos 23 d. laikinai einantis liuose. Tiesà sakant, laikini getai ir surinki- rugpjûèio pradþioje apygardos komisaru (Ge- buvo susituokæs su þydu. Ukmergës policijos vadovo pareigas ásakë þy- mo punktai veikë visuose valsèiuose. Kartais c) Þydams ir þydëms draudþiama sveikinti dams neðioti geltonas þvaigþdes, taip pat uþ- tokie smulkûs getai veikdavo tik kelias savai- ne þydø tautybës asmenis. draudë jiems be leidimo iðvykti ið savo apylin- tes, o kartais ir kelis mënesius (pavyzdþiui, d) Nusiþengimai vietos komendanto kës ir prekiauti su kaimieèiais. Visø valsèiø vir- Telðiuose). Taèiau daþniausiai tokie „getai“ 214 LCVA, R-1436, ap. 1, b. 7, l. 4. Nutarimas, grieþtai draudþiami“. ðaièiams buvo duoti nurodymai registruoti ið tikrøjø buvo tik laikinos þydø apgyvendi- draudþiantis lytinius santykius su vokieèiais, buvo iðplatintas ir kitose okupuotose Rytø Ásakymas uþdraudë ritualiná gyvuliø sker- komunistus, komjaunuolius, þydus, lenkus, ru- nimo vietos ruoðiantis juos sunaikinti; ðiø „ge- teritorijose. dimà koðeriniam maistui ir remdamasis Rei- sus ir iki karo bolðevikø ástaigose dirbusius as- tø“ nebeliko, kai prasidëjo EK 3 operacijos, 215 LCVA, f. R-677, ap. 1, b. 1, l. 11; Masinës cho ástatymu dël vokiðko kraujo ir garbës ap- menis218. kurios ásibëgëjo 1941 metø rugpjûèio vidury- þudynës, t. 1, p. 105. saugos perspëjo, kad vietiniai karo komendan- Per kelias savaites Lietuvos þydai buvo je. Gyvenimo sàlygos laikinuose getuose pri- 216 Þr. Valentinas Brandiðauskas, „Lietuviø ir tai baus mirtimi visus, kurie uþkrës vokieèius identifikuoti ir izoliuoti, o visuomenei buvo klausë nuo vietiniø pareigûnø poþiûrio. Bûta þydø santykiai 1940–1941 metais“, Darbai ir dienos, Nr. 2 (11), p. 55–57. per lytinius santykius214. aiðkiai iðdëstyta jø daroma þala. daug iðskirtinio þiaurumo atvejø: muðimai, 217 Þr. LCVA, R-739, ap. 1, b. 4. Lietuviai pareigûnai paprastai vykdë vo- Kitas etapas buvo koncentravimo etapas – vagystës ir badas tapo nuolatinëmis kasdie- 218 LYA, f. 3377, ap. 58, b. 715, l. 19. kieèiø nurodymus, bet ne visada vienodai uo- þydai turëjo bûti suvaryti á getus. nybës apraiðkomis. Ið pradþiø kai kuriose vie- 219 Miesto þydø identifikavimas ir suvarymas á liai ir stropiai. Vilniuje policijos vadas Anta- tose su þydais elgtasi gana atlaidþiai: Lazdi- getus turëtø bûti nagrinëjama kaip atskira nas Iðkauskas ir Vilniaus miesto komiteto juose kurá laikà þmones barakuose uþdary- Lietuvos þydø identifikavimo, eksproprijavi- pirmininkas Stasys Þakevièius iðplatino pra- Miestø, miesteliø davo nakèiai, o dienà jiems buvo leidþiama mo ir koncentravimo istorijos dalis. Apie periodiðkai vykstanèias vadinamøjø nereika- neðimus, kuriuose remdamiesi vokieèiø karo ir kaimo vietoviø getai iðeiti á miestà. Taèiau ir èia þydus neretai su- lingø gyventojø þudynes ir galutiná getø komendanto 1941 metø liepos 3 d. ásakymu in- muðdavo, apiplëðdavo ir ið jø tyèiodavosi. sunaikinimà 1943 bei 1944 metais turime formavo, kad „visi vyriðkosios ir moteriðkosios Getø gyventojø iðlikimà dideliuose Provincijoje tarpais atskirtus þydus ðaudyda- palyginti gausià istorinæ literatûrà. Deja, to lyties þydai neatsiþvelgiant jø amþiaus, turi ne- miestuose lëmë ekonominiai veiksniai, o ne sie- vo vietos aktyvistai ir policija, paprastai pri- negalima paskyti apie provincijoje vykusá ðioti matomoje vietoje – ant krûtinës ir ant nu- kimas apsaugoti þydus nuo þiauriø lietuviø þiûrint vokieèiø pareigûnams. Sargybiniai ir genocidà. 220 Þr. Bubnio darbà „Holokaustas provincijoje“ garos – 10 cm skersinio þenklà, kurio pavyz- iðpuoliø, kaip ciniðkai skelbë naciai. Vis dëlto vietinës valdþios atstovai vogdavo þydø tur- (praneðimas Tarptautinei komisijai). dys yra iðkabintas visose Vilniaus m. policijos vokieèiai meistriðkai sugebëjo spekuliuoti ðia tà – tokie poelgiai buvo laikomi áprastu reið- 221 Arûnas Bubnys, „Maþieji Lietuvos þydø getai ir nuovadose“. Buvo ávesta komendanto valan- tema – tai atskleidþia jau minëtas Kauno atve- kiniu221. Provincijos getø ir darbo stovyklø kû- laikinos izoliavimo stovyklos 1941–1943 da, galiojanti nuo 6 valandos vakaro iki 6 va- jis (kaip minëta anksèiau). Þydø izoliavimas rimas buvo svarbus Lietuvos þydø sunaikini- metais“, Lietuvos istorijos metraðtis 1999 landos ryto; ðis ásakymas turëjo ásigalioti lie- pagrindiniuose Lietuvos miestuose suvarant mo etapas. (Vilnius, 2000), p. 151–180; apraðomas Lazdijø atvejis; plg. pasakojimà ið Yahadut pos mën. 8 d.215 Nemaþai pareigûnø greitai ási- juos á atskirus kvartalus buvo þiaurus proce- Lite, Josifas Levinsonas (red.), ðoa (Holokaustas) sàmonino naujà rasinës tvarkos sampratà. sas, taèiau dël ðios akcijos tûkstanèiai nelai- Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 2001), p. 82–85. Alytaus valdþia praneðë, kad rajono pilieèiai mingø þydø, kuriems pasisekë iðvengti nesi- Galutinio sprendimo 222 Generalinio apygardos komisaro Arnoldo suskirstomi hierarchiðkai: tik vokieèiai ir lie- baigianèiø þudyniø, galëjo bent kurá laikà ið- rengimas provincijoje: Lentzeno skelbimas (Bekanntmachung) tuviai galëjo vadintis arijais ir priklausyti aukð- gyventi trijuose getuose, kurie buvo ákurti Pradþia kauno apygardoje Nr. 1, be datos, 1941 m. rugpjûèio pradþia, èiausiajai klasei. To paties rajono valdþia 1941 Vilniuje, Kaune ir Ðiauliuose219. Getai buvo ku- Kauno generalinio komisaro oficialusis leidinys Nr. 2 (Amtsblatt des Generalkommissars metø liepos 12-àjà ir 14-àjà iðleido þydus dis- riami nuo liepos vidurio iki spalio pradþios, Svarbus posûkis naciø „þydø klausi- in Kauen), 1941 11 1, p. 15; 1942 m. balandþio kriminuojanèius ásakymus, grieþtai apribojan- tai yra tuo laikotarpiu, kai buvo priimtas spren- mo“ politikoje buvo vokieèiø civilinës admi- mën. prie apygardos prisijungë ir Alytaus èius þydø maisto racionà (pusë normos, ski- dimas likviduoti þydus provincijoje, todël ðis nistracijos ásikûrimas Lietuvoje 1941 metø lie- apskritis.

52 53 bietskommissar) buvo paskirtas SA oberfiure- izoliuoti nuo bet kokiø ryðiø su iðoriniu neþy- Vietinës valdþios institucijos Visiðkai slaptai ris Arnoldas Lentzenas223. dø pasauliu. Á asmenis, be leidimo iðeinanèius ir „galutinis sprendimas“ „Policijos departamentas Pirmieji generalinio apygardos komisaro ið geto, buvo ðaudoma be áspëjimo. Turëjo bûti provincijoje: „Reivyèio byla“ Nr. 3 sl. Lentzeno skelbimai, iðleisti 1941 m. rugpjûèio ákurta lazdomis ginkluota geto policija ið 5–15 Kaunas, 1941 m. rugpjûèio 16 d. 4 d., buvo skirti þydams224. Juose gausiais drau- asmenø, taip pat þydø komitetai (ið 12 asme- 1941 metø vasarà ir rudená Lietuvos dimais, kurie iðkart ásigaliojo, buvo siekiama nø). Þydø policija ir þydø komitetai turëjo tvar- kaimo vietovës tapo pirmuoju naciø genoci- Kauno apskrities Policijos Vadui. atimti ið þydø visas teises, juos paþeminti ir kyti visus geto vidaus reikalus. Þydai privalë- dinës programos, totalinio Europos þydø fi- stigmatizuoti; tai buvo pirmasis þingsnis izo- jo mokëti uþ maisto produktus, bet jie gaudavo zinio sunaikinimo bandomuoju lauku. Tais Gavus ðá aplinkraðtá, pastaboj nurodytose liuojant juos nuo gyventojø neþydø. Þydams tik sumaþintus davinius, neturëjo teisës apsi- mënesiais vykdytos þudymo akcijos buvo tar- vietose, tuojau sulaikyti visus þydø tautybës nebuvo leidþiama vaikðèioti ðaligatviais, jie rûpinti mësos ir pieno produktais, riebalais ir si pirmtakai vadinamojo „galutinio sprendi- vyrus nuo 15 metø amþiaus ir tas moteris, kurios privalëjo eiti vorele deðiniàja kelio puse, nega- kiauðiniais. Kol bus árengti getai, þydams rei- mo“ (Endlösung) Europos mastu. Kaip þinia, bolðevikø okupacijos laikais pasiþymëjo savo lëjo lankytis vieðuose parkuose arba naudotis këjo nustatyti specialias valandas apsipirkti. visuotinio þydø naikinimo politika buvo su- bolðevikiðka veikla arba dar ir dabar pasiþymi transporto priemonëmis. Kairëje krûtinës pu- Ásakyta sudaryti 12–60 metø amþiaus tam tik- formuluota 1942 metø sausio mënesá Berlyne tokia veikla ar áþûlumu. Sulaikytus asmenis sëje ir ant nugaros jie privalëjo neðioti maþ- rø specialybiø darbininkø sàraðà, kad juos bû- (Wannsee) aukðtø Reicho pareigûnø konfe- surinkti prie magistraliniø susisiekimo keliø ir daug 8–10 cm skersmens Dovydo þvaigþdæ. tø galima ádarbinti. Geto instrukcijø pradþioje rencijoje. Lietuvoje ðio lemiamo holokausto is- tuoj specialiomis skubiausiomis susisiekimo Buvo draudþiama iðeiti ið namø nuo 8 val. va- ir pabaigoje buvo skelbiama, kad valsèiø vir- torijos etapo genezë atsispindi kai kuriose ar- priemonëmis praneðti Policijos Departamentui. karo iki 6 val. ryto. Ne þydai negalëjo pas þy- ðaièiai ir policijos nuovadø virðininkai priva- chyvinëse bylose, todël ðá procesà ámanoma Praneðant tiksliai nurodyti kokioje vietoje ir kiek dus dirbti ar gyventi. Pabëgusiems þydams bu- lo glaudþiai bendradarbiauti tarpusavyje ir yra gana tiksliai apraðyti. yra sulaikytø ir surinktø ðios rûðies þydø. vo uþdrausta gráþti á tëviðkæ, kartu namø savi- atsakingi uþ instrukcijø vykdymà. Byla, saugoma Lietuvos centriniame vals- Reikia pasirûpinti, kad sulaikytieji bûtø ninkams buvo draudþiama apgyvendinti Kaip jau minëta, liepos pabaigoje buvo pra- tybës archyve, atspindi veiklos procedûrà, ku- aprûpinti maistu ir tinkama apsauga, kuriai sugráþusius þydus. Visi neuþimti namai ir bu- dëti rengti Lietuvos provincijoje gyvenanèiø þy- ri pasibaigë provincijos þydø surinkimu ir jø galima panaudoti pagalbinæ policijà. tai turëjo bûti suregistruoti. Þydams buvo uþ- dø sunaikinimo planai. Apie tai byloja Kauno apgyvendinimu uþdarose vietovëse, – tai bu- drausta disponuoti savo turtu. Po penkiø die- policijos vadovybës nurodymas vietinëms val- vo pats paskutinis genocidinis etapas prieð nø, 1941 m. rugpjûèio 9 d., Lentzenas iðaiðki- dþios institucijoms rinkti demografinæ infor- þmoniø sunaikinimà. Ðis aplankas, paþymë- 223 no, kad net ir su Vokietijos þydais, „pusiau macijà apie þydus ir perduoti jà aukðtesnie- tas R-683, ap. 2, b. 2, sudaro tik dalá didesnio Þr. Lentzeno bylà Federaliniame Berlyno- Celendorfo archyve (BDC-Akte Lentzen); þydais“ ar tais þydais, kurie turi Vokietijos oku- siems pareigûnams. Yra iðlikusiø iðsamiø at- dokumentø, kuriø daugumà galima laikyti 1942 m. kovo mën. Lentzenas buvo pakeltas puotø ðaliø pilietybæ, turi bûti „elgiamasi“ taip siliepimø ið Alytaus apskrities, kuriuos paraðë dingusiais, rinkinio. Aplanke yra Lietuvos po- SA brigadefiureriu, Stankeras, Policija, p. 241. pat kaip ir su Lietuvos þydais225. ávairiø kaimo vietoviø (valsèiø) virðaièiai at- licijos, veikusios ávairiose apylinkëse ir piet- 1944 m. apdovanotas Karo kryþiumi Rugpjûèio 4 d. paskelbti nurodymai buvo sakydami á jø virðininko telefonogramà Nr. 9, vakarinëse Lietuvos vietovëse, duoti nurody- (Kriegsverdienstskreuz – KVK) uþ nuopelnus; nedelsiant perduoti apygardos komisariato ap- iðsiøstà 1941 metø rugpjûèio 4 d. Kitaip nei tie mai ir atsiliepimai, taip pat informatyvûs, Þr. BA, ZADH, ZA I. 12 108, b. 3; po karo jis gyveno Hamburge, mirë 1956 m. skritims, kurios privalëjo juos vykdyti. Kauno þydai, kurie buvo sulaikyti jau po keliø dienø nors ir fragmentiðki, Lietuvos policijos atitin- Brëmene. apskrities virðininkas (Kreischef) Bortkevièius (tai pilnametystës sulaukæ vyrai ir moterys ko- kami áraðai. Dokumentai apima daugiau kaip 224 Þr. apygardos komisaro Lentzeno 1941 8 4 1941 m. rugpjûèio 6 d. ásakë visiems valsèiø munistës), provincijos þydai pirmiausia buvo trisdeðimties kaimo vietoviø ir miesto nuova- skelbimus Nr. 2 ir Nr. 3, Kauno generalinio virðaièiams (Amtsbezirkschefs) suskaièiuoti ir suskirstyti á grupes pagal amþiø: jaunuoliø dø, esanèiø Kauno rajone bei kai kuriose piet- komisaro oficialusis leidinys Nr. 2, 1941 11 1, perimti finansiná bei nekilnojamàjá iki ðiol ne- (14–18), suaugusiøjø (19–50) ir pagyvenusiø vakariø Lietuvos apylinkëse. Nors ir nepil- p. 15 ir kt. 225 nacionalizuotà þydø turtà226. 1941 m. rugpjû- asmenø (sulaukusiø 50 metø ir daugiau). An- nas, ðis rinkinys ágalina atkurti bendrà naiki- Kauno apygardos komisaro 1941 8 9 raðtas Kauno apygardos tarëjui (Landrat), LCVA, èio 7-àjà apskrities virðininkas iðsiuntinëjo tai rugpjûèio 5 d. Merkinës valsèiuje buvo uþ- nimo procesà. Pirmasis ðio rinkinio f. 1534, ap. 1, b. 186, l. 1. smulkias instrukcijas apie getus visiems vals- registruoti 128 vyrai ir moterys nuo 14 iki 18 dokumentas – tai Lietuvos policijos ðtabo Kau- 226 Kauno apskrities virðininko Bortkevièiaus èiø virðaièiams ir policijos nuovadø virðinin- metø amþiaus, 392 asmenys nuo 19 iki 50 me- ne aplinkraðtis, kuris perdavë SS leitenanto 1941 8 6 raðtas valsèiø virðaièiams, LCVA, kams (Polizeipunktführer)227. Iki rugpjûèio 15 d. tø ir 160 vyresniø kaip penkiasdeðimties metø Hamanno ásakymà ávairioms Kauno regiono f. 1534, ap. 1, b. 191, l. 39. visuose miesteliuose spygliuota viela reikëjo þydø. Tokiu pat pagrindu buvo renkami sta- ir jo apylinkiø nuovadoms229. 227 Kauno apskrities virðininko 1941 8 7 raðtas, LCVA, f. 1534, ap. 1, b. 186, l. 37; iðspausdin- apjuosti tas teritorijas, á kurias turëjo bûti su- tistiniai duomenys Birðtono bei Druskininkø Oficialus, gal kiek ir nenatûralus policijos ta kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 290 ir kt. varyti provincijos þydai. Lietuviø partizanai miestuose, taip pat Daugø, Miroslavo, Rudnios þargonas rodo, kaip rengiamasi sunaikinti 228 LCVA, f. 1436, b. 32, l. 128 ir toliau. turëjo pasirûpinti jø apsauga. Ásakyta þydus ir kituose valsèiuose228. þmoniø bendruomenæ: 229 Dieckmann, 245.

54 55 Ðis aplinkraðtis turi bûti iðpildytas per dvi siuntinius. Þydai ið maþesniø kaimo valsèiø tu- Tokia nurodymø seka ir policijos komuni- tiko jam patikëtà uþduotá: „Hamannas man da- paras nuo jo gavimo. Sulaikytus þydus saugoti, rëjo bûti sutelkti keliø susikirtimo vietose: ten kavimo bûdas, skirti ágyvendinti ðiai preceden- rë fanatiðko þydø persekiotojo, kuris tikëjo, kad kol bus paimti ir iðveþti á stovyklà. aukas lengvai pasiekdavo mirties daliniai, ku- to neturinèiai Policijos departamento specia- tokiomis [antiþydiðkomis] priemonëmis atlie- rie buvo formuojami Kaune232. liajai operacijai, pirmajam holokausto etapui, ka pareigà savo tautai, áspûdá“237. Pastaba: vykdomas visoje Kauno apskrityje Atskiri nurodymai aðtuoniolikai nuovadø, buvo pasirinkti siekiant uþtikrinti slaptumà ir Leitenantas Hamannas puikiai atlikdavo kurie buvo siunèiami kartu su slaptu Reivyèio operatyvumà. Be abejo, sprendimas pradëti praktines uþduotis. Jis pastebëdavo beveik V. REIVYTIS ásakymu Nr. 3, atskleidþia, kaip turëjo bûti su- naikinimà buvo priimtas Berlyne, o visà planà visas operacijø detales. 1941 metø rugpjûèio Policijos D-to Direktorius“230 renkami þydai pietvakarinëje Lietuvos dalyje kontroliavo Stahleckerio operatyvinë grupë A. 16 d. vienas atsargus lietuvis policininkas ið ir kai kuriose Kauno rajono vietovëse. Lietuvoje vykdyto naikinimo virðininkas ir bu- Raudondvario reaguodamas á ásakymà Nr. 3 Ðakiø apskrities policijos virðininkas per- halteris buvo SS pulkininkas (Standartenführer) Kaunui praneðë, kad jo þinioje „aplinkraðty- skaitë aplinkraðtá ir pasiraðë savo aplinkrað- 1 lentelë233 Jägeris. Jo 1941 metø rugsëjo 10 d. ir gruodþio je minimos kategorijos þydø nëra“, iðskyrus èio kopijà patvirtindamas, kad já gavo rugpjû- Þydø koncentracija Kauno apygardoje ir kitose vietose 1941 me- 1 d. ataskaitos – tai savotiðkos masiniø þudy- keturis þydus, kurie yra saugumo policijos èio 16 d., 13.35 val.231 Nors Reivyèio byloje ðian- tø rugpjûtá pagal slapto ásakymo Nr. 3 numatytà tvarkà niø buhalterinës knygos. Taèiau tikrasis deta- þinioje, ir keturis kitus, kurie yra „vietos vo- dien yra iðlikæ tik Kauno ir Ðakiø policijos liø veiksmø organizatorius, tvarkæs kasdienius kieèiø ðtabo“ þinioje. Ðá praneðimàs á vokie- nuovadø ásakymai, ðûsnis korespondencijos Apskritis / Valsèius Surinkimo punktas naikinimo reikalus, buvo gana þemo rango na- èiø kalbà iðvertë ir perdavë Hamannui pul- rodo, kad ðie mirties nuosprendá skelbiantys ciø parankinis ið Kylio, 28 metø SS vyresnysis kininkas Reivytis – paskirtas naujasis Poli- Kauno apskritis234 dokumentai pirmojoje 1941 metø rugpjûèio pu- (Visos apylinkës, leitenantas Hamannas. cijos departamento vadovas ir aukðèiausias sëje buvo iðsiøsti daugumai, o gal ir visiems iðskyrus Kauno miestà) Naðlaièio Hamanno tëvai buvo Pabaltijo vakarinës Lietuvos apskrièiø policijos vadams. Rumðiðkës vokieèiai. Hamannas baigë chemijos mokslus, Maþiausiai 95% Lietuvos þydø dar buvo gyvi, bet, kaip ir dauguma jaunuoliø Vokietijoje eko- Zapyðkis 230 LCVA, f. 683, ap. 2, b. 2 (toliau – Reivyèio byla), kuomet policijos pareigûnams buvo iðplatin- nominës krizës metu, buvo bedarbis ir bastësi l. 1. Atsakymai á Reivyèio aplinkraðtá rodo, tas slaptas Reivyèio ásakymas Nr. 3. ðen bei ten, kol 1931 metais tapo SA nariu. Jau- Këdainiø apskritis kad kiti policijos virðininkai já gavo iki 1941 Aukø surinkimo procesas buvo itin centra- Këdainiø miestas Këdainiai nuolis vëliau savanoriu ástojo á desantininkø metø rugpjûèio 16 d. Tik keli dokumentai ið ðios bylos buvo iðspausdinti, daugiausia lizuotas, palikta maþai veikimo laisvës apskri- Þeimiai235 gretas, buvo patekæs á areðtinæ, o vëliau dël blo- sovietø propagandiniuose leidiniuose septinta- èiø policijos vadams, o dar maþiau – nuovadø 236 go elgesio su jam pavaldþiais kareiviais buvo jame ir aðtuntajame deðimtmetyje. virðininkams. Ið Kauno nuovadø virðininkams atleistas ið pareigø. 1938 metais Hamannas Trakø apskritis 231 Reivyèio byla, l. 48. buvo nurodyti sutelkimo punktai, á kuriuos rei- ástojo á SS. Jis tarnavo Vermachte desantininku 232 Kaiðiadorys Reivyèio byla, l. 2–3. 233 këjo surinkti þydus. Nurodymai nuovadoms, ið- Þieþmariai Kaiðiadorys per Lenkijos ir Prancûzijos karines kampani- Visa statistika 1, 2 ir 3 lentelëms paimta ið Reivyèio bylos. spausdinti ant mineografuotø puslapiø, áparei- Þasliai jas. Joms pasibaigus, gráþæs á Berlynà tarnavo gojo kaimo vietoviø policijos virðininkus nedel- saugumo policijoje ir SD. Kopdamas SS karje- 234 Kauno nuovadai buvo specialiai nurodyta „surinkti visus Kauno apskrities þydus á siant juos vykdyti, „nelaukiant atskiro policijos Alytaus apskritis ros laiptais, Hamannas kartu lankë vakarines Birðtonas Vilkijà, Babtus, Jonavà, Rumðiðkes, Zapyðká ir vado ásakymo“. Nuovadø pareigûnai, „surin- teisës studijas Berlyno universitete. Ðias studi- Prienai Garliavà“ (Reivyèio byla, l. 6). Nuoroda kus á nurodytà vietà þydus“, kaip turëjo ámano- jas privalëjo baigti kiekvienas, norëjæs siekti taikoma maþesnëms Kauno apskrities kaimo ma greièiau „praneðti Policijos Departamentui“ aukðtesniø postø SS struktûroje. Dauguma to- þydø grupëms, kurios gyveno vietose, naujausius duomenis apeidami áprastinius ry- Marijampolës apskritis kiø studentø buvo nukreipti á operatyvines gru- nepriklausiusiose kitoms septyniolikai ðio kanalus. Policija skubiai vykdë Reivyèio ása- Kazlø Rûda Kazlø Rûda pes, kai kurie tapo ávairiø operatyviniø bûriø, nuovadø. Iðlikusioje korespondencijoje tokios vietos yra , ir t. t. kymus. Ádomi detalë: minëti slapti dokumentai Balbieriðkis tarp jø ir EK 3, vadais. 1941 metø balandá Ha- Ðilavotas Prienai 235 Pradiniuose nurodymuose Þeimiø nuovadai ið policijos nuovadø turëjo bûti gràþinti apskri- mannas jau gavo pirmojo rango SS leitenanto Sasnava sulaikytus þydus liepta siøsti á Jonavà. ties policijos vadams. Tikriausiai tokiu bûdu bu- (Obersturmführer) laipsná ir buvo paskirtas á EK 236 Ið pradþiø buvo nurodyta Josvainiø þydus Garliava vo bandoma palikti vietose kuo maþiau inkri- 3 IV skyriø (gestapà). Vienas ið jo kambario perkelti á Këdainius. minuojanèiø dokumentø. Esama duomenø, kad Ðakiø apskritis draugø po karo pasakojo, kad leitenantas Ha- 237 Knut Stang, Kollaboration und Masenmord: Die litauische Hilfspolizei, das apie atitinkamus tolesnius veiksmus buvo pra- Jankai mannas, be pasiruoðimo, bûtino karinei tarny- Paeþerëlis Zapyðkis und die Ermordung der litauischen Juden neðama tiesiai Kauno policijos departamentui bai ir darbui policijoje, pasiþymëjo pasaulëþiû- Lekëèiai (Frankfurt, 1996), p. 157; Hamanno karjera arba telefonu, arba pasitelkiant specialius pa- ra, entuziazmu ir bûdo savybëmis, kurios ati- apraðyta 153 ir tolesniuose puslapiuose.

56 57 vietinës policijos pareigûnas vokieèiø oku- vytis atitiko voldemariðkà „aktyvisto“ ávaiz- „Á ð/m. rugpiûèio mën. 15 d. slaptà ap- su Prienø rajono saugumo policija ir ið viso puotoje Lietuvoje238. 1941 metø rugpjûèio 22 d. dá. Nenorëdamas tapti sovietø auka 1940 me- linkraðtá praneðu, kad Kruonio valsèiuje vi- rajonø suskirstymas nëra galutinai paaiðkë- Balbieriðkio nuovados virðininkas informa- tais pasitraukë á Vokietijà, ten dirbo vokieèiø si þydai yra apgyvendinti Darsûniðkio baþ- jæs, o aplinkraðtis turëjo bûti ávykdytas per vo Reivytá: þvalgybai Ebenrodëje. 1941 metø liepà Reivy- nytkaimyje, kuris pastaruoju metu policijos dvi dienas, tai tolimesnis suiminëjimas bu- „Á Tamstos, Pone Direktoriau, raðtà Nr. 3 sl. èiui suteikta „II kategorijos“ Vokietijos pilie- veikimo atþvilgiu priklauso Pakuonio poli- vo vykdomas su Alytaus rajono saugumo praneðu, kad Balbieriðkio Policijos Nuovada tybë. Neþinia, ar pulkininkà Reivytá erzino já cijos nuovadai. Be to, Darsûniðkio baþnytkm. virðininko þinia. Ið viso á Alytø iki ð. m. rug- suëmë ir perdavë Prienø þydø getui 100 þydø þeminantis pavaldumas þemesnio rango vo- þydø tautybës vyrø nuo 15 m. amþiaus jau piûèio mën. 31 d. buvo atgabenta 38. Dalis vyrø ir 6 þydes moteris. kieèiø leitenantui. Taèiau maþai abejoniø ke- nëra, o moterø, kurios bolðevikø okupacijos þydø á miestelá dar iki ðiolei nëra sugráþæ, bet Dabartiniu laiku, einant Jûsø aplinkraðèiu, lia jo postas hierarchijos grandinëje, kurá jis laiku pasiþymëjo savo komunistine veikla, gyvena, pagal gautas þinias, miðkuose. Nuo- Balbieriðkio miestely yra likæ tik 2 þydai vyrai, uþëmë okupacijos metais, taip pat jo pataika- irgi nëra. Ið viso Kruonio valsèiuje yra likæ vados virðininkui duotas ásakymas panau- tai med. gydytojas Bielockis ir Odø Fabriko che- vimas ir iðtikimybë naciams okupacijos me- apie 50 þydø tautybës senø moterø ir apie dojant pag.[albinæ] policijà sugaudyti ir ið mikas Icikovièius Jankelis, be kurio negali odø tais: Reivytis buvo apdovanotas uþ tarnybà 30 iki 15 metø amþiaus vaikø“244. miðkø ir pristatyti á Alytø. fabrikas dirbti, o jam pakaito ðiuo laiku neran- 1943 metais ir dar 1944 metais bandë ágyti Birðtono nuovadoj aplinkraðtyj nr. 3 nu- dama239. aukðtesnës kategorijos Vokietijos pilietybæ241. Reivyèio nurodymai buvo vykdomi pakan- rodytø þydø nebuvo ir nëra. Paèiam mies- Reikalas vël buvo perduotas spræsti Ha- Nors holokaustas buvo visø pirma vokieèiø kamai efektyviai: operacijos daþniausiai buvo telyj ið viso gyvena viena sena þydë, kuri mannui. Tai, kad uþ genocidà atsakingam lei- projektas, vokieèiams nuolankus Reivytis ir atliekamos tiksliai ir operatyviai. Biurokrati- ðiomis dienomis bus iðkelta á Alytø. Birðto- tenantui Reivytis raportuodavo daþnai arba net jam pavaldûs policininkai daug prisidëjo prie nës sumaiðties atvejai buvo iðimtis; pavyz- no nuovados virðininkas gavæs aplinkraðtá kasdien, atskleidþia pulkininko praðymas, pa- þudyniø organizavimo ir vykdymo. dþiui, Jiezno nuovados virðininkas rugpjûèio nr. 3, turëjo tuojau praneðt apie jo ávykdy- raðytas 1941 metø rugpjûèio 25 d.: Hamanno ir Reivyèio itin sudëtingà ope- 16 d. praneðë, kad jis nusiuntæs 63 þydø tauty- mà Departamentui betarpiai ir vëliau man, „Papildydamas savo 1941 m. rugpjûèio 18, racijà reikëjo atlikti slaptai ir operatyviai. bës vyrus ir 26 moteris á Prienus; ði operacija bet jis, kaip dabar paaiðkëjo, praneðë tik 19 ir 20 d. raðtus, kad Prienuose suimtø þydø Stropiai vykdydami ypatingos paskirties ása- akivaizdþiai suþlugo. Rugpjûèio 29 d. Reivy- man. Jo raðtà gavau tik uþ trijø dienø, bet skaièius iðaugo iki 493, todël praðau Jus duoti kymà Nr. 3 apskrièiø policijos vadai ir nuo- tis iðsiuntë kandø laiðkà Alytaus apskrities po- Departamentui nieko nepraneðiau, nes pa- potvarká suimtuosius þydus kaip galima grei- vadø pareigûnai susidurdavo su jiems ne- licijos vadui Stasiui Krosniûnui, kadangi pas- gal aplinkraðtá jau turëjo bût praneðta nuo- èiau ið surinkimo vietos iðgabenti, nes jø tarpe áprasta biurokratine painiava. Bûta atvejø, tarojo pavaldinys per beveik dvi savaites dar vados virðininko“246. siauèia uþkreèiamosios ligos. Toks atvejis jau kai nuovadø virðininkai ignoruodavo spe- nebuvo paraðæs raporto, nors dauguma polici- yra Kaiðiadoryse. cialiuose praneðimuose jiems keliamus rei- ninkø jau buvo pareigingai praneðæ apie vyk- Areðtai sukëlë bûsto ir maisto tiekimo pro- Kyla pavojus, kad uþkreèiamosios ligos pa- kalavimus. Taèiau pasitaikydavo ir atvejø, kai domas operacijas: „... Policijos Departamentui blemø. Rugpjûèio 17 d. Garliavos nuovada pra- plis“240 . gavæ Reivyèio ásakymà vietos pareigûnai su neaiðku, ar Jëzno m. gaudomi þydai lig ðiol neðë, kad 73 þydai ir 46 þydës laikomi miestelio Keturiasdeðimtmetis Reivytis ið tikrøjø tu- þydais jau bûdavo susidorojæ: Þeimiø nuo- slapstësi, ar tik jie slapstësi, kuomet policija sinagogoje. Po trijø dienø nuovados virðinin- rëjo save laikyti virðesniu uþ Hamannà tiek vados virðininkas praneðë, kad „þydai, gy- juos gaudë“. Teiraudamasis, kodël Jiezno nuo- rangu, tiek socialinës kilmës atþvilgiu. Reivy- venusieji Þeimiuose, pildant Këdainiø apskr. vados virðininkas „nevykdo dabar Policijos De- èio tëvas, ið Maþeikiø kilæs garbus patriotas, Virðininko ásakymà, vakar, t. y. rugpjûèio m. partamento aplinkraðt. Nr. 3“ ir kodël depar- kadaise kalintas caro policijos. Sûnus, baigæs 14 d. iðsiøsti á Këdainius“242. Tà paèià dienà tamentas „negauna þiniø, kas padaryta su þy- 238 Reivyèio byla, l. 27. (Cituojamø dokumentø kriminologijos studijas Kaune ir Berlyne, po- Josvainiø nuovada praneðë, jog ásakius apy- dais Birðtono nuovadoje“, Reivytis Krosniûnui kalba netaisyta. – Red.) licijoje pradëjo tarnauti 1925 metais. Vytau- gardos virðininkui „Josvainiø miest. ir val. paraðë: „Siûlau Tamstai daugiau priþiûrëti 239 Reivyèio byla, l. 77. 240 Reivyèio byla, l. 82. tas kilo policijos karjeros laiptais: ágijo aukð- þydai, ið Josvainiø valsè. ribø yra iðgyven- nuovadø virðininkø veiklà“245. Rugpjûèio 30 d. 241 Trumpà biografijà, kurioje neminimas kolabora- tà postà geleþinkelio saugumo tarnyboje, taip dinti ð/m. rugpiûèio mënesio 14 dienà á Ario- Krosniûnas teisindamasis atraðë: vimas su vokieèiais, galima rasti Lietuviø pat inspektoriaus ir dëstytojo vietà Kauno galos „chetà“ pagal Pono Këdainiø Apskri- enciklopedijoje (Boston, 1961), t. 25, p. 92. aukðtesniojoje policijos mokykloje. Ketvirta- ties Virðininko ásakymà Nr. 7 ið ðiø metø rug- „Pildydamas Policijos Departamento Daugiau apie Reivyèio vaidmená vokieèiø jame deðimtmetyje Reivytis tapo vokieèiø ka- piûèio mën. 9 dienos“243. Dar kitu atveju raðtà nr. 3 sl. praneðu, kad Jëzno nuovadijoj okupacijos metu þr.: Stankeras, Policija. ro þvalgybos (Abvero) agentu. Pasiþymëjæs nebuvo imtasi jokiø veiksmø, nes problema þydai buvo iðsislapstæ pradëjus suiminëti, 242 Reivyèio byla, l. 20. 243 Reivyèio byla, l. 30. ðaulys ir dþiudþitsu þinovas, pasiekæs tam jau buvo iðspræsta. Apie tai praneðë Kruonio gavus Pol. Departamento aplinkraðtá nr. 3. 244 Reivyèio byla, l. 43. tikrø laimëjimø tarptautinëje arenoje, ðalies nuovados virðininkas savo rugpjûèio 17 d. Vëliau dalis jø sugráþo á miestelá, bet, kadan- 245 Reivyèio byla, l. 23, 84. aeroklubo narys ir aviacijos entuziastas, Rei- skubioje ataskaitoje: gi nuovados virðininkui nepavyko susiriðti 246 Reivyèio byla, l. 85.

58 59 kas paraðë Reivyèiui ir papraðë „duoti parëdy- vartojo antisemitams bûdingus terminus. Vie- Neþinojimas ar nesupratimas turëjo bûti trum- vo suvaromi ne „deportacijoms“, bet siekiant mà, kà daryti su sulaikytais Garliavos miestelio nas jø rugpjûèio 19 d. praneðë, kad jam atsiun- plaikis. Artëjant á pabaigà 1941 metø rugpjû- juos sunaikinti. Reivyèio byloje esantys þydø ir apylinkës bei kitø valsèiø þydais“. Rugpjûèio të „trisdeðimt þydelkø“ ið netoliese esanèio kai- èiui, net ir patys nesupratingiausi policijos va- koncentracijos dokumentai – tipiðkas pavyzdys, 28 dienà jis jau buvo puolæs á neviltá: mo. Ádomu tai, kad ðá áprastà liaudiðkà apibû- dai jau turëjo suvokti, kad provincijos þydai bu- tarytum maþa apþvalga (þr. 2 lentelæ) daug pla- dinimà pavartojæs pareigûnas prisistatë „Papildant savo ð/m. rugpjûèio mën. 17 „Lietuvos nacionalinës soc.[ialistinës] polici- 2 lentelë ir 20 d. raðtus 1 sl. Nr., praðau p. Direktoriø jos Zapyðkio nuovados virðininku“ – tokios Þydø koncentravimas pagal slaptà ásakymà Nr. 3. duoti parëdymà, kà daryti su Garliavos ámantrios formuluotës, ko gero, nerasime jokia- miestelio ir apylinkës bei kitø valsèiø þy- me kitame Lietuvos policijos dokumente, pa- Reivyèio byla: 1941 metø birþelis dais, kurie nuo ð/m. rugpiûèio mën. 17 d. raðytame vokieèiø okupacijos metais. (Vos Ið Á yra sulaikyti ir laikomi Garliavos m. sina- prieð dvi dienas kitas pareigûnas, tada ëjæs Za- APSKRITIS/Valsèius Vyrai Moterys Ið viso Surinkimo punktas gogoje. Jø maitinimas yra sunkus, nes mais- pyðkio nuovados virðininko pareigas, sulaiky- to produktø pirkimas yra varþomas, taip pat tuosius vadino þydø tautybës pilieèiais249.) Ki- Kaunas nëra jiems atatinkamos patalpos“247. to valsèiaus nuovados virðininkas pavartojo Panemunë 5 6 11 apibûdinimà þydeliai – menkinantá, taèiau ne- 14 5 19 Garliava Deja, istorija liudija, kad Garliavos policija piktà þargoniðkà posaká, paplitusá Lietuvoje Garliava 22 6 28 gana greitai gavo atsakymà. tarp ne þydø gyventojø. Veiveriai251 32 29 61 Archyve aptiktas policijos susiraðinëjimas Tik nedaugelis pareigûnø bandë vadovau- Jonava 91 20 111 Jonava tiesiogiai neatsako á klausimà, ar þemesnio ran- tis Policijos departamento logika ir patvirtin- 252 go policijos pareigûnai, pavyzdþiui, nuovadø davo, kad þydës areðtuotos apkaltinus jas uþ- Vilkija 280 138 400 vachmistrai, perskaitæ lemtingàjá Policijos de- siëmus „akiplëðiðka komunistine veikla“. Pa- Èekiðkë 20 Vilkija Veliuona 14 partamento ásakymà, aiðkiai suvokë galutiná eþerëliø nuovados virðininkas, Reivyèiui Seredþius 14 62 76 þydø likimà. Suprantama, kai kurie manë, kad pristatæs 35 sulaikytø pilieèiø sàraðà, ið kuriø jie privalo tik priþiûrëti þydus, kol kaliniai bus 34 buvo moterys, pabrëþë: Babtai 23 11 34 Babtai iðveþti á neávardytà „stovyklà“. Zapyðkio nuo- „Pagal ðá sàraðà visi þydø tautybës pilie- Vandþiogala 30 vados virðininkas nurodë, kad jis laukia „at- èiai sulaikyti 1941 metø rugpiûèio mënesio 17 Rumðiðkës 140 Rumðiðkës skiro parëdymo“248. Yra iðlikusiø skrupulin- dienà Kriûkø miestely ir Valsèiaus Ðakiø apskr. Krakiø apylinkës 337 115 452 Krakiø vyrø vienuolynas gai sudarytø sàraðø, kuriuose nurodytas areð- ir persiunèiami Zapyðkio nuovados policijos tuotø asmenø amþius, lytis ir kai kuriais virðininko þinion. Visos þydës yra pasiþymë- Petraðiûnai 33 21 54 Petraðiûnai atvejais gimimo data. Tokius sàraðus sudaræ jusios ir dabar kuomet jø vyrai, broliai bë vai- Zapyðkis 24 5 29 Zapyðkis pareigûnai turbût nesitikëjo, kad jø aukos bus kai iðveðti tapo, skleidþia visokias kalbas, net tuoj pat sunaikintos. ir grasina. Visos pasiþymëjusios valdant Lie- Raðtuose pareigûnai daugiausia vartoja tuvà komunistams“250. biurokratiná diskursà, pateikia pakankamai Saviapgaulë, arba þmoniø sugebëjimas pa- 247 Reivyèio byla, l. 57, 76, 83. tikslias ir lakoniðkas formuluotes. Dauguma neigti savo paèiø veiksmø pasekmes, ypaè jei- 248 Reivyèio byla, l. 44. 249 policininkø lieka iðtikimi oficialiems termi- gu jie patys nëra asmeniðkai susijæ su galutinë- Reivyèio byla, l. 69, plg. l. 44. 250 Reivyèio byla, l. 54. nams, kurie vartoti nepriklausomoje ir sovietø mis ir paèiomis þiauriausiomis nusikaltimø pa- 251 Veiveriai yra Marijampolës apskrityje, bet ðalia okupuotoje Lietuvoje. Yra nemaþai dokumen- sekmëmis, yra gerai þinoma þmogiðka silpnybë. plento, vedanèio á Kaunà. tø, kuriuose tiesiog minimi „þydai“, taèiau Su vokieèiais kolaboravæ pareigûnai buvo pui- 252 1941 metø rugpjûèio 18 d. Vilkijos nuovada daugumoje jø kalbama apie sulaikytus „þydø kiai ávaldæ ðià gudrybæ. Taèiau net jeigu ir ne praneðë, kad buvo deportuota 280 þydø vyrø tautybës“ asmenis. Galima rasti ir tokià bent visi slaptà ásakymà Nr. 3 gavæ pareigûnai ðir- ir 120 moterø, taip pat 18 moterø palikta Vilkijos sinagogoje. Þydai, kurie buvo surinkti ðitame kontekste keistai skambanèià frazæ, kaip dyje pritarë þudynëms, vargu ar tai sumaþina Èekiðkëje, Veliuonoje ir Seredþiuje – ið viso „þydø tautybës pilieèiai“. Tiktai du Reivyèio atsakomybæ tø apskrièiø ir nuovadø virðinin- 129 þydai, laikomi sinagogoje, – áraðyti byloje minimi nuovadø virðininkai atvirai pa- kø, kurie surinkdavo „þydø tautybës pilieèius“. lentelëje (Reivyèio byla, l. 62).

60 61 Këdainiai minëtøjø Plokðèiø þydø prisijungë Zakso pen- Sutvarkytø þydø vardinius sàraðus, jei bus kiø asmenø ðeimyna, kurià sudarë senolë Ha- ásakyta, pristatysiu vëliau. Këdainiø miesto apylinkës 730 183 913 Këdainiø miestas ja, sulaukusi 75, jos 45 metø dukra ir trys anû- P. Gebits Komisaras apie tai painformuotas. Þeimiai253 NNN kai nuo vienuolikos iki trylikos metø amþiaus. Priedas: 7 lapai. Ariogala254 280 10 290 Ariogalos sinagoga Nuovadoje, kuriai priklausë Ðiaudinës, Sudar- go ir Kiduliø gyvenvietës, 1941 metø rugpjû- V. KARALIUS [paraðas] èio 26 d. buvo uþregistruota 101 „þydø tauty- Ðakiø Apskrities Virðininkas Kaiðiadorys 80 14 94 bës pilietis“: 61 moteris ir 40 vaikø; jø galuti- [Paraðas] Þieþmariai 193 89 282 Kaiðiadorys nis likimas nenurodytas, bet lengvai Policijos Vadas Þasliai 263 85 348 nuspëjamas256. Vienas ansktyviausiø dokumentø, iliustruo- Reivyèio byla mums atskleidþia Lietuvos Jieznas 63 26 89 Alytus janèiø „galutiná sprendimà“ pietvakariø Lietu- þydø koncentravimo ir eksproprijavimo, pasi- Birðtonas 1 vos regione – tai Ðakiø apskrities virðininko Vin- baigusiø jø sunaikinimu, metodus. Taèiau joje co Karaliaus (kurá anksèiau Policijos departa- neatsispindi ðiø procesø mastas: su byla susi- Marijampolë mentas buvo papeikæs uþ prastai vykdomà jusioje korespondencijoje minima maþesnë nei Prienai N N 289 operacijà Jiezno miestelyje) raðtas Reivyèiui. Ka- dvideðimtoji Lietuvos þydø bendruomenës da- Balbieriðkis 100 6 106 Prienai raliaus ataskaita – ciniðkas biurokratinis prisi- lis. Dar maþiau þinome apie aukø patirtà Ðilavotas 7 2 9 paþinimas, atskleidþiantis vietiniø kaltæ vyk- skausmà ir neviltá laukiant mirties, nes visa tai Kazlø Rûda 159 159 Kazlø Rûda dant masines 1941 metø þudynes257. slepia oficialûs þodþiai ir statistika. Taèiau vis Sasnava 6 6 vien ði byla pateikia kai kuriø detaliø apie nai- Ðakiai Slaptai-asmeniðkai kinimo „aparatà“, pradëjusá veikti per pirmàjá Lietuvos Respublika biurokratiná „galutinio sprendimo“ etapà. Ði Jankai 1 1 2 Zapyðkis Ðakiai, 1941 mt. rugsëjo mën. 16 d. sunaikinimo programa savo koncepcija, þudy- Paeþerëliai 1 35 36 V. R. V. niø organizavimu ir jø mastu toli pranoko tiek Lekëèiai 9 9 Vilkija Ðakiø Apskrities Virðininkas vietinius pogromus pirmosiomis karo dieno- Nr. 3/sl. mis, tiek masines liepos mënesá vykdytas þu- tesnës operacijos, vykdytos koncentruojant ir Deportavus þydø tautybës vyrus ir komu- dynes. Bet svarbiausia tai, kad Reivyèio byla eksproprijuojant Lietuvos miesteliø ir kaimø þy- nistinëje veikloje dalyvavusias moteris á kali- Ponui parodo, kaip paklusnûs provincijos policinin- dus, kurie sudarë pagrindiná ðalies istorinës lit- nimo vietas neva dirbti, bet ið tikrøjø mirti, dar Policijos Departamento Direktoriui kai vykdë ásakymus, kaip jie tapo svarbiu áran- vakø bendruomenës sluoksná. liko dalis ðalies litvakø bendruomenës – pro- kiu ágyvendinant masinio naikinimo projektà. Trumpo ákalinimo metu þydø tautybës vy- vincijose izoliuotos ir netinkamos darbui „ne- Pristatydamas ðá susiraðinëjimà, praneðu Be abejonës, tie Lietuvos policijos pareigûnai, rai ir „aktyvios komunistës þydës“ buvo laiko- politinës“ moterys ir vaikai. Reivyèio byloje ga- ponui Direktoriui, kad nuo ðios dienos man kuriø paraðai bei trumpi raportai, uþfiksuoti mi ávairiomis sàlygomis. Maþesnës grupelës lima rasti fragmentiðkø uþuominø apie tokiø pavestam apskrityje þydø nëra. Juos sutvarkë byloje, svariai prisidëjo prie genocido. Pasitei- buvo suvarytos á sinagogas (taip atsitiko Ario- þydø likimà Ðakiø apskrities pakraðtyje. Gel- vietos partizanai su pagalbine policija: 13/IX.41. – galoje, Garliavoje), vieðøjø ástaigø – mokyklø gaudiðkio nuovados vachmistras pateikë trijø Ðakiuose 890 asmenø; 16/IX.41. – K. Naumiestyje arba savivaldybiø – pastatus, net á vienuoly- ðeimø þydø tautybës pilieèiø, deportuotø „ð. 650 asmenø. 253 Dar tiksliai nenustatyta, kiek þydø buvo nus (Krakëse). Didesni bûriai buvo siunèiami á m. rugsëjo mën. 3 d.“, sàraðà: trys moterys, du Prieð jø galutinà sutvarkymà, p. Gebits pristatyta ið Þeimiø á Këdainius. laikinai árengtas stovyklas ir „getus“ arba pa- berniukai ketveriø ir aðtuoneriø metø, taip pat Komisaro parëdymu, jo ágalioti pareigûnai, su 254 Átraukti ið Josvainiø iðsiøsti þydai (tikslus jø prasèiausiai kalinami neaiðkiai apibûdintose penkios mergaitës, ið kuriø jauniausiai, vardu vietos policijos pagalba, padarë pas visus Ðakiø ir skaièius neþinomas), kuriuos ið pradþiø buvo vietose arba rajonuose. Kazlø Rûdos nuova- Elena Kaplanaitë, vos deðimt mënesiø. Kiti sep- K. Naumiesèio þydus buto ir asmens kratas ir planuota siøsti á Këdainius. 255 dos virðininkas papraðë tolesniø nurodymø tyniolika Plokðèiø þydø – vien pagyvenusios rastus pinigus bei kitas vertybes iðsiveþë. Likæs Reivyèio byla, l. 33. 256 Reivyèio byla: Gelgaudiðkio, Plokðèiø ir Paeþerë- dël 25 senesniø ir silpnesniø þydø ið „þydø moterys, iðskyrus du Budelskio sûnus, dvyli- judomas ir nejudomas turtas ligi atskiro p. liø nuovadø ataskaitos, taip pat Ðiaudinës, stovyklos“. Jis praðë „parëdymo dël jø laiky- kos ir penkiolikos metø – „perduoti buvo ties Komisaro parëdymo, pavestas globoti ir saugoti Kiduliø ir Sudargo sàraðas, l. 87–96. mo stovykloje ar leidimo gyventi namuose“255. Gelgaudiðkiu á Nemuno keltà ir iðveþti“. Prie vietos savivaldybëms. 257 Reivyèio byla, l. 86.

62 63 sinimas, kad jokia Lietuvos politinë ar polici- simas, ar lietuviai ëmësi pogromø dar prieð at- 26% – uþ demokratines ir 12% – uþ religines maþiausiai 60 asmenø, tarp jø nemaþai þydø jos institucija nebuvo pajëgi sustabdyti masi- vykstant vokieèiams ir kaip buvo pereita prie partijas. Sionizmas akivaizdþiai dominavo. 4- ðeimø – ið viso 29 þmones265. nes þydø þudynes, jø atsakomybës anaiptol ne- miestelio þydø sunaikinimo. ajame deðimtmetyje retkarèiais pasitaikydavo ið- Ankstø 1941 m. birþelio 22-osios rytà miestà sumaþina. Nors Lietuvos þydø bendruomenë puoliø prieð vidurinájá þydø sluoksná. Pavyz- uþëmë Vokietijos vermachtas. Laiko pabëgti ne- buvo pasmerkta, bûta galimybiø iðgelbëti dau- dþiui, buvo padegta þydams priklausiusi dega- buvo. Vietos vokieèiø komendantas kapitonas giau þmoniø. Tiesà sakant, net ir didþiausi na- Jurbarko þydø þudynës linë, kartais jauni nacionalistai uþpuldavo Baaras nurodë, kad visi privalo klausyti jam pa- ciø ðalininkai vëliau prisipaþino, kad jiems gë- þydus gatvëse. Kai 1940 m. vasarà paaiðkëjo, valdaus lietuvio burmistro ásakymø, uþ sabota- da dël budeliais ir parankiniais tapusiø lietu- Jurbarkas – nedidelis miestas, ásikûræs kad Sovietø Sàjunga aneksuos Lietuvà, vietiniai þà ir plëðikavimà bûsià baudþiama mirtimi266. viø. Kai kurie skundësi, kad jeigu jau vokieèiai ant Nemuno kranto, pietvakariø Lietuvoje, prie vokieèiai (Volksdeutsche) ir lietuviai padegë þy- Miesto burmistras lietuvis Jurgis Gepneris 1942 nusprendë sunaikinti Baltijos þydus, tegul jie buvusios Lietuvos ir Vokietijos sienos, priklau- dams priklausiusá malûnà, o ugnis ið jo persi- m. rudená suvokietino savo pavardæ ir pasiva- patys juos ir naikina258. Tai ciniðkas, abejingas së Ðiauliø apygardos Raseiniø apskrièiai. Þy- metë á keletà þydø namø264. dino Höpfneriu. Sovietmeèiu jis vadovavo mai- ir pasyvus poþiûris, dar labiau kompromituo- dai èia gyveno nuo XVI amþiaus, ir 1940 m. pa- Pirmàjá politiðkai motyvuotà, sunkø smûgá tinimo ástaigoms ir rëmë miesto komunistus, ta- jantis tuos þmones, kurie aktyviai dalyvavo baigoje jø buvo daugiau kaip 1 300, o bendras þydø bendruomenë patyrë 1940 m. rudená, po èiau vokieèiai apie tai neþinojo267. procese. gyventojø skaièius buvo 4 400, – taigi beveik to, kai Sovietø Sàjunga aneksavo Lietuvà. Vi- Prasidëjus karui, svarbiausia vykdomoji jë- Ataskaitos apie policijos atliktas operaci- treèdalis gyventojø buvo þydai259. Jurbarko þy- sos didesnës ámonës ir bankai buvo suvalsty- ga Jurbarke buvo lietuviø sukilëliai, vadina- jas sulaikant aukas 1941 metø vasarà ir rude- dø bendruomenë buvo labai aktyvi. 1790 m. ji binti, visos kultûrinës ir politinës organizaci- mieji partizanai. Tai buvo ávairiø visuomenës ná padeda suprasti nusikaltëliø poþiûrá á jiems pasistatë didelæ ir nuostabià medinæ sinago- jos uþdraustos. Kai kurie þydai uþëmë naujuo- sluoksniø atstovai: mokytojai, moksleiviai, stu- patikëtà uþduotá. Taèiau archyvuose iðlikæs gà260, puoselëjo tvirtas religines ir pasaulietines sius valstybinius ir partinius postus. 1941 m. dentai, vienas kiosko savininkas ir vienas ge- biurokratinis susiraðinëjimas niekaip negali tradicijas, susijusias su mokyklø, sporto drau- birþelio viduryje sovietai iðtrëmë ið Jurbarko rai þinomas tautininkas. Jiems vadovavo gim- atspindëti to kruvino siaubo vaizdø ir garsø, gijø, skautø judëjimo, politiniø partijø veikla, kuriuos sukëlë ðios precedento neturinèios þu- klestinèiu prekybos ir gamybos verslu. Po Pir- dynës, vykdytos Lietuvos miestuose, mieste- mojo pasaulinio karo, kuomet kûrësi nepriklau- 258 Yra nemaþai tokios màstysenos pavyzdþiø. praleistos. Þr. sàraðà (be datos), LCVA, liuose ir kaimuose 1941 metø vasarà ir rude- soma Lietuvos valstybë, Jurbarke nekildavo jo- Vienas tokio poþiûrio pavyzdys yra Zenono 1753-1-3, l. 212. Tuo tarpu ankstesnëje ná. Nors yra iðlikusios iðsamiø pasakojimø kiø iðskirtiniø sambûvio su ávairiomis etninë- Blyno, Lietuvos nacionalistø partijos generali- ataskaitoje apskrities virðininkui dar nio sekretoriaus, dienoraðtyje, LYA, f. 3377, buvo nurodyta dalis þydø deportacijø. apie didþiausios apimties 1941 m. skerdynes mis grupëmis problemø261. Taèiau 3-iojo ap. 55, b. 235. Þr. 1941 8 21 raðtà, LCVA, 1753-3-13, l. 22. – masinë akcija Kaune 1941 metø spalá, ta- deðimtmeèio pabaigoje iðkilo rimtø problemø. 259 1940 12 26 mieste buvo uþregistruota 1 319 Iki ðiol iðsamiausià sàraðà pateikia Rûta èiau apie provincijoje vykdytas þudynes ma- Smetonos reþimas, remdamasis tautiniais mo- þydø. Þr. 1941 m. vasaros duomenis (be Puiðytë (Vilniaus Universitetas), savo kursi- þiau þinoma. Paþvelgæ kiek atidþiau á du ho- tyvais, stengësi sulietuvinti ekonomikà. 1931 m. datos), LCVA, R 1753-3-13, l. 28. Kiek niame darbe apie þydø þudynes Jurbarke lokausto atvejus maþesniuose Lietuvos mies- 69 ið 73 Jurbarko parduotuviø priklausë þy- skirtingus skaièius pateikia Bubnys, „Maþieji (1997), p. 23 ir kt. tuose, galësime geriau suprasti þmogiðkàjá dams, buvo labai daug þydø amatininkø, visos Lietuvos þydø getai“, p. 166. Apie Jurbarko 266 Þr. vietos komendanto 1941 6 24 skelbimà, þydø istorijà iki vokieèiø okupacijos þr.: Pinkas LCVA, 1753-3-12. 1941 m. liepos mën. karinë genocido aspektà. lengvosios pramonës ámonës, iðskyrus vienà, ha-Kehiloth. Lita (Bedruomeniø knyga, Lietuva), valdþia kelias savaites vadovavo bûsimajam taip pat priklausë þydams. Dël valdþios nacio- Jerusalem, 1996, p. 324–329. 323-ajam policijos batalionui, kurio vadas buvo nalistinës ekonomikos politikos didesnës pre- 260 Þr. Jurbarko sinagogos, jos meniðko interjero bei apsaugos policijos majoras Bernhardas Griese. Genocidas Jurbarke ir Utenoje: kybos firmos buvo priverstos uþsidaryti, jø funk- þydø kapiniø nuotraukas: , Þr. Griese’s apklausà 1959 10 1, Lechthalerio dviejø provincijos miestø cijas perëmë pusiau valstybiniai kooperaty- Annihilation of Lithuanian Jewry, New York, byla, Kaselio prokuratûra (Staatsanwaltschaft), 1995, p. 286; Pinkas ha-Kehiloth. Lita, p. 325. 3a Ks 1/61 ir 3 Js. 72/60, t. 1, p. 75–79. istorijos vai262. Á sunkià padëtá pateko ir maþesnës þydø 261 Þr. Pinkas ha-Kehiloth. Lita, p. 326–328. Apsaugos divizijai buvo priskirtas 2-asis parduotuvëlës, ir dël to Jurbarke sustiprëjo ir 262 Þr. Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg (Prisiminimø knyga. rezervinis policijos batalionas, kuris buvo 263 Tyrinëjant þydø persekiojimà ir þudy- taip aktyvus sionistø judëjimas . Vienas mies- Jurbarkas), Jerusalem, 1991, p. 55–67. inkorporuotas á vakarinæ divizijos dalá nes netoli sienos esanèiame Jurbarko miestely- to parkø buvo pavadintas Tel Avivu, o þydø 263 Þr. ten pat, p. 123–128 (Hislovitzø ðeima); p. ir remiamas 11-ojo rezervinio policijos je, taip pat Utenoje, naudinga trumpai iðdësty- mokykla – Theodoro Herzlio vardu. Apie poli- 129–144 (Petrikansky ðeima); p. 163–166 bataliono. Þr. Sich. Div. 281 karinæ struktûrà ti ir ávykiø prieðistoræ. Kitaip neámanoma nu- tinæ Jurbarko þydø orientacijà galima spræsti ið (Frankø ðeima). (Kriegsgliederung), 1941 6 5; KTB Sich. Div. 281, 264 Þr. ten pat, p. 167–170 (Rachelës Hess-Greens- Ic, NARA, T 315, Roll 1870, l. 89; 1941 7 14 statyti, kiek vokieèiai ir lietuviai prisidëjo prie balsø pasiskirstymo per 3-iojo deðimtmeèio Sei- tein, kurios namas sudegë, pasakojimas). ásakymà KTB Sich. Div. 281 Ia, ten pat, nusikaltimø, ir suvokti vietiniø þydø reakcijà. mo rinkimus: 62% visø balsavimo teisæ turinèiø 265 Burmistro Jurgio Gepnerio vokieèiams iðsiøstoje Roll 1869, l. 753. Taèiau dëmesio centre vis dëlto atsiduria klau- Jurbarko þydø balsavo uþ sionistines partijas, ataskaitoje deportuotø þydø ðeimø pavardës 267 Þr. Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 388.

64 65 nazijos mokytojas Ausiukaitis. Skubiai reorga- vo numatyti tik Ehrlingerio SK 1b bei vëliau menø pavardës. Antra vertus, tolesnë vyrø pa- bûrys ið tolimos Klaipëdos, o policijos batalio- nizuotai lietuviø policijai vadovavo 32 metø Jägerio EK 3: kad bûtø uþtikrinta operatyviniø ieðka ðioje vietovëje rodo, kad vokieèiø saugu- nas ið Tilþës, nes tenykðtis adjutantas apie su- gimnazijos mokytojas Mykolas Levickas. Kar- grupiø ir operatyviniø bûriø judëjimo laisvë ir mo policija siekë nuþudyti jø kuo daugiau. Ið interesuotumà buvo praneðæs Tilþës SD284. Ta- tu jis buvo ir vokieèiø vertëjas, informatorius palengvintas jø darbas, teigë Heydrichas, vals- lietuviø aukomis pirmiausia tapo tie, kurie ið èiau tam pasiprieðino Tilþës miesto policijos bei agentas, kaip ir 26 metø policininkas My- tybës policijos (gestapo) padaliniams „duoda- tikrøjø arba tariamai dirbo sovietø valdþiai283. vadas majoras Schultzas, tad tie policijos dali- kolas Urbonas ir keletas kitø268. Jau nuo birþe- mas leidimas vykdyti valymo akcijas [...] prie- Èia taip pat buvo nuþudytas þymus Lietuvos niai nepasirodë. Todël ðá kartà saugumo poli- lio 24 d. vokieèiai ëmësi kontroliuoti ginklø ðais jø pasienio ruoþus esanèiose neseniai oku- skulptorius Vincas Grybas. cija ir Tilþës SD negalëjo tikëtis miesto polici- skirstymà. Nuo liepos vidurio vietos partiza- puotose teritorijose“274. Skirtingai nuo ankstesniø ðaudymø, ku- ninkø pagalbos ir turëjo patys ðaudyti þmo- nai tapo sukarinta policijai pavaldþia organi- Iki 1941 m. spalio mën. Lietuvos pasienio riuos Lietuvos–Vokietijos pasienio ruoþe orga- nes, padedami lietuviø policininkø ir zacija269. regione jie nuþudë daugiau kaip 5 200 þmo- nizavo gestapo Tilþës padalinys, ðiuo atveju partizanø. Vertingais daiktais, kurie buvo at- Birþelio 23 d. artimiausio Smalininkø vo- niø275. Ðis skaièius apima ir Jurbarko þydus. ðaudant turëjo dalyvauti ne minëtas policijos imti ið þydø, vakare þudikams buvo apmokëti kieèiø pasienio policijos posto vadas SS pus- 1941 m. liepos 3 d. á Jurbarkà atvyko vokie- karininkis (SS-Scharführer) ir kriminaliniø rei- èiø gestapo Tilþës padalinio bûrys ir suðaudë 268 276 kalø sekretorius Gerhardas Carstenas nuvyko apie 250 þydø tautybës vyrø bei 70 lietuviø, Þr. muitinës inspektoriaus Georgo Oselieso 1941 7 11 EM Nr. 19, BA, R 58/214, l. 123. apklausà 1957 4 3, Fischerio-Schwederio byla, 277 Þr. Carsteno apklausà 1956 12 12, StA Lud- á Jurbarkà ir susitiko su vietos policijos vado- vokieèiø saugumo policijos duomenimis – 322 t. 11, l. 2821; kaltinamàjà iðvadà (Anklages- wigsburg, EL 322, t. 6, l. 1537; Krumbacho ið 276 vu Levicku bei dar deðimèia lietuviø pas Le- asmenis, tarp jø penkias moteris . Vokieèiø chrift) prieð Fischerá-Schwederá, 1957 6 25, ten Tilþës gestapo antrojo skyriaus apklausà vicko draugà kunigà. Buvo ákurtas vietos ko- policija daugumà pasmerktøjø suëmë pagal pat, l. 3472 ir kt. 1958 10 17, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 51/58, t. 1, mitetas270. Carstenas liepë sudaryti vietiniø ko- sàraðus, kartu pagrobë ir nemaþai vertingø 269 Ðiauliø generalinio tarëjo (Landrat) 1941 7 13 l. 102–104. munistø ir þydø sàraðus271. Þudyniø vieta jis daiktø. Tilþës gestapo vadovas SS ðturmban- ásakymas Nr. 3, LCVA, R 1099-1-1, l. 33. 278 Pinkas ha-Kehilat, Lita, p. 328; Carsteno apklau- 270 pasirinko þydø kapines. fiureris Böhme ásakë suimti dar 60 þydø tauty- Þr. taip pat iðsamias Carsteno apklausas 1957 sa 1957 3 8, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, t. 9, l. 2 5–1957 2 12, Fischerio-Schwederio byla, t. 9, 2297; Krumbacho apklausa 1958 10 17, ZStL, SS vyr. puskarininkis (SS-Hauptscharführer) bës vyrø ir nugabenti juos á þudyniø vietà. Tarp l. 2199–2240; iðsamià tenykðèio muitinës II 207 AR-Z 51/58, t. 1, l. 105 ir kt. Carstenas buvo pavaldus Tilþës gestapui. Jam suimtøjø buvo ir du Carsteno agentai. Lietuvá inspektoriaus Oselieso apklausà 1957 4 3, ten 279 Gerke’s apklausa 1958 6 23, StA Ludwigsburg, priklausë vokieèiø saugumo policijos bei SD Matulevièiø jis iðlaisvino, taèiau þydo Berlo- pat, t. 11, l. 2818–2827; Alfredo Krumbacho EL 322, t. 21, l. 14; Krumbacho apklausa 1958 bûrys ið Tilþës, kuris kartu su Klaipëdos mies- witzo – ne277. apklausà 1958 10 17, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 51/ 10 17, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 51/58, t. 1, l. 104, to policijos (Schutzpolizei) skyriumi 1941 m. bir- Ðaudymø metu keletas þydø uþpuolë savo 58, t. 1, l. 111 ir kt., 127 ir kt., 130, 132; tikslø 109 ir kt.; Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 382. apraðymà kaltinamojoje iðvadoje 1960 8 12, 280 Þr. Puiðytë, p. 19. þelio 24 d. ávykdë pirmàsias masines þydø þu- þudikus, taèiau tai nebuvo paminëta ataskai- Krumbacho ir Wilhelmo Gerke’s byla, ten pat, 281 Þr. Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 419–428. Po dynes Sovietø Sàjungoje. Gavæ EG A vado Stah- tose, siøstose á Berlynà saugumo policijai. An- t. 1, l. 62–64. keliø mënesiø Valesas rado prieglobstá pas leckerio pritarimà, jie suðaudë 201 þydà ið tai 1939 m. ið Klaipëdos pabëgæs Emilis Ma- 271 Þr. Böhme’s apklausà 1959 12 18, StA Lud- lietuvá valstietá, kur jis iðgyveno pustreèiø Gargþdø. Be to, Stahleckeris buvo pavedæs Til- xas, Pirmojo pasaulinio karo Riterio kryþiaus wigsburg, EL 322, t. 7, l. 1564. metø, pasislëpæs palëpëje. Kaimietis já þës gestapo vadovui SS ðturmbanfiureriui kavalierius, prieð nuþudomas uþpuolë esesi- 272 Tilþës gestapo telegrama RSHA, 1941 7 1, ZStL, maitino, nors prieð pat pasirodant Valesui, jo Sammlung UdSSR, Ord. 245 Ag, Nr. 254-257, kaimynas, slëpæs pabëgusá þydà, buvo Böhme’i 25 km ilgio ruoþe vykdyti „visas rei- ninkus ir suþeidë vienà jø á kojà278. SS unterð- l. 2–5. suèiuptas ir suðaudytas. 272 kalingas operacijas“ . Tuo remiantis 1941 m. turmfiureris Wiechertas, kuris priþiûrëjo ap- 273 Þr. Dieckmann, Krieg, p. 292–298. 282 Plg. Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 389, 395, 404 birþelio 25 d. Kretingoje buvo suðaudyta 214 kasø bûrá, privertë keletà þydø prieð þûtá muðti 274 Dar 1941 6 27 buvo praneðta: „Tilþës gestapas ir kt. þydø tautybës vyrø ir viena moteris, o po dvie- vienas kità279. Du vyrai buvo uþkasti gyvi, ir 25 km ilgio pasienio ruoþe, pasitelkæs partiza- 283 12 nuþudytøjø asmenø pavardës pateikiamos jø dienø Palangoje – 111 þydø vyrø. Per ðias jiems pavyko per naktá iðsikapstyti ið duobës. nus, rengia partizaninæ valymo akcijà“.1941 6 kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 2, p. 208 ir kt. Vieno pirmàsias þudynes atsirado papildomas ope- Vienas jø, Antanas Leonavièius, po karo liudi- 27 Em Nr. 6, BA, R 58/214, l. 6; Heydricho suðaudytojo þmona ið gretimo kaimo 1947 m. 1941 7 4 specialusis ásakymas Nr. 6 operatyvi- liudijo teisme, ten pat, p. 207 ir kt. ratyvinis bûrys – Vermachto junginiø, Klaipë- jo prieð þudikus. Netrukus po to já, kaip ir Po- niø grupiø vadams, Maskvos ypatingasis 284 Þr. Wernerio Hersmanno apklausas 1956 11 6, dos pasienio policijos ir Tilþës gestapo, vado- vilà Striaukà, nuþudë lietuviai partizanai, ko- archyvas 500-5-3, l. 48; 1941 7 3 EM Nr. 11, 1957 1 7 ir 1957 1 19, StA Ludwigsburg, EL vaujamo ambicingo Böhme’s, bendradarbiavi- vojæ prieð sovietus280. Abeliui Valesui pavyko BA, R 58/214, l. 7. 322, t. 6, l. 1311–1317; 1728; 1774 ir kt.; Tilþës mo rezultatas273. pabëgti tuo metu, kai kitos aukos buvo privers- 275 1941 7 18 EM, Nr. 26, BA, R 58/214. Apie miesto policijos virðininko adjutanto Eugeno 1941 m. liepos 4 d. Heydrichas visiems ope- tos kasti duobes281. pirmàsias þudynes pasienio ruoþe Þr. taip pat: Obremskio apklausà (nuoraðas), ten pat, t. 18, Kwiet, Rehearsing for Murder; Matthäus, Jenseits l. 4797. Tilþës policijos batalionui vadovavo ratyviniams bûriams oficialiai suteikë plaèius 1941 m. liepos 3 d. nuþudytosios þydø au- der Grenze; Longerich, Politik, p. 326–331; Tauber, miesto policijos majoras Bendzko, kaip 282 ágaliojimus vykdyti „valymo akcijas“ Lietuvos kos buvo vietinës valdþios atstovai . Sàraðuo- Garsden; Nuosprendis iðspausdintas: Justiz und paaiðkëjo per Helmuto Machollo apklausà pasienio ruoþe, nors anksèiau tam tiksliai bu- se turëjo atsidurti átakingø ir iðsilavinusiø as- NS-Verbrechen, t. 15. Þr. IMG, t. 37, p. 703. 1956 12 12, ten pat, t. 6, l. 1472.

66 67 valgiai ir gërimai Jurbarke, o vëliau vokieèiø kelios parduotuvës bûdavo þydams prieina- manyti, kad vieni jø pabëgo, kiti pasislëpë, ga- kuotame EK 3 ir veikë Raseiniø apskrityje, bur- policija aukø pinigais finansavo sau savaitæ mos vakarais nuo 17 iki 18 val. – ið esmës taip lëjo bûti dar kitø þudymo akcijø, kurias sunku mistras Gepneris suþinojo, kad jam neberei- atostogø pajûrio kurorte Palangoje285. Po ðio buvo formaliai átvirtinta karinës valdþios áves- dokumentais árodyti. kia árenginëti áprastinio geto, – juk þydai vis ðaudymo Raseiniø policijos vadas Levickas, ta tvarka. Karinë valdþia anksèiau buvo nu- Rugpjûèio 16 d. lietuviø administracija, vo- tiek netrukus bûsià nuþudyti299. Ávyko pasie- nuvykæs á Raseinius pasipraðë atleidþiamas, staèiusi Lietuvos þydams minimalø maisto kieèiø paraginta, iðleido du naujus ásakymus: nio policijos ir vietos komendantûros, vyres- ir 1941 m. liepos 7 d. já pakeitë Povilas Mocke- produktø daviná, o dvi savaitës prieð tai ji ása- visà þydø nuosavybæ reikëjo uþregistruoti – niojo leitenanto Groschützo pasitarimai300. Per vièius286. kë iki 1941 m. rugpjûèio 1 d. visoje Lietuvoje áskaitant ir tà, kurià lietuviai jau buvo pavogæ tris dienas, nuo rugsëjo 4 d. iki 6 d., lietuviø Kriminaliniø reikalø sekretorius Carstenas sudaryti tø asmenø, kuriems reikëjo maisto ið þydø. Be to, reikëjo uþregistruoti ir darbo policija, priþiûrima vokieèiø, nuþudë miðke nurodë jau minëtam policininkui Urbonui pa- produktø, sàraðus þydus skaièiuojant atski- jëgà nurodant profesinius gebëjimus296. Prieð tuos þydus, kurie nebuvo bûtinai reikalingi sirûpinti likusiø gyvø þydø apsauga: suðau- rai; Raseiniø apskrities virðininkas toká nu- tris dienas – rugpjûèio 13 d. – visi Lietuvos darbui – daugiau kaip 400 moterø ir vaikø; jie dytøjø artimaisiais, vyresnio amþiaus þmonë- rodymà paskelbë liepos 21 d.293 miestø burmistrai ir Ðiauliø apygardos apskri- þuvo nepaprastai þiauriomis aplinkybëmis, mis ir dar 50 vyrø su ðeimomis, kurie kaip dar- Antrosios didesnio masto þudynës ávyko èiø virðininkai susitiko su apygardos komisa- apie kurias po karo liudijo jaunos moterys, pa- bo jëga kol kas buvo palikti gyvi. Nuo antrosios Jurbarke liepos pabaigoje–rugpjûèio pradþio- ru Hansu Gewecke, kuris jiems nurodë kiek- bëgusios ið þudyniø vietos. Rugsëjo 12 d. mies- okupacijos dienos þydai buvo priversti dirbti je. Liepos 27 d. buvo suðaudyti 45 senyvo am- viename mieste steigti getus297. Po karo bur- te dar gyveno 272 þydai, 73 ið jø dirbo301. Ta- vadovaujami vëliau taip pat nuþudyto þydo þiaus vyrai kartu su þydais ið gretimø vieto- mistras Gepneris paliudijo, kad Gewecke buvo èiau ir juos netrukus suðaudë ið Kauno atvy- Friedmano287. Moterys privalëjo siûti ir taisyti viø, o rugpjûèio 1 d. – 105 senyvos moterys294. nustatæs ðiø maþøjø kaimo getø paskirtá: juo- kæs nedidelis þudikø bûrys, taip pat vokiðkas karines uniformas288. Rugpjûèio 21 d. mieste dar gyveno 684 þydai, se þydai turëjo bûti izoliuojami iki juos suðau- padedamas vietinës lietuviø policijos. Maþiau- Jurbarko þydai ið vokieèiø ir lietuviø paty- ið kuriø 64 paskirti priverstiniams darbams. dant. Jurbarko þydai buvo sugrûsti á keletà na- siai 31 miesto vyras tiesiogiai dalyvavo ðau- rë daug þiauriø paþeminimø289. Kaip ir visur, Nustatyti, koks likimas iðtiko apie 200 þydø, mø dviejose gatvëse, maisto gaudavo tik tru- dant ir kankinant þydus302. 1941 m. gruodþio jie privalëjo neðioti diskriminuojantá þenklà, kuriø trûksta sugretinus dokumentuose patei- putá duonos ir kopûstø. Ið Alekso mën. mieste ið daugiau kaip 4 400 gyventojø neturëjo teisës vaikðèioti ðaligatviais, tik tam kiamus skaièius, jau nebeámanoma295. Reikia Grigalavièiaus298, kuris tarnavo Kaune dislo- liko tik 2 900. Maþdaug treèdalis gyventojø tikromis sàlygomis galëjo iðeiti ið namø ir pri- valëjo atiduoti savo radijo imtuvus. Þydai bu- vo priversti savo rankomis sugriauti senàjà me- 285 295 300 dinæ sinagogà ir nedidelæ þydø turëtà skerdyk- Þr. Gerke’s apklausà 1958 7 7, StA Ludwigs- Þr. burmistro Gepnerio 1941 8 21 atsakymà á Carsteno, Smalininkø pasienio policijos posto burg, EL 322, t. 21, l. 61–63. Raseiniø apskrities virðininko 1941 8 16 raðtà, vado, apklausa 1957 2 5: Grigalavièius buvo là, sudeginti ðventàsias knygas ir torø 286 Bubnys, Getai, p. 167. LCVA, 1753-3-13, l. 22. Ðioje byloje ið viso yra gavæs „svarbius dokumentus ið Kauno ritinëlius; jie turëjo ðokti ir dainuoti prieðais 287 Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 380; 392. penkios 1941 m. vasaros ir rudens uþklausos policijos tarnybø“, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, gipsinius Stalino ir Lenino biustus bei portre- 288 Þr. ten pat, p. 117–122 (Leipzigeriø ðeima). apie Jurbarko gyventojø sudëtá. t. 9, l. 2217; Carsteno laiðkas Ulmo prokuratû- tus, plaukioti Nemune, „kad bûtø pakrikðty- 289 Þr. ten pat, p. 404 ir kt.; Oshry, Annihilation, p. 296 Þr. du Ðiauliø generalinio tarëjo 1941 8 16 rai (be datos), ten pat, l. 2265. 301 ti“290. Tas vieðas paþeminimo akcijas vokieèiai 287 ir kt. raðtus, LCVA, R 1099-1-1, l. 134 ir kt. Þr. Leibos Koniuchowsky’o uþraðytus liudiji- 290 Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 381; 388–390, citata 297 Raðtiðkas apygardos komisaro 1941 8 14 mus knygoje: Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 392 ir fotografuodavo. p. 388; Þr. Atamukas, Juden, p. 164. ásakymas dël getoizacijos pasiekë Jurbarkà kt.; Zvi Levitho pasakojimas, ten pat, p. 407 ir Þydams nuolat trûko maisto produktø. 291 Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 404. 1941 8 27, LCVA, 1753-3-4, l. 36-37R. Jau kt., pirmiausia iðspausdintas: Sudarski/ Lietuviø miesto administracija, kuri pagal 292 Ðiauliø apygardos komisaro 1941 8 6 skelbimas 1941 8 22 generalinis tarëjas, lietuvis, savo Katzenelenbogen/Kisin (sud.), Lita, 1 knyga, 1941 m. birþelio pabaigoje vokieèiø iðleistà ása- Nr. 4, Generalinio komisaro oficialusis leidinys ruoþtu iðsiuntinëjo raðtus burmistrams. Þr. ten p. 1850–1854. EK 3 teritorijoje iki tol ávykdytø kymà privalëjo aprûpinti civilius gyventojus Nr. 2, 1941, p. 32. pat, l. 156. egzekucijø sàraðe, sudarytame 1941 9 10, 293 298 maisto produktais, buvo smarkiai apribojusi Raseiniø apskrities virðininko 1941 7 21 Apie Aleksà Grigalavièiø ir jo glaudþius ryðius nurodyta 412 Jurbarko aukø. Taip pat minima raðtas visiems burmistrams, LCVA, su EK 3 veikusiu SS oberðturmfiureriu Haman- ir 1941 12 1 sudarytame sàraðe, taèiau èia 291 jø pardavimà þydams , kurie galëjo ásigyti 1753-3-13, l. 4. Dar prieð tai karinë valdþia nu þr. Ðiauliø apygardos komisariato bylos klaidingai priraðyta, kad iki 1941 9 6 èia buvo tik tai, kas vakare likdavo neparduota. Kai lie- visai Ðiauliø apygardai ásakë pateikti áraðo nuoraðà 1941 9 9, parengtà veikiausiai nuþudyti visi þydai, visos þydës ir visi þydø pos pabaigoje–rugpjûèio pradþioje vokieèiø generaliniam tarëjui maisto produktø apygardos komisaro politikos skyriaus vedëjo vaikai, BA, R 70 Sowjetunion 15, l. 80 ir l. 84. civilinë valdþia pakeitë karinæ valdþià, apy- registracijos knygas. Þr. Ðiauliø generalinio Kurto Schrepferio, BA, R 90/146. Tam prieðtarauja sàraðo dalis apie Jurbarko gardos komisaras uþdraudë þydams apsi- tarëjo 1941 7 8 ásakymà, LCVA, R 1099-1-1, 299 Þr. Jurgio Gepnerio 1945 8 23 parodymus gyventojus, pateikta burmistro Gepnerio 1941 l. 15. NKVD, kurie pateikti: Puiðytë, p. 23 ir kt.; þr. 9 12 raðte, siøstame Raseiniø apskrities pirkti turguje – neva kad bûtø uþkirstas ke- 294 Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 406. Ðiø þudyniø Bubnys, Getai, p. 167, getas buvo árengtas dar virðininkui, LCVA, 1753-3-13, l. 58. lias „didesniam þydø lupikavimui ir prekiø datos ir aukø skaièiai grindþiami liudijimais. liepos mën. Taip pat þr. Dieckmann, Der Krieg, 302 Þr. Puiðytë: minimas 31 asmuo, dalyvavæs bei maisto produktø supirkinëjimui“292. Vos Ano meto dokumentø iki ðiol nerasta. p. 321 ir kt. þudant Jurbarko þydus, 3 priedas.

68 69 buvo nuþudyta303. Kita gyventojø dalis pasi- jose buvo ávairaus pobûdþio. Daugelyje kitø vie- Utena – apskrities miestas Lietuvos ðiaurës priklausomos Lietuvos vykdytos þemës refor- pelnë ið þydø turto: 245 þemës sklypai ir 208 toviø ávykiai klostësi panaðiai kaip Jurbarke: rytuose, prie pagrindinës magistralës ið Kauno mos, tad jø gretas sudarë daugiausia prekeiviai, namai neteko ðeimininkø ir gyventojø304. Jau rengiant ir vykdant þmogþudystes ne tik vokie- á Daugpilá (Dünaburg), vos keliasdeðimt kilomet- amatininkai ir smulkûs verslininkai. 1931 m. liepos pabaigoje kai kuriems valdþios parei- èiø, bet ir lietuviø pusëje vykdavo glaudus ávai- rø nuo Latvijos. Apskrityje gyveno maþdaug 115 þydams priklausë 84 Utenos parduotuvës ið 97 gûnams buvo iðdalytas þydø turtas, pavyz- riø civiliniø institucijø ir policijos tarnybø ben- 000 þmoniø, ið jø daugiau kaip 10 000 Utenoje, ir 30 lengvosios pramonës ámoniø ið 40, mieste dþiui, butai ir karvës. Þydams priklausæ bal- dradarbiavimas. Nemaþa lietuviø regioninës ir tarp jø – 3–4 tûkstanèiai þydø. Dar XIX a. pa- veikë 150 þydø laikomø dirbtuviø310. Daugelis dai buvo parduoti gyventojams305. Nuþudytø- vietinës valdþios bei policijos atstovø, taip pat baigoje þydai sudarë 70–80% Utenos ir kai ku- þydø buvo neturtingi. Veikë ávairios þydø mo- jø parduotuves perëmë lietuviai, nemaþai jø civiliø asmenø dalijosi tarpusavyje visus uþda- riø apskrities miesteliø gyventojø. Sunki cari- kyklos, visuomeninës, kultûrinës ir politinës or- atiteko lietuviams policininkams ir aktyvis- vinius, susijusius su aukø nustatymu ir atrin- nës Rusijos ekonominë situacija ir politinës sà- ganizacijos. Kitø tautybiø Utenos gyventojai tams. Ties vietovës riba buvo pastatytas þen- kimu, jø atskyrimu, izoliavimu, plëðimu ir ga- lygos privertë daugelá þydø iðvykti, daugiausia daugiausia vertësi þemdirbyste, kiti dirbo val- klas „Jurbarke nebëra þydø“ (Georgenburg ist liausiai nuþudymu. Nors iniciatyva ir nepri- á Pietø Afrikà ir Jungtines Amerikos Valstijas. dþios ir mokymo ástaigose. judenfrei)306. klausë lietuviams, daugelis pasinaudojo Taèiau reikðmingiausias persilauþimas ávyko 1941 m. geguþës mën. Utenos apskrityje ðal- 76 þydø, kurie ávairiais bûdais iðgyveno nebaudþiamumo aplinka, susidariusia dël vo- per Pirmàjá pasauliná karà, kai á Rusijà evaka- tiniuose uþfiksuoti pirmieji partizanø jungi- okupacijà, pavardës yra þinomos307. Miesto kieèiø antisemitinës politikos. vosi dauguma þydø. Atgal á Lietuvà sugráþo vos niai, vietoje þinomi kaip ne tik antibolðeviki- apylinkëse gyveno aðtuonios lietuviø ðeimos, Taèiau ir vokieèiø, ir lietuviø pusëje bûta vie- du treèdaliai, tad prieð Antràjá pasauliná karà nio, bet ir antisemitinio nusistatymo. Taèiau kurios nepaisydamos visai ðeimai gresianèios tos ir individualiam pasirinkimui. Tilþës mies- þydai dar sudarë pusæ kai kuriø miesteliø, pa- didelio nariø antplûdþio jie sulaukë tik per pir- mirties bausmës – kaip 1941 m. rugpjûèio pa- to vokieèiø policijos vadovas neleido, kad jo jun- vyzdþiui, Molëtø ir Anykðèiø gyventojø. Þy- muosius trëmimus 1941 m. birþelio 13–14 d., baigoje buvo paskelbæs Raseiniø apskrities vir- giniai dalyvautø þudynëse, nors jo adjutantas dams sunkiai sekësi ásigyti þemës, net ir po ne- kai á miðkus pabëgo ðimtai ginklus ásigijusiø ðininkas308 – padëdavo þydams309. ir labai já spaudë. Jurbarko lietuviø policijos va- Jurbarko ávykiai rodo, kad iniciatyva vyk- dovas po pirmøjø ðaudymø atsistatydino. Ta- dyti masines þudynes priklausë vokieèiams, o èiau smulkesnës aplinkybës nëra þinomos. 303 Þr. burmistro Gepnerio 1941 12 24 atsakymà á ir 279. Ðiauliø apygardos komisariatas þudynës vyko keliais etapais. Pirmiausia bu- Jurbarko, kaip ir beveik visiems provincijos Raseiniø apskrities virðininko 1941 12 14 1941 10 24 nurodë atitinkamai elgtis ir vo planingai suraðyti ir nuþudyti þydø vado- þydams dël nenumatytai þiaurios grësmës, stai- raðtà, LCVA, 1753-3-13, l. 190. Po karo apskrièiø virðininkams bei burmistrams, ZStL, vaujanèiojo sluoksnio atstovai, kuo daugiau giø suëmimø, plëðimø ir þudyniø beveik neliko Jurbarke ir aplink já buvo rastos keturios rinkinys „Ávairûs“ (Sammlung Verschiedenes), þydø vyrø ir kitø tariamø sovietø valdþios rë- laiko reaguoti. Galimybiø kolektyviai organi- masinës kapavietës, kuriose uþkasta daugiau Ord. 109, l. 126. kaip 1200 aukø: þydø kapinëse, Kalnënø 306 Þr. kaltinamàjà iðvadà prieð Fischerá-Schwederá, mëjø. Siekdami nuþudyti ðià þmoniø grupæ, vo- zuotis nebuvo, þydai buvo patekæ á spàstus. Juos kaime, Ðilinës puðyne ir kitur, Masinës þudynës, paskelbtà 1957 6 25, l. 3472; StA Ludwigs- kieèiai pareikalavo ið lietuviø valdþios, polici- giliai sukrëtë jiems visiðkai netikëtas smurto pro- t. 2, p. 400; statistikos suvestines pateikia burg, EL 322, l. 3472; Juliaus Stanato, jos pareigûnø ir sukilëliø komitetø sudaryti ati- trûkis ið lietuviø pusës. Nedaugeliui Jurbarko Gosudarstvennyj Archiv Rossijskoj Federaciji burmistro Gepnerio darbuotojo, apklausà tinkamus sàraðus, o ðie daþniausiai noriai to þydø pavyko pabëgti, kai kurie bandë prieðin- (toliau– GARF), 7021-94-427, l. 1 ir kt. 1959 6 9, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt.461.32438, imdavosi. Be to, vokieèiø saugumo policija pri- tis, taèiau daugumai situacija atrodë beviltiðka, Nepilnas aukø pavardþiø sàraðas saugomas t. 4, l. 1509. Vilniaus þydø muziejuje. 307 Apie iðgyvenusius ir nuþudytus 30 ðeimø nariø vertë átraukti á sàraðus kuo daugiau karo tar- neámanoma buvo nei pabëgti, nei pasiprieðinti 304 Þr. burmistro Gepnerio 1941 10 24 atsakymà á þr. Sefer ha-Zikaron. Jurburg, p. 186–221. nybai tinkamø þydø vyrø, net jei jie ir nepri- – vokieèiø ir lietuviø teroras buvo pernelyg di- Raseiniø apskrities virðininko 1941 10 9 raðtà, 308 Raseiniø apskrities virðininko 1941 8 29 klausë vadovybei ar neturëjo nieko bendra su delis, o aplinka – pernelyg prieðiðka. LCVA, 1753-3-13, l. 101; 1942 1 5 Jurbarko ásakymas, LCVA, 1753-3-4, l. 25. sovietø valdþia. Apie toká sieká byloja visos to- butø skyrius gavo kadaise þydams priklausiu- 312 Þr. Puiðytë, p. 25–28, pagal gyvo likusio lesnës þydø vyrø paieðkos Jurbarke. siø namø sàraðà, LCVA, 1753-1-3, l. 3. Þr. jurbarkieèio Chaimo Jofës tyrinëjimus. Ten Po to buvo þudomi tie þmonës, kurie nebuvo Þydø þudynës Utenos apskrityje nacionalizuotos ir uþgrobtos þydø þemës pat, p. 25 nurodomos þydams padëjusiø nuosavybës sàraðà, kuriame yra 107 pavardës lietuviø ðeimø pavardës; dviejuose prieduose naudingi kaip darbo jëga, vadinasi, silpniau- ir adresai, ten pat, l. 182 ir kt. Puiðytë pateikia iðgyvenusiø þydø pavardes. siø þmoniø grupesø: senyvas moteris ir vyrus, Kaip minëta, Jurbarkas atsidûrë vokie- 305 Apie turto dalybas þr. LCVA, 1753-3-12. Ûkininkas K. Blaþys buvo suðaudytas 1943 m. kitose vietovëse – daþnai ir naðlaièius ar psi- èiø rankose paèiomis pirmosiomis karo dieno- Burmistras Gepneris 1942 3 27 ir 1942 4 14 á pavasará, nes slëpë M. Liubinaitæ, kuriai chinius ligonius. Galiausiai buvo þudomi ir dar- mis. Utenoje ávykiai klostësi kitaip, nes apskri- apygardos komisaro specialiàjà sàskaità J pavyko likti gyvai per 1941 m. rugsëjo 4–6 d. bingi þmonës, jei jie nebebuvo reikalingi karo tis ir miestas buvo uþimti tik penktàjà karo die- (Sonderkonto J), esanèià Ðiauliø banke „Reich- þudynes. Já áskundë kaimynas. Þr. ten pat, skreditkasse“, pervedë 2908,82 RM, gautas p. 26. pramonei arba jei jie, vokieèiø okupantø nuo- nà. Koks buvo tenykðèiø lietuviø elgesys, kurio pardavus þydø baldus. Þr. du Gepnerio 310 Þr. Pinkas ha-Kehilot, p. 121 ir kt.; apie Utenos mone, këlë grësmæ saugumui. Lietuviø gyven- nuo pat pradþiø nekontroliavo vokieèiø anti- 1942 4 1 ir 1942 4 22 raðytus raðtus Ðiauliø þydø gyvenimà 1921–1936 m. þr. Lown, tojø dalyvavimas persekiojimo ir þudymo akci- semitinës pakraipos institucijos? apygardos komisarui, LCVA, 1753-1-3, l. 260 Memories.

70 71 vyrø311. Daugumas jø iki 1940 m. priklausë Ðau- mis, pavyzdþiui, Anykðèiø sinagogoje, saugomi laiku neiðvykæ bûsià suðaudyti. Per kelias va- suregistruoti visi vyrai ir moterys nuo 17 iki 55 liø sàjungai. Jie greitai per radijà suþinojo, apie lietuviø, o po to daþniausiai iðsiunèiami atgal á landas þydai turëjo susiruoðti á Ðilinës miðkelá m. amþiaus327. Dviejø didelio masto ðaudymø karo pradþià, kad Kaunas jau uþimtas, kad Lie- gimtàsias vietas317. Keliai nuo Kauno ðiaurës ry- uþ miesto, kur jie buvo registruojami ir privalë- metu 1941 m. liepos 31 d. ir rugpjûèio 7 d. uþ tuvos Laikinoji Vyriausybë paskelbë kraðto ne- tø kryptimi per Ukmergæ ir Utenà á Daugpilá bu- jo atiduoti vertingus daiktus. Per spaudà ir ra- trijø kilometrø esanèiame Raðës miðke buvo nu- priklausomybæ. Leitenantas Antanas Patalaus- vo pilni besitraukianèiø raudonarmieèiø ir pa- dijà buvo praneðta, kad Utena esanti pirmasis þudyta 718 þydø, 103 þydës ir trys kiti asme- kas vadovavo 76 vyrø partizanø grupei. bëgëliø. Pakeliui nuo sukilëliø rankos þuvo dar Lietuvos miestas „kuriame nëra þydø“326. nys328. Vokieèiø ir lietuviø policija þudë þydus Kadangi vokieèiai á ðià vietovæ atvyko tik po nenustatytas þydø pabëgëliø skaièius318. Daugiau kaip dvi savaites miðke buvo lai- vietinës lietuviø valdþios atstovø akivaizdoje. keturiø dienø, iki tol nuolat vyko sovietø dali- 1941 m. birþelio 26 d. per Utenà á Daugpilá komi beveik 2 000 þydø, kurie kentë purvà, ne- Ið Kauno du kartus atvyko vadinamasis Haman- niø ir antisovietiniø sukilëliø susirëmimai, ku- ëmë traukti vokieèiø 56-osios armijos korpuso palankias oro sàlygas ir lietuviø sargybiniø pa- no „skrajojantis bûrys“. Cadokas Bleimanas ir riø metu abiejose pusëse buvo nukautø. Kaimuo- 4-oji tankø grupë319. Dar prieð tai visoje apskri- tyèias. Valgyti beveik nebuvo kà. Jaunesnieji tu- Kalmanas Kacas uþpuolë vokieèiø ðaudikus. se buvo suimta deðimtys þmoniø, tariamai sim- tyje prasidëjo smurtas prieð þydus. Lietuviai rëjo iðtisas dienas dirbti. Ið naujo buvo Kacas þuvo, o Bleimanui pavyko pabëgti, tad patizavusiø sovietams, kai kuriose vietovëse sukilëliai ásiverþdavo á þydø namus, vykdy- sukilëliai uþëmë valdþià dar prieð atvykstant davo kratas ir apiplëðdavo, kankindavo jø gy- vokieèiø Vermachtui. Kai kurias gyvenvietes pa- ventojus – buvo pirmosios þydø aukos. Dar pir- 311 Pirmoji ataskaita, 1941 8 7, NARA, RG 226, M 319 4-osios tankø grupës, Ia KTB, BA-MA, degë besitraukianti Raudonoji armija ir NKVD màjà karo dienà netoli Anykðèiø buvo iðþagin- 1499, Roll 258, l. 17; Lietuvos NKVD vadovo RH 21-4/14. 320 daliniai, kitos sudegë nuo vokieèiø bombø, tarp ta ir nuþudyta jauna þydë . Pradëta suiminëti Gladkovo 1941 6 21 ataskaita, pagal Ðkirpà, 320 Þr. Domicelës Kunèinienës pasakojimà, Vanagas, jø ir þydø gyvenamas Utenos kvartalas. Jaunie- þmones, pirmiausia vadinamàjà þydø inteli- Aufstand, p. 269 ir kt. Nenusigræþk, p. 111; Pinkas ha-Kehilot, p. 154. ji lietuviai padëjo vokieèiø daliniams kaip ved- gentijà, komunistus, komjaunuolius ir tariamus 312 Þr. Valerijos Þemaitytës pasakojimà, Vanagas, 321 Vanagas, Nenusigræþk, p. 47; Pinkas ha-Kehilot, liai312. Tuo tarpu sukilëliai saugojo svarbiausius sovietø reþimo rëmëjus321. Pasinaudodami pa- Nenusigræþk, p. 101; Bubnys, Lietuva, p. 43. p. 124. 313 Þr. evakuotø sovietø funkcionieriø 1942 m. 322 Rukðënas, Politika, p. 137 su nuoroda á LCVA, infrastruktûros objektus, medþiojo raudonar- liktø institucijø bylomis sukilëliai surinko ne- rugsëjo mën. praneðimus apie pirmàsias karo R 715-1-1, l. 129. mieèius – ið dalies tam, kad atimtø jø ginklus, maþai jiems naudingos informacijos ir sudarë dienas Molëtuose, Uþpaliuose ir Daugaliuose, 323 OK 862 (1941 7 7 – 1941 7 16), II 349 OK taip pat paleido ið kalëjimø kalinius, kuriø da- átartinø asmenø sàraðà322. iðspausdintus: Brandiðauskas, 1941 m., p. (1941 7 16 – 1941 7 20); II 350 VK (nuo lis priklausë antisovietiniam pogrindþiui ir bu- Visà 1941 m. liepà daþnai keitësi vokieèiø 319–325 ir p. 347 ir kt.; plg. lietuviø sukilëliø 1941 7 20). Þr. KTB Sich. Div. 281, Ia 1941 7 16 vo suimta dar prieð prasidedant karui. Daugu- valdþios personalas, daugiausia þmoniø paim- 1941 m. birþelio mën. praneðimus apie Alantà, ir 1941 7 19 ásakymus, NARA, RG 242, T 315, ma lietuviø þinià apie prasidëjusá karà sutiko ta ið 691-ojo karo lauko þandarmerijos skyriaus Molëtus ir Utenos apskritá, ten pat, p. 156– Roll 1869, l. 745t.; Sich. Div. 281 VII skyriaus 162. veiklos 1941 7 10 ataskaita, NARA, RG 242, T dþiûgaudami, iðkëlæ Lietuvos vëliavas, skam- komandos323. Atvykus vokieèiø okupantams, 314 Þr. paþymëjimus partizanams karo pradþioje, 315, Roll 1870, l. 498. Vos savaitæ (liepos10– 313 bindami baþnyèiø varpais . Á Kaunà siunèia- antisemitinë politika tapo sisteminga. Þydai tu- LCVA, R 1652-1-1, l. 12. 15 d.) Sich. Div. 281 bûstinë buvo Utenoje. muose praneðimuose partizanai vadino save rëdavo dirbti þeminanèius darbus. Jie buvo ver- 315 Þr. sàraðus LCVA, R 1652-1-1, l. 1-6, iðspaus- Þr. KTB Sich. Div. 281, IVa veiklos 1941 3 25 – valstieèiais partizanais, o partizaninæ veiklà èiami ieðkoti minø, kai kuriuos minos sudras- dinta: Brandiðauskas, 1941 m., p. 163–174; 1941 12 31 ataskaità, NARA, RG 242, T 315, ávardijo kaip valstieèiø sukilimà prieð bolðevi- kydavo324. Per kelias dienas visi þydø namai bu- Utenos miesto komendanto kapitono Benedik- Roll 1869, l. 5. to Kaletkos 1941 6 26 ásakymas Nr. 1, LCVA, 324 Þr. liudytojo Cadoko Bleimano parodymus: kø valdþià314. Iki 1941 m. birþelio 27 d. apskrity- vo paþenklinti uþraðu „þydas“, tad galëjo tapti R 1444-1-9, l. 56. Oshry, Annihilation, p. 268. je buvo 484 partizanais uþregistruoti vyrai, tu- lietuviø ir vokieèiø savivalës objektu. Þydø tur- 316 Plg. Lietuvos saugumo policijos vado Mali- 325 Þr. Utenos saugumo virðininko 1941 4 14 rëjæ vokieèiø leidimà neðioti ginklà315. Paklausæ to plëðimas bei grobstymas ir prievarta prieð þy- nausko 1943 3 16 ataskaità, LCVA, R 1399-1-9, ásakymà dël 30 þydø tautybës vyrø ákalinimo per radijà paskelbtø raginimø, daugumas val- dø gyventojus tapo nebaudþiama. Dauguma þy- l. 179. Po to Malinauskas buvo perkeltas á sinagogoje, LCVA, R 715-1-1, l. 2; 12 suimtø- dininkø ir policininkø gráþo á postus ir parei- dø tautybës vyrø buvo uþdaryta á kalëjimà. Trys Ðvenèionis, já pakeitë Mikas Kazlauskas. Nuo jø, tarp jø dviejø þydø, pavardës, ten pat, gas, kuriose dirbo iki 1940 m. Nuo birþelio 25 d. sinagogos ir maldos namai buvo iðniekinti, ra- 1941 9 24 Utenos saugumo vadovu buvo l. 19; Bubnys, Getai, p. 176 ir kt. paskirtas Jonas Èësna, dirbæs su pareigûnais 326 Oshry, Annihilation, p. 268. voldemarininkas ir gestapo agentas Malinaus- binai atsisakydavo deginti torø ritinëlius, dël to Grikepeliu ir Karosu. Pirmasis saugumo vadovas 327 Musja Burðtenaitë liko gyva ir 1945 3 16 316 kas vël tapo Utenos policijos virðininku . Ute- buvo vieðai kankinami ir sunkiai þalojami. Su- buvo Bronius Ûsevièius, þr. jo 1941 7 13 sovietinei Komisijai 1944 papasakojo apie ðá nos burmistru paskirtas Þukas, þmoniø laiko- griauti kulto pastatai buvo paversti kalëjimais, ásakymà dël komunistø persekiojimo, Masinës miðko „getà“, GARF, 7021-94-433, l. 56-57R. mas Smetonos ðalininku. á kuriuos buvo uþdaromi þydai, pabëgëliai, ko- þudynës, t. 2, p. 310. 328 EK 3 teritorijoje iki tol ávykdytø egzekucijø 317 Pirmosiomis karo dienomis á apskritá atvyko munistai ir komjaunuoliai325. Þr. Gelpernas, Sinagogoje, p. 86–88; V. Butëno sàraðas, sudarytas 1941 9 10, BA, R 70 parodymus 1951 6 7, Masinës þudynës, t. 2, Sowjetunion 15, l. 78: liepos 31 – 235 vyrai, daugybë pabëgëliø ið vakariau esanèiø Lietuvos 1941 m. liepos 14 d. rytà miesto lietuviø val- p. 310 ir kt.; pabëgëlio ið Jonavos pasakojimas 16 moterø, 1 lietuviø komunistas, 1 þudikas- vietoviø. Daugelá jø lietuviø partizanai suëmë. dþia paskelbë ásakymà, kad visi þydai iki pie- apie Utenà, Jeruðalmi, Pinkas ðavli, p. 335. recidyvistas, vykdæs plëðimus (256); rugpjûèio Sulaikytieji buvo laikomi barbariðkomis sàlygo- tø turi iðvykti ið miesto. Grasinta, kad pagauti 318 Ganor, Leben, 39–51; Tory, Holocaust, p. 6. 7 – 483 vyrai, 87 moterys, 1 lietuvis.

72 73 vëliau jis turëjo galimybæ paliudyti apie ðias ma- tol buvo uþdaryti improvizuotame gete. Molë- lietuviø kariuomenës leitenantas Patalauskas, mu ir paþeminimu. Nuo pat pirmøjø dienø su- sines þudynes329. Vëliau Utenos mieste buvo tuose, vos tik sukilëliai suþinojo apie prasidë- ir policijos vadovus343. Tokio reikalavimo prie- ëmimai tapo áprastu reiðkiniu. Per kelias sa- árengtas improvizuotas getas, kuriame dvi sa- jusá karà, taip pat labai greitai prasidëjo jaunø þastis – pasipelnymas ið þydø turto, á kurá pre- vaites ið þydø buvo atimtas turtas, jie buvo izo- vaites þydai gyveno varganomis sàlygomis330. vyrø suëmimai, priverstiniai darbai, plëði- tendavo ir patys vokieèiai. Vis dëlto 1943 m. liuoti ir turëjo gyventi vargingomis sàlygomis, 1941 m. rugpjûèio 29 d. Raðës miðke buvo mai336. Pirmosios savaitës nusineðë apie 60 au- pabaigoje Þukas tapo Utenos apskrities virði- tik nedaugelis sulaukdavo paþástamø lietuviø suðaudyti iki tol likæ gyvi senyvo amþiaus vy- kø, suimtieji buvo gabenami ir á Utenà, kur jø ninku344. Ankstesnysis apskrities virðininkas pagalbos. Policijai ir sukilëliams vadovavo ra- rai, moterys ir vaikai ið Utenos ir aplinkiniø laukë tenykðèiø suimtøjø likimas. Antrojoje Grebliauskas buvo suimtas 1941 m. lapkrièio dikaliai nusiteikæ nacionalistai, kai kurie dar vietoviø, vien ið Utenos ir Molëtø – 582 vyrai, 1 rugpjûèio pusëje visi Molëtø þydai buvo izo- 14 d., apkaltintas neperdavæs þydø turto ir pa- prieð karà palaikë glaudþius ryðius su nacio- 731 moteris ir 1 469 vaikai. Ðá kartà vietiniams liuoti sinagogoje, o 1941 m. rugpjûèio 29 d. ne- sisavinæs þydams priklausiusius daiktus345. nalsocialistine Vokietija. Tai, kad burmistras þudikams á pagalbà atëjo lietuviø daliniai ið toliese suðaudyti337. Pasak ðaltiniø, lietuviø aktyvistai daþnai plëð- Þukas nepriklausë deðiniøjø radikalø stovyk- kitø vietoviø, be to, greièiausiai keletas Haman- Molëtuose uþfiksuota desperatiðkø bandy- davo þydø butus atlikdami juose kratas346. lai, o laikësi krikðèioniðkø demokratiniø ir kon- no vadovaujamø vokieèiø ið Lietuvos saugu- mø pabëgti ið ðaudymo vietø, taèiau tai pavyko Nusikaltimø eiga Utenos apskrityje prime- servatyviø paþiûrø, neturëjo átakos þydø per- mo policijos vadovybës ir lietuviø pagalbinio tik nedaugeliui. Bet ir pabëgusieji nesugebëjo na Jurbarko pavyzdá. Taèiau Utenoje buvo dau- sekiojimo ir þudymo eigai. policijos bataliono treèiasis bûrys331. Patalaus- ilgesná laikà iðgyventi prieðiðkoje aplinkoje338. giau laiko gausesniems ir brutalesniems iðpuo- Vis dëlto vokieèiø iniciatyva iðþudyti visus ko vadovaujama partizanø grupë ávairiais bû- Þudynëms vadovavo vokieèiø institucijos: liams prieð þydus, kurie virto þudymu, plëði- þydø tautybës gyventojus yra akivaizdi; aiðkus dais vykdë antisemitinæ politikà, suiminëjo þy- ið pradþiø vokieèiø Vermachto vietinë komen- dus, gabeno juos á Ðilinës miðkà, dalyvavo áren- dantûra, o nuo 1941 m. rugpjûèio pradþios – giant getà Utenoje, paskyrë A. Jodënà geto Ðiauliø apygardos komisariato civilinë val- komendantu ir budëjo þudyniø vietose. Rug- dþia, bendradarbiaudama, o kartais ir nesu- 329 Oshry, Annihilation, p. 268-271, Pinkas ha-Kehilot, laukë mirtis. Jie raðë þinà, „kaip atrodo p. 124 ir kt. pasaulis be þydø“. Þr. 1941 m. pabaigoje sëjo pradþioje grupë buvo paleista332. tardama su saugumo policijos EK 2 atskiru da- 330 Bubnys, Getai, p. 177. pabëgusios þydø ðeimos ið Molëtø suëmimà, 339 1944 m. sovietø ypatingoji komisija ten esan- liniu ir kaune dislokuotu EK 3 . Apygardos 331 2-ojo lietuviø policijos bataliono ið Kauno 3- kurá 1942 1 31 ávykdë Utenos saugumas, èiose aðtuoniose masinëse kapavietëse aptiko komisaras Gewecke 1941 m. rugsëjo 10 d. gy- asis bûrys rugpjûèio 26–31 d. vykdë „uþduo- LCVA, R 715-1-2, l. 30–41. maþdaug 9 000 þmoniø palaikus333. Raðës mið- rësi generaliniam komisarui Theodorui Adria- tá“, o 1941 m. rugpjûèio mën. Utenos apskrity- 339 Apie vietinës komendantûros vaidmená þr. kas buvo tapæs didþiausia þydø naikinimo vie- nui von Rentelnui, kad pagal jo instrukcijas je ávykdytos þmogþudystës saugumo policijos Rukðënas, Politika, p. 115; Bleimanas, 1941 8 29 ta Utenos apskrityje. „beveik visose apskrityse nëra þydø“ ir kad vado ataskaitose buvo priskiriamos Hamanno Utenoje vykusiø masiniø þudyniø liudytojas, bûriui; þr. pagalbinio policijos bataliono nurodë, kad burmistras kaip þiûrovas stovëjæs Uþ kilometro nuo Anykðèiø ir nuo Molëtø „þydø klausimas Ðiauliø apygardoje buvo ásakymà Nr. 68, èia pagal kopijà ið SWC, Nr. prie masinës kapavietës, Oshry, Annihilation, tà paèià 1941 m. rugpjûèio 29 d. lietuviø dali- sprendþiamas reikiamu intensyvumu ir su na- 59/60; þudant kaimyniniuose Anykðèiuose p. 271. niai, vadovaujami vokieèiø, suðaudë atitinka- cionalsocialistiniu grieþtumu“. Taip sakyda- turëjo dalyvauti „aktyvistai” ið Ðiauliø, þr. 340 Ðiauliø apygardos komisaro 1941 9 10 raðtas mai 1 500 ir 700 aukø. mas jis turëjo galvoje Rokiðkio, Panevëþio, Kre- Vanagas, Nenusigræþk, p. 47. Lietuvos generaliniam komisarui, BA, R 90/ Masinës þudynës Anykðèiuose, per kurias tingos, Raseiniø, Birþø, Maþeikiø, Telðiø, Tau- 332 Plg. Bubnys, Getai, p. 177. 146. 333 1944 11 15 aktas, GARF, 7021-94-433, l. 1-2R. 341 „Iðlaisvintas Panevëþietis“, 1941 7 4, iðspaus- þuvo maþdaug 2 000 þydø, taip pat prasidëjo ragës, Utenos ir Zarasø apskritis340. Liudytojø pasakojimai apie þydø kelionæ á dinta kn.: Masinës þudynës, t. 1, p. 51. nuo suëmimø ir plëðimø, kurie sustiprëjo atëjus 1941 m. liepos 4 d. vietos spauda, kurià tuo þudyniø vietà, ten pat, l. 1R. 342 Zarasø savisaugos vado 1941 9 2 raðtas vokieèiø Vermachtui334. Vietiniai þydai ir pabë- metu cenzûravo vokieèiai, paragino padëti vo- 334 Þr. Pinkas ha-Kehillot, p. 151–155; Leibo partizanø vadams, LCVA, R 1106-2-18, l. 82. gëliai buvo patalpinti á kalëjimà, sinagogas ir kieèiams kariauti ir „iðvalyti tëvynæ nuo bolðe- Koniuchowsky’o pasakojimas, glaudþiai Po to ranka áraðyta Norkaus 1941 9 15 mokyklas, kur juos dvi savaites terorizavo lie- vikø, þydø ir kitø lietuviø tautos iðdavikø“341. susijæs su iðgyvenusio Motlo prisiminimais, pastaba apie vykdymà. 343 tuviø sargyba. Buvo deðimtys aukø, daugybë Kai rugpjûèio pabaigoje ðiose apskrityse p. 150–241; GARF, 7021-94-433, l. 1R-2, taip Þr. Hamanno 1941 8 31 paþymà saugumo pat ir apie Molëtus. policijos vadui Jägeriui, LCVA, R 1399-1-9, iðþaginimo atvejø. Sustabdyti antiþydiðkus ið- buvo baigta þudyti þydus, 1941 m. rugsëjo 2 d. 335 Bubnys, Getai, p. 71. l. 278; Jägerio 1941 9 3 raðtas generaliniam puolius ir uþstoti kankinamus þmones bergþ- buvo iðplatintas Utenos komendantûros ása- 336 Pinkas ha-Kehillot, p. 374–377. komisarui Theodorui Adrianui von Rentelnui, dþiai stengësi Anykðèiø kunigas Èepënas335. kymas per dvi savaites nuginkluoti buvusius 337 Taip pat Bubnys, Getai, p. 74–77; Eidintas, ten pat, R 1399-1-7, l. 89. Paleidus nevietinius þydus, kiti – kaip ir lietuviø partizanus; taip ir buvo padaryta342. Byla, p. 140 ir kt. 344 Bubnys, Lietuva, p. 396. Utenoje – turëjo vykti á netoliese esantá miðkà ir Paskatinta vietos vokieèiø komendanto, vokie- 338 Þr. tëvo ir sûnaus Natelovièiø atsisveikinimo 345 Bubnys, Lietuva, p. 396; 1942 1 12 EM Nr. 154, laiðkà ið Molëtø kalëjimo, raðytà giminaièiams BA, R 58/220, l. 78. ten gyventi iðtisas savaites. 1941 m. liepos pa- èiø saugumo policija reikalavo atleisti apskri- 1941 12 21. Igud Jozei Lita archyvas, Nr. 346 Sich. Div. 281 VII skyriaus veiklos ataskaita, baigoje ant Liudiðkiø kalvos buvo suðaudyti ties virðininkà Pranà Grebliauskà, burmistrà 3181. Jiems pavyko pabëgti 1941 8 29, taèiau parengta 1941 7 27, NARA, RG 242, T 315, vyrai, o po mënesio – likusieji þydai, kurie iki Þukà, kurá turëjo pakeisti partizanø vadas ir 1941 m. gruodá juos vël suèiupo ir dabar jø Roll 1870, l. 522.

74 75 ir daugelio lietuviø valdþios bei policijos parei- Naikinimo dokumentavimas: dai (416 vyrø ir 47 moterys) buvo nuþudyti mø dël aplinkybiø, kuriomis vyko þudynës. Be gûnø pasirengimas bendradarbiauti su vokie- Jägerio ataskaitos ir mirtinas 1941 metø liepos 4 d. Praëjus dviem dienoms to, tiksliai neþinoma, kaip tarpusavyje yra susijæ èiais. Taip pat paþymëtinas daugumai ne þydø smûgis 1941 metø vasaros dar 2 514 þydø buvo suðaudyta kulkosvai- Jägerio ir Stahleckerio pateikti aukø skaièiai. gyventojø bûdingas „prieðiðkas neutralumas“. pabaigoje ir rudená dþiais. Kaþin ar tokias akcijas galima apibû- Nepaisant kai kuriø neiðkumø, be abejo, ga- Nepritarimas ir ánirðis ant sovietø okupantø ðia- dinti pogromø terminu? Savo vëlesnëje (gruo- lima konstatuoti, jog dauguma þudyniø, ku- me regione pasireiðkë dar 1941 m. pavasará, stei- Reivyèio byla ið dalies nuðvieèia þydø su- dþio 1 d.) ataskaitoje Jägeris pabrëþia, kad lie- rios buvo ávykdytos liepos antrosios savaitës giant pirmàsias antisovietines pogrindþio gru- varymà á getus ir jø turto nusavinimà, o Jurbarko pos 4 ir 6 d. þudynes ávykdë lietuviai partizanai pradþioje, tai yra suformavus Hamanno skra- pes. 1941 m. birþelio 13–14 d. vykæ sovietø trë- ir Utenos atvejai detaliai ir ryðkiai atspindi geno- „mano ásakymu ir man vadovaujant“347. Èia jojantá bûrá, savo pobûdþiu labai skyrësi nuo mimai taip pat turëjo pasekmiø – miðkus cido procesà, taip pat ir galutiná dviejø þydø ben- aiðkiai kalbama apie jau minëtas akcijas Kaune. ankstesniøjø. Kita vertus, laikotarpis nuo lie- uþplûdo sukilimui pasirengæ vyrai. druomeniø sunaikinimà. Kita vertus, liûdnai pa- Viskà susumavus, rugsëjo 10 d. ataskaita su- pos pradþios iki rugpjûèio vidurio taip pat bu- Atsiþvelgiant á anksèiau iðkeltà klausimà, garsëjusi Jägerio ataskaita pateikia bendrà Lie- teikia informacijos apie þudynes, vykusias atski- vo kitoks, jeigu palygintume já su „galutinio kieno iniciatyva imta persekioti þydus, Jurbar- tuvos þydø sunaikinimo vaizdà. Skirtingai nuo rose Lietuvos vietovëse; jame ið viso ávardytos 76 sprendimo“, kurio operatyvinës iðtakos atsi- ko ir Utenos palyginimas rodo, kad persekioji- maþai þinomos Lietuvos policijos bylos, parem- 355 aukos348. Savo geriau þinomoje gruodþio 1 d. spindi Reivyèio byloje, pradþia Lietuvoje. Di- mai ir þmogþudystës ðiuose miestuose, nepai- tos ásakymu Nr. 3, Jägerio dokumentai yra vieni genocido buhalterijoje Jägeris ðiek tiek pakeitë dþiosios Lietuvos þydø bendruomenës dalies sant skirtingø sàlygø, ne itin skiriasi. Jurbarke ið daþniausiai cituojamø kaip „galutinio spren- pradiniø þudyniø apibûdinimà, pabrëþdamas, sunaikinimo procesà (þr. 3 lentelæ) ámanoma paprasèiausiai nebuvo vietos paèiø lietuviø dimo“ ðaltiniø. Nors 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. EK kad prieð EK 3 perimant saugumo policijos pa- pradëti suvokti iðanalizavus iðsamiausià þu- iniciatyvai, o Utenoje jos uþteko. Dar prieð pa- 3 ataskaita Berlynui yra geriausiai þinoma, tai reigas 4 000 þydø likvidavo vien partizanai po- dyniø statistikà, kuri pateikiama Jägerio 1941 sirodant vokieèiams Utenoje buvo ávykdytos buvo antrasis pulkininko praneðimas apie Lie- gromø ir þudyniø metu349. Taèiau kyla neaiðku- metø gruodþio mënesio ataskaitoje. kelios þmogþudystës ir iðþaginimai, taèiau áro- tuvoje vykdomà genocidà. Pirmasis paraðytas dymø, kad lietuviai bûtø vadovavæ didelio 1941 m. rugsëjo 10 d., kai þydø naikinimas pro- 3 lentelë masto þydø þudymo kampanijai, nëra. Tam rei- vincijose buvo jau ásisiûbavæs. Jägerio ataskaita: þudynës Lietuvoje350 këjo vokieèiø iniciatyvos ir vadovavimo, taèiau Rugsëjo mënesá Jägeris praneðë, kad „par- naciai vis dëlto galëjo pasikliauti nemaþo skai- tizanai“ pogromø metu sunaikino maþdaug Atsakingi operacijø vykdytojai Praneðtos veiksmø datos Skaièius (aukø kategorijos) èiaus kai kuriø lietuviø valdþios ir policijos 4 000 þydø, ið kuriø 800 þuvo „EK 1b (t. y. SK EK 1b, Klimaitis ir sukilëliai iki 1941 metø liepos 2 d. 4 000 (þydø) atstovø pasirengimu padëti. Daugumai Lietu- 16) operatyvinës veiklos metu“, tai yra prieð partizanai, kiti elementai vos gyventojø atrodë, kad þydai kolektyviai bu- EK 3 ðtabui ásitvirtinant Kaune. Kadangi þu- EK 3 1941 metø liepos 4 d. ir 6 d. 2 977 (þydai) vo netekæ þmogaus teisiø: teisës á asmens, bûs- dynës „Lietûkio“ komplekse, kaip ir þudynës (VII fortas) to ir nuosavybës nelieèiamybæ ir galiausiai tie- Vilijampolëje paskutinæ birþelio savaitæ, ávyko siog teisës gyventi. Dauguma jø tylomis Ehrlingerio vadovavimo metu, tikëtina, kad EK 3 skrajojantis bûrys 1941 metø liepos 7–31 d. 1 260 (þydø) reagavo á vaikø, moterø ir vyrø nuþudymà. To- taip Jägeris apskaièiavo ir Klimaièio bûrio ir 157 (komunistai) kia reakcija sudarë sàlygas vokieèiø okupan- kitø nekontroliuojamø gaivalø nuþudytas au- 2 (lietuviai) 1 (lenkas) tams ir ryþtingai deðiniøjø radikalø maþumai kas. Yra iðlikæ nedaug liudijimø apie tikrus po- 3 (nusikaltëliai) bei pastarajai nepriklausiusiems, taèiau pa- gromus (kalbama apie spontaniðkus gyvento- 1 423 (ið viso) kankamai antisemitiðkai nusiteikusiems parei- jø iðpuolius prieð þydus) po to, kai þudynës gûnams þudyti iðtisas vietos þydø bendruome- buvo vykdomos kontroliuojant SK 1b; todël nes. Kone visais atvejais þudynëse tiesiogiai da- sunku spræsti apie kitø 3 200 þydø sunaikini- 347 Jägeris, 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. ataskaita. lyvaudavo dvi grupës: pirma, nuolatiniai per mà, – jie, kaip praneðama, buvo nuþudyti jau 348 LVOA, f. 3377, ap. 55, b. 60. Originalo, kelias savaites suformuoti ir sistemingai visur po to, kai Jägerio EK 3 perëmë policines funkci- laikomo Centriniame Sovietø armijos archyve vaþinëjantys vokieèiø bei lietuviø policijos þu- jas Kaune. Kadangi nëra þiniø, kad pasibai- Maskvoje, fotostatas. dikø bûriai ir, antra, vietos vieðoji tvarkos poli- gus birþeliui bûtø buvæ pogromø, prilygstanèiø 349 Jägeris, 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. ataskaita. cija ir á pagalbinæ policijà daþnai pereidavæ par- Vilijampolëje birþelio 25–26 d. vykusiø þudy- 350 Paremta Jägerio 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. ataskaita; pataisytos nedidelës skaièiavimo tizanai. Daugeliu atvejø kontrolës ir aukðèiau- niø mastui, labai tikëtina, kad á skaièiø „3 200“ klaidos, padarytos Kauno SD biure, tarp jø ir siàjà ásakymo galià èia turëjo politinë, o ne áskaitomos þudyniø VII forte aukos. Jägeris pra- klaida 3-e puslapyje, kur bendras skaièius policijos vadovybë. neða, kad „EK 3 perëmus vadovavimà“ 463 þy- turëtø bûti ne 47 814 , o 48 014.

76 77 1941 metø rugpjûèio 1–14 d. 4 756 (þydai)351 4 lentelë Jägerio ataskaita: EK 3 ávykdytos þudynës Latvijoje ir Baltarusijoje 28 (komunistai) 2 (lietuviai) Atsakingi operacijø vykdytojai / Vieta Vykdytø operacijø datos Skaièius (aukø kategorijos) 1 (nusikaltëlis) 4 787 (ið viso) EK 3 padalinys 1941 metø liepos 13 d. – 9 012 (þydø) (Daugpilis) rugpjûèio 21 d. 573 (komunistai) EK 3 skrajojanèio bûrio padalinys 1941 metø rugpjûèio 15–31 d.352 32 909 (þydai) 9 585 (ið viso) (Teilkommando) 544 (psichiniai ligoniai) 432 (rusai) EK 3 skrajojantis bûrys 1941 metø rugpjûèio 22 d. 5 (komunistai) 82 (komunistai) (Daugpilis) 5 (latviai) 4 (rusø karo belaisviai) 5 (èigonai) 1 (partizanas) 3 (lenkai) 2 (lenkai) 2 (þydai) 33 974 (ið viso) 1 (rusas) 21 (ið viso) EK 3 skrajojanèio bûrio padalinys 1941 metø rugsëjo 1–15 d.353 28 707 (þydai) 109 (psichiniai ligoniai) EK 3 padalinys 1941 metø rugsëjo 23 d.– 3 031 (þydas) 43 (ne þydai kaimieèiai) (Minskas ir jo apylinkës) spalio 17 d. 19 (komunistø) 1 (vokietis) 3 050 (ið viso) 1 (rusas) 28 861 (ið viso) EK 3 skrajojantis bûrys 1941 metø rugsëjo 16–30 d. 11 671 (þydas) èigonø (sinti ir romø), nusikaltëliø ir sovietø liø apygardos komisariate (iðimties atvejai – 4 (komunistai) karo belaisviø. Strateginë atsakomybë uþ ðià suðaudymai Alytuje, kur þuvo 951 þmogus, ir 11 675 (ið viso) operacijà tenka EG A vadovybei, nors taktinë- Jonavoje, kur þuvo 552 þmonës). Vokieèiø sau- 1941 metø spalio 1–15 d. 10 752 (þydai) mis detalëmis rûpinosi ávairûs skyriai, ypaè gumo policijos vadovybës Kaune duomenimis, 10 752 (ið viso) EK 3 biuras Kaune, bendradarbiaudamas su ðios þudymo kampanijos Ðiauliø apygardoje Lietuvos policijos departamentu ir vietinëmis aukomis per keturias savaites tapo 23 879 þmo- EK/Kauno SP 3 ir SD/Rauca 1941 metø spalio 16–31 d. 18 027 (þydai) civilinëmis institucijomis. Operacijos vadovai 18 027 (ið viso) naciai sëkmingai panaudojo vietinæ darbo jë- EK 3 skrajojantis bûrys 1941 metø lapkrièio 1–15 d. 2 991 (þydai) gà ágyvendindami Lietuvoje „galutinio spren- 351 Skaièiavimo klaidos originale 1941 metø 2 991 (ið viso) dimo“ etapus, susijusius su þydø koncentra- rugpjûèio 13 d. dël veiksmø Alytuje (pateikta 719, turëtø bûti 718). 1941 metø lapkrièio 16–30 d. 4 934 (Vokietijos ir Austrijos þydai) vimu, eksproprijavimu ir sunaikinimu. 352 Átrauktas maþas þudyniø skaièius Raseiniuose Nepaprastai kruopðtø organizavimà, ku- 252 (Lietuvos þydai) ir Rokiðkyje (ðios þudynës ávyko iki 1941 metø 15 (teroristø) riuo pasiþymëjo 1941 metø vasaros pabaigos rugpjûèio vidurio), taip pat ir EK 3 skrajojan- 9 (karo belaisviai) ir rudens þudyniø operacijos, taip pat atspin- èio bûrio veiksmai tarp 1941 metø rugpjûèio 9 (lenkai) di sisteminë genocido geografinë struktûra354. 12 d. ir 1941 metø rugsëjo 1 d. Be to, 1941 1 (vokietis) Teritoriniu aspektu, tai yra pagal atskirus vo- metø rugpjûèio 19 d. Ukmergëje nuþudytø 5 220 (ið viso) kieèiø nustatytus administracinius vienetus, aukø skaièius skiriasi (turëtø bûti 643, o ne 645), ir Joniðkyje nuþudytøjø skaièius rûðiuojant Jägerio ataskaitose nurodytas þmog- padidintas (turëtø bûti 355, o ne 555). Taip Be to, ðalia uþregistruotø aukø paèioje Lie- 118 302 Lietuvos þydus, tai yra þydus, gyve- þudystes, kurios buvo ávykdytos Lietuvos pro- pat yra átrauktas nenustatytas þuvusiø tuvoje, saugumo policija ir SD vadovybë Kau- nusius dabartinës Lietuvos Respublikos teri- vincijose, paaiðkëja, kad ðiame procese, ypaè skaièius Alytuje ir jo apylinkëse 1941 metø ne taip pat buvo atsakingos uþ akcijas Lietu- torijoje. Tai yra uþfiksuotø aukø skaièius, á kurá nuo 1941 m. liepos 28 d., ðalia laipsniðko aukø rugpjûèio 13 d. vos kaimynø teritorijoje – Daugpilyje (Latvijo- neáeina þudynës Latvijoje ir Baltarusijoje, á skaièiaus didëjimo, bûta ir aiðkiø regioniniø 353 Átrauktas nenustatytas aukø skaièius ið veiksmø, ávykdytø 1941 metø rugpjûèio 28 d. je) ir Vakarø Baltarusijoje (þr. 4 lentelæ). Kaunà atveþtø uþsienio pilieèiø þudynës, taip ypatumø. 354 Savo 1941 metø gruodþio mën. ataskaitoje 1941 metø gruodþio 1 d. Jägerio ataskaitoje pat kitø kategorijø aukos, daugiausia komu- Iki 1941 m. rugpjûèio 26 d. Lietuvos pro- Jägeris pabrëþë, kad ðaudymai pirmiausia teigiama, kad naciai ir jø kolaborantai nuþudë nistai ir psichiniai ligoniai, maþesnës grupës vincijø þydø þudynës daugiausia vyko Ðiau- buvo „organizacinis“ klausimas.

78 79 niø. Nuo 1941 m. rugpjûèio 26 d. iki rugsëjo 4 d. ti“ tokio didelio masto þiaurumus, vis dar ið- 5 lentelë iðryðkëjo antrasis masiniø þudyniø ypatumas – lieka daugybë lengviau suvokiamø problemø, 1941metai: Lietuvos þydø sunaikinimas pagal Jägerá Kauno apygardos komisariate per savaitæ þu- kuriø nenagrinëja oficialûs dokumentai ir ku- vo 5 251 þmogus. Nuo 1941 m. rugsëjo 9 d. iki riø, tiesà sakant, gali nepavykti tinkamai pa- Birþelis Liepa Rugpjûèio Rugpjûèio Rugsëjo Rugsëjo Spalio Spalio Lapkrièio Lapkrièio spalio 9 d. vyko didelio masto þudynës Vil- aiðkinti. 1–14 d. 15–31 d. 1–15 d. 16–30 d. 1–15 d. 16–31 d. 1–15 d. 16–30 d. niaus apygardos komisariato Alytaus apskri- Visø pirma, iðkyla klausimø dël skaièiø. Ke- 4 000 4 237 4 756 32 909 28 707 11 671 10 752 18 027 2 991 252 tyje: èia buvo suðaudyta 18 710 þydø. Ðiauliø lios aritmetinës klaidos EK 3 skaièiavimuose apygardos komisariate masiniai ðaudymai vy- yra nereikðmingos. Svarbiau atsakyti á klausi- ko toliau, ir per juos þuvo dar 12 377 aukos. mà, ar pateikti pirmøjø karo dienø aukø skai- mums maþai pasako apie þmones, dalyvavu- sekë pabëgti ið ðalies, dar tebebuvo gyvi, kai Taigi aukø skaièius ten padidëjo iki 36 216. èiai yra ið visos Lietuvos. Jägerio ataskaita ap- sius ávairiuose individualiuose veiksmuose Laikinoji Vyriausybë 1941 metø rugpjûèio 5 d. Taigi galima pastebëti aiðkø eiliðkumà: Ðiau- ima tiktai regionus, kurie buvo EK 3 jurisdikci- 1941 metø vasarà ir rudená, ypaè didesnio oficialiai paskelbë sustabdanti savo veiklà. O liø apygardos komisariatas (nuo 1941 m. liepos joje, iðskyrus veiksmus vakariniuose pasienio masto þudynëse. „Didþioji akcija“ Kaune jau tuo metu, kai Jägeris gruodþio 1 d. baigë 28 d.), Kauno apygardos komisariatas (1941 m. rajonuose (Gargþduose, Kretingoje) ir kelias ki- 1941 metø spalio 28–29 d. nebuvo vien tik rengti savo garsiàjà ataskaità, jau buvo nuþu- rugpjûèio 26 d. – rugsëjo 4 d.) ir Vilniaus apy- tas genocido vietas, tarp jø ir Ðiauliø rajono skrajojanèio bûrio operacija, á jà buvo átrauk- dyta maþiausiai trys ketvirtadaliai Lietuvos gardos komisariatas (1941 m. rugsëjo 9 d. – spa- dalis; be to, á ðià ataskaità neátrauktos kai ku- ta daug lietuviø policijos bataliono persona- þydø. Po 1941 metø vasaros ir rudens þudy- lio 9 d.). Lemtingas lûþis ávyko 1941 m. liepos rios þudynës Vilniuje, pavyzdþiui, liûdnai pa- lo, tad ji þymiai skyrësi nuo maþesniuose niø rugpjûèio viduryje ávyko esminis posû- 26–27 d., kai veiklà pradëjo civilinë valdþia. garsëjusi „Jom Kipuro akcija“. Be to, kyla klau- miesteliuose vykdytø akcijø. Be to, ávairiose kis: pavienës þudymø serijos, tarnavusios ide- Nuo paskutinës 1941 m. liepos savaitës uþ simø dël kai kuriø 1941 metø antràjá pusmetá vietovëse skyrësi vietiniø „partizanø“, papil- ologiniam karui su bolðevizmu, virto genoci- þydø þudynes Lietuvoje buvo atsakinga ir ci- vykdytø akcijø datø tikslumo. domai átrauktø á Hamanno þudymo operaci- do politika, „galutinio sprendimo“ vykdymu vilinë valdþia, ir vokieèiø saugumo policija – Aukø apibûdinimas taip pat reikalingas jas, skaièius. Masinës þudynës, kuriose vo- visoje ðalyje. Kampanijos kulminacija 1941 m. joms vadovaujant buvo nuþudyta 95% Lietu- tam tikrø paaiðkinimø. Neámanoma tiksliai nu- kieèiai sudarë þymià smogiamàjà jëgà, pavyz- spalio 29 d. paþenklinama þiauriausiu ávy- vos þydø. statyti, ypaè akcijø Vilniuje atveju, ar sàraðe dþiui, vokieèiø policijos 65-ojo bataliono ir kiu. Tà dienà naciai ir jø pagalbininkai Kau- Regioninius ypatumus Lietuvos provinci- nurodytos aukos buvo Lietuvos pilieèiai, ar EK 2 atvejis Ðiauliø rajone, nebuvo Jägerio no IX forte suðaudë beveik 10 000 Lietuvos joje galima paaiðkinti tuo, kad saugumo poli- tarp jø esama ir dalies ið tûkstanèiø pabëgëliø, átrauktos apskaièiuojant vokieèiø ir lietuviø þydø355. Niekada Lietuvos þemëje per toká cijos padaliniai (Teilkommandos) ið pradþiø bu- 1939 metais pasitraukusiø ið Lenkijos; todël santyká. trumpà laikà dar nebuvo nuþudyta tiek daug vo priskirti Kauno ir Vilniaus miestams, kur apibûdinant þydø aukø kilmæ statistinëje su- Nepaisant tam tikrø trûkumø, Jägerio ata- þmoniø. jie dalyvavo suvarant á getus didþiàsias þydø vestinëje apibrëþimas „Lietuvos þydai“ gali skaitos, vadinamieji SSRS praneðimai apie 1941 metø genocidas, kruviniausias ðiuo- bendruomenes. Tik po to, kai buvo ásteigti ge- bûti ir netikslus. Árodymø visuma leidþia ma- ávykius (Ereignissmeldungen), Stahleckerio do- laikinës Lietuvos istorijos puslapis, turi uþim- tai – 1941 m. rugpjûèio 15 d. Kaune ir 1941 m. nyti, kad Jägerio ataskaitoje minimi „komunis- kumentai, Reivyèio byla ir kitokia archyvinë ti deramà vietà aptariant ir analizuojant ne tik rugsëjo 6 d. Vilniuje, – policija pradëjo akty- tai“ turbût ne þydai, o daugiausia lietuviai, medþiaga yra svarbiausi ðaltiniai, leidþian- 1941–1944 metø vokieèiø okupacijà, bet ir ap- viau veikti miestø apylinkëse. Ðiauliø miesto nors aukø tautybë ne visada nurodoma. tys nustatyti bendrà þudyniø Lietuvoje eigà. skritai Antrojo pasaulinio karo okupacijas ir þydø bendruomenë, kuri turëjo apie keturis– Dar svarbiau yra tai, kad nustatant þudi- Lietuvos þydø sunaikinimo programos bran- tragedijas. Joks Lietuvos istorijos ávykis nega- penkis tûkstanèius nariø, nebuvo tokia didelë; kø tapatybæ dokumentus, ypaè Jägerio antrà- duolá sudarë intensyvus provincijos þydø lëjo parengti Lietuvos þmoniø tokiai nelaimiø ten suvarymas á getus buvo vykdomas 1941 m. jà ataskaità, reikëtø vertinti atsargiai. Kiti ðal- bendruomenës „valymas“ (Säuberung), kuris naðtai, ypaè turint galvoje þiaurumo mastà: ða- rugpjûèio 22 d. – rugsëjo 1 d., kai regione jau tiniai apskritai patvirtina faktà, kad buvo su- nuo 1941 metø rugpjûèio vidurio iki rugsëjo lies istorijoje nebûta istoriniø paraleliø ar pre- kiekvienà dienà buvo suðaudomi tûkstanèiai burta 8–10 ginkluotø vokieèiø grupë, tapusi vidurio ágijo karðtligiðkø þudyniø mastà. cedentø nei skaièiaus, nei pobûdþio prasme. þydø. Hamanno skrajojanèio bûrio vadovaujanèiu Maþdaug ið 120 000 Lietuvos Respublikos Tai visiðkai aiðku ið þudyniø masto, bet paste- Nors Jägerio ataskaitos, kaip ir kiti opera- branduoliu; bûrys buvo papildytas lietuviais „þydø tautybës pilieèiø“ (taip juos vadino þy- bimas ir kalbos, kurià vartojo þudikai, pasikei- tyviniø grupiø dokumentai, suteikia pagrindà ið neseniai suformuotø TDA daliniø. Neten- dø areðtus vykdæ lietuviø policijos pareigû- bendrai 1941 metø vasarà naciø vykdytø þu- ka abejoti Jägerio teiginiu, kad þudyniø ope- nai), kurie vokieèiø ataskaitose yra áraðyti kaip dymo operacijø sampratai, jie, þinoma, negali racijose dalyvavusiø vokieèiø ir lietuviø san- þuvæ 1941 metø vasarà ir rudená, daugiau nei 355 Faktais pagrástas ávykiø apraðymas, kuris atskleidþia þvëriðkumø siaubà, yra Avrahamo atstoti iðsamios Lietuvoje vykdyto genocido is- tykis yra 1 : 8. Tokie skaièiai atspindi bendrà pusë buvo nuþudyta per ðá keturiø savaièiø Tory’o knygoje Surviving the Holocaust: The torijos. Nenagrinëjant keblaus filosofinio klau- skrajojanèio bûrio struktûrà. Dauguma ðau- laikotarpá (þr. 5 lentelæ). Diary (Cambridge, MA, 1990), simo, ar apskritai ámanoma iki galo „supras- dþiusiøjø buvo lietuviai. Bet ðis santykis Dauguma Lietuvos þydø, kuriems nepasi- p. 43–60.

80 81 timas. 1941 metø rudená aukos jau nebebuvo 4) Lietuvos saugumo policijos agentai ir pa- racijose. Sunku pasakyti, ar ta pagalba buvo 1) pogromai ir pradiniai veiksmai prieð þy- skirstomos á politines, kriminalines ir tautines reigûnai; nepakeièiama, lemtinga?362 Þinoma, nors ge- dus vyrus ir átariamus komunistus, vykdyti 1941 kategorijas: dabar daugumos aukø nusikalti- 5) didelë dalis Lietuvos civilinës administ- nocidui ir reikëjo tvirtos administracinës in- metø birþelio pabaigoje ir liepos pradþioje; mas tebuvo vienas – jos gimë þydais356. racijos, vadinamosios savivaldos, tiek laikini frastruktûros, kai kurie anksèiau iðvardytø or- 2) organizuotos pavienës þudyniø operaci- pirmøjø okupacijos savaièiø organai, tiek vë- ganizacijø daliniai masinëse egzekucijose vai- jos nuo liepos pradþios iki rugpjûèio pabaigos; liau susikûrusios nuolatinës institucijos. dino neproporcingai svarbø vaidmená. Èia 3) „galutinio sprendimo“ ágyvendinimas pro- Genocido proceso apþvalga: Aukðèiausiosios Lietuvos civilinës valdþios kalbama apie Klimaièio gaujà pirmosiomis ka- vincijose ir didesniuose miestuose nuo rugpjû- genocido institucijos ir etapai nuo 1941 metø birþelio pabaigos iki rugpjûèio ro dienomis, taip pat apie Hamanno skrajo- èio vidurio iki 1941 metø lapkrièio pabaigos, iðli- pradþios, Lietuvos Laikinosios Vyriausybës ir jantá bûrá ir liûdnai pagarsëjusá ypatingàjá bû- kusiø miestieèiø þydø suvarymas á getus; 1941 metø vasaros ir rudens þudyniø jos padalinio – Vilniaus pilieèiø komiteto vaid- rá Vilniuje. Daug daugiau lietuviø tautybës pa- 4) periodinës arba vienkartinës atrankos ir operacijoms pirmiausia vadovavo EK 3 ðtabas muo ðiame naikinimo procese buvo netiesiogi- galbininkø dalyvavo pavieniuose veiksmuose getø naikinimas 1942–1944 metais364. Kaune. Ribotas personalo skaièius, kuriuo dis- nis, taèiau vis dëlto prieðtaringas. Laikinosios arba atliko antraeilius uþdavinius: saugojo su- Ðie holokausto Lietuvoje etapai, nors ir nau- ponavo saugumo policija ir SD, trûkumà kom- Vyriausybës dviprasmiðkà pozicijà lëmë pa- laikytuosius, kontroliavo þudyniø operacijø dingi kaip gairës siekiant suprasti bendrà chro- pensavo vokieèiø ir lietuviø ástaigø bendradar- radoksali politinë painiava, kurioje ji buvo at- zonà ir gaudë besislapstanèius þydus. nologijà, ávykiø sekà ir genocido pobûdþio kai- biavimas ir teikiama pagalba – tai padëjo pa- sidûrusi: Vyriausybë pasiskelbë aukðèiausià- Neskaitant sovietø karo belaisviø ir kitø ka- tà naciø okupacijos metais, iki galo neatspindi spartinti þydø tapatybës nustatymà, turto ja valdþia, taèiau jos realios galimybës valdyti tegorijø aukø ið uþsienio363, per naciø ir jø ko- sudëtingø ir daþnai chaotiðkø ávykiø. Oficia- konfiskavimà, þydø surinkimà ir galiausiai su- kraðtà buvo labai ribotos. Kita vertus, Laikino- laborantø Lietuvoje vykdytà genocidà þuvo be- lûs dokumentai negali perteikti mirti pasmerk- naikinimà. Vokieèiø institucijos, kurios naiki- sios Vyriausybës ir LAF vieðai iðreikðtos anti- veik ketvirtis milijono ðalies gyventojø, dau- tø aukø siaubo ir atskleisti, kas dëjosi þudikø nimo operacijø metu suteikë vokieèiø saugu- semitinës pozicijos buvo gerai þinomos. LAF giausia þydø. Ðis naikinimo procesas gali bûti ðirdyse. Kita vertus, jie padeda apþvelgti tai, mo policijai ir SD reikiamà paramà, paþymëti- iðmuðus iðlaisvinimo valandai paskelbë, kad suskirstytas á kelis savo tikslais, mastais ir me- be ko þudynës negalëjo virsti „galutiniu spren- nos tokios: þydai ir bolðevizmas yra tas pat36057. Vilniuje todais daugiau ar maþiau aiðkiai iðsiskirian- dimu“, – daþnai bejausmá, taèiau visuomet biu- 1) Vermachtas, daugiausia karo lauko ko- leidþiama „Naujoji Lietuva“ ir provincijos laik- èius etapus. Tai buvo: rokratiðkà genocido politikos funkcionavimà. mendantûros ir saugumo divizijos; raðèiai skelbë dar radikalesnes antiþydiðkas 2) vokieèiø policijos batalionai, pirmiausia tezes. Visapusiðkas Laikinosios Vyriausybës 11-asis ir 65-asis; antisemitinës pasaulëþiûros dokumentas – tai 3) kitos policijos institucijos, tiek civilinës, 1941 metø rugpjûèio 1 d. „Þydø padëties nuo- tiek karinës (pavyzdþiui, kriminalinë policija statø“ pirmasis variantas358. Taèiau Ministrø ir karo lauko þandarmerijà); kabinetas, nors ir patvirtino potvarkius dël þy- 4) vokieèiø civilinë administracija. dø izoliavimo ir turto konfiskavimo, vengë pri- 356 Iðsami 1941 metø vasaros ir rudens ávykiø 361 Þr. Truska, „Ir atleisk mums mûsø tëvø bei Vokieèiø holokausto strategijos formavimo tarti organizuotoms þudynëms. Matydami ne- apþvalga – tai áþanga knygai: Alfonsas seneliø nuodëmes: apie holokaustà Lietuvoje Eidintas, Lietuvos þydø þudyniø byla: 1941 m.“, Eidintas, Byla, p. 671. organai á þydø sunaikinimo procesà taip pat atsakingus veiksmus, Laikinosios Vyriausybës dokumentø ir straipsniø rinkinys (Vilnius, 2001), 362 Vokieèiø 101-ojo policijos bataliono patirtis átraukë tam tikrà skaièiø Lietuvos sukarintø, nariai aiðkiai jautësi nepatogiai; jie buvo netgi p. 83–279. Puikià trumpà apþvalgà galima Lenkijoje rodo, kad naciai sugebëjo sunaikinti policijos ir administracijos organizacijø. Ho- ðokiruoti359. Vyriausybës nariai pabrëþë, nors rasti Joachimo Tauberio darbe „‘Juden, daug þmoniø ir be didesnio vietiniø institucijø lokauste dalyvavo: ir ne vieðai, savo atsiribojimà nuo Klimaièio Eure Geschichte auf litauischen Boden ist bendradarbiavimo. Þr. Browning, Ordinary 1) nereguliariøjø pajëgø elementai, kurie kû- bûrio ir kitø nekontroliuojamø partizanø; jie zu Ende!’ Litauen und der Holocaust im Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final rësi spontaniðkai arba greitai susiorganizavo ið- skelbë vieðus papeikimus, kuriuose smerkë ása- Jahr 1941“, Osteuropa, 9/10 (2002), Solution in Poland (New York, 1991). p. 1346–1360. 363 Apie þuvusius sovietø karo belaisvius ir kart karui prasidëjus, – tarp jø tokie, kaip liûdnai kymø nesilaikanèiuosius ir linèo teismà360. 357 Á laisvæ, 1941 birþelio 24. evakuotus asmenis þr. Dieckmanno darbà: pagarsëjæs Klimaièio bûrys ir kiti partizanai; Kaip jau minëta, tiktai vienas vadovybës na- 358 Þr. LLV, p. 135–137. „Alytus 1941–1944: Massenmorde in einer 2) TDA, vëliau pervadinto á savisaugos ba- rys, Laikinosios Vyriausybës ryðininkas su vo- 359 Þr. LLV, birþelio–liepos mën. protokolus. Kleinstadt. Ein Fallbeispiel deutscher Besat- talionai, istorinëje, literatûroje daþnai vadina- kieèiais istorikas Zenonas Ivinskis, pasiûlë 360 Þr. LLV, p. 9–18; Á? laisvæ, 1941 liepos 24 d. zungspolitik in Litauen“, Lithuanian Foreign mi Schutzmannschaften; konkreèiai ir vieðai pasmerkti þiaurumus þy- Taip pat teigiama, kad du Lietuvos Policy Review, 2/8 (2001), p. 89–102. generolai bandë sutramdyti Klimaitá. 364 Pagrindinë schema yra apibûdinta Yitzhako 3) Kaune esanti Policijos departamento ir dø atþvilgiu361. Apie tai raðoma Budreckio knygoje Arado darbe „The ‘Final Solution’ in Lithuania davadovybë ir didelë dalis vietinës policijos, Nëra jokiø abejoniø, kad lietuviai kolabo- The Lithuanian National Revolt of 1941 in the Light of German Documentation“, Yad atkurtos sovietams pasitraukus; rantai vaidino svarbø vaidmená genocido ope- (Boston, 1968), p. 63. Vashem Studies, 11 (1976), p. 234–272.

82 83 Ðaltiniai ir literatûra Collections: T. 175, T. 315, M1178 Yad Vashem Archives – Jerusalem O 71/163

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86 87 Jäckel, Eberhard und Jürgen Rohwer. Der Mord den Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Zweite Aufe. Frank- Pohl, Dieter. Holocaust. Die Ursachen, das Geschehen, die Folgen. Freiburg, 2000. furt, 1987. Pohl, Dieter. Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Organisation und Kangeris, Kûrlis. „Kollaboration vor der Kollaboration? Die baltischen Emigranten und ihre ‘Befrei- Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens. München, 1996. ungskomitees’ in Deutschland 1940/41“, in Röhr, Werner, Hg. Okkupation und Kollaboration (1938– Rakûnas, A. Lietuvos liaudies kova prieð hitlerinæ okupacijà. Vilnius, 1970. 1945). Beiträge zu Konzepten und Praxis der Kollaboration in der deutschen Okkupationspolitik, Bd. 1: Reitlinger, Gerald. Die Endlösung. Hitlers Versuch der Ausrottung der Juden Europas 1939-1945, Berlin Europa unter Hakenkreuz. Berlin/Heidelberg, 1994, S. 165–190. 1979 (Pirmoji angliðkoji laida, 1953). Kibelka, Ruth. „Die Morde von Rainiai und Pravieniðkës“, in Benz, Wolfgang and Marion Neiss, Hgs., Rudis, Gediminas. „Jungtinis antismetoninës opozicijos sàjûdis 1938–1939 metais,“ in Lietuvos istorijos Judenmord in Litauen. Studien und Dokumente. Berlin, 1999, S. 91–95. metraðtis 1996. Vilnius, 1997, p. 185–215. Klein, Dennis B., ed. Hidden History of the Kovno Ghetto. New York, 1997. Rhodes, Richard. Masters of Death: The SS-Einsatzgruppen and the Invention of the Holocaust. New York, 2002. Klein, Peter, Hg. Die Einsatzgruppen in der besetzten Sowjetunion 1941/42. Die Tätigkeits- und Lageberich- Rossino, Alexander B. Hitler Strikes Poland: Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity. Lawrence, KS, 2003. te des Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD. Berlin, 1997. Rukðënas, Kazys. Hitlerininkø politika Lietuvoje 1941–1944 metais. Vilnius, 1970. (Rankraðtis.) Krakowski, Shmuel, „Neue Möglichkeiten der Forschung. Die Holocaust-Forschung und die Archive in Osteuropa“, Bettelheim, Peter, Silvia Prohning und Robert Streibel, Hgs. Antisemitismus in Osteuropa. Rukðënas, Kazys i Sinkevièius, V. „Litva pod vlastyu gitlerovskich palachei,“ in Gitlerovskaja okupacija v Aspekte einer historischen Kontinuität. Vienna, 1992, S. 115–131. Litve: sbornik statei. Vilnius, 1966, S. 85–181. Krausnick, Helmut, „Hitler und die Befehle an die Einsatzgruppen im Sommer 1941“, in Der Mord, S. Sandkühler, Thomas. ‘Endlösung’ in Galizien. Der Judenmord in Ostpolen und die Rettungsinitiativen von 88–106. Berthold Beitz 1941–1944. Bonn, 1996. Krausnick, Helmut und Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm. Die Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges: Die Einsat- Stang, Knut. Kollaboration und Massenmord. Die litauische Hilfspolizei, das Rollkommando Hamann und die zgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD. Stuttgart, 1981. Ermordung der litauischen Juden. Frankfurt, 1996. Levin, Dov. The Litvaks: A Short History of the Jews in Lithuania. Jerusalem, 2000. Stankeras, Petras. Lietuviø policija 1941–1944 metais. Vilnius, 1998. Lithuania, Crime & Punishment, vol. 5 (January 1995). Tel Aviv, 1995. Streim, Alfred. „Zur Eröffnung des allgemeinen Judenvernichtungsbefehls gegenüber den Einsat- zgruppen“, Der Mord, S. 107–119. Longerich, Peter. „Vom Massenmord zur ‘Endlösung’. Die Erschießungen von jüdischen Zivilisten in den ersten Monaten des Ostfeldzuges im Kontext des nationalsozialistischen Massenmordes“, Streit, Christian. „Ostkrieg, Antibolschewismus und ‘Endlösung’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, No.17 Bernd, Wegner, Hg. Zwei Wege nach Moskau. Vom Hitler-Stalin Pakt bis zum ‘Unternehmen Barbaros- (1991), S. 242–255. sa’. München, 1991, S. 251–274. ðuras, Grigorijus. Uþraðai: Vilniaus geto kronika 1941–1944, vert. Nijolë Kvaraciejûtë ir Algimantas Longerich, Peter. Politik der Vernichtung. Eine Gesamtdarstellung der nationalsozialistischen Judenverfol- Antanavièius. Vilnius, 1997. gung. München/Zürich, 1998. Suþiedëlis, Saulius. „Foreign Saviors, Native Disciples: Collaboration in Lithuania, 1940–1945“, in MacQueen, Mike. „The Context of Mass Destruction: Agents and Prerequisites of the Holocaust in Gaunt, David, Paul A. Levine, Paul A. and Laura Palosuo, eds. Collaboration and Resistance During Lithuania“, in Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 12 (1998), S. 27–48. the Holocaust: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania. Berlin, 2004. Mallmann, Klaus-Michael, „Die Türöffner der ‘Endlösung’. Zur Genesis des Genozids“, Paul, Gerhard Truska, Liudas. „Lietuvos valdþios ástaigø rusifikavimas 1940–1941 m.“, Lietuvos gyventojø genocido ir and Mallmann, Klaus-Michael, Hg. Die Gestapo im Zweiten Weltkrieg. ‘Heimatfront’ und besetztes rezistencijos tyrimo institutas. Darbai, Nr. 1 (1996), p. 3–28. Europa. Darmstadt, 2000, S. 437–463. Truska, Liudas. „Ir atleisk mûsø tëvø ir seneliø nuodëmes“, Kultûros barai, Nr. 5 (1999), p. 65. Maslauskienë, Nijolë. „Lietuvos komunistø tautinë ir socialinë sudëtis 1939 m. pabaigoje - 1940 m. Tauber, Joachim. „Garsden, 24. Juni 1941“, in Annaberger Annalen, No. 5 (1997), S. 117–134. rugsëjo mën.“, Genocidas ir rezistencija, Nr. 1/5 (1999), p. 77–104. Überschär, Gerd R. und Lev. A. Bezymenskii, Hgs. Der deutsche Angriff auf die Sowjetunion 1941. Die Maslauskienë, Nijolë. „Lietuvos komunistø sudëtis 1940 spalio–1941 birþelio mën.“, Genocidas ir Kontroverse um die Präventivkriegsthese. Darmstadt, 1998. rezistencija, Nr. 2/6 (1999), p. 20–46. Vaintraubas, Saliamonas, sud., Garaþas: aukos, budeliai, stebëtojai. Vilnius, 2002. Matthaeus, Jürgen, „Jenseits der Grenze. Die ersten Massenerschießungen von Juden in Litauen (Juni – Wildt, Michael. Generation des Unbedingten. Das Führungskorps des Reichssicherheits-hauptamtes. August 1941)“, Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, Nr. 44 (1996), S. 101–117. Hamburg, 2002. Mayer, Arno J. Der Krieg als Kreuzzug. Das Deutsche Reich, Hitlers Wehrmacht und die ‘Endlösung’. Yahil, Leni. Die Shoah. Überlebenskampf und Vernichtung der europäischen Juden. München, 1998. (Pirmo- Reinbek, 1989 (Pirmoji laida: New York, 1988). ji hebrajiðkoji laida, 1987). Nemenèiuk, Yitzhak. „VII. Fort,“ in Fun Letzte Churbn, H.7 (1948), S. 58–70. Zizas, Rimantas. „Lietuvos pilieèiø neþydø persekiojimas, civiliø gyventojø þudynës“, in Dickmann, Ogorreck, Ralf. Die Einsatzgruppen und die ‘Genesis der Endlösung’. Berlin, 1996. Christoph, Vytautas Toleikis, Rimantas Zizas. Karo belaisviø ir civiliø gyventojø þudynës Lietuvoje Pinkas ha-Kehilot. Lita: Entsiklopedia shel ha-Yishuvim min Hivasdam ve-ad le-ahar Shoat Milhemet ha-Olam 1941–1944 = Murders of Prisoners of War and of Civilan Population in Lithuania 1941–1944. Vilnius, 2005, ha-Sheniyah. Jerusalem, 1996. p. 75–157.

88 89 Santrumpos NARA National Archives Record Administration (Nacionalinë archyvø registro administracija) NSDAP National-Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (Nacionalsocialistinë vokieèiø darbininkø partija) OK Ortskommandantur (Vietinë komendantûra) OKW Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (Vyriausioji vermachto vadovybë) Ord. Ordner (Aplankas) RM Reichsmark (Reichsmarkë) RSHA Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Vyriausioji Reicho saugumo valdyba) SD Sicherheitsdienst der SS (Saugumo tarnyba) Sich. Div. Sicherungsdivision (Apsaugos divizija) Sipo Sicherheitspolizei (Saugumo policija) SK (Ypatingasis bûrys) SS Schutzstaffeln (Apsaugos bûriai) StA Staatsanwaltschaft (Prokuratûra) SWC-Jerusalem Simon-Wiesenthal-Center Jerusalem (Simono Vyzentalio Jeruzalëje) TDA-Bataillon Tautinio darbo apsaugos batalionas VO Verbindungsoffizier (Ryðiø karininkas ) Abt. Abteilung (skyrius, dalis) YVA Yad Vashem Archives AO Abwehroffizier (Abvero karininkas) ZStL Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen zur Aufklärung von NS-Verbrechen AOK Armeeoberkommando (Vyriausioji armijos vadovybë) in Ludwigsburg (Federaliniø þemiø justicijos administracijos centro valdyba Liudvigsburge naciø nusikaltimams iðaiðkinti) BA Bundesarchiv (Federalinis archyvas) BA-MA Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv Freiburg/Breisgau (Freiburgo/Breisgau Federalinis archyvas ir karo archyvas) Bl. Blatt (lapas) EG Einsatzgruppe (Operatyvinë grupë) EK Einsatzkommando (Operatyvinis bûrys) EM Ereignismeldung (Praneðimas apie ávykius) GARF Ãîñóäàðñòâåííûé àðõèâ Ðîññèéñêîé Ôåäåðàöèè (Rusijos Federacijos valstybinis archyvas) GK Generalkommissar[iat] (Generalinis komisaras/komisariatas) HStA Hauptstaatsarchiv (Pagrindinis valstybës archyvas) Ia Generalinio ðtabo karininkas (ne maþesnio dalinio kaip divizija), operatyviniø veiksmø skyriaus vadas Ic Generalinio ðtabo karininkas (ne maþesnio dalinio kaip divizija), informacinës tarnybos karininkas (prieðo padëtis), saugumo reikalai IMG Internationaler Militärgerichtshof (Tarptautinis karo tribunolas) KdS Kommandeur der Sicherheitspolizei (Saugumo policijos vadas) KTB Kriegstagebuch (Karo dienoraðtis) LAF Lietuviø aktyvistø frontas LCVA Lietuvos centrinis valstybës archyvas LV Laikinoji Vyriausybë LVVA Latvijas Valsts Vçstures Archîvs (Latvijos valstybinis istorijos archyvas)

90 91 The Presecution and Mass Murder of Lithuanian Jews during Summer and Fall of 1941

SOURCES AND ANALYSIS

92 93 FOREWORD

94 95 , four battalion-sized THE PERSECUTION AND MASS Einsatzgruppen were provided with special instructions for the liquidation of elements MURDER OF LITHUANIAN JEWS hostile to the Reich. The subsequent mass murders organized, encouraged and DURING SUMMER AND commanded by these special operations units far exceeded in scope the actions previously FALL OF 1941: carried out in Poland.2 The chief of the RSHA (Reichsicherheitshauptamt), the main Reich SOURCES AND ANALYSIS Security Office, , issued a secret directive which made it clear that the action groups were to concentrate their firepower on Communists and Jews in the Preface. service of the [Soviet] Party and Government, Background to Invasion

1 As one American scholar notes, “...Nazi plans for The persecution and killing of the the war of destruction, when seen in the light Jews began within hours of the Nazi invasion of the past Nazi record in Poland, implied nothing less than the genocide of Soviet Jewry” of Lithuania. By the end of June, within a week [emphasis in original]. Christopher R. of the outbreak of the war, Jews already Browning, “From ‘Ethnic Cleansing’ to constituted a conspicuously large number, if Genocide to the ‘Final Solution’,” in the not the majority, of civilians killed during the author’s collection of essays, Nazi Policy, initial phase of the German-Soviet conflict. Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge, Furthermore, with the exception of real and 2000), 25. 2 The standard scholarly work is Helmut alleged Communists and Soviet collaborators, Krausnick and Hans-Heinrich Wilhelm, Die no other group endured such egregious public Truppe des Weltanschauungskrieges: Die humiliation. Einsatzgruppen der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD Of the many factors instrumental in (Stuttgart, 1981), see esp. 19–31 on the origins fomenting the violence, the most important was of the EG and 32 ff. on the Polish campaign. A recent popular narrative of the action groups’ the fact that the Nazis had decided to conduct role in the Eastern campaign is Richard as a war of extermination Rhodes, Masters of Death: The SS- (Vernichtungskrieg) fundamentally different Einsatzgruppen and the Invention of the from the military campaigns of the Western Holocaust (New York, 2002). The best recent front.1 Militarized special police units under overview of the activities of the the command of the Security Police and SD, Einsatzgruppen is Peter Klein (ed.), Die Einsatzgruppen in der besetzten Sowjetunion the notorious Einsatzgruppen (EG), were 1941/42. Die Tätigkeits- und Lageberichte des formed to conduct “cleansing” operations in Chefs der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD (Berlin, the areas occupied by the German Army. 1997). New documents and insights into the Similar “action groups” had been utilized Polish campaign are presented by Alexander during the Nazis’ Polish campaign to carry out B. Rossino, Hitler Strikes Poland: Blitzkrieg, Ideology, and Atrocity (Lawrence, KS, 2003) killings of Polish intelligentsia and conduct and Michael Wildt, Generation des Unbedingten. mass resettlement operations. In the spring of Das Führungskorps des Reichssicherheits- 1941, on the eve of the German invasion of the hauptamtes (Hamburg, 2002), 419–485.

96 97 without specifically endorsing a program of potential collaborators for successful anti- Office. Since early 1938, the so-called RM) “mainly for carrying out the pogroms of total destruction. Purges of Communists and Communist and anti-Jewish “cleansing” Voldemarists (the radical wing of the Jews,” the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Jews by anti-Soviet locals were to be secretly operations.4 Nationalists party named after its leader responded that this would be pointless as the encouraged without leaving any trace Nazi influence on the developments in Augustinas Voldemaras) attempted to acquire Lithuanian Government had “for some time (allerdings spurenlos) of the German role. A more Lithuania was enhanced by the fact that funds and arms from Germany.6 Meanwhile, been successfully working to exclude the Jews thorough documented examination of the certain elements of prewar Lithuania’s security the German side was not yet convinced that from Lithuanian economy,” and so the Jews security police directives is provided below. services and right-wing opposition to Smetona these radicals could play an important role in were not able to play any role in the public life Geography planted Lithuania in the had actively sought German assistance. After Lithuanian politics, only occasionally of Lithuania. In the German view, “organising forefront of the Nazi invasion, exposing the the annexation of the Klaipëda region in early allocating them a few hundred Reichsmarks pogroms” might interfere with the favorable country to its full impact, including the 1939, the long collaboration between the in order to maintain an uninterrupted flow of developments, such as the growing emigration operations of the mobile killing units. German and Lithuanian security police grew useful information. The radically anti-Polish of the Jews.7 Heydrich also agreed that the Furthermore, the country’s social, economic more intense, and acquired an anti-Polish and anti-Semitic Voldemarists stood for Voldemarists should be given some money but and political situation in 1941 provided, in direction. In the first part of 1940 high-ranking German and Lithuanian cooperation, and no arms. retrospect, a suitable venue for the conduct of Lithuanian Security Police officials visited campaigned against all parties. Their ranks There is no easy way to determine to what the war of annihilation in general, and for Berlin. For example, after the Soviet invasion, included a number of officers. The group’s extent German encouragement inspired local Heydrich’s plan to involve the local population the Security Deputy Chief Bortkevièius and the minimum consensus was related to anti- violence towards Jews or to what degree this in the Nazis’ “cleansing” operations in Security Inspector Meðkauskas fled to Berlin.5 Semitic activities – they bragged about carrying was the result of politically and ethnically particular. Lithuania’s Jewish community was In addition, there were further contacts out all the previous excesses against the Jews. motivated spontaneous outbreaks. Certainly, renowned throughout the world for its between the Lithuanian radical right and the When in June 1939, the Voldemarists asked for both factors played their part. The first days of vigorous cultural and political life, but Soviet German Security Police as well as the Foreign the large sum of 100,000 Litas (about 41,000 the German invasion, one of the most chaotic rule had considerably amplified already existing Jewish-Lithuanian tensions. There are numerous reports of political conflicts and 3 A typical incident in Trakai is reported in, Frome, Some Dare to Dream: Frieda Frome’s Saviors, Native Disciples: Perspectives on social altercations, some of them violent.3 The Vilnius Security Police District Bulletin, No. Escape from Lithuania (Ames, IA, 1988), 7, 10, Collaboration in Lithuania, 1940–1945,” in geopolitical orientations of the two 140, A. Mickevièius Report, 11 July 1940, and Harry Gordon, The Shadow of Death: David Gaunt, Paul A. Levine and Laura Lietuvos centrinis valstybës archyvas Holocaust in Lithuania (Lexington, KY, 1992), Palosuo, eds., Collaboration and Resistance During communities were diametrically opposed. Most (Lithuanian Central State Archive, henceforth – 11–12 as well as the report of the American the Holocaust: Belarus, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania Jews saw the Soviets as the lesser of two evils, LCVA), F. 378, Ap. 10, b. 399, l. 621. Cf. State envoy to Kaunas, U. S. National Archives (Berlin, 2004), 311–341. On anti-Semitism before while, for many Lithuanians, the only realistic Security Department Bulletin No. 217, 5 (henceforth – NARA), M1178, Roll 19, Norem June 1941 see also the report commissioned by hope for liberation from Stalin’s tyranny lay in August 1940, LCVA, F. 378, Ap. 10, b. 225, l. to State, 17 July 1940, 860.00/464. An the ICECSNOR: Liudas Truska and Vygandas a Soviet-German conflict. The political 788. There was a highly charged controversy extensive recent overview of Jewish-Lithuanian Vareikis, Holokausto prielaidos: antisemitizmas over the attempt to transform the Kaunas relations during the first Soviet occupation is Lietuvoje. The Preconditions for the Holocaust: Anti- dynamics of the first year of Soviet rule Theological Seminary into a Jewish hospital, as Alfonsas Eidintas, Þydai, lietuviai ir holokaustas Semitism in Lithuania (Vilnius, 2004), esp. 69ff. encouraged a widespread anti-Semitic illusion in Vincentas Brizgys, Katalikø baþnyèia Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 2002), 125 ff. See also Liudas 5 RSHA (Abt. VI) to Foreign Office, 20 December that Lithuania was ruled by the Jews, while 1940–1944 metais (Chicago, 1977), 25-26 and Truska, “Lietuvos valdþios ástaigø 1941, Klimaitis File, Stelle der Landesjustiz- the specter of Judeo-Bolshevism was further Klemensas Jãra, Monsinjoras (Brooklyn, NY, rusifikavimas 1940–1941 m.,” Lietuvos Verwaltungen zur Verfolgung von NS- cultivated by the anti-Jewish propaganda of 1979), 66; also cf. Vincas Krëvë, Bolðevikø gyventojø genocido ir rezistencijos tyrimo Gewaltverbrechen in Ludwigsburg (henceforth – the Lithuanian Activist Front (LAF), the most invazija ir liaudies vyriausybë (Vilnius, 1992) 29- institutas. Darbai, 1 (1996), 3–28; cf. Nijolë ZStL), II 207 AR-Z 41/83, Bd. 2, 284–285. 30. On public perceptions of Jewish power, see Maslauskienë, “Lietuvos komunistø tautinë ir 6 See Trials of the Major War Criminals before the important of the anti-Soviet resistance groups. the report in Lietuvos ypatingasis archyvas socialinë sudëtis 1939 m. pabaigoje – 1940 m. International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg Finally, the wrenching Stalinist occupation (Lithuanian Special Archive, henceforth – rugsëjo mën.”, Genocidas ir rezistencija, No. 1/5 (henceforth – IMT) (Nuremberg, 1949), xxxi, culminated in the sudden and traumatic LYA), F. 1771, Ap. 1, b. 280, l. 153–154. On (1999), 77–104, as well as her follow-up 385–391. See also: Gediminas Rudis, deportations of nearly 18,000 Lithuanian the anti-Semitic mood which resulted in a riot study, “Lietuvos komunistø sudëtis 1940 “Jungtinis antismetoninës opozicijos sàjûdis citizens only days before the German attack. in Marijampolë in late June 1940 see Kazys spalio–1941 birþelio mën.”, in Genocidas ir 1938–1939 metais,” in Lietuvos istorijos Ðkirpa’s memo of 1 July 1940, Hoover rezistencija, No. 2/6 (1999), 20–46. metraðtis 1996 (Vilnius, 1997), 185–215. On the face of it, then, in view of the growing Institution, Turauskas Collection, CSUZ 4 See Valentinas Brandiðauskas, Siekiai atkurti 7 On 2 July 1939 Foreign Minister Ribbentrop anti-Semitism and escalating political tensions, 75015-A, courtesy of Prof. Alfred E. Senn. Lietuvos valstybingum¹ (1) 940 06 – 1941 09 ordered a payment of 2,000–3,000 RM per Lithuania appeared as a fertile source of Also see Jewish accounts, for example, Frieda (Vilnius, 1996); cf. Saulius Suþiedëlis, “Foreign quarter. IMT, xxxi, 385.

98 99 intervals in the nation’s twentieth-century its military commandants, the Wehrmacht the Soviet war effort by hunting down real and Victims of violence history, present the most difficult, complex, announced that it claimed supreme authority. alleged anti-Soviet elements. Such clashes and during the initial phase and controversial aspect of the German The violence of the June days of rage was a altercations cannot properly be termed of the nazi-soviet war occupation of Lithuania. The initial killings of many-sided beast. In contrast to the mass pogroms, war crimes or crimes against Jews, as well as a considerable number of real annihilation of Lithuania’s Jews in the late humanity, even if Jews were killed in the From an analytical point of view, a and alleged Gentile Communists, occurred summer and fall of 1941, the initial anti-Jewish process. (More precise documentation on the distinction should be drawn between the against an exceedingly turbulent and confused attacks and pogroms were embedded in a categories of victims during the first days of systematic shooting of Jews and pogroms. The background. The mood of a large part, if not broader canvass of death which, particularly the invasion, especially of the Nazis and their concept of pogrom is understood here as a the majority, of the ethnic Lithuanian populace in Lithuania and Ukraine, included Gentile collaborators, is provided below.) collective violent attack directed against the induced many people to give the German unfortunates of various categories. In some Nonetheless, there is ample evidence that Jews simply because they are Jews, that is, anti- invaders a friendly reception, an attitude that instances, German troops gunned down ethnic Jews were singled out for especially harsh Semitic violence inflicted on the people one of the chroniclers of the Vilnius ghetto, Lithuanians, including even some anti-Soviet retaliation. First, the rhetoric of the LAF, the themselves, their lives and property, including Gregory Shur, found easy to understand: partisans.9 For their part, the Red Army, NKVD various agencies of the insurrectionist acts of public humiliation. Whereas the When the war broke out, this [Soviet] and Communist activists massacred over a authorities, and the Germans themselves purpose of a pogrom in its violent form often deportation created a lot of difficulty for the thousand people, most notably at Pravieniðkës, unambiguously equated Bolshevism with functions as a means of terror and intimidation, Red Army and also affected the behavior of Rainiai woods and Chervene (Belarus). In , placing the onus for the crimes of the the execution-style shootings as carried out in local inhabitants when the Germans arrived. addition to rebel attacks on the Soviet army, Stalinist regime against the Lithuanian people a systematic manner, as witnessed in Many locals considered the Germans their real the fighting among pro-Soviet and anti-Soviet squarely at the feet of the country’s largely Lithuania in the summer of 1941, have, as their or potential saviors from the inescapable irregulars caused casualties and led to vigilante conservative and religious Jewish community. goal, the destruction of life itself. These actions deportations. Thus the occupiers found many killings of enemies. As local anti-Soviet While difficult to quantify, the surging anti- need not take place in public. However, the new people who sympathized with them, and partisans and officials replaced Soviet Semitism of the 1930s among significant soon even found helpers who diligently carried authority, thousands of real and alleged segments of the population contributed to the out actions planned by them.8 Communists and pro-Soviet sympathizers dangerous anti-Jewish animus. 8 Grigorijus Ðuras, Uþraðai: Vilniaus geto kronika The mass desertion of Lithuanian Red were detained.10 Personal scores were settled; The events of the summer and fall of 1941 1941–1944. trans. Nijolë Kvaraciejûtë and Algimantas Antanavièius (Vilnius, 1997), 23. Army soldiers from the 29th Territorial there were acts of revenge, looting and rape.11 in Lithuania must be situated within the See also the recent account in Laimonas Riflemen’s Corps, some of whom had attacked A former deputy of the People’s Diet, the context not only of contemporary Lithuanian Noreika, “Mano 1941–1942 metai,” in Metai, their Russian officers, created a reservoir of Lithuanian Liudas Dovydënas was himself realities and the outbreak of the war, but also 5–6 (2001), 151–163. embittered men. A number of them ended up arrested and held with a large number of Jews. within the development of Nazi policy towards 9 Arûnas Bubnys, Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva serving in auxiliary police formations during In a memoir which captures the atmosphere of the Jews. A number of important problems of (Vilnius, 1998), 70; cf. Rimantas Zizas, the Nazi occupation. More than any other the time, he recalled that when the German- terminology, method and sources must be “Persecution of non-Jewish Citizens of Lithuania, Murder of Civilian Population,” factor, the rapid advance of the German forces, Soviet war broke out, “some were seized by a addressed, which would assist us in Christoph Dieckmann, Vytautas Toleikis, as well as the initial refusal of Soviet security passion for revenge and a kind of rage... even understanding the early period of the Nazi Rimantas Zizas, Karo belaisviø ir civiliø officials to allow refugees to cross into the USSR more painful was to see the participation of invasion. Which German and Lithuanian units gyvetnojø þudynës Lietuvoje 1941–1944 = proper, sealed the avenue of escape for many the youth, seemingly still unspoiled by the joys and institutions participated in those crimes Murders of Prisoners of War and of Civilian refugees, especially the Jews. The situation was and misfortunes of life...”12 and what were their motives and aims? Who Population in Lithuania 1941–1944 (Vilnius, complicated by the rapid disintegration of Undoubtedly, the violence and the settling were the criminals? Did the attacks against 2005), 289–385. 10 See the 29 July 1941 report by Ðiauliai Soviet authority and the outbreak of a partly of scores in the context of war and insurrection Jews arise spontaneously from among the procurator Matas Krygeris in Bubnys, Vokieèiø organized, partly spontaneous, anti-Soviet meant that many people, including a number population, or were these pogroms coordinated okupuota Lietuva, 233–234. insurrection, as well as the proclamation, on of Jews, were targeted as Communists and and planned by a long arm from the outside? 11 For a selection of representative documents see 23 June 1941, of a Lithuanian Provisional thus perished for political reasons. Why would the Germans desire pogroms and Valentinas Brandiðauskas, ed., 1941 m. birþelio Government (PG) in which the dominant role Furthermore, during the first days of the Nazi shootings of Jews? Why did no German or sukilimas: dokumentø rinkinys (Vilnius, 2000). Cf. the brief account in Bubnys, Vokieèiø was reserved for the LAF. By 28 June virtually invasion, scattered groups of Communist Lithuanian forces emerge which could okupuota Lietuva, 33-47. the entire territory of the Lithuanian SSR was activists of various nationalities resisted the effectively oppose these obviously criminal 12 Liudas Dovydënas, Mes valdysim pasaulá, ii behind the German lines. Meanwhile, through invaders with arms and attempted to assist massacres? (New York, 1970), 466.

100 101 boundaries separating pogroms and mass suffered violence and death. Those who prove correct, this would constitute, with the crowded into each overflowing prison in every shootings become somewhat less distinct, if survived have reported on the numerous exception of Jewish men, the largest group of district town, estimating a total of over 13,000 one examines, for instance, the nature of the attacks of the Lithuanian insurgents against civilian victims of the first week of the war. The for the country, even as the basis for most of the violence which was demonstrated by the nearly Jewish refugees.16 The Germans bombed fact that it was indeed a relatively sizeable arrests was unclear.25 week-long killings at the Seventh Fort in Lithuania’s major thoroughfares which were number of victims is evidenced in the There were also cases of entire villages Kaunas which resulted in thousands of victims. clogged with fleeing civilians and units of the documents of the end of July 1941, which subjected to collective punishment. On 24 June The notion of what constitutes a pogrom in this Red Army. It is nearly impossible to determine instructed officials not to take lightly the as yet unidentified Germans killed almost all study does not exclude small-scale or short- exactly the number of refugees and evacuees shooting of ethnic Lithuanian prisoners.23 35 inhabitants of the small town of Ablinga, term violence, nor does it predetermine whether who succeeded in fleeing Lithuania during the Minister of Justice Meèislovas Mackevièius located 20 km east of Gargþdai, and another a pogrom broke out spontaneously, nor first days of the war. (According to recently informed the Provisional Government (PG) that seven people in a nearby settlement.26 Men were whether it was organised, planned, arranged discovered documents of the Soviet people in some provinces had been arrested locked in a barn; two Soviet activists among and implemented in a structured way by some government, by the end of 1941 more than ten and sentenced without proper a legal basis.24 them were killed immediately on 23 June, while group. The same term describes not only the million people had been evacuated from the The German Security Police reported that, on the others were shot the next day together with most brutal massacres resulting in numerous lands occupied by the Germans, including average, as many as 600 Lithuanians were their families. Only Mrs. Martinkienë with a deaths, but also “smaller scale” collective 42,500 people from Lithuania, although it is attacks against Jews.13 unclear how many of them were Jews.)17 Dov Dov Levin has designated more than Levin assumes that about 15,000 men and 13 There exists no satisfactory, precise definition of Truska, “Ir atleisk mûsø tëvø ir seneliø forty localities where pogroms took place even women of Jewish nationality managed to flee a pogrom, only different attempts to describe nuodëmes,” Kultûros barai, 5 (1999), 65. 23 before the arrival of the Germans.14 If a pogrom Lithuania in time.18 Yithzak Arad’s estimate the phenomenon. Hilberg understood a Panevëþys District Court (Kazlauskas) to self- pogrom as a “short violent public outrage defense headquarters, police chiefs, and district is understood in the sense as given here by is that 4,000 to 6,000 people succeeded in against Jewish people.” See Raul Hilberg, Die chiefs, 26 July 1941, LCVA, R 708, Ap. 1, b. 2, 19 Hilberg, this order of magnitude is certainly escaping. According to the researcher of the Vernichtung der europäischen Juden (Frankfurt, l. 8; cf. Ðiauliai District Court (Krygeris) to the correct. One example can be given here: on 22 International Commission, Rimantas Zizas, 1990), 324. Tauragë District chief, 29 July 1941, LCVA, R June 1941 the commander of the Kazlø Rûda some 8,000 people escaped.20 14 Dov Levin, Litvaks: A Short History of the Jews in 1476 Ap. 1, b. 3, l. 110 ff, also published in partisans Malakauskas made a record in his Elena Kutorgienë described in her diary Lithuania (Jerusalem, 2000), 218. Masinës þudynës Lietuvoje 1941–1944, 1 (Vilnius, 15 official journal: “No shooting. Overnight the the chaotic and insecure situation of those Jews LCVA, R-635, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 25. 1965) 87 ff and Masinës þudynës Lietuvoje 1941- 16 Leib Garfunkel, Kovnah ha-Yehudit be-Hurbanah 9144, 2 (Vilnius, 1973), 187 ff; cf. Michael 21 casualties of the Red Army: 71 killed. Four Jews in Kaunas who were about to flee: (Jerusalem, 1959), 29 ff, and his “Vikhtikste MacQueen, “The Context of Mass Destruction: (local inhabitants) have also been killed.”15 If, “The condition of the Jews is shocking... The Momentn in Kovner Geto,” in Lite, 1, 1679– Agents and Prerequisites of the Holocaust in on the other hand, we were to consider as son of my Jewish neighbors, a good fellow, 1712, 1679 ff; cf. Yosif Gar, Umkum fun der Lithuania,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies, 1 “pogroms” the spontaneous or organized escaped from home with his backpack. The yidisher kovne (Munich, 1948), 31 ff. (1998), 46; Eidintas, Byla, 127 ff. outbreaks of violence with large numbers of father will also leave soon. He came to me and 17 Ilya Altman, “Dokumenty rossijskich archivov 24 Protocol No. 23, 22 July 1941, in Arvydas o Cholokoste v Litve,” Unpubl. Report at the Anuðauskas, comp., Lietuvos Laikinoji Jewish victims, massacred in the open, then, asked to help his family. He said that maybe International Conference of the Holocaust in Vyriausybë: posëdþiø protokolai 1941 m. birþelio above all, the pogroms in Kaunas should be the Germans would not kill women and Vilnius, 24 September 2002; 2; Yitzhak Arad, 24 d. – rugpiûèio 4 d. (Vilnius, 2001), 105. kept in mind. Similar massacres on such an children. [...] They started packing up Ghetto in Flames: The Struggle and Destruction 25 Èenkus to the Chief of Kaunas Security Police, extreme scale occurred nowhere else in something, but later the husband and the wife of the Jews in Vilna in the Holocaust (New 14 July 1942, LCVA, R 1399, Ap. 1, b. 8, l. 12 Lithuania. left just as they stood, the latter only with her York, 1982), 215. About 3,500 refugees and also published in Masinës þudynës, 1, 102 ff; Cf. handbag. The Jews were fleeing with bags, people in hiding fled from Vilnius city alone. Einsatzkommando 3 [henceforth – EK 3], 18 Levin, Litvaks, 199. Gesamtaufstellung der im Bereich des EK.3 bis prams, trunks, bundles, and some just empty- 19 Yitzhak Arad, “The ‘Final Solution’ in Lithuania zum 1.12.1941 durchgeführten Exekutionen, Categories of victims handed... with anxious and pale faces.”21 in the Light of German Documentation,” in 2.12.1941, Bundesarchiv Berlin (henceforth – It is nearly impossible to determine the Yad Vashem Studies, 11 (1976), 234. BA), R 70 Sowjetunion/15, Bl. 88. The first weeks of the war in Lithuania precise number of victims, but an approximate 20 See Zizas, “Persecution of non-Jewish Citizens 26 See Gitlerovskaya okupaciya v Litve. Sbornik stat’ei claimed victims from among various groups of number can be estimated. In 1942–1943 the of Lithuania.” (Vilnius, 1966), 87 ff; cf. Algirdas Rakûnas, 21 Diary of Elena Kutorgienë-Buivydaitë, entry of Lietuvos liaudies kova prieð hitlerinê okupacij¹ the population. Many civilians were killed Lithuanian underground press wrote that some 23 June 1941, is in LCVA, 1390, Ap. 1, b. 138, (Vilnius: 1970), 19 and Kazys Rukðënas, during the German bombings; some also shot 5,000 non-Jews had been killed by the Pt. 1, l. 2. Hitlerininkø politika Lietuvoje 1941–1944 by nervous German troops. Many refugees beginning of July 1941.22 Should this number 22 Eidintas, Byla, 108 with reference to Liudas (Vilnius, 1970), 134.

102 103 five-month injured child Joana Srebliutë For a long time, many historians and jurists through mass murder was an intricate and Government and this is where, in the winter of managed to survive. She dug herself and the have been of the opinion that general orders to irregular process rather than the result of a 1941–1942, the physical annihilation of the child out of after the Germans had left. kill the Jews of the Soviet Union had been given single decision of the Nazi leadership. In this Jews was initiated. For the most part, they were The settlement was burnt to the ground.27 even before the German invasion.29 A case we have to analyse the complex systemically liquidated in the death camps. By Part of the violence of the first days of the significant influence on the historiography of interrelationship of the events in the occupied the end of 1941 some 800,000 Jews were war included the crimes of the retreating Soviet this question were the Allied countries with those in the Reich itself. The murdered in some regions of the occupied regime. The Soviet militia and Party activists of the late 1940s, as well as the verdicts in the prospect for a territorial “final solution” was Soviet Union as well, mainly through mass killed about 1,100 people. These crimes have case of the so-called Ulm Einsatzgruppen trials still seriously discussed in the summer of 1941, shootings (not including East Galicia which been examined in great detail both in during the late 1950s, in which the members of then a tendency emerged during that autumn was part of the General Government). monographs and official reports compiled the action groups were accused of participating to push for the mass annihilation of Jews on a Here it is also important to clarify more since the late 1980s.28 in mass murders in the Lithuanian border regional scale, particularly in Warthegau, precisely the multifaceted nature of the As will be evident in the analysis of anti- region in the summer of 1941. However, since occupied western Poland and in the General background to the war Germany waged against Jewish violence outlined below, any research the 1970s an increasing number of voices have on the pogroms, as well as their background in insisted that these supposedly unequivocal Kaunas and other locations confronts a orders do not reflect the complicated processes 27 Only a brief overview of non-Jewish victims is Vom Hitler-Stalin Pakt bis zum ‘Unternehmen complex methodical problem: there are very few which took place in the occupied Soviet presented here. A comprehensive account can Barbarossa’ (Munich, 1991), 251-274; also contemporary sources and, thus, in most cases territories.30 In the meantime, recent research be found in the aforementioned work by Zizas, Longerich’s, Politik der Vernichtung. Eine one must refer to the testimonies of Jewish has indicated that the numerous postwar “Persecution of non-Jewish Citizens of Gesamtdarstellung der nationalsozialistischen survivors, to accounts related after the war, and depositions of the German SS and police Lithuania.” Judenverfolgung (München/Zürich, 1998), 310– 28 See Arvydas Anuðauskas, Lietuviø tautos 320 as well as his Befehl, 94–112; Ralf to evidence provided during interrogations or officers were often motivated by legal and sovietinis naikinimas (Vilnius, 1996), 110–133; Ogorreck, Die Einsatzgruppen und die ‘Genesis trials by Lithuanians and Germans who often tactical considerations and, therefore, also the same author’s December 2003 report der Endlösung’ (Berlin, 1996), 12–14; 210–220; directly contradicted one another in their illuminate the historic situation only to a very to ICECNSOR, “Sovietø vykdytos kariðkiø ir Christopher Browning, Fateful Months: Essays statements to authorities. limited extent. During the Nuremberg trials, the civiliø gyventojø þudynës 1941 m. birþelio 22 on the Emergence of the Final Solution (New assertion by , the commander – 28 d.” York, 1985), 8–38, as well as his Judenmord. 29 of Einsatzgruppe D, that a direct order to kill See Arad, Holocaust, 1018, 1021, 1037; Levin, NS-Politik, Zwangsarbeit und das Verhalten der Litvaks, 217–219; Leni Yahil, Shoah. Taeter (Frankfurt, 2001), 51 ff; Saul German planning the Jews was issued before the war, was still Überlebenskampf und Vernichtung der Friedlander, “Vom Antisemitismus zur for the ‘final solution’ the dominant explanation, but this was in fact europäischen Juden (Munich, 1998), 356; Gerald Judenvernichtung: Eine historiographische a deliberate “defense strategy” chosen by Reitlinger, Die Endlösung: Hitlers Versuch der Studie zur nationalsozialistischen Judenpolitik The section below concerns the issues Ohlendorf and his lawyers in order to exonerate Ausrottung der Juden Europas 1939–1945 und Versuch einer Interpretation, Der Mord, related to the background or pre-history of the the defendant as a mere recipient of orders (Berlin, 1979), 90; Hilberg. Vernichtung, 3 ff; 18-60; Phillipe Burrin, Hitler und die Juden. Die Helmut Krausnick, “Hitler und die Befehle an Entscheidung für den Völkermord (Frankfurt pogroms and shootings which occurred from superiors.31 While the American Military die Einsatzgruppen im Sommer 1941,” in 1993), 106–153; Dieter Pohl, during the first weeks of the war. An important Tribunal indeed accepted this version of the Eberhard Jäckel and Jürgen Rohwer, comp. Der Nationalsozialistische Judenverfolgung in question to consider is why the Germans Ohlendorf group, the judges did not Mord den Juden im Zweiten Weltkrieg. 2nd ed. Ostgalizien 1941–1944. Organisation und would wish to organise such pogroms and acknowledge the need to “follow orders” as a (Frankfurt, 1987), 99; also Krausnick’s, Durchführung eines staatlichen Massenverbrechens shootings. It is widely acknowledged that the valid defense. The same situation could be Judenverfolgung, 609–615; Eberhard Jäckel, (Munich, 1996), 52 ff; Thomas Sandkühler, question of whether the leadership of the observed in the 1950s during the trial in Ulm “Die Entschlußbildung als historisches ‘Endlösung’ in Galizien. Der Judenmord in Problem,” in Der Mord den Juden, 16 ff. Ostpolen und die Rettungsinitiativen von Berthold Einsatzgruppen received the order to kill all of the members of the Einsatzgruppe operating 30 See Streim, “Zur Eröffnung des allgemeinen Beitz 1941–1944 (Bonn, 1996), 111 ff. 32 the Jews in the Soviet Union even before the along the Lithuanian border. Judenvernichtungsbefehls gegenüber den 31 Streim, Eröffnung, 111; Wildt, Generation, 555– outbreak of the war is a very controversial one. We must now consider the current state of Einsatzgruppen,” in Der Mord, 107–119; Peter 557. Indeed, the sources dealing with this problem the research concerning the orders to kill the Longerich, “Vom Massenmord zur 32 See Christoph Dieckmann, “Der Krieg und die are quite sparse, leaving much room for Jews of the Soviet Union (but not necessarily in “Endlösung”. Die Erschießungen von jüdischen Ermordung der litauischen Juden,” in Ulrich Zivilisten in den ersten Monaten des Herbert, ed., Nationalsozialistische different interpretations. This question was all of Europe) as well as the situation in Ostfeldzuges im Kontext des Vernichtungspolitik 1939–1945. Neue always an important part of historical and Lithuania during the summer of 1941. The nationalsozialistischen Massenmordes,” in Forschungen und Kontroversen (Frankfurt, 1998), scholarly discussions of the Holocaust. Final Solution of the “Jewish Question” Bernd Wegner, comp., Zwei Wege nach Moskau. 292–298 and the attached documents.

104 105 the Soviet Union. For too long the Nazis’ anti- those from the Baltic, to be settled there in place expense of the local population. Since the Precise estimates of personnel needs, Semitic policy has been dissociated and of the Poles and the Jews. These deportations, quantity of foodstuffs supposedly required for considered as the minimum by economic and isolated from this context. By the end of 1940 carried out in difficult and complicated the military would drastically reduce the living political institutions in order to achieve their and the beginning of 1941, the anti-Semitic conditions, were terminated in March 1941 in standards of the local populace, actually military goals, make it apparent that in the policy of the Third Reich had advanced the face of continuous protests by the German causing even starvation and famine, the spring of 1941 they were between 72% and 89% considerably and now stood at the center of civil authorities in the General Government at problem of securing the rear of the German Army understaffed, depending on the region. This many political interests. The goal remained the a time when preparations for the war against assumed ever greater importance. Only the problem threatened the four main components gradual and forcible expulsion of the Jews from the Soviet Union had been given top priority. strictest control and use of terror could ensure of German military strategy: supply and the countries to be ruled by Germany. The idea The attention of the organisers of deportations the rapid and efficient delivery of food to the transport; the seizure of the 1941 harvest as about a “defined, still to be determined was then directed to the territory of the Soviet German troops and prevent the consumption of well as the implementation of the territory”, a kind of a “death reservation” Union: the marches of Belarus, the Urals region, valuable foodstuffs by the locals. These aforementioned starvation policy; the (Sterbereservat), formed the basis of anti-Jewish and the Soviet Gulag camps by the Arctic Sea. strategies which originated in military logistics suppression of resistance; and, finally, the policy.33 At this time, the notion of a “final The ferocious “General Plan East” (Generalplan developed at the war’s outset were linked to envisioned racist policy of resettlement in the solution” was attached to various utopian Ost) developed in 1941, a design for the ultimate even more ambitious plans for exploitation. The occupied lands. The consequences of this projects which emphasized the search for a ethnic reconstruction of all of East Europe by problem of food supply in German-ruled Europe understaffing were two-fold: first, the shortage territory whence all Jews within the German deporting 31 million Slavs and establishing appeared to the Nazi leadership to be so severe of men had to be made up by relentless terror sphere of influence would be deported. In the German settlements, was already based on the and urgent that it evoked the nightmarish carried out by Wehrmacht and SS units; in spring and autumn of 1940 the plans to turn prospect that there would be no Jews left in the specter of the First World War when Germany addition, local auxiliaries, such as those the eastern part of occupied Poland near Soviet Union. had faced a devastating shortage of food. This drawn from among Lithuanians, were to Lublin and the island of Madagascar into This policy of deportation and colonisation problem of food supply appeared to threaten supplement the German forces. places of isolation and pauperization for Jews (Vertreibungs- und Siedlungspolitik) involving the collapse of the “Home Front.” The Nazi The discussion above should clarify the had to be shelved. The fact that these anti-Semitism, anti-Slavism and leadership decided to solve the problem through multiple and complex nature of German intermediate plans were imbued with a Germanisation, is connected with other the geopolitics of mass murder carried out by motives. Issues of military strategy, war genocidal nature is revealed by the proposals political considerations which acquired great plundering and impoverishing the locals. Not economics and resettlement were closely from Hitler’s office in March 1941 to forcibly importance during the war against the Soviet only the German Army, but the German Reich bound up, giving rise to planning for an sterilise millions of Jews. The labor force of the Union. For military-strategic and economic and the rest of Europe as well were to be supplied extremely rapid conduct of the war made present generation of Jews still living would reasons, it was essential for the Nazis to quickly at the expense of the Soviet Union. German racial difficult by a grave security situation. The be preserved but its reproduction would be win this war. For one, without defeating the anti-Slavism was the prerequisite for the complex nature of this military strategy meant prevented.34 The purposeful murder of Jews Soviet Union and the Red Army, it was decision in the spring of 1941 to order the that German occupation policy in Lithuania had already begun as well: after July 1940, in impossible to continue the war against Great starvation of approximately thirty million the context of the so-called “euthanasia Britain, and enter the future war against the Russians and Belarusians on the basis of this actions”, Jews with mental or physical United States. The Nazi leadership also logistical policy, and also to cut off almost all 33 First cited in Eichmann’s proposal to Himmler disabilities were murdered in German believed it should use the resources of the the largest Soviet cities from their food supplies. of 4 December 1940 in Susanne Heim and Götz institutions for the disabled. Then, in April Soviet Union, above all, the grain and oil. The The German leadership believed that these Aly, Bevölkerungsstruktur und Massenmord. Neue 1941, the Nazis launched “Aktion 14 f 13”, the outcome of this seeming military-strategic enormous regions of famine could be Dokumente zur deutschen Politik der Jahre 1938– killing of disabled or undesirable prisoners in necessity for a quick victory was an extremely geographically isolated mostly within the Great 1945: Beiträge zur nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik, 9 (Berlin, 1991), concentration camps, resulting in the murder risky blitzkrieg strategy intended to ensure the Russian area, which itself would be surrounded 26 ff; Richard Breitman, The Architect of of many Jewish prisoners. speedy collapse of the Soviet Union and the by buffer zones comprising the western and Genocide. Himmler and the Final Solution In 1939 the goal of Nazi policy was to force Red Army. southern non-Russian territories of the Soviet (Hanover/London, 1991), 201; also in Dieter all Jews and most Poles out of the German- This strategy also meant solving the Union: the Baltic lands, which were to be moved Pohl, Holocaust. Die Ursachen, das Geschehen, die annexed lands of western Poland into the difficulties of logistics, the central problem of eastwards, western Belarus and Ukraine. Folgen (Freiburg, 2000), 58. 34 See the preface in Peter Witte et al, eds., Der General Government in order to make room for conducting war in the vast open spaces of the For the Nazis, these considerations Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers 1941/42. Im the German settlers who had moved from USSR. The problem of supplies was to be solved exacerbated the problem of security because of Auftrag der Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte southeastern and eastern Europe, including by the German troops living off the land at the the obvious shortage of German personnel. (Hamburg, 1999), 69 ff .

106 107 required the leadership of the various genocidal plans, upon the defeat of the Soviet the Behavior of the Troops in Russia their respective locales. Hence “collective institutions, that is, the Wehrmacht, the SS, Union, were aimed at deporting the Jews to (Richtlinien für die Truppe); and the Commissar violent measures” were to be taken against and the civil authorities dominated by the that country’s vast open spaces. It is clear, that Order (Kommissarbefehl). The massacre of Soviet those localities from which the Wehrmacht Nazi Party and its subdivisions, to agree this generation of Jews was intended to be the officials was to speed the collapse of the Soviet was attacked. No military personnel would among themselves on the basic goals: to strive last. But, at this point, their fate was to be Union and Red Army, as well as prevent be subject to prosecution even if they for a quick victory, to expedite the extreme settled after the war, not necessarily that all resistance. Within this lawless space committed a “war crime or offence”. Thus, economic policy of plunder, and to minimize the Jews of the Soviet Union were to be killed (rechtsfreier Raum), the German Wehrmacht, Soviet civilians were totally deprived of legal any security problems within the German during the war. Police and SS units would have a free hand to protection.38 The directives for the behavior sphere of influence. The world view which In assessing the intentions of the Germans implement the policy of terror in pursuing of the troops in Russia (referring here to the framed these questions was based on the described above, it can be seen that a more Germany’s military goals. Soviet Union) ordered the soldiers to fight utopian ideal of the creation of German living immediate death was planned for at least some These orders have been widely known against all promoters of Bolshevism. space (Lebensraum) in the East, and of the Jews. On the one hand, the German plan, since the Nuremberg trials so that a brief Specifically, it called on the troops to “to take establishment of a grand colonial empire in prepared since 1940–1941, to starve local summary here should prove sufficient. ruthless and decisive actions against the Eastern Europe as the keystone to Germany’s inhabitants meant that virtually all inhabitants Following Hitler’s instructions of March 1941, Bolshevik rabble-rousers, partisans, Jews and goal of world-wide hegemony. For German of certain regions of the Soviet Union were Reinhard Heydrich, the Head of the RSHA totally destroy any active or passive anti-Semites it was self-evident that there marked for death by hunger; however, this and, Kurt Daluege, the Chief of the German resistance.”39 would be no place in this Reich for their main probably did not include the . Since Order Police (Ordnungspolizei), agreed with The so-called “” ideological enemy: the Jews. the vast majority of the Jews lived in towns, the Wehrmacht, and, especially with the (Kommissarbefehl) of the OKW issued on 6 June However, agreement on basic policy left this meant they were to die of hunger as well. Quartermaster General, Lieutenant General 1941 was intended for the areas under military many specific questions unresolved. On the In June 1941, Himmler informed the SS Eduard Wagner, acting on behalf of the Army administration and directed against the institutional level, the SS was far from certain leadership of precisely such a purpose.35 On High Command (Oberkommando des Heeres, or ideological functionaries of the Red Army – they about how the Wehrmacht would actually the other hand, the Soviet Jewish intelligentsia OKH), on their relative spheres of competence were not to be recognised as soldiers. On the behave. The relations between the SS and the were to be shot on sight during the war since, in the countries to be ruled by the military.36 battlefield, the Wehrmacht was to kill them on civil authorities were unclear as well. From a according to racist German perceptions, they The result of these agreements among the SS, the spot, while in the rear military areas, they political perspective, all this led to ambivalent constituted the social basis of Bolshevism. The the Police, and the Wehrmacht were the co- were to be transferred to the Einsatzgruppen of and tense relationships. A closer analysis of Nazis imagined that the Jews comprised the called criminal orders which enabled the German occupation policy clearly reveals that larger part of the Soviet elite of power; thus, leadership of the German Reich to violate the in the period 1941–1945 much depended on their murder was supposed to facilitate the existing norms of military and international 35 See Witte et a., Dienstkalender, 172–174 (entries the situation on the ground. Moreover, from collapse of the Soviet state and bring success laws, that is: the Hague Convention of 1907 for 12–15 June 1941). today’s point of view, the entire concept of this to an extremely precarious German blitzkrieg Concerning the Laws and Customs of Land 36 Hitler on 3 March 1941, OKW, Kriegstagebuch (henceforth – KTB), Bd. 1, 341; Heydrich policy, with its grand components, was but a strategy. War, the 1929 Geneva Convention Relative to Statement of 26 March 1941. Aly, Endlösung, reflection of an unbounded megalomania. One During the war with Poland in 1939–1940, the Treatment of Prisoners of War, and the 270; Hitler on 30 March 1941 Halder KTB, Bd. could hardly take seriously the idea that the the Wehrmacht, SS, and the civil authorities 1929 Red Cross Convention on the 2, 336 ff. Soviet Union would quickly collapse as if a developed serious problems communicating Amelioration of the Conditions of the 37 See the detailed presentation of the crimes of “clay colossus”, nor expect entire regions and among the different agencies. Thus, before the Wounded and Sick in the Armed Forces in the the Wehrmacht according to international law published by the Hamburg Institute for Social peoples to surrender to the Germans’ campaign against the Soviet Union, such Field, as well as the Common Law .37 Research, including the source texts, in the new dictatorship of supply and famine, to resign misunderstandings had to be avoided, to agree The so-called Order on the Exercise of catalogue, Verbrechen der Wehrmacht themselves to their assigned status as a beforehand on the violations of military and Martial Jurisdiction mentioned above and (Hamburg, 2002), 16–36. colonised or even enslaved nation called upon international laws. In this context, the so-called issued by the Armed Forces High 38 Erlaß über die Ausübung der only to serve their German masters criminal orders briefly analyzed below were to Command(Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, Kriegsgerichtsbarkeit im Gebiet “Barbarossa” (Herrenmenschen) and settlers. play their role: the Order Concerning the henceforth OKW) on 13 May 1941 abolished und über besondere Maßnahmen der Truppe, BA-MA, RW 4/v. 577, Bl. 72–74. What did the German plans mean for the Exercise of Martial Jurisdiction and Procedure the jurisdiction of the Military Tribunal in 39 Richtlinien für das Verhalten der Truppe in policy concerning the Jews of the Soviet in Area “Barbarossa” and Special Military cases of “criminal activities of enemy Russland, 19 May 1941, BA-MA, RW 4/v. Union? As mentioned above, the Nazis’ Measures (Gerichtsbarkeitserlass); Directives for civilians”, granting this right to officers in 524, Bl. 13 ff.

108 109 the Security Police and SS.40 The operational self-defence units under a centralised encourage anti-Jewish pogroms (29 June 1941) bodied Jewish men of military service age. Other activities of Himmler’s SS and Police within the leadership must be initially avoided; instead it and to kill all the Jews in “Party and state Jewish men, the women and children had not framework of the military administration were is advisable, as noted before, to encourage local institutions” (2 July 1941) were undoubtedly yet been assigned to these primary groups of determined by several agreements made between pogroms.”43 also accompanied by oral guidelines and victims.47 After visiting the Baltic States at the the SS and the Wehrmacht in March and April This telegram was not the order reaching directives which have not been recorded in end of 1941, May, the communications officer of 1941. The most important of these were the the commanders of the Einsatzgruppen a week documents. This probably occurred on 17 June (Nachrichtenoffizier) of the RFSS (Reihsführer SS) OKW guidelines of 13 March 1941 according to after the outbreak of the war, but a reminder 1941 when Heydrich called the EG and EK Kommandostab reported that the local Security which, at Hitler’s direction, “Himmler was about their general discussion which had taken commanders to Berlin.45 Police doubted whether “the essential solution assigned special tasks referring to the final place twelve days previously. Thus, the The clearest evidence for such verbal orders of the Jewish problem could in fact be solved struggle between the two opposing political German Security Police, five days before the is provided by the message of 6 August 1941 by simply shooting the male Jews.”48 systems” as well as the agreement between outbreak of the war, was resolved to organise from Franz Walter Stahlecker, the commander Considering how the shootings of the first Quartermaster General Wagner and RSHA pogroms, irregardless of Soviet atrocities which of EG A, which, referring to the discussion on weeks were conducted, it is reasonable to Chief Heydrich of 26 March 1941 (modified could be expected during the retreat of the Red the anti-Jewish policy proposals of the civil conclude that the Security Police sought to somewhat by the regulations to the troops of 28 Army. authorities, informs us that this was closely expand the categories of victims. The killings of April 1941 concerning the activities of SS units Heydrich’s note of 2 July 1941 addressed to related to the “basic written orders of a higher the Jewish men went well beyond Heydrich’s in the rear military areas). In this way, the senior SS and Police officers in the occupied institution to the Security Police not expressed written order of 2 July 1941 to kill Jews in Party Einsatzgruppen and were Soviet Union describes, in addition, the circle in writing”.46 The formula “higher institution” and state positions. As noted above, as far as empowered “within the framework of their of victims exactly corresponding with the indicates that these were not Hitler’s orders, the Wehrmacht and the future civil authorities mandate to take executive measures against the “commissar order” of 6 June 1941 which had otherwise, the “highest institution” wording were concerned, this did not generally lead to civilian population.“41 been agreed upon with the Wehrmacht; in a would have been utilized, as in the plan for disagreements. Conflicts arose only when the Over the years, the aforementioned way, this paralleled the order to the Security starvation in the East. Here Stahlecker is killings included Jewish men who were still discussion concerning the precise content of Police. Indeed, Heydrich specifically named referring to orders issued by either Himmler or economically useful and who did not constitute the orders given to Himmler’s troops and, “Jews holding certain positions in the Party Heydrich. It is most likely that these oral a threat to the Security Police. For this reason, at especially to the Einsatzkommandos, before the and state institutions” as persons to be killed, instructions concerned the killing of able- the end of June 1941, there were disagreements invasion has time and again centered around but as Soviet functionaries they were already a few surviving documents. Most important, included among the people to be murdered on 44 there are the two messages Heydrich sent to the spot. However, even when targeted, the 40 Richtlinien für die Behandlung politischer 44 Heydrich to the HSSPF, 2 July 1941, BA, R 70 the Einsatzgruppen and Higher SS and Police enemy remained somewhat vague (“other Kommissare, 6 June 1941, BA-MA, RW 4/v. Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 6–10, also published in Leaders respectively soon after the outbreak of radical elements and the like”), just as in the 578, Bl. 42-44. Klein, Einsatzgruppen, 323–328. 41 45 the war.42 On 29 June 1941 Heydrich wrote to aforementioned Order Concerning the Exercise Regelung des Einsatzes der Sicherheitspolizei There are no statements from that time about und des SD im Verbände des Heeres, 28 April this meeting, only the testimonies of the the Einsatzgruppen commanders that he was of Martial Jurisdiction of 13 May 1941, by 1941, published in Anatomie des SS-Staates,Bd. postwar period. See Wildt. Generation, 557. bringing to their attention “the verbal which virtually every inhabitant was placed 2, 171–173. In order to carry out mass 46 Statement of EG A Commander, 6 August1941, instructions already issued in Berlin on 17 outside the law. Hence, within certain limits, murders in the Soviet Union Himmler’s troops Latvijas Valsts Vçstures Arhîvs [Latvian State June” in order to remind them that: the commanders of the Einsatzgruppen and had under their command: four Einsatzgruppe Historical Archive, LVVA], P 1026-1-3, Bl. “The self-cleansing attempts of local anti- Einsatzkommandos were given a free hand in with about 3,000 soldiers, the headquarters of 237-239; cf. Ereignismeldung (henceforth – EM) Communist and anti-Jewish circles within the making decisions. There was no specific order, SS Reichsführer command with two SS cavalry 17, 9 July 1941. regiments and two motorised brigades 47 Tilþë Gestapo to RSHA, 1 July 1941, ZStL, newly occupied territories should in no way only a guideline, which was equivalent to the consisting of about 25,000 soldiers, as well as Sammlung UdSSR, Ordner 245 Ag, Nr. 254– be hindered. On the contrary, they must be authorization for murder. The category of the with about 12,000 257, Bl. 2–5. encouraged, of course, without leaving a trace, victims who were to be liquidated were men. 48 SS Reichsfürer’s headquarters, Ic Officer Report, and even intensified, and when necessary, expressly defined in writing as the political 42 Orders Nr. 1 and 2 to the EG Commanders, 20 20 July 1941 – 27 July 1941; cited in Shmuel directed onto the right path, but in such a way, leadership of the Soviet Union of which, June and 2 July 1941, published in Klein, Krakowski, “Neue Möglichkeiten der Forschung. Einsatzgruppen, 318–321. Die Holocaust-Forschung und die Archive in that the local “self-defence units” could not according to the Nazis, the Jews, as carriers of 43 Heydrich to the EG Commanders, Einsatzbefehl Osteuropa,” in Peter Bettelheim et al. comp., later refer to orders or openly proclaimed Bolshevism, were an indispensable core. But Nr. 1, published in Longerich, Ermordung, Antisemitismus in Osteuropa. Aspekte einer political goals. [...] The creation of permanent these written orders of Heydrich to secretly 118 ff. historischen Kontinuität (Vienna, 1992), 115–131.

110 111 between the Security Police, the Wehrmacht, and was presented at the beginning of 1942 with stabilize the areas behind the front lines.”58 The (Rollkommando) of selected men led by the SS the civil authorities in Ðiauliai, in Vilnius during reference to the second report by Stahlecker, second Jäger report of 1 December 1941 contains First Lieutenant (Obersturmführer) Hamman October, in Kaunas in November. legalised an escalation of the anti-Semitic the expression that “EK 3 succeeded in the who fully understood my goals and could There is also an additional, long-ignored policy in terms of the Security Police: “It has assigned task – to solve the Jewish problem in ensure cooperation with Lithuanian partisans document concerning the killing of a large turned out from the activities of these troops Lithuania”, and notes that and responsible civil authorities. number of Jewish men. It is known that of the all over Lithuania that by simply liquidating a I was willing to eliminate these Jewish Implementation of such actions is, above all, Soviet prisoners of war, all Jews were be killed few Jews it is impossible to stabilize the areas workers and their families, but the civil an organisational issue. The determination to immediately, as recorded in writing as early as behind the front line.” [Emphasis added]54 The authorities (Reichkommissar) and the implement the systematic cleansing of Jews in 28 June 1941.49 Christian Streit and Christian idea of prevention was considered essential. Wehrmacht objected firmly, asking to leave every district required us to prepare for each Gerlach correctly emphasized the addenda to One had to fight not only against the danger these Jews and their families alive. The aim – operation carefully and to examine the the operative order of 17 July 1941, No. 8 which actually threatened the Germans, but to cleanse Lithuania of the Jews – was achieved respective districts for the conditions prevailing regarding the use of the Security Police and SD also against people who might potentially only by the formation of the mobile squad there.59 in the POW camps. This order was applied not belong to the enemy camp.55 only to the prisoners of war, but also to civilians During the first weeks of the war, the victims confined in the camps.50 Heydrich’s list of of the Einsatzgruppen massacres were, above 49 See Draft instructions regarding the units of the Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft people to be killed, aside from the persons listed all, those Jews who, in the estimation of the Security Police and SD commanders, 28 June 1903–1989 (Bonn, 1996), 163–180, 237–245. It on 2 July, included the “Soviet Russian Nazis, could be active participants in the 1941, Nuremberg Document PS 078 as in the is also clearly stated in the document of the intelligentsia” and “all Jews”.51 This was, resistance against the German occupation and Library of the Institut für Zeitgeschichte Special Troops 4a, addressed to the therefore, a specific order to kill all Jewish could be considered active Jewish Bolsheviks. (Munich). It is estimated that there were about commanders of the SD field squads 80,000 Soviet Jews among the prisoners of (Außenkommandos), 19 March 1943: “The task civilians in the POW camps; in some cities in They would also include active or potential war. It is very likely that scarcely a single one of the Security Police and SD is to identify the Belarus, as a general rule, all men of military enemies of the German regime, particularly of the 61,000 Jewish soldiers from the Polish enemies of the Reich and fight against them for service age would be so detained. In Lithuania, Communists and Soviet functionaries.56 POW’s taken by the Germans in 1939 survived. the sake of security, and especially for the camps as large as those near , were not However, the RSHA was willing to try to Cf. Pohl, Holocaust, 36, 46. security of the army in the sphere of military to be found. But there were similar camps for expand the mass killings of the Jews as much 50 See Gerlach, Der Morde, 503–505. About the operations. Active enemies must not only be Jews in Kaunas. From the very beginning, only as possible, even beyond the limits agreed with civilians’ prison in Minsk, cf. Ibid., 506–514; exterminated, but one must also take also Christian Streit, “Ostkrieg, preventive measures to liquidate such Jews would be imprisoned in Kaunas’ Seventh the Wehrmacht and the civil administration. Antibolschewismus und ‘Endlösung’”, in elements which, because of their attitudes and Fort of whom virtually all were shot. This is reflected in the relevant documents of Geschichte und Gesellschaft 17 (1991), 242–255. past, may become active enemies under According to the German Security Police, Einsatzgruppe A and Einsatzkommando 3. In It must be noted that the wording “all the favourable circumstances. The Security Police its mission was to ensure police protection of reviewing the documents concerning the goals Jews” in RSHA language does not mean all are implementing this task with the necessary the occupied territory. As far as the concept of of the anti-Semitic policy as executed by the Jewish people, but only the Jewish men. If the rigour, thus observing general regulations of order had referred to killing the Jewish women the Führer.” IMG, Bd. 31, PS 3012. “enemy” was concerned, which in the second Security Police, the intention to completely and children, it would have been stated 56 See Christian Gerlach. “Die Ausweitung der half of the thirties prevailed generally among exterminate the Jews is obvious. precisely. deutschen Massenmorde in den besetzten all German police, it was understood in the In his first report of 15 October 1941 51 Richtlinien des RSHA für die in die Stalags und sowjetischen Gebieten im Herbst 1941. context of an obligation to fight against all Stahlecker wrote: “While implementing the Dulags abzustellenden Kommandos des Chefs Überlegungen zur Vernichtungspolitik gegen elements perceived as foes of the state and order, the Security Police was resolved to use all der Sipo und des SD, Einsatzbefehl Nr. 8, IMT, Juden und sowjetische Kriegsgefangene,” in the xxvi, 111–115, 502-PS; BA, R 58/1027, Bl. same author’s Krieg, Ernährung, Völkermord. nation.52 It was primarily the Communists and expedient means to solve the Jewish question”; 190–194. Forschungen zur deutschen Vernichtungspolitik im their ilk who were considered enemies of the further, “to implement the cleansing task as 52 Hans Kraus Interrogation, October 1959, ZStL Zweiten Weltkrieg (Hamburg, 1998), 26 ff. state in the occupied territories of the Soviet quickly as possible”; and, finally, that “the aim II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 8, Bl. 211. 57 Gesamtbericht der Einsatzgruppe A bis Union. The enemies of the nation were, above of the cleansing executed by the Security Police 53 Otto Dietrich Interrogation (1b EK), 3 15.10.1941 [henceforth – First Stahlecker all, the Jews. Following this approach, “in order was to liquidate as many Jews as possible.”57 In November 1959, Ehrlinger’s case (Ehrlinger- Report], Special Archive-Moscow, 500-4-93. to promote peace in the rear areas” all means his second report of 1 February 1942, Stahlecker Verfahren), Bd. 8, Bl. 275. 58 Ibid., 500-4-91. 54 Preface to the Second “Gesamtbericht der EG 59 EK 3 Gesamtaufstellung der im Bereich des were utilized to prevent any possible threat to spoke about “the utter elimination of Jewry, as A,” 1942-2-4, BA, R 90/146. OB.3 bis zum 1.12.1941 durchgeführten 53 the domination of the Germans. The much as possible”, and remarked “that these 55 As to the notion of enemy, see also Ulrich Exekutionen [henceforth - Second Jäger preliminary announcement of the EK 3, which spontaneous actions were not sufficient to Herbert’s, Best. Biographische Studien über Report], BA, R 70 Sowjetunion/15.

112 113 There is similar language in the reports of of contagious diseases, reduced expenditures Department, undertook to intensify contacts minorities” in the Soviet Union.64 The Abwehr the Einsatzkommando 2 as well: “The aim set for guards, or attempts to utilize the victims’ both with the Lithuanian émigrés and useful sought to direct “unorganised resistance by the EK2 at the very beginning, was a radical apartments, – Himmler himself stated the main persons in-country, and to report the results to units” in the Baltic countries.65 At the outbreak solution of the Jewish question by killing all reason from the perspective of the Security the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the of the war it was anticipated that the rebels the Jews” and that “the goal will be to cleanse Police: not a single “avenger” must remain Wehrmacht leadership. The visit of the German were to take over prisons, bridges, factories, the Ostland, if possible, completely of the alive. Commission on Immigrants Affairs railway networks, police stations, and other Jews.”60 In terms of the questions raised above, what (Umsiedlungskommission) to Lithuania in strategic points.66 The Abwehr’s Section II Nevertheless, this as yet constituted only a is most important in analyzing the first weeks January-March of 1941 was to be utilized for (under the leadership of Lahousen and proposed aim (Zielvorstellung), not a strict order of the war should be reiterated. As of 17 June espionage activities and organising an anti- coordinated mostly by dr. Kurt Gräbe) was to to kill all Jews immediately. Such a 1941, the German Security Police had been Soviet revolt. The Commission’s staff, under arrange this military support together with the conceptional formulation of the goal allowed assigned the task of initiating pogroms. They the leadership of the agent Richard Kossmann, agency’s branch office in Königsberg. However, the strategic possibility for various actions. aimed at shooting as many Jewish men of listed among its membersW. Vogel (social it turned out that maintaining contacts with When considering these questions, one must military service age as possible. The German affairs) and Alfred Kinder (health security), the groups operating in Lithuania was a recall that during the first weeks of the war a Security Police also sought to employ local non- both in charge of handling Lithuanian agents.63 complicated matter.67 The Germans were sudden victory against the Soviet Union was German peoples for their purposes. The Since the second half of 1940, and more concerned that their instructions “to the expected. It must also be stressed that these murderous intentions of the Security Police intensely in the spring of 1941, German resistance units of the local population” to were not written orders. They had originated went beyond the framework of the agreements preparations for the war included the Abwehr’s guard certain points might help Soviet from the RSHA, from the leadership of the that had been concluded with the Wehrmacht attempts “to initiate a revolt of the national intelligence to predict the military’s tactical Security Police (Heydrich and Himmler), and, and the future civil administration. All German thus, cannot be considered an extension of institutions collectively sought to achieve the authority on the part of the local Security Police same goal: the forceful relocation of a part of 60 Bericht des Einsatzkommandos 2 von Anfang plans for upheaval” (Zersetzungsvorhaben) in chiefs acting on their own. the Jewish population, and the eventual 1942, BA, R 70 Sowjetunion/15. Ukraine and the Baltic countries. Ibid., 418 Therefore, in speaking about the orders extermination of the rest. Yet these institutions 61 Unfortunately, the files of the Abwehr have been (17 May 1941). issued at the beginning of the war, it is proceeded at various rates of progress and destroyed. Nevertheless, the records of Army 65 Vortragsvermerk v. 21.5.1941 Abschnittsstab advisable not to imagine some general killing often perceived the terms of the task differently. Group North do contain information revealing Ostpreussen, Ic/VO Abw. II Nr. 449/41 g. German plans to some extent. KTBos.Chefs Organisation und Ausbildung order issued by Hitler. One must also clearly 62 For more details see Karlis Kangeris, der völkischen Widerstandsgruppen in den distinguish between the different institutions “Kollaboration vor der Kollaboration? Die baltischen Randstaaten durch Abw. II, BA- of the SS and the German Police, as well as the German Plans baltischen Emigranten und ihre MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 50 ff. Wehrmacht and the civil administration. The for a Lithuanian Role ‘Befreiungskomitees’ in Deutschland 1940/ 66 The initial ideas date back to August 1940. In documents have recorded what the institutions in the Invasion of the USSR 41,” in Werner Röhr, comp. and ed., his operational plan of 5 August 1940 Marcks Okkupation und Kollaboration (1938–1945). wrote that, with the help of Abewhr II, the had agreed among themselves, that is, to kill Beiträge zu Konzepten und Praxis der military should try in Lithuania, as well as “Jewish Bolsheviks”. Furthermore, the Security Few German sources provide Kollaboration in der deutschen elsewhere, to prevent the destruction of Police aimed at extending the practice of mass information about Nazi plans to involve Okkupationspolitik (Europa unterm Hakenkreuz, railways and bridges so that they would fall killings as quickly as possible, and then Lithuanians in Germany’s war.61 Mainly, the Ergänzungsband 1). (Berlin/Heidelberg, into German hands intact. See Gerd R. applied this practice, succeeding in most areas. task of using Lithuanians to further Germany’s 1994), 185. Überschär and Lev A. Bezymenskij, comp., 63 The Jews of military service age were killed. war aims fell to Section II of the OKW Abwehr Concerning A. Kinder see the Edmund Der deutsche Angriff auf die Sowjetunion 1941. Drukteinis Statement, 6 May 1941, in B. Die Kontroverse um die Präventivkriegsthese After killing the heads of families, and (German Military Intelligence), which dealt Baranauskas (comp.) Hitlerininkø penktoji (Darmstadt, 1998), 231. following the logic of the murders, the with minorities and sabotage, and the Sixth kolona Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 1961), 71. 67 Aktenvermerk v. 9.5.1941 Besprechung bei remaining women and the children soon Department of the RSHA (Foreign Affairs), 64 On 21 February 1941 the head of the Abwehr, Abwehrstelle Königsberg am 7.5.1941). BA, would also become victims; especially, since which attempted to exploit Lithuanians for Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, reported to the RH 19 III/722, Bl. 25 ff. On the Lithuanian there would be more than sufficient justification Germany’s military goals.62 Lieutenant Chief of the General Staff, Franz Halder, about side, Brunius, Gecevièius, and Puodþius were “organised measures targeted for Ukraine and the agents assigned to maintain contacts with to report these murders to the military and the Colonel Dr. Kurt Gräbe of the OKW and Dr. the Baltic countries”. KTB Halder, Bd. 2, 287. the Wehrmacht, the latter as a representative civil authorities as “an integral part of war”. Heinz Gräfe from the Tilsit (Tilþë) Gestapo, Later, Chief of the Army’s Operations Section, of the Lithuanian Activists’ Front (henceforth – Of the many reasons –shortage of food, spread who had been transferred to the RSHA Sixth Adolf Heusinger, informed Halder about “the LAF) in charge of contacts with Lithuania.

114 115 plans. Therefore, the respective commanders Lithuanian commanders themselves would Red Army, former members of the Lithuanian camp near Angerapp (Lager Gleisgarben bei were told only in general terms which points believe that the orders came from the LAF Riflemen’s Union (ðauliai) and the Iron Wolf Angerapp) was controlled by the Memel in their areas were to be secured.68 leader, Kazys Ðkirpa.72 As late as July 1941 (Geležinis Vilkas), former Lithuanian officials, (Klaipëda) GPK, headed first by Paul Schwarz In May 1941 preparations had advanced to German Security Police reports maintained that some of the youth organisations, students, a from the the Laukszargen border police station, the point that the Germans felt “certain that the LAF “had been launched by the OKW”, a part of the Catholic clergy, and nationalists and then, Herbert Schmidtke of the Memel rebel actions could be expected in the Baltic version which covered up and minimized the within various social groups.76 There were GPK. In the autumn of 1940 a few hundred border states.” Only the timing of the outbreak Lithuanian initiative in founding the LAF.73 numerous contacts via the four German Border Lithuanians found themselves there, including of the revolt remained to be determined. The Abwehr was informed that two Police Commissariats (GPK) and military some 60–70 former Lithuanian policemen.77 In Lithuanians pressed for an attack which organisational staffs operated in Lithuania: one intelligence units on the Lithuanian-German the spring of 1941 the German Abwehr trained would begin the moment the Germans crossed in Kaunas, the other in Vilnius. If the NKVD frontier, as well as assistance for agents ninety Lithuanian from this camp as specialists the border, but the Abwehr demanded that the uncovered one of them, the other would crossing the border in both directions. in sabotage. In the Luftwaffe’s camp on the rebels wait until the German troops continue to function. The LAF had assured the The Abwehr and Gestapo had Baltic Sea coast two 45-man groups, disguised approached.69 In any case, because of the fear Abwehr that “groups of activists, whether large established camps for Lithuanian refugees as mechanics, were trained in sabotage and that Soviet agents might penetrate these rebel or small, had been established in almost every close to the German-Lithuanian border where planned to cross the the German-Lithuanian units, the “ethnic soldiers” were to be Lithuanian locale (town or village).”74 The agents could be recruited. The Gleisgarben border (the so-called “green” line) shortly “peacefully” disarmed following the German available arms, mostly handguns, were of a assault.70 After the German Army had arrived, wide variety. For their part, the Germans had the rebels’ tasks would be considered smuggled into Lithuania some 200 Belgian accomplished, although a few rebels would pistols and Polish hand-grenades. In the 68 Aktenvermerk v. 18.5.1941 über Besprechung völkischen Widerstandsgruppen in den am 15.5.1941 bei Abwehr II über Einsatz Regt. baltischen Randstaaten durch Abw. II), BA- continue to serve as auxiliaries, translators and estimation of the Abwehr, it could be expected 800 und Widerstandsgruppen, BA-MA, RH MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 50 ff. 71 locals familiar with the land. “with certainty” that, with the approach of the III/722, Bl. 46 ff. Fifteen strategic objects were 73 See Security Police and SD Report, 31 July 1941, The Abwehr calculated that the German Army, the Lithuanians would launch pointed out to the German agents of the 800th as published in Klein, Einsatzgruppen, 115. commanders of the local units (“mostly former a “decisive revolt” against their “present regiment. Cf. Aktenvermerk v. 21.5. über 74 Vortragsvermerk v. 3.6.1941 betr.: officers, academics and priests”) would receive Russian oppressors.” The LAF anticipated that Besprechung am 20.5.41 bei Abwehr II betr.: Aufgabenbereich des VO, Abw. II bei Abw II directives from the Lithuanian émigré circles the rebels, who were to be marked with Tätigkeit der Abw. II auf russ. Gebiet, BA- Abschnittsstab Ostpreussen, BA-MA, RH 19 MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 50 ff. On 25 February III/722, Bl. 74. in Berlin; however, they did not know the armbands, would “themselves initiate the 1941 OKW received, at its request, a 75 Vortragsvermerk v. 13.6.1941 betr.: specifics of the leadership structure in partisan war against the Russians.” Certain comprehensive review of the Lithuanian Entwaffnung völkischer Aktivistengruppen, Lithuania itself since information from there objects were to be secured, and then, “according economy and production from the Lithuanian BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 81. The code name reached Germany only with difficulty. German to their temperament”, the fighters would side. for setting up contacts between the German military intelligence mistakenly believed that attempt to do “all possible damage to the 69 In its Directives for the Liberation of Lithuania forces and the Lithuanian activists was of 24 March 1941, the LAF set the date for the “Dünkirchen”. Cf. Tagesbefehl v. 18.6.1941 it had complete control over the leadership of enemy”. In this case, it was necessary to “make uprising at the moment the Germans crossed des AOK 18 Ic/AO betr.: Schutz- und 75 the Lithuanian underground movement, that allowance for individual excesses”. The fact the border, see Hoover Institution, Turauskas Sabotageaufgaben im Feindgebiet, BA-MA, RH the Lithuanian military attaché received his that, from the very beginning, the Abwehr Collection, CSUZ 75015-A, Box 5, “Lietuvai 20-18/63, Bl. 89–91. For the relevant order of orders “continuously from Abwehr Section II” accepted that there would be “excesses” iðlaisvinti nurodymai,” 24 March 1941. Cf. the day containing the information for the and then simply passed them on. The local (Übergriffe) reasonably implies that the military Algirdas Budreckis, The Lithuanian National Lithuanian underground issued by Lithuanian commanders, however, were intelligence agency viewed such violent Revolt of 1941 (Boston, 1968), 35. Panzergruppe 4 on 21 June 1941, see Kazys 70 Aktenvermerk v. 21.5. über Besprechung am Ðkirpa, Sukilimas Lietuvos suverenumui atstatyti: unaware that “their supreme leadership was excesses with approval. 20.5.41 bei Abwehr II betr.: Tätigkeit der Abw. dokumentinë apþvalga (Washington, 1973), 279. led by the German military”, that the German Before the outbreak of war, as much II auf russ. Gebiet, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 76 Ðkirpa, Sukilimas, 117 ff. orders were to be translated into Lithuanian, information as possible about Lithuania had 50 ff. 77 Herbert Schmidtke Interrogation, 27 February then secretly reach the Baltic countries through to be provided to the German military. 71 Vortragsvermerk v. 13.6.1941 betr.: 1956, Ibid., Bd. 1, Bl. 160 ff; Pranas Lukys , or by the sea lanes via , or the According to Kazys Ðkirpa, the former Entwaffnung völkischer Aktivistengruppen, Interrogation, 21 February 1957, Ibid., Bd. 10, BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 81. Bl. 2728–2731; Cf. Antanas Ðvarplaitis Lithuanian border. The directives were Lithuanian envoy to Germany and the head of 72 Vortragsvermerk v. 21.5.1941 Abschnittsstab Interrogation, 14 December 1940, in Penktoji supposed to be treated solely as “the orders of the LAF, the informers and the activists Ostpreussen, Ic/VO Abw. II Nr. 449/41 g. kolona, 52; J. Ilèiukas Statement, 27 October the national rebel leadership”. The chief consisted of the 29th Lithuanian Corps of the Kdos. Chefs Organisation und Ausbildung der 1940, in Ibid., 55–59.

116 117 before the attack. Some of these former officers “the earth burned under our feet”.81 With the The carrying of firearms in the open without a these units for their own purposes.87 On 28 and NCO’s originated from the refugee camps announcement by radio from the Kaunas permit was banned on the of 25-26 June.85 June the Provisional Government ordered and had to sign an oath that that they would Military Commandant, Colonel Jurgis Bobelis, The order to replace the different squads of salaries paid to the partisans, and the partisan submit to German military discipline.78 that the arriving Germans had allegedly been “partisans” by militarised and strictly commanders were required to report their time Another part of their task was to support the fired upon from Jewish homes, and that a organised units was promulgated on 28 June. in service.88 On 30 June the Government local activists. hundred Jews would be shot for every German, On the following day, the Kaunas military decided to advance monies to support the TDA At the outbreak of the war about a hundred the pogrom-filled atmosphere reached fever commandant’s office began to organize the battalion.89 However, the attempt to control all Lithuanians gathered in barracks in Memel pitch. This news struck ever greater terror into Defense of National Work Battalion (Tautinës the partisans units was not initially entirely where they were under the command of the the hearts of the city’s Jews.82 darbo apsaugos batalionas, henceforth – TDA) in successful. Two weeks later the mayor of future Chief of the Lithuanian Police During the first days of the war, the which primarily former soldiers would be Kaunas, Kazys Palèiauskas, found it necessary Department, Vytautas Reivytis, who had long Lithuanian organisations were still in a state enlisted.86 Colonel Andrius Butkûnas to inform the populace that only persons worked for the Abwehr.79 During the invasion, of flux. Along with the institutions of the commanded the Battalion, while Major wearing a white armband with a TDA they accompanied the German troops and, Provisional Government and LAF, there were Antanas Impulevièius was second-in- inscription and the stamp of LAF headquarters within a few days, many of them took over key a number of partisan headquarters in command. The creation of such TDA battalions belonged to the authorized staff.90 posts in both the civilian and police operation. It is certain that within a few days, had been planned as early as March 1941. The The increasingly numerous groups of administrations. A part of their activity as the rebels had begun operating in an organised German Security Police also were to utilize Lithuanians in uniform and in civilian garb agents consisted of creating lists, primarily of fashion. On 24 June, as the revolt continued, Communists and persons sympathetic to the the Kaunas Military Commandant’s Office Soviet regime. To some extent, they were able issued a proclamation ordering all Lithuanian 78 Vortragsvermerk v. 21.5.1941 Abschnittsstab 82 Gar, Umkum, 34 ff. to use the lists compiled by the former State police officers who had been employed before Ostpreussen, Ic/VO Abw. II Nr. 449/41 g. 83 Order No. 1of Kaunas Military Commandant of Security Deparment which before 1940 had the Soviet occupation of 15 June 1940 to return Kdos.Chefs. betr.: Organisation und 24 June 1941, No. 1, LCVA, R. 1444 Ap. 1, b. also attempted to identify all of the country’s to their posts, and that members of the Ausbildung der völkischen 8, l. 7; Cf. Petras Stankeras, Lietuviø policija Communists.80 paramilitary Riflemen’s Union report for duty Widerstandsgruppen in den baltischen 1941-1944 metais (Vilnius, 1998), 49. in their locales. During the following months, Randstaaten durch Abw. II, BA-MA, RH 19 84 The list of the partisan units existing at the time about 3,000 persons, that is, about 40% of III/722, Bl. 50 ff. See also: Vortragsvermerk v. in LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 9, 6 ff; 3.6.1941 betr.: Aufgabenbereich des VO, Abw. Brandiðauskas, Siekiai, 157ff. Violence and Anti-Jewish former police personnel, obeyed this order.83 II bei Abw II Abschnittsstab Ostpreussen), 85 Order No. 1 of Kaunas Military Commandant Outbreaks in Kaunas in the At its first sitting on 24 June 1941, the BA-MA, RH 19 III/722, Bl. 74. There are also Bobelis, 24 June 1941 and No. 7, 25 June 1941, First Hours and Days of the Lithuanian Provisional Government, headed testimonies about the two-week training LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 8, l. 8, 26. Nazi-Soviet War: German by Acting Prime Minister Juozas courses for agents in Königsberg, for instance, 86 Order No. 9, Kaunas Military Commandant Instigation and Lithuanian Ambrazevièius, decided to reform the former for twenty persons in March 1941. The local Bobelis, 28 June 1941, LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 8, b. SD was also involved, primarily in organising 8, l. 28, and Bobelis Communication of 28 June Cooperation Soviet governing structure, and to assign the an armed anti-Soviet revolt. Cf. Pranas 1941, LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 8, l. 35; both security police, city police (Schutzpolizei) and Giedraitis Statements of 1 and 5 December published in Masinës þudynës, T. 1, p. 69 ff. The outbreak of the war led immediately the prisons to the restored Lithuanian Ministry 1944, in Penktoji kolona, 96, 105–107. 87 Bericht des SK 1b an EG A v. 1.7.1941, BA, R 70 to excesses against the Jews. Although the of the Internal Affairs. After 15 July 1941 the 79 Pranas Lukys Interrogation, 21 February 1957, Sowjetunion 15; EM 14, 6 July 1941, BA, R German bombings and the news on the radio relevant departments within the Ministry were ZStL, EL 322, Bd. 10, Bl. 2728–2731; Vytautas 58/214; Tätigkeitsbericht Sich.Div. 281, made it clear that the war had begun, and that created. The Lithuanian Security Police, known Reivytis Interrogation, 9 January 1985, Ibid., 1.7.1941–15.7.1941, NARA, T. 315, Roll 1870, AR 6/85, Bd. 1, Bl. 33–43. 22ff. (“Under the supervision of the Germans, the Red Army was in retreat, the Jews of as the Saugumas, included both the security 80 G. Carsten Interrogations, 18 October 1956 and there were companies of uniformed soldiers Kaunas, for the most part, simply did not know and criminal police structures. of 18 January 1957, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, formed in Kaunas assigned to serve as how to react to the moment. Some left the The operating units of partisans were Bd. 9, Bl. 2165 and 2182; A. Conrad police”.) countryside for the city, others the city for the systemically assigned to 42 stations within Interrogation, 29 April 1960, Ibid., Bd. 21, Bl. 88 Masinës þudynës, T. 1, 70. countryside, depending on where they thought Kaunas and its suburbs; 3,365 men were 5921; W. Hersmann Interrogation, 10 January 89 The minutes of 30 June 1941, in Lietuvos laikinoji 1957, Bd. 7, Bl. 1752; H. J. Böhme Interogation, vyriausybë: posëdþiø protokolai [henceforth – they would find safety. They did not yet realize deployed overall.84 At the same time, attempts 8 December 1956, Ibid., Bd. 7, Bl. 1572. LLV](Vilnius, 2001), 19–20. what the retreat of the Red Army would mean. were made to control the spread of weapons – 81 See the descriptions of the first hours and days 90 Palèiauskas circular of 8 July 1941 is cited in Panic was widespread, the feeling was as if all firearms were to be immediately registered. of war in Gar, Umkum, 33–39, esp. 33. Stankeras, Policija, 126.

118 119 with white armbands walked the streets. They Escalation of the Situation Lietûkis garage in Kaunas on 27 June 1941. massacre was approximately two hundred spread throughout the city, sometimes by the German Security Police The particular resonance created by the metres from the 16th Army’s headquarters methodically arresting Jews in their own Lietûkis killings reflects the especially stationed at the Lithuanian Chamber of homes; sometimes, arbitrarily arresting Jewish At dawn on 25 June, when the gruesome method of killing conducted in Commerce from whose windows the yard of passers-by, whether men, women, or young advancing unit (Vorauskommando) of the public view, rather than the scale of the the garage could be observed.100 Several people.91 It can be assumed with a fair degree German Security Police entered Kaunas, the atrocity. The number of victims is uncertain, eyewitnesses identify Germans as active of certainty that the hastily reorganised persecutions noticeably intensified and but can be estimated at less than sixty.98 participants in the humiliation and beating, security and criminal police in Kaunas also assumed the character that has epitomized the Among the dead were a soap factory worker, but not the murder, of the Jews at the site while participated in the arrests.92 The detainees anti-Jewish pogroms at the war’s outset. In Yitzhakl Grin, musician Shlomo Goldstein, most accounts finger Lithuanian perpetrators. were transferred from the various stations to terms of pogroms, perhaps, the best-known water works employee I. Kurlianèikas, Some, but not all, of the differing narratives may the central prison and the Seventh Fort, a short atrocity of the first week of the Nazi-Soviet merchants B. Komaðas and Ch. Cukermanas, supplement one another if we understand them distance north of the city centre. Beatings, war, cited in numerous Holocaust histories, the students Pessach and Goldberg, as well as describing different German and Lithuanian robberies, thefts, and harsh public is the infamous massacre of Jewish men at the as Moshe Shtrom.99 The location of the stages of the atrocity.101 The background and humiliations became a daily occurrence.93 According to many witnesses, an important role in this hunt for Jews fell on Lithuanian 91 Entire families would be imprisoned; for Ghetto 1941–1945 (Chicago, 1988), 18; Harry sixty victims. Soviet authors claim about fifty janitors; in part, it was their decision whether example, 50-year old Leiba Kaplan, his 32- Gordon, The Shadow of Deaht: The Holocaust in victims, as in Masinës þudynës, T. 2, 392. to reveal Jews residing in their houses to the year old wife Sara and their three children Lithuania (Lexington, KY, 1992), 27; 99 Faitelson, A. “Neue Zeitung ” (in Yiddish), 31 marauding gangs. There were in fact some Mala, Frida and Benjamin, from 4 to 13 years Kutorgienë. “Tagebuch,” 629–631; Alex December 1998, 4, also see the newspaper, old; 42-year old Ida Friedmann, her 16-year Faitelson, Im jüdischen Widerstand (Baden- Laikinoji sostinë, 5 February 2000. The claim that homeowners and Lithuanian employees who old daughter Esther and her two-and-a half Baden/Zürich, 1998), 26; Margarete the killings were revenge against Jewish Soviet would not report their tenants or would evade year old son Elijah. See the requests addressed Holzmand Reinhard Kaiser, comp., ‘Dies Kind security officers who had perpetrated crimes the questions by claiming that the Jewish to the German Security Police on 2 July 1941 soll leben’. Die Aufzeichnungen der Helene against Lithuanians has not been documented. tenants had fled or had already been arrested. regarding those arrested on 26 June 1941, Holzman 1941–1944 (Frankfurt, 2000), 16 ff. See A. Bendinskas in Gimtasis kraðtas (1989) and Fanny Pitum considered it a real “stroke of LCVA, R 973, Ap. 3, b. 2, l. 1 ff. See also the letter of the survivor Rosa Simon, the response of Ch. Finkelshtein, as republished 92 luck” that “she had been in good relations Under the control of the EK3 and commanded by 10 December 1958, EK3 Verfahren, Bd. 1, Bl. in Lithuania, Crime & Punishment, 5, (January Jonas Dainauskas, a Lithuanian police group of 177 ff. On 24 June 1941 the Kaunas Military 1995), 48–50. Cf. the comprehensive description with the owner of the house who therefore did about forty men was created mostly from ex- Commandant, Lieutenant Bobelis, urged home in Kazys Rukðënas and V.Sinkevièius, “Litva not let in the partisans”. But she also knew prisoners and reinforced by elite personnel. See owners, hotel operators and others to report on pod vlastju gitlerovskich palachei,” in “that there were cases when the Lithuanian Stahlecker Report of 15 October 1941, Special fugitives, suspects, and those in hiding, 24 Gitlerovskaja okupatsija v Litve. Sbornik statej homeowners denounced their tenants”.94 Moscow Archive, 500-4-93, 14, 41-–43. June 1941, LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 8, l. 1, 8. (Vilnius, 1966), 98; Kutorgienë. “Tagebuch”, 634. Murders were not uncommon during the 93 The Lithuanian doctor, Elena Kutorgienë, has 96 J. Gar, Umkum, 35 ff. This almost certainly refers 100 Berichte Maurach (16. Armee) und recorded many scenes of public violance and to the same atrocity, recorded as having taken Bischoffshausen (H.Gr. Nord, EK3 Verfahren, arrests and robberies of the Jews. The flats of humiliation in her diary. See E. Kutorgienë, place on the second day of the war, described in Bd. 1, Bl. 317; also the minutes of the those Jews who had escaped were often Kutorgienë-Buivydaitë, Elena, “Tagebuch Juni the statement of E. Oshry, Manuscript Section association “Europäische Publikation e.V.” plundered.95 bis Dezember 1941,” in V. Grossmann, I. of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences meeting of 12–13 October 1956. On 24–27 On Jonava street, near the Neris River bridge Ehrenburg, Das Schwarzbuch. Der Genozid an (Lietuvos mokslø akademijos bibliotekos June, the main headquarters of the 16th Army to Vilijampolë, about 25 to 30 men were forced den sowjetischen Juden, German ed. with Arno rankraðèiø skyrius, henceforth – MACB RS), 18 were located at the Vilkaviðkis customs house; to dance, recite Jewish prayers, sing Russian Lustiger (Frankfurt, 1994), esp. 627ff. May 1945 (Kaunas), F. 159-25, l. 18–19. on 27 June–1 July, they were in the Kaunas Although the Provisional Government 97 In addition to Gar’s narrative in Umkum, Chamber of Commerce; on 1–4 July – in one of songs and perform “calisthenics”; then, anppealed publicly on 24 June 1941 for the Garfunkel convincingly describes the well- the Ukmergë schools; on 4–7 July – in eventually, the Lithuanians forced them to their ðauliai and partisans not to settle personal grounded fear increasing among the Jewish Mezciems resort house near knees and shot them. Among the men there was scores and to submit to due legal process, it inhabitants during those first days. See (Dünaburg). KTB AOK 16, Ia., 21 June 1941– Shmuel Matz, a journalist for Folksblat.96 As of seems few obeyed this injunction. Cf. Garfunkel, Kovno, 28 ff. 31 July 1941, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45. 25 June, any Jew who appeared in public was Stankeras. Policija, 143 ff. 98 Pinkas ha-Kehilot. Lita, 543. Mentioned here are 101 See Tomasz Szarota, U progu zag»ady: zajêcia 94 Fanny Pitum Deposition , 2 July 1959, EK3 52 victims killed during the massacre; Avram antyïydowskie i pogromy w okupowanej Europie: in danger.97 Verfahren, Bd. 5, Bl. 1998. Tory, Surviving the Holocaust (Cambridge, MA, Warszawa, Paryï, Amsterdam, Antwerpia, Kowno 95 Cf. Gar, Umkum, 36 ff; William W. Mishell, 1990), 23, also lists 52 victims; Garfunkel, (, 2000), 243 ff.; also cf. Eidintas, Kaddish for Kovno: Life and Death in a Lithuanian Kovno, 31, and Gar, Umkum, 38, both claim Þydai, 170–180.

120 121 origin of these killings has not yet been fully executioners, and that someone even played Lithuanian eyewitness accounts, difficult broke into many Jewish houses and brutally clarified.102 an accordion after the killings; some (Wilhelm problems remain in ascertaining the exact killed about a thousand people. Other estimates Looking at the photos one can recognise Gunsilius) testified to the playing of the sequence of events as well as some of the well- of the number of victims range from 600 to about ten perpetrators – the Lithuanian soldiers, Lithuanian national anthem.106 (This report publicized details.108 several thousand.109 It is likely that the higher armed civilians with white armbands, as well concerning the playing of the national anthem The largest single massacre of the first week estimates include persons murdered later in as other civilians who possibly had just been is contradicted by other witnesses.) There is of the invasion was the pogrom in Vilijampolë actions at the Seventh Fort. The infamous released from the prison.103 The spectators also testimony that some Lithuanians shouted (Slobodka), a predominantly Jewish section of Klimaitis gang constituted the hard core of the included many German soldiers and “Shame for Lithuania!”, but were silenced.107 Kaunas. Beginning on the nights of local perpetrators who were encouraged by the Lithuanian civilians, including a few women, It should be noted that the major difficulty in Wednesday, 25 June, until Friday, 27 June, commander of EG A, SS Gen. Stahlecker; one but no children can be seen in the photographs. constructing a definitive account of the Lietûkis organised pogroms were carried out, as report speaks of Germans shooting at Jews who The instruments of murder included iron bars, massacre is that, despite the photographic Lithuanian rebels armed with rifles and knives, tried to escape across the Vilija River.110 The wooden sticks, and water hoses for washing record and the oft-quoted German and and including a good number of students, next day, many body parts were reportedly lorries. Two photographs show the same young man, one who had just killed his victim with a bar, and then stood to pose, a triumphant 102 Further speculation has been provoked by the þudynës, T. 1, 51ff. Cf. M. Eglinis-Elinas (Meir 108 For the widely accepted standard account of expression on his face. Witnesses related that, 18 July 1941 entry in the diary of the Secretary Yelin), Mirties fortuose (Vilnius, 1966), 9; also Lietûkis see Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen and at first, the Jews were forced to clean the horse General of the Lithuanian Nationalist Party, Brandiðauskas, Sukilimas, 272. Volker Riess, ‘The Good Old Days’: The Holocaust manure from the ground, then to wash down Zenonas Blynas : “I met up with Petras 106 Leonardas Survila Testimony, 21 January 1961, As Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders, trans. the yard with water hoses. At that point the Kliorys. According to him, Jonas Dainauskas, Masinës þudynës, T. 1, 232. For the allegation Deborah Burnstone (Old Saybrook, CT, 1991), a former security officer who had also worked concerning the mothers and children, see 23–35. It should also be noted that the torture began – the victims were beaten time and in security during Soviet times, presumably Bericht v. 19.4.1959 von Oberst statements of photographer Gunsilius and again, or they were choked, filled to the gills had been continuing some investigation Bischoffshausen, Verfahren gegen Ehrlinger, Colonel Bischoffshausen are in contrast to other with the water hoses.104 The yard was covered against a Polish organization. However, [as a ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 3a, Bl. 2291– eyewitnesses as presented in Masinës þudynës, T. in blood which, in the end, the Jews were forced Soviet official] he had also interrogated 2295, and the statements of the former 1, 231; cf. Algirdas Moðinskas’ account in to clean as well. The bodies were buried in the arrested Lithuanians in Vilnius. It seems that photographer attached to the Lutwaffe Akiraèiai, No. 9 (1984), and the accounts in old cemetery in a mass grave. This course of [Dainauskas] arranged those beatings of the command of the 16th Army, Wilhelm Lietuvos rytas, 19 June 1999, as well as the Jews out on the street near the cemetery. The Gunsilius, 11 November 1958, also in the audio recording of the public forum sponsored events is confirmed by the entry of 28 June 1941 beatings were filmed and photographed. What Ehrlinger file, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 2, by Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas in in the diary of the Archbishop of Kaunas, Juozas perfect material for the Germans.” Quoted in Bl. 785a–791. Cf. the interrogation of Wilhelm the same year (courtesy Liûtas Mockûnas). Skvireckas. A military doctor, Col. Balys Alfonsas Eidintas, Þydai, 173. Eidintas added Schwan, who accompanied Gunsilius, 26 April 109 The participation of students has been Matulionis and the Rev. Simonas Morkûnas, that “the street near the cemetery” in Kaunas 1960, Ibid., Bd. 13, Bl. 100 ff. Many emphasized by a number of witnesses. See, for having learnt about the horrifying crime in the corresponds to the location of the Lietûkis depositions given by the members of the 562nd instance, Gar, Umkum, 37. Stahlecker gave the Garage. “bakery company” (Bäckereikompanie) stress following number of victims of this pogrom: Lietûkis garage from their friends, visited 103 The member of the First that the majority of the spectators were on the first night – 1,500, on other nights – Skvireckas and told him about the killings, Schutzmannschaftsbataillon, Pranas Matiukas, German soldiers. Cf. for instance, the 2,300, for a total of 3,800. This number is asking him to intercede with the Germans.105 related he had heard that the victims in the interrogation of Karl Röder who also took two clearly too large and likely includes the victims None of the existing documents confirm the garage had been killed in the most atrocious photos, 8 July 1959, in Ehrlinger’s file, ZStL, II shot in the Seventh Fort. (See First Stahlecker postwar statements of German soldiers that way. Most of the killers supposedly had just 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 4, Bl. 2737–2743; the Report, IMT, xxxvii, 682ff. HaKehillot, Pinkas. Lithuanian women went so far as to lift their been released from prison. Pranas Matiukas Fritz Lesch Interrogation, 8 July 1959, Ibid., Bl. Lita, 543 mentions about 800 victims of Interrogation, 20 December 1961, Lietuvos 2747–2749; Hubert Schmeink Interrogation, 2 pogroms; Garfunkel, Kovno, 31, the same children to better observe the killings. These ypatingasis archyvas (Lithuanian Special August 1960, Ibid., Bd. 12, l. 201–203; also the number; Tory, Holocaust, 23, thinks there were claims can likely be explained as the soldiers’ Archive, henceforth – LYA), 47337/3, l. 1. interrogation of Ewald Schreiner who recognised at least 700 victims; Grossman, Ehrenburg, attempts to mark the entire Lithuanian nation 104 Julius Vainalavièius Deposition for the KGB in himself and many other soldiers of the Schwarzbuch, 582, claims about 1,000 dead, as as brutal Jew-haters and, thereby, to present Vilnius, 1 August 1959. Cf. Testimony of Bäckereikompanie in the photos, 26 April 1960, does Gar, Umkum, 38. Budreckis, Revolt, 63, the murders ordered by the Germans (not Leonardas Survila, 21 January 1961, both Ibid., Bd. 13, l. 93 ff, and the interrogation of referring to the report of L. Shauss (Black book, introduced in Masinës þudynës, T. 1, 231ff. Cf. Heinrich Engels who also recognised six 324 ff.)) indicates about 600 victims killed on necessarily those at the Lietûkis garage) in a Mishell, Kaddish, 25, decribing the events on members of his Bäckereikompanie, 12 April 1960, four different streets. The low figure is given in better light. However, many witnesses testified the basis of Jewish witnesses. in EK3 Verfahren, Bd. 21, Bl. 6805–6809. the Oshry statement of May 1945 cited above. that the civilian spectators encouraged the 105 Exerpts from the diary published in Masinës 107 Holzman, 25. 110 Szarota, 235 ff.

122 123 scattered about, and mutilated bodies pogroms initiated? Who was responsible for and Horst Eichler, Stahlecker had met the The lead Vorauskommando consisted of part discovered. Some houses had been set on fire them and what was their purpose? In searching senior SS and Police Chief, SS Lieutenant of the staff of the EG A, as well as personnel and the people within burnt alive.111 On for answers, it is important to trace the activities General (Gruppenführer) Hans-Adolf from SK 1b and EK 3.120 It is generally agreed Friday, 27 June, some of the murdered were of the German Security Police during the first Prützmann in Königsberg; then, on 24 June, that SK 1b under SS First Lieutenant buried in the Jewish cemetery; others interred days of the war in some detail. Who arrived in had spoken with SS Captain (Hauptsturmführer) (Obersturmführer) Ludwig Hüttig was in in a mass grave on the riverbank.112 Several the city and when? What do we know about the Hans-Joachim Böhme from the Tilsit Gestapo, Kaunas on 25 June at the latest. Here they aspects of this murderous assault on the Jews negotiations between Germans and before arriving in Kaunas during the early searched for quarters to house the main SK1b of Kaunas are significant, but most important, Lithuanians? What were the objectives of the morning hours of 25 June.117 Here on 26 June force which arrived on 28 June. One of the lead unlike the anti-Communist rationale for the German Security Police during this period? Stahlecker met the Abwehr officer (Ic) of the commando’s first tasks was to determine Lietûkis atrocity indicated in a number of The persecutions and killings intensified 16th Army to discuss the “lead unit “which persons might be considered primary sources, the Vilijampolë massacre was after Heydrich’s Security Police arrived in the (Vorauskommando) of the senior SS and Police instigators of unrest, to uncover the Russian [i. clearly an attack on Jews as Jews. city: the pogrom in Vilijampolë was just such units in the army’s rear areas”,118 since he had e. Soviet] NKVD leaders and to size up the In Vilnius, the anti-Communist uprising an outcome of the Germans’ arrival.115 As early not conformed to the agreement that the special Jewish population.“121 The main force of EK 3 also involved a number of attacks on Jews, as the night hours of 24 to 25 June, the lead squads (, henceforth - SK) under the command of Jäger’s deputy, SS Major including the kidnaping of men, but the number commando of the German Security Police could start operations only after the (Sturmbannführer) Gustav Grauer, arrived in of victims of the first days of the war does not entered Kaunas.116 Previously, on 23 June, establishment of the army’s rear areas, but not Kaunas only on 2 July, while SK 1b was still approach the scale of the Kaunas killings. We according to his companions, Emil Finnberg in the battlefield.119 there.122 According to Grauer, Jäger and do not as yet have a complete list of the smaller- scale pogroms in the countryside, but we know 111 Survivors have not confirmed the report of the 117 Emil Finnberg Interrogation in Hamburg, 11 the “combat troops;” so that “the cooperation that Jewish refugees were harassed and killed burning of sixty houses, as given in the first May 1966 (RSHA file). StA Berlin 1 Js 4/65 with AOK was excellent. There is the 113 as they fled east. Examples of attacks against Stahlecker report, but homes were indeed (RSHA-Case), Bd. 6, 286. Cf. Finnberg ‘s possibility for a smooth integration into the Jews in the provinces during the first week of destroyed during the pogrom. interrogation , 23 November 1960, Ehrlinger front-line divisions.” EM, No. 12, 4 July 1941, the war can be found in the Commission’s report 112 Cf. Mishell, Kaddish, p. 20 ff; Gar, Umkum, 38; Verfahren, Bd. 11, Bl. 569; also Horst Eichler BA, R 58/214, Bl. 67. on the genocide of 1941 in the countryside (Dr. Gordon., Shadow, 37 ff. Oshry, Annihilation, 1– Interrogation, 15–16 May 1959, EK3 120 The SD member of the EK 3, SS officer Kurt 4, 13–15, describes the torment and death of Verfahren, Bd. 10, Bl. 3893, 3903, also his Mederski, belonged to the lead unit. He stated Arûnas Bubnys).114 In general, it can be stated many and yeshiva students in deposition, 29 May 1984, Klimaitis-Verfahren, that “in the beginning, the Wehrmacht was that most of the victims of the Nazis and their Slobodka. Bd. 1, Bl. 102; also Schreiben der Stapo Tilsit reluctant to let us enter Kaunas, as we were collaborators during the first week of the war 113 A particularly harrowing murder is described v. 1.7.1941 an RSHA, IV A 1, Special Moscow supposed to have nothing to do on the were killed either as the Germans swept through by survivor Solly Ganor in Wofgang Benz and Archive, 500-1-758; ZStL, UdSSR Ord. 245 Ag, battlefield.” Kurt Mederski Interrogation, 1 the country or immediately after the various Marion Neiss, comp., Judenmord in Litauen: Nos. 254–257. March 1972, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. security services had set up shop. Until Studien und Dokumenten (Berlin, 1999), 8–9. 118 Tätigkeitsbericht AOK 16, Ic/AO, 22 June 461.32438, Bd. 58, Bl. 13.982. 114 Arûnas Bubnys, “Holokaustas Lietuvos 1940– 21 December 1941, BA-MA, RH 20-16/ 121 See Wilhelm Hellmann Interrogation, 3 buttressed by reliable accounts providing time, provincijoje 1941 m.,” Report to the 473, Bl. 8 record of 26 June 1941). February 1959, Ehrlinger-Verfahren, ZStL, II place and at least an approximate number of ICECNSOR. 119 The first general report of EG A until 15 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 2, Bl. 539 ff.; also Paul victims, claims of large-scale pogroms before the 115 This is pointed out in the testimony of two October 1941 explained this haste as due to Schulte Interrogation, 4 November 1959, advent of the German forces must be treated survivors: Snieg , 3 June 1959, EK3 the unanticipated sudden progress of the Ibid.,, ZStL, II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 8, Bl. with caution. Verfahren, Bd. 3, Bl. 1063; also Karl Natkin, 18 Wehrmacht. Cf. excerpts from the First 302. In addition to Ludwig Hüttig, Paul July 1959, Ibid., Bd. 6, Bl 2149. Cf. Gar, Umkum, Stahlecker Report, 670-717, 180-L, esp. 671 ff. Schult, Hermann Reese, SS Second 36, who states that, after the Germans arrived, The document inentirety is stored in the Lieutenant (Untersturmführer) Georg there was a significant increase in murders. Special Moscow Archive, 500-4-93. The first Schmidt, Wilhelm Hellmann all belonged to Organising Pogroms: 116 First Stahlecker Report, 672. In October 1941 general report on the activities and conditions the lead units. Cf. EM, 8, 30 June 1941, BA, German and Lithuanian Stahlecker stated that the lead units of the of the Einsatzgruppen of 31 July 1941 R 58/214. Considerations Wehrmacht arrived in Kaunas on 25 June 1941. justifies the presence of the SK units on the 122 The list of executions executed on EK 3 For the precise time of Stahlecker’s arrival battlefield to prevent the Soviets from territory by 1 December 1941, BA, R 70 there see also Karen Friedman, German- destroying valuable materiel. See Klein, Sowjetunion 15, l. 81–89, here Bl. 81; A number of questions naturally arise in Lithuanian Collaboration in the Final Solution, Einsatzgruppen, 113. In a few days, during the Appendix 1b to the First Stahlecker Report, attempting to understand the history of the early 1941–1944 (unpubl Diss., University of attack on Riga, there were no more problems of Special Moscow Archive, 500-4-93; EM, 11, 3 period of anti-Jewish violence. How were the Chicago), 182 ff. this sort: Stahlecker entered the city along with July 1941, BA, R 58/214.

124 125 Hamann had arrived earlier.123 As noted it was not easy for the German Security Police as yet cannot be identified as connected to Lithuanians had been arranged beforehand, above, one of the key tasks of the earlier period to distinguish the different rebel groups in specific institutions. After the first night of and that he had negotiated with a number of assigned to the German Security Police was to Kaunas. The EG A and SK1b reports of the first pogroms in Vilijampolë, at the cabinet meeting rival groups.133 For his part, Stahlecker then initiate anti-Semitic pogroms in as secretive a days of war mention either four, or two groups of 26 June 1941, the acting Prime Minister informed the SK1b commander Ehrlinger about manner as possible. Having stated this operating in Kaunas, while, after the war, the Juozas Ambrazevièius complained that the pro-German partisans.134 purpose during the meeting of 17 June 1941, SK 1b commander, SS Lieutenant Colonel “Klimaitis’s partisan unit is not working More detailed information about the Heydrich reiterated these instructions in (Obersturmbannführer) Dr. Erich Ehrlinger, together with the headquarters of the German-Lithuanian talks has been provided by writing on 29 June when he addressed the spoke of three organisations of partisans.128 On Lithuanian Armed Forces. Meanwhile, the the interpreter, SS Lieutenant (Untersturmführer) commanders of the Einsatzgruppen.124 the other hand, although there was among Lithuanian partisans are in contact with the Richard Schweizer, a long-time agent and one Since March 1941 the Lithuanian rebel Lithuanians considerable readiness to resort LAF and the Provisional Government (PG).” of the key SD employees in EK 3. According to leaders, specifically the LAF, had encouraged, to violent measures against the Jews, which on He added that “completely innocent persons Schweizer, Stahlecker held meetings with through their propaganda, the organization of some occasions might even result in killings, are being arrested, their flats searched.”131 Lithuanian officers for two days in succession, anti-Jewish actions with the purpose of this attitude was less widespread than the What do we know about the talks between including air forces officers, among others, expelling them from Lithuania; in some German Security Police had assumed. The Germans and Lithuanians during the first days Bronius Norkus. Stahlecker explained to the instances, Jews were threatened with death. initiation of pogroms succeeded only after the of the war? Unfortunately, we have only the Lithuanian officers that the assistance of the The Lithuanian Jews were outlawed, their aforementioned Klimaitis group had been statements of witnesses and cannot refer to any Lithuanian units was urgently needed “in persecution given free reign. The German discovered, although this unit, comprised of documents of the period. One of Stahlecker’s order to decimate the Jews, because they were Security Police had shown an obvious interest Lithuanian outsiders, did not play much of a companions testified that the general had held enemies”. Therefore, the Lithuanians present in pogroms, while their Lithuanian role in further events.129 During the cabinet talks with some “Lithuanian headquarters,”132 were to contact the responsible commander in counterparts claimed, at least in their meeting of the Provisional Government on 27 while another associate of his thought that the Kaunas (at this point, Ehrlinger from SK 1b) propaganda, to be well prepared to carry them June, Minister Vytautas Landsbergis- EG A commander’s prompt contacts with the but they were not to act on their own. Stahlecker out to benefit the nation.125 Èemkalnis reported about the “extremely brutal” excesses against the Jews near the Lietûkis garage, upon which the ministers at 123 Relations between the meeting asked that the official minutes Grauer Interrogation, 13 June 1984, ZStL, II Birutë Sofija Kuzmienë Deposition, Vilnius, 28 207 AR-Z41/83, Bd. 1, Bl. 124. February 1984, Ibid., 193ff and Vytautas the German Security reflect their view that Lithuanian partisans and 124 Einsatzbefehl Nr. 1 (to the EG commanders), Reivytis Interrogation, 9 January 1985. ZStL, II Police and Lithuanians individuals should refrain from “public published in Longerich, Ermordung, 118 ff. 207 Ar 6/85, Bd. 1, Bl. 36. The information executions of Jews”. These crimes, the ministers 125 For more details see Truska and Vareikis, about Klimaitis is sketchy. He was most likely How did the intentions and plans to stated, must have been perpetrated by persons Holokausto prielaidos, 88 ff. an officer in the Lithuanian army, and is organise these violent pogroms against the Jews who “have nothing in common either with the 126 See The First Stahlecker Report, 672. known to have been a right-wing journalist. In 127 Ibid., 682. Also, Erich Ehrlinger Interrogation, 1984 Klimaitis’s sister testified that as early as succeed in practice? In October 1941, Stahlecker headquarters of the [LAF] activists, or with the 12 May 1959, Ehrlinger-Verfahren, Bd. 4, Bl. the 1930s he became strongly anti-Communist recalled how his EG A had succeeded in this partisans’ headquarters, or with the 2491. The commander of EK1b, Ehrlinger, also and anti-Semitic, and in 1942–1943 boasted task “despite great difficulties, in provoking Provisional Government.” However, this testified that Stahlecker “arrived in Kaunas about having started a commercial enterprise. the local anti-Semitic powers to organise carefully worded caveat did not include “all right after the combat troops had shown up, In 1985, Reivytis testified that he had known pogroms against the Jews.”126 Another those measures which must be taken against and without contacting the Army, began to Klimaitis as a Voldemarist. Klimaitis died in statement in the same report reiterated that in the Jews for their Communist activities and harm organise the Lithuanian partisan units and, if Hamburg on 29 August 1988. necessary, to set them against one other.” In 130 The minutes of 27 June 1941, LLV, 17 ff. the beginning it had been “surprisingly, not a inflicted upon the German Wehrmacht.”130 providing this evidence, Erhlinger aimed at 131 The minutes of 26 June 1941, LLV, 15. simple task to initiate large-scale pogroms Attempts to clarify the details concerning mitigating his own guilt, but it correlates with 132 Emil Finnberg Deposition, 23 November 1960, against the Jews in Kaunas. Nevertheless, the institutions with which Stahlecker held other known facts. ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 11, Bl. 569. through the directives given to Klimaitis, the talks have been unsuccessful. The later 128 First Stahlecker Report, 677–679. EM No. 12, 4 133 Horst Eichler Interrogation ,29 May 1984, ZStL Vorauskommando of EG A managed to initiate a commanders of those partisan units which had July 1941, BA, R 58/214. Ehrlinger II 207 41/83, Bd. 1, Bl. 102 ff. Interrogation, 11 May 1959, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 134 Ehrlinger Interrogation, 11 May 1959, ZStL II pogrom.”127 been involved in the mass killings in the town 21/58, Bd. 4, l. 2483. 207 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 4, Bl. 2485. Ehrlinger What exactly were these “difficulties”and and are mentioned in the German sources, 129 Algirdas Ðaltys Interrogation, 3 March 1986, himself testified to meeting Stahlecker in who was Algirdas Klimaitis? On the one hand, Algirdas Klimaitis and the doctor Zigonys (?), ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, Bd. 2, Bl. 269; also Kaunas three times.

126 127 also asked Lithuanians where a and the Wehrmacht. Perhaps, these in his famous First Report, that the EG A were Numerous sources deal with German could be established in Kaunas; the Vilijampolë explanations do not go far enough. It is doubtful “doing its best” to film and photograph the Army’s attitude towards the public massacres. area was suggested.135 At a later date, that, at this point, the German authorities in events in Kaunas and, some days later, in Riga The war diaries of the 16th Army, the 281st Schweizer changed his testimony, stating that Germany could know with such precision in order to prove that “it was the Lithuanians Security Division and air force units remarked Stahlecker had explained to the Lithuanian what was likely to happen in the next few and Latvians who carried out the first on the pogroms.143 On 29 June the 16th Army officers that they “must, under German months. It is likely that they were still hoping spontaneous executions of the Jews and Quartermaster first recorded: “9) Lithuanian leadership, exterminate the Jewish to win the war quickly, and that this would Communists”.140 Apart from the proclaimed Freedom fighters’ excesses against the Communists.”136 As far as the participation of leave them plenty of time for implementing goal of “cleansing (Säuberungsziel)”, it was, Communists and the Jews are halted. Further the Lithuanian security officials is concerned, radical politics concerning the nations of the according to Stahlecker, “no less important” executions will be carried out under the the partisan Jonas Èenauskas wrote a few East. to prove to “for the future” that “a liberated months after the outbreak of the war: “As of 27 Undoubtedly, it must also have been clear people undertook the most extreme measures June 1941 I began to organize the State Security to the Germans that the number of victims even against their Bolshevik and Jewish enemies, 135 Richard Schweizer Interrogation , 20 April Department. Until the current directors and of large-scale pogroms would be relatively without any instructions from German 1960, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, supervisors arrived from Germany, I, along limited. In fact, the dead in the public pogroms agencies.”141 This was done to prepare Bd.18, Bl. 6217; Cf. Schweizer’s interrogations of 14 October 1960 and of 22 October 1960, with Captain Kirkila, that is, with his unit, in Kaunas numbered about one thousand historical material for possible upcoming Ibid., Bd. 22, Bl. 6977 and 7049. liquidated the remaining Communist Jews and (Vilijampolë – 800, Lietûkis garage – 50–60, arguments concerning “the most extreme 136 Richard Schweizer’s interrogation of 23 January other Communist lackeys.”137 approximately 150 elsewhere), accounting for measures”. 1962, Ibid., Bd. 31, l. 8875. Cf. Eidintas, Byla, some 16–17 percent of the estimated total of It was also obvious from the very beginning 101-103. Alfonsas Eidintas has recently 6,000 dead in Kaunas. In other words, more that the brutal and public nature of the pogroms written that, as early as 25 June 1941, at about three in the morning, Stahlecker and Schweizer The Çogroms: The Goals than 83 percent of the victims died during the was supposed to reveal how the Wehrmacht met with about forty Lithuanian security and Role of the German arrests and murders organised by police and would react to murderous policy as practiced officers at their headquarters. According to Security Forces military units. by the SS. Would there again rise time- then acting security chief, Jonas Dainauskas, It would seem that the intended objectives consuming conflicts with the Wehrmacht as whose 1992 account is cited by Eidintas, The Goals of the Pogroms of the pogroms were many-faceted and might in Poland during 1939–1940? The oft-quoted Stahlecker urged the Lithuanians present to also be analysed the context of building words in the first Stahlecker report about the violently settle the country’s “Jewish problem.” It is likely that such talks did There is the question concerning German power. The goal of the German “German circles”, where problems would arise, indeed take place. However, what still remains German goals and interests in encouraging the Security Police was to channel the local meant that the reaction of the local Wehrmacht unclear is the content and outcome of those pogroms. Until now the most widely accepted population’s strivings so that they would not units were of great importance for the German talks, since here the reference is to an account interpretation of the Nazis’ pogroms at the become politically dangerous. The locals were security police. Stahlecker tried to show to the written many years after the war. To outset of the war was that the pogroms not to be permitted to manage their own “outside” that “the local people themselves completely clear up the matter, it would be necessary to refer to other sources to develop constituted a prelude to the planned murder of independent state or have a regular army – their took extreme measures and it was their natural an understanding of all the relevant the entire Soviet Jewish population. They were energy was to be directed against the release of reaction to the decades-long circumstances. to act as a beacon to show the way for coming supposedly hostile Jews. Therefore, the passage oppression of the Jews and terror by the 137 As quoted in Brandiðauskas, 1941 m. sukilimas, atrocities; for Heydrich, a very important in Heydrich’s message of 29 June 1941 cited Communists”.142 And when the first questions 79. political and psychological prologue to a above concerning the ban on organising from the Wehrmacht leadership were posed 138 Krausnick, Einsatzgruppen, 145. 139 programme of murder.138 Hilberg gives several centrally controlled military forces, and “in about the pogroms on 28 June, Stahlecker Hilberg, Vernichtung, 324. 140 First Stahlecker Report, 683 reasons for this explanation. First, “every their place, to promote local pogroms, organised needed some backing, in writing, for his 141 Ibid., 682. murdered Jew reduced the work load of the by the local people, as noted earlier [emphasis extremely violent measures. It was this context 142 Ibid., 672. Einsatzgruppen”. Second, the participation of added]” should be interpreted in this sense. which made the aforementioned written 143 AOK 16, Ia KTB, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45, l. 36. the native population in the pogroms served Second, one of the priorities of the German messages from Heydrich necessary. Stahlecker KTB Sich.Div. 281, Erster Lagebericht an den as “a way to deflect potential accusations and police was to legitimize their plans for mass and the senior SS officials needed legitimizing Befehlshaber Hgeb. Nord, 10 July 1941: “Hatred and rage against the Soviets was so as a means of blackmailing the locals“.139 murder by portraying local non-German messages which could be presented to the local apparent in Kaunas in the first days that the Hilberg dealt only in passing about the peoples as the putative initiators of these Wehrmacht commanders who were in charge white armband organisation members time possible conflicting interests of the Security crimes. For this reason Stahlecker pointed out of assuring order. were killing prominent Communists,

128 129 supervision of the SS leaders in Kaunas”.144 the Security Police. The Wehrmacht opposed The patrols of the 281st Security Division were Baltic, at a time when the German police These events took place during the time of only the murders carried out without proper trying to stem the night-time shootings.154 presence there was small. Thus, the main Ehrlinger’s SK 1b, which since 28 June supervision or control. Although the military Another possible rationale for the Germans problem they faced was how to rapidly controlled adequate forces for use in Kaunas.145 administration of the commanders in place bore to instigate pogroms is that, as a result of their establish, with the limited forces available, Two days earlier the Wehrmacht had held talks responsibility for the security of the local anti-Semitism, the German Security Police enclosed ghettos in order to control the with Stahlecker. On 26 June, after the first night population, they assented to the killings of the actually considered Soviet Jews dangerous. “dangerous” Jews. Presumably, the events in of the Vilijampolë pogroms, the 16th Army’s German Security Police both within their area They knew that the Jews constituted a very Kaunas took shape as intended – the terrorist (Ic) intelligence officer held a conversation with of military operations, and later, within the rear substantial part of the urban population in the blackmail proved successful. The Jewish Stahlecker, and on 28 June, Stahlecker held areas of the Army (rückwärtigen Armeegebiet) and another meeting with the (Ia) tactical officer. the troop deployment areas (rückwärtigen They spoke about: “a. The composition of the Heeresgebiet). The military’s protests remained commissars, women and children, who had Police Chief Prützmann concerning intelligence new government, decisions adopted in Berlin; bland and, in this respect, the Security Police been accused of reporting on the Lithuanian (Ic) matters,” Ibid., (22–23 June 1941). b. Taking over the security services, Lithuanian in fact accomplished their goal. The later Head intelligentsia to the GPU, half out in the open 148 KTB HGr. Nord, Eintrag 3.7.1941, BA-MA, RH auxiliary police (Hilfspolizei) uniforms; c. of the Political Section of the Ministry of Eastern and in the light of day in the most cruel 19 III/767, Bl. 52. Krausnick had already manner. Even the immediate involvement of noted that the term Flurbereinigung and Hitler’s Avoidance of Jewish pogroms on open Affairs (Ostministerium), Otto Bräutigam, the military commandant’s office could not Chief Adjutant’s responsibilities confirm that 146 streets“. The intelligence officer (Ic) of the together with Kleist, visited the leading prevent the massacres of several thousands Schmundt had spoken with Hitler. The Commander of the Rear Area of Army Group commanders of the Army Group North rear Communists and Jews”; NARA T. 315, Roll phrasing is reminiscent of Hitler’s motives North also mentioned a meeting with areas on 11 July and, after the meeting, recorded 1870, KTB Nr. 1(1.4–10.741) des connected with the order of March 1941 on the Stahlecker on 28 June, whence among other that: “With our tacit permission the Lithuanian Nachschubverbindungsstabes der Luftwaffe limitations of traditional rights of the military bei Luftflottenkommando 1, Bl. 507; BA-MA, in occupied territory by Himmler’s charter to issues they discussed “the division of auxiliary police carried out numerous pogroms RL 7/15 (28.6.1941): “4. Yesterday and today the SS troops, and also after Hitler’s aside 150 responsibilities and briefing the against the Jews .” On 29 June 1941, a Kaunas witnessed terrible pogroms against the about the murderous decimation of the Polish commander”.147 On a higher level, at the Wehrmacht soldier wrote in his diary: “Our Jews. Yesterday ‘the partisans’ shot 1,500 elite in the autumn of 1939. Cf. Krausnick, beginning of July 1941, the Reich leadership German soldiers were no more than calm Jews; 70 Jewish snipers were also killed. Einsatzgruppen, 182. received another inquiry from Army Group observers; we have not received any orders to Tonight 1,000 Jews were shot (The statistics 149 Tagebuch von Leeb, 288. Von Roques agreed with North regarding the “excesses of the halt the bloodshed. The persecutions lasted are from the Military Commandant’s office). 5. the “solution of the Jewish question” but Today at a midday, the entire population to be thought that it would be far more appropriate Lithuanian volunteers”. On 3 July 1941, day and night from 24 June until the evening disarmed.” to “solve it by sterilizing all Jewish men”. Von 151 Hitler’s Chief Adjutant, Colonel Schmundt of 29 June. Then a calm gradually settled in”. 144 Besprechungsnotiz AOK 16 ( recorded by the Rocques, the commander of the Army Group visited the headquarters of Army Group North All the participating institutions, the Chief Quartermaster 29 June 1941), BA-MA, North rear area, himself testified in 1947 that and later (presumably, in reference to an Security Police, the Wehrmacht and the liaison RH 20-16/702. he spoke about the pogroms with Stahlecker, inquiry) related by phone that “soldiers should officers of the future civil authorities, took the 145 EM, 30 June 1941, BA, R 58/214. but naturally kept to the Wehrmacht’s version 146 KTB AOK 16, Tätigkeitsbericht Ic/AO, BA- of events: “I asked Stahlecker about this. He not deal with these political issues; in this case, stand that, on the issue of pogroms and the MA, RH 20-16/473, Bl. 8 (26.6.1941), claimed that the Lithuanians had done this on it is the issue of necessary ethnic house first mass murders, there would be no “Besprechung mit dem SS-Brigadeführer, their own”. See Tagebuch von Leeb, 63, cleansing (Flurbereinigung) which matters”.148 significant disagreements worth debating. Vorauskommando der Verbände des HSSPF Anmerkung 146, with a reference to von The commander of the Group recorded in his Looking back, Stahlecker correctly noted in his beim rückwärtigen Heeresgebiet”; 16 AOK Roques’s statement under oath, Case XII official journal that, despite the fact that General report that the pogroms progressed smoothly KTB (KTB AOK 16, Ia, BA-MA, RH 20-16/45, (NOKW 2618, 22 October 1947). 150 von Roques had complained about the mass through “informing the Wehrmacht offices, l. 51 (28.6.1941). Kriegstagebuch Bräutigam, 134. 147 Tätigkeitsberichte Befh.d.rückw.Hgeb.Nord, Ic 151 Remarks from Major von Grießenbeck’s journal, shootings of Jews, he had no doubts that the which showed throughout an appreciation for und Ic/AO), (16.6-31.7.1941), BA-MA, RH dated 1941 June 29, on the basisi of the report 152 Lithuanian squads were “carrying them out at those actions”. After the end of June, the 22/253 (28.6.1941). On 22 June 1941, the by Lieutenant Dr. Wüst (16 AOK 50st the instigation of the German Security killings became less public, mostly carried out military intelligence officer together with the propaganda unit), quoted in Krausnick, Police.”149 at the Seventh Fort. In 1960, a Wehrmacht Abwehr officer already had a meeting with the Einsatzgruppen, 179. As can be seen from the above sources, the soldier testified, “Generally, after the command’s liaison with the Security Police, SS 152 First Stahlecker Report, 683. Major Wessel “to make contact with the field 153 Wilhelm Schwan Interrogation, 26 April 1960, Wehrmacht was always well-informed about termination of the carnage in the streets of gendarmerie and the Security Police”, and on ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 13, Bl. 101. the events in question. Moreover, the military Kaunas by the Germans, the shootings took 23 June, with Lieutenant Colonel von Zamory, 154 See KTB Sich.Div. 281, NARA, RG 242, T. 315, often discussed them with representatives of place at the fortifications around Kaunas”.153 the intelligence officer under the Higher SS and Roll 1869, 263 (entry for 4 July 1941).

130 131 representatives who had survived the first The ‘Preliminary Stage’: More significant is the fact that, except for the the Staff of the Armed Forces, approved the wave of killings, and fearing the pogroms as Organizing the Murder reported private chastising of Klimaitis160 and formation of the so-called TDA-Battalion on 27 well as the threats not to release the detained of ‘Dangerous’ Jews published appeals against lawlessness,161 the June 1941, and appointed Col. Jurgis Bobelis, Jewish women and children, were ready to Lithuanian authorities made no discernible who periodically reported to the cabinet, as the cooperate in the ghettoization process. With the exception of the very first mass attempt to interfere with or, at the very least, military commandant in Kaunas. Naturally, the Last but not least, it was important for the killings initiated by the Tilsit Gestapo and SD disassociate themselves from the German PG was powerless to affect the Nazis’ genocidal Security Police to expand their competencies which were carried out in the specially takeover of the hastily formed units composed of policy towards the Jews, but, at least initially, it in the new areas. Before the war, the competency designated border areas (see the section on former anti-Soviet partisans and Red Army had access to the public through the press and of the Security Police was limited to the Jurbarkas below),156 the transition from pogrom- deserters. The Nazis’ ability to coopt Lithuanian radio. Thus, the unavoidable conclusion is that execution of policy, while the shaping of that like attacks to a campaign of bureaucratically manpower for mass executions was to have the PG failed in its responsibility to at least policy was in the hands of the relevant civil consolidated extermination had to wait for the incomparably more serious consequences for attempt to clearly state its opposition to the anti- authorities. The spectre of public mass killings military and political situation to stabilize. As Lithuania’s Jews than the killings of the first week Jewish violence beyond urging avoidance of would serve the desire of the political police to noted above, German encouragement and of the war. The PG sanctioned the formation of “public massacres” of Jews.162 be solely responsible for political, rather than incitement considerably expanded the scope just the police security functions. This aim of and destructiveness of the very first massacres, the German Security Police could be achieved during which the Nazis operated behind the 155 Friedman, Collaboration, 180, on Stahlecker’s for Klimaitis. After the war Ambrazevièius by creating the impression that they constituted scenes, a technique which was largely interest in highlighting local participation. stated that it was the Provisional Government the institutional barrier against the apparent abandoned after the initial period of so-called 156 The numbers of victims according to the with the help of the General Pundzevièius and inevitable chaos, and thus, the only possible native vengeance against Judeo-Bolshevism. German security police report: Gargþdai (201), Rëklaitis, that managed to convince Klimaitis Kretinga (214) and Palanga (111), as cited in to stop the pogroms and halt his service to force for establishing order.155 Although the first large-scale attacks on Jews NARA, EM, Nr. 14, 6 July 1941, 2, T.175. Stahlecker. See N. E. Sûduvis [Juozas In the end, some of the Security Police were undoubtedly demoralizing, they did not Considerably more information is contained in Ambrazevièius-Brazaitis], Vienø vieni. Lietuviø objectives were accomplished, others not. The yet constitute a policy of genocide. Clearly, as the records of the Fischer-Schweder tautos divideðimt penkeriø metø rezistencija (New Germans failed in diverting the Lithuanians’ far as the Nazis and their collaborators were investigation as published in Vol. 15 of Fritz York, 1964), 88 ff, 137, 143. Klimaitis stated from their objective of political independence. concerned, chaos in the streets was no solution Bauer et al, eds., Justiz und NS-Verbrechen that in case of disagreement Stahlecker Lithuanians, albeit vainly, continued to strive to the “Jewish question.” As Stahlecker admitted (Amsterdam, 1968–1981); cf. Jürgen threatened to kill, therefore the generals Matthaus, “Jenseits der Grenze. Die ersten suggested to hide away from Stahlecker and to for independence and an autonomous central in his oft-quoted report, the initial pogroms, once Massenerschiessungen von Juden in Litauen flee Kaunas. This latter claim by Klimaitis is administration. Another failed attempt was they ran their course, could not easily be (Juni–August 1941),” in Zeitschrift für fanciful to say the least. Cf. Bubnys, Vokieèiø, placing blame solely on the Lithuanians for restarted and, in any case, it was obvious that Geschichtswissenschaft, 44 (1996), 101 ff.; also 199. The story here is told exactly the same the brutality and cruelty of the various anti- such actions were possible only during the first Joachim Tauber, “Garsden, 24. Juni 1941” way, with a reference to the statement by the Jewish measures. The sources document the days after the occupation.157 (author’s manuscript awaiting publication) LAF member Adolfas Damuðis. and Konrad Kwiet, “Rehearsing for Murder: 161 Á Laisvæ, 24 June 1941. initiative of the Germans, as well as the The Lithuanian Provisional Government The Beginning of the Final Solution in 162 This incriminating formulation is found in the participation of the Lithuanians. The test to (PG), proclaimed on 23 June 1941 at the outset of Lithuania in June 1941,” Holocaust and Genocide protocol of the 27 June 1941 cabinet meeting in gauge the reaction of the Wehrmacht was, the anti-Soviet uprising, formally eschewed Studies, 12/1 (Spring 1998), 3–7. See also, response to the news about the Lietûkis from the Security Police perspective, a success. organized slaughter and disassociated itself Christoph Dieckmann, “Der Krieg und die killings. The full text is as follows: “Minister There was no serious opposition and no major from the rogue partisan elements even as it Ermordung der litauischen Juden,” in Ulrich Þemkalnis reported on the extremely cruel problems emerged, only scattered expressions approved decrees segregating and collectively Herbert, ed., Nationalsozialistische torture of the Jews in the Lietûkis garage in Vernichtungspolitik 1939–1945 (Frankfurt, Kaunas. Decided: Notwithstanding all the 158 of concern. However, the goal of the police to punishing the Jews. On the other hand, the 1998), 292–329, and esp. 295–298. measures which must be taken against the take over the shaping of policy in the occupied leaders made no specific public reference to the 157 First Stahlecker Report, 683. Jews because of their Communist activity and territories proved unavailing. Until the very massacres of Jews which were taking place in 158 See the PG’s protocols of 24–26 June 1941, in harm to the German Army, partisans and end of the war, the Security Police had to Kaunas, on the government’s very doorstep, and LLV, 9–15. individuals should avoid public executions of coordinate with the civilian administration, it appears that only one member of the leadership, 159 As indicated in Liudas Truska’s report to the Jews. It has been learned that these actions ICECNSOR, “Antisemitizmo stiprëjimas have been committed by people who have no and had to confine themselves to carrying out the PG’s liaison with the Germans, historian Lietuvoje sovietinës okupacijos metais,” 1. connection with the [Lithuanian] Activists’ executive tasks rather than formulating Zenonas Ivinskis, suggested an official 160 Lithuanian postwar literature denies any Staff, the Partisans’ Staff, nor the Lithuanian policy. condemnation of the anti-Jewish violence.159 responsibility of Lithuanian state institutions Provisional Government.” [LLV, 18.]

132 133 The calamitous new “post-pogrom” stage the populace expressed in the press, still meeting of the PG about the establishment of negotiated the location of the facility. On the in the persecution and murder of Lithuania’s operated within the context of revenge, “a Jewish concentration camp” upon which 29th and 30th of June, Jewish men and women Jews was initiated as soon as the Germans had liberation and a struggle against Bolshevism, the government decided to appoint the Vice were brought to a place that SK1b also tightened their grip on the country. The TDA rather than within the rhetoric of genocide Minister of the Municipal Economy, V. Ðvipas, identified as a “Jewish concentration camp”. units, formally proclaimed on 28 June, were motivated by racial anti-Semitic ideology. In and the commandant responsible for the On the evening of June 30, the shootings quickly drawn into the mass killings of the general, the method and scope of the massacres maintenance of the concentration camp (that began.170 Jews. On 1 July 1941 Ehrlinger reported that he of the first six weeks differed significantly from is, the Seventh Fort).169 To date the only EK 3 intended to establish two sections had managed to create five Lithuanian the decisive assault on the Jews, the mortal reference to the initiative in establishing a within this “Jewish concentration camp”. One companies of auxiliary police, two of which blow which fell with the greatest force during concentration camp in Kaunas is in the 1966 was designated for the Jewish men, the other – had been put at the disposition of his SK 1b. August, September and October of 1941. In statement submitted by the liaison officer for Jewish women and children. The Seventh According to Ehrlinger, one of the companies other words, while the initial massacres assigned to the German Military Field Fort reportedly contained approximately 1,500 was already guarding prisoners and carrying constituted a bloody and, for Lithuania, Commander’s office, A. Èemribas, who claimed Jews and the central prison – 1,869 Jews, 214 out executions at Kaunas’s Seventh Fort, while unprecedented wave of violence, they fell short that on 29 June 1941 the Military Field Lithuanians, 134 Russians, 1 Latvian and 16 the other was assigned “order police” tasks.163 of a Final Solution. Commander, General von Pohl, informed him Poles at the beginning of July. The Germans The Berlin office of the Security Police and SD In particular, the shootings at the Seventh about the order from Berlin to confine the also planned to open an additional reported on 30 June 1941 that, while SK 1b set Fort in Kaunas during the second week of the Lithuanian Jews in their own separate camp. concentration camp in the where, up shop in Kaunas, Lithuanian partisan war constituted at that time the most extensive He stated that subsequently Commandant at the time, mainly women and children were groups had already shot several thousand Jews mass killings of unarmed civilians in the Bobelis and Mayor Kazys Palèiauskas confined. According to this data, at the during the last three days.164 At this point, country’s modern history.166 The majority of organized mass executions under a militarized the victims of the initial stage of pogroms and command structure, rather than pogroms, killings who were killed before August of 1941 163 Ehrlinger Report to Berlin and Einsatzgruppe 169 Cabinet meeting of 30 June 1941, LLV, 19;also became the tool of destruction. In Vilnius 321 were Jewish men who perished in Kaunas’s A, 1 July 1941, in Bundesarchiv (Koblenz), minutes of 5 July 1941, LLV, 15. The City’s Jews were killed by 8 July 1941, while mass Seventh Fort. copy provided to author; NARA, EG, Nr. 14, 6 Commandant’s budget, which was submitted shootings in Paneriai, which became the major July 1941, 3-4. by Bobelis on 5 July 1941, contained a line for 164 killing ground in eastern Lithuania, began on NARA, T.175, EG, Nr. 8, 30 June 1941, 2. the concentration camp and was to go into 165 Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing effect as of 1 July (21 soldiers and amajor 11 July. Approximately 5,000 Jews were killed Organized Shootings Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the were assigned to the guard detail). In reality here by the end of July. The Germans took part of Late June and Early Holocaust (New York, 1996), 191–192. Also see more soldiers were sent to the Seventh Fort, in the mass killings not only as organizers and July in the Seventh Fort the reference to the activities of Police for example, 49 men on 7 July 1941, commanders, but as executioners as well. Battalion 65 in Kaunas below. according to TDA Order No. 3, LCVA, R 166 According to postwar court records, as the Killings in the Seventh Fort167 Statistical summary is in theFirst Jäger Report 1444, Ap.1, b. 1, l. 19. of 10 September 1941, in LYA and the Second 170 Cf. Yitzhak Nemenchuk, “VII. Fort,” in: Fun Nazi invasion force swept through northern 30 June 1941 – 5 July 1941 Jäger Report of 1 December 1941 located in a Letzte Churbn H.7 (1948), 60. Report of SK 1b Lithuania, German Police Battalion 65 engaged number of venues. to EG A and RSHA, 1 July 1941, BA, R 70, in mass killings of Jews in Kaunas and At the outset of the war, the systematic 167 There were twelve military strongholds around Sowjetunion 15; EM No. 14, 6 July 1941, BA, Ðiauliai.165 arrests of Jewish men and women in Kaunas Kaunas, the so-called forts, which served as a R 58/214; Breitman, Himmler’s Police As indicated above, the victims of the first resulted in mass incarcerations, the majority defense shield during the nineteenth century Auxiliaries, 35. Lithuanians considered the days of the Nazi invasion included not only of the detainees held in either the city’s central and were later used as prisons. Some of them Seventh Fort as the aforementioned became sites for executions, primarily of “concentration camps” set up by the Jews, but numerous real and alleged non- prison on Mickevièius street or at the Seventh Communists and Jews, and were maintaned as Lithuanian military commandant’s office. Cf. Jewish Communists. In this sense, the EG units Fort. The inmates were tortured and thousands prisons and concentration camps during the Camp Commandant to the Kaunas were following Heydrich’s instructions to of the Jewish men were shot. These former German occupation. Commandant, 10 August 1941, on encourage and direct the destruction of prisons proved too small for the overflow of 168 First Stahlecker Report, (Moscow), 20. Cf. liquidating the camps, LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, elements hostile to the Reich. Generally, the inmates, so “provisional concentration camps” Masinës þudynës, T. 1, 254, Kaunas criminal b. 18, l. 126. On 11 July 1941, the Camp police report (undated but referring to the first Commandant’s post was transferred to the anti-Jewish discourse of the various were established as temporary detention days of the invasion), on the taking of 254 chief of the appropriate security unit, TDA 168 Lithuanian police agencies and irregular units, centers. On 30 June, the Kaunas Jewish women from the prison to the Seventh Special Order No. 11, 11 July 1941, LCVA, R as well as the voiced perceptions of much of Commandant Bobelis informed the cabinet Fort. 1444, Ap. 2, b. 1a, l. 17.

134 135 beginning of June more than 3,200 people had who wore glasses for “lighter work” – from meeting the Defense Minister, General from the Kaunas Jewish Council (Judenrat), been arrested in Kaunas.171 At the beginning doctors, lawyers and engineers were Stasys Raðtikis; the general’s deputy did not Koniuchowsky estimated that 8,000 men and of July 1941 the hunt for suspects become even supposedly needed. However, the people help her.180 50 women of Jewish origin from Kaunas and more systematic. At the urging of the taken away never came back– they were, in During the night of Sunday, 6 July, all of its environs had perished.182 According to the Lithuanian partisans detachment of the fact, shot on the other side of the walls. The the remaining approximately 2,500 men, who 1942 figures of the Jewish Council, the first Kaunas rail station, on 2 July the Lithuanian Lithuanian guards raped and then killed had still survived in the open-air holding wave of killings claimed approximately 6,000 Military Commandant issued an order to mark some 30-40 women; many reports tell of the area, were killed by gunfire and hand- victims. Bearing in mind, that about 1,000 all the Jews and their houses and to arrest all fearful terror inflicted by drunken Lithuanian grenades thrown down from the bulwarks. A Jews were killed during the Vilijampolë Jewish, Polish and Lithuanian Communists. guards in the casemates.175 Several survivors small group of Jews, who had survived in the pogroms and 52–60 the Lietûkis garage, it is Furthermore, the staff of all the shops had to be recall that the Lithuanian basketball team casemats, saw thousands of dead bodies on likely that the victims of the Seventh Fort “cleansed”. The “rich” Jews were not allowed which had won a game against a Wehrmacht the ground on Sunday. Nemenchik surmised numbered about 5,000.183 The oft-quoted total to sell their shops. Jewish property was quickly team were given a kind of a prize; they came that approximately 7,000 people had been of 6,000, likely includes victims murdered in registered and then expropriated. All arms and to the Fort to shoot a few dozen Jews, but there killed in the Seventh Fort.181 Based on data other locales.184 real estate were to be transferred to the is no reliable documentation for this story.176 possession of “true” Lithuanians. The Some of the victims broke down and went partisans demanded the “merciless mad. Only a few were lucky to bribe the 171 EM No. 14, 6 July 1941, BA, R 58/214. The first 176 Nemenchuk, “VII. Fort”, 67; Gar, Umkum, 42. destruction of everyone sucking noble guards for their freedom. Some seventy men report of the activities and status of the EG, 31 Cf. the well-founded doubts expressed by Lithuanian blood” or who were persecuting survived because as volunteers they had July 1941, provides an even more innocent Eidintas, Byla, 164. Despite the serious the rebels.172 fought in Lithuania’s wars of independence phrasing: “two large Jewish settlement camps doubts concerning this account, in April set up in the former defence building” and 2003 the basketball story received attention It was not only the Jews of the city, but also in 1918–1920. Commandant Bobelis, who “revision of the inmates is continuously going in American, Lithuanian and Israeli media A the Jews from outlying areas who were sent to frequented the Seventh Fort, ordered them set on,” as in Klein, Einsatzgruppen, 115. In the careful examination of the record by the the Seventh Fort, including the ones who had free.177 Yitzhak Nemenchuk, who described opinion of SK 1b, the prisons were terribly ICECNSOR’s researchers found no attempted to flee to the East, but had turned the events at the Seventh Fort in great detail, overcrowded and security was “incredibly documentary evidence to conclude that a back for various reasons and were now was fortunate to survive them. He hid in the difficult” as reported in EM No. 8, 30 June Lithuanian-German game actually took forbidden to return to their homes.173 The men casemates and listened to the constant 1941, BA, R 58/214. Cf. Lagebericht des SK 1b, place. 1941-7-2 (RSHA copy, 7 July 1941), Moscow 177 Gar, Umkum, 41. were foreced to lie on the ground in the open shootings. “The night from Thursday to Special Archive, 500-1-758, l. 6–8. The 178 See list of survivors in Nemenchuk. “VII. Fort”, sky and remain motionless, while the women Friday, and all day Friday, were terribly prisoners were soon to be killed. 64, 68 ff. Cf. list of the executions in the First and smaller children were separated from the bloody. The shootings would not stop. New 172 LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 9, l. 79, contains the Jäger Report of 10 September 1941, BA, R 70 men and closed in dark casemates. The days groups of people kept being conducted message of the train station unit to Bobelis, 2 Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 77. that followed turned into endless torture of the beyond the walls”. On Friday, 4 July, the EK July 1941. There is also a corresponding order 179 Koniuchowsky, YVA, O 71/163, 24–53. from Bobelis of the same day. 180 Holzman, Kind, 19–26. Helene Holzman was detainees at the hands of the Lithuanian 3 registered that 416 men and 47 women were 173 Yad Vashem Archives (henceforth – YVA), O half Jewish, a baptized Lutheran, brought up 178 guards. Despite the extremely hot summer shot. Koniuchowsky related that on that 71/163, 3 ff., esp. Leib Koniuchowsky’s in Germany who had lived in Kaunas since weather, the unfortunate inmates were not Friday, an Austrian staff seargeant description compiled in Feldafing in 1946 1923. She was married to Max Holzmann, a allowed any water from the nearby well. If any (Stabsfeldwebel), who had been staying in a according to witness accounts. Jew, who as the soldier of the German army of the detainees moved, the guards, who were Jewish apartment and had befriended the 174 Nemenchuk, “VII. Fort”, 67; Fritz Gernhardt’s had served in Kaunas in 1916–1918. Cf. Ibid., often drunk, fired into the crowd at random. onwer, managed, at the latter’s request, to take Interrogation, 1 July 1959, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 345–363. 21/58, vol. 3a, l. 1997. 181 Nemenchuk, “VII. Fort”, 70. EK3 wrote on the Sometimes, the guards allowed some of the Jews five women and four men from the Fort 175 YVA, O 71/163, 4-23. Koniuchowsky recorded same day: Kaunas: “7th Fort (Jews by 179 to crawl to the well only to have them shot as ostensibly for necessary work. However, the story from the women, who had been machine-gun fire fire) 2,514”, First Jäger they drank. It was only on 3 July when the the attempt by Helene Holzman, the German imprisoned in the Seventh Fort; Gar, Umkum, Report, BA, R 70 Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 77. people who had been without food for four or woman living in Kaunas, to free her Jewish 41; Heinrich Hippler Interrogation, 11 182 Koniuchowsky, YVA, O 71/163, 55. five days received some mouldy bread from one husband Max, failed. She had tried to use her November 1959, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 183 Hidden History of the Kovno Ghetto (Washington 2, Bl. 793–803; Hippler, as the supply unit’s DC, 1997), 158–160. of the German supply units.174 connections with prominent people to orderly, did not come to the assistance of the 184 As noted below, other murder locales are Time and again, groups of Jews were taken liberate her husband from the Seventh Fort, women. Pictures of the 7th Fort victims were mentioned in the testimonies of the officers of away. The pretext was to register the people but the German Security Police prevented her distributed in his unit. SK 1b and the 65th Police Battalion.

136 137 German and Lithuanian German Reaction to the Killings noted above, by the end of June, following the Commandant’s office and ordered the bodies Shooters in the Seventh Fort pogroms in Vilijampolë and the killings at the buried quickly. Horst Schweinberger, Lietûkis garage, Stahlecker had agreed with assigned to EK 3 from First Company of the Both German and Lithuanian soldiers and The killings carried out in the Seventh the 16th Army that further “executions will German 9th Police Battalion, later ordered 300 policemen served as shooters at the Seventh Fort. Fort could be heard throughout the city. On 3 be carried out only under the supervision of Soviet prisoners of war to bury the bodies in The German side included SK 1b squad troops July, the Catholic priest of the nearby the SS commander in Kaunas.” Thereby, nearby bomb craters.200 Above all Jäger and (including Waffen-SS personnel) led by Ehrlinger, Wehrmacht military hospital, together with Stahlecker, as the immediate superior of the his Deputy Grauer considered it important to as well as Gestapo officers under SS Second his Lutheran colleague, observed events at former, had assumed responsibility for the escape the increased danger of epidemic, a Lieutenant (Untersturmführer) Kurt Burkhardt.185 the Seventh Fort, which he termed a a place “orderly” performance of the murders. For his possible source of conflict with the Other participants in the shootings included the of executions. On 4 July, he wrote in his diary part, Jäger immediately contacted the military Wehrmacht, which threatened because of the second squad of the Ninth Police Battalion’s First that “the shootings in the Fort last until late Company which served as part of EK 3.186 in the evening”, and on the night of 6-7 July: A number of companies from the “wild shooting at the Jews” could be heard. 185 Confirmed by numerous testimonies of SK 1b HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, Bd. 22, Bl. Lithuanian TDA Battalion, which had been The doctors at the military hospital asked members. See esp. interrogations of the 6979; Jäger Interrogation, 15 June 1959, Ibid., following: Theodor Feldmann, 4 December Bd. 5, Bl. 1919. set up on 28 June, also took part in the killings. him to inquire if these “wild shootings could 1959, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 8, Bl. 403; 190 Kaltina nuþudytieji (Vilnius, 1965), 41 ff (Jonas The Battalion posted 49 soldiers in the be terminated”. On 5 July, the Wehrmacht’s Hermann Zitzmann, 8 December 1959, Ibid., Palubinskas), 44 (Pranas Matiukas), 50 Seventh Fort and eighteen men in the central dean Wischert had told the priest that the Bl. 447; Hans Bässe, 21 January 1960, Ibid., (Aleksas Raiþys). prison on Mickevièius Street for each shift. The Wehrmacht and its chaplaincy (Ger. Bl. 497, also page 11 of the protocol; the same, 191 Nemenchuk recognized two Lithuanian men within the companies were constantly Wehrmachtsseelsorge) knew “about the events”, also his 4 March 1960 testimony, Ibid., Bd. 11, policemen in the Seventh Fort. One of them 219 and 223; Hans Meyer, 3 March 1960, Ibid., was Seargent Julius Tamulis, at the end of July rotated.187 The First Company appears to have but that these were “matters for the Party Bd. 11, Bl. 189-197; Robert Herbst, 24 1941 a squad leader in the TDA’s Fifth 195 been heavily involved in the killings at the Police”. In particular the 6 July killings at February 1960, Ibid., Bl. 229; Richard Schmidt, Company; the other was the city military Seventh Fort.188 After the war Ignas Vëlavièius, the Fort caused considerable sensation 29 November 1960, Ibid., Bl. 533. On the commandant, Jurgis Bobelis; see Nemenchuk, who was a member of the Lithuanian prison within the Wehrmacht and the German Waffen-SS see: Werner Kruse, 31 August 1961, “VII. Fort”, 64–70. administration, testified that the shootings Security Police. The commander of EK 3, Karl HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, Bd. 30, Bl. 192 Bobelis to Ehrlinger, 30 June 1941, LCVA, R were mainly carried out by Third Company Jäger stated after the war that Norkus had, 8529. 1444, Ap. 1, b. 4, l. 18, 186 Erich Schlegel Interrogation, 16 March 1959, 193 Wilhelm Hellmann Interrogation , 3 February under Lieutenant Juozas Barzda, including without any direct order, killed about 3,000 Ibid., Bd. 39, Bl. 10.271. 1959, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 2, Bl. 553. one squad under Bronius Norkus, as well as Jews at the Seventh Fort. Jäger observed the 187 Laid out in Stang, Kollaboration, 134–140. 194 Wilhelm Solbach Interrogation, 12 August by Fourth Company under Captain Viktoras killing site – it seemed to him that Norkus’ 188 First Company members who confessed: Jonas 1964, HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, Bd. Klimavièius.189 The Third Company’s soldiers men “had been shooting indiscriminately Baranauskas, who had collaborated with the 232, Bl. 200 ff; Paul Baur Interrogation, 21 under Barzda and Norkus later confessed to from outside into the [crowd].” He had then Soviets until June 1941, during an July 1965, Ibid. (pages not numbered). interrogation in Vilnius, 28 August 1947, 195 Exerpts from the diary of Georg Handrick, EK3 the shootings at the Seventh Fort.190 Witnesses reprimanded Norkus “to discontinue such stated that First Company killed Jews in the Verfahren, Bd. 26, Bl. 7717a; the last three also recognized men of the Fifth Company at self-initiated shootings in the future” and, in Seventh Fort practically on a daily basis. The cites are from the testimony of Georg the actions.191 On 30 June Bobelis placed the each case, contact the EK 3.196 Jäger himself unit’s function was to destroy Jews and Handrick, 5 April 1961, Ibid., l. 7717. Fifth Company at the disposition of SK 1b.192 seemed as if he were teribly exercised about Communists. See Masinës þudybës, T. 1, 258- 196 Jäger Interrogation, 15 June 1959, HStA Aside from the massacres at the Seventh the matter.197 259. Stasys Nënius Interrogation in the USSR, Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, Bd. 5, Bl. 1919. 197 Fort, it should be noted that hundreds of victims Some of the Wehrmacht units were 29 July 1947, translation into German: HStA Peter Eisenbarth Interrogation , 10 May 1960, Wiesbaden, Abt. 461.32438, Bd. 231, Bl. Ibid., vol. 19, Bl. 6351. were shot to death in many other places, reportedly “greatly upset” over the killings. 14.807. 198 Emil Finnberg Testimony , 23 November 1960, although it is impossible to provide the exact Consequently Stahlecker returned to Kaunas 189 Vëlavièius’ Interrogation, 24 December 1946, ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58,Bd. 11, Bl. 571 number of dead. After the war SK 1b troops to apologise to the Wehrmacht insisting that LYA, 6203. Arch. Nr. 38701/3, l. 93. On the 199 Gustav Grauer Interrogation, 3 December 1960, admitted that they killed hundreds of people “nervous Lithuanians have simply overdone appointment of Barzda, Norkus and Ibid., Bd. 12, Bl. 597. 200 execution style in the fields near Kaunas.193 it”.198 Jäger’s deputy, Gustav Grauer, testified Klimavièius, see TDA Order No. 2, 3 July Horst Schweinberger Interrogation, 2 December 1941, LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 17. Karl 1960, HStA Wiesbaden, sk. 461.32438, Bd. 23, The 65th Police Battalion members related that that Stahlecker had been informed by radio, Jäger and Richard Schweizer called Norkus the Bl. 7.286. Cf. also his interrogation, 23 the unit’s Second Company also participated and then traveled from Riga to Kaunas where key participant in the killings. Richard February 1984, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, Bd. in shootings in Kaunas.194 the “Jewish question”was discussed.199 As Schweizer Interrogation, 14 October 1960, 1, Bl. 142ff.

138 139 “scorching heat.”.201 The first commander of commander Colonel Butkûnas issued strict to make the period of ghettoisation more expropriation and concentration of the victims, the EK 3 criminal section, Johannes Schäfer, orders prohibiting members of the unit, under bearable were frustrated by the Lithuanian which precede the final phase of physical stated that the shootings in the Seventh Fort penalty of death, to arrest people and search municipal authorities.211 destruction.212 After Hitler’s accession to power, were executed in an “uncontrolled” manner, private homes without an explicit order from the bureaucracy of the Reich had struggled and that the “threat of epidemic, use of himself, the Lithuanian Military mightily over many months to answer the quicklime and the like would cause Commandant or the Chief of the Lithuanian Leading to a Final Solution: simple question of who is a Jew, a perplexing problems.” As part of his official duties, he Security Police. Arrests and confiscations the Identification legal conundrum in a country of assimilated photographed the bodies.202 Some five weeks without cause or authorization would no (Categorization) of the Victims and largely secularized Jews, many of whom later, the mass graves near the Seventh Fort longer be tolerated. Only documents, and if had intermarried with Gentiles.213 But the became a problem. Local inhabitants necessary, weapons, could be taken from the Raul Hilberg’s stages in the identification of Jews in Lithuania, where complained about the unbearable stench to detainees.207 However, a similar order had to annihilation of Europe’s Jews serve as well as national communities had historically lived the Chief of the Kaunas Commandant’s be repeated in November 1941, especially for any other paradigm in understanding the apart and where assimilation into the majority Sanitation Section.203 In the second part of July the Lithuanian police.208 bureaucratized process of destruction. As he culture was the exception rather than the rule, 1941, bathing in the Nemunas and Neris Following these large-scale shootings at the pointed out, the decision for implementation, presented none of the practical headaches Rivers was still prohibited – the water was Seventh Fort in early July, the killings in once taken, requires a systematic identification, suffered by the Nazi legal experts who had “poisoned by the corpses”.204 Kaunas abated. The ghettoization of the Jewish In the end, the German Security Police population was then implemented. During the could not escape responsibility for these PG’s cabinet meeting of 7 July, Bobelis reported massacres even if they had not anticipated that that Stahlecker had ordered the ghettoisation 201 Gustav Grauer Interrogation, January 1960 Reivytis, 17 November 1941, LCVA, R 691, (date illegible), HStA Wiesbaden, Abt. Ap. 1, b. 20, l. 160. the mass killings at the Seventh Fort would of the Kaunas Jews. According to Bobelis, 461.32438, Bd. 15, Bl. 5710; also his 209 Minutes of 7 July 1941, LLV, 50 ff. happen in quite the manner described above. Stahlecker had informed him that the “mass interrogation, 13 June 1984, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 210 Garfunkel, Kovno, 37–39; Tory, Holocaust, 9– The numerous postwar interrogations of the liquidation of the Jews” would be discontinued. 41/83, Bd. 1, Bl. 125 ff. During both 12. See also Goldberg’s description of the accused German members of SK 1b and EK 3 According to German instructions, a Jewish interrogations, Grauer noted that he had seen meeting with Jäger and Stahlecker in Josef prove both Lithuanian participation and ghetto was to be established in Vilijampolë, Wehrmacht officers in the Seventh Fort. Goldberg, “Bletlech fun Kovner Ältestenrat 202 German initiative in these actions. whence all the city’s Jews were to be settled Johannes Schäfer Interrogation, 30 July 1971, (bis nach der groiser Akzije),” in Fun letste HStA Wiesbaden, sk. 461.32438, Bd. 53, Bl. Churbn, H. 7, 30–57. within four weeks.209 On the following day 12.980 ff; also his interrogation, 3 September 211 The decree and the requests of the Jewish Stahlecker and Jäger blackmailed five 1984, ZStL, II 207 AR-Z 41/83, Bd. 2, Bl. 207. commission published in Tory, Holocaust, 14– The Organization representatives of the Jewish community by 203 Sanitation Division Chief to the Kaunas 21. Cf. the minutes of the municipality of the Hamann-Kommando stating that the only way to stop the Commandant, 16 August 1941, LCVA, R meeting of 25 July 1941 regarding the and the TDA persecutions of the Lithuanian partisans and 1444, Ap. , b. 4, l. 239 (translated from ghettoisation, LCVA R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 6, l. 2–4; Lithuanian into German), published in Masinës published in Masinës þudynës, T. 1, 234–237. gain the release of the roughly 3,000 women þudynës, 1, 254. 212 See the description in Raul Hilberg, The In order to avoid any future conflicts and children stilll in the forts would be for all 204 KTB Wirtschaftskommando Kauen, BA-MA, Destruction of the European Jews (New York, with the Wehrmacht on such “utterly Jews to enter a ghetto by 15 August 1941.210 RW 30/15 (record of 21 July 1941). 1961), 31ff, reiterated in his other editions and unorganised mass shootings”205 , the German For the Jews, it seemed that accepting the 205 Hans Kraus Interrogation, 21 October 1959, subsequent studies. The journey through these Security Policy decided to create special death plunder of their property and isolation within ZStL II 204 AR-Z 21/58, Bd. 8, Bl. 219. This stages of mass murder may take years, as it squads (Mordkommandos) under German the ghetto offered the only realistic hope for was how Kraus relayed the words of Hamman did in the Third Reich, or it can be with whom he had been sharing a room. accomplished with lightning speed, as in command. In police parlance it was expressed even minimal protection. On 10 July Bobelis 206 As worded in the preliminary report of the EK Rwanda. Then again, as in South Africa, a thus: due to these “occurrences”, it became and Palèiauskas issued Decree No. 15 ordering 3 in the Second Stahlecker Report, February regime may decide not to embark on the final “necessary” to form the so-called “Hamann the entire Jewish community to settle in the 1942, BA, R 90/146. phase. In Lithuania’s provinces the process commando” of Germans and Lithuanians in Vilijampolë suburbs on the banks of the Neris 207 TDA Battalion, Special Order No. 11 § 2 and proceeded with such speed that the stages of order to more closely control future killings.206 River by 15 August; as of 12 July Jews were to § 3, 11 July 1941, LCVA, R 1444 Ap. 2, b. expropriation and destruction occurred almost 1a, l. 17. simultaneously. In turn, the Lithuanian authorities in Kaunas wear a yellow patch. The attempts of the Jewish 208 Stasys Èenkus, Chief of the Lithuanian 213 See Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang attempted to discipline the men of the TDA Resettlement Committee to find a more Security Department to the Chief of the Wippermann, The Racial State: Germany 1933– Battalion. On 11 July 1941 the battalion’s appropriate place for the intended ghetto and Lithuanian Police Department, Vytautas 1945 (Cambridge, UK, 1993).

140 141 drafted the of the 1930s. In the spirit of the new racial order. The Alytus cruel process; nonetheless, it guaranteed, for a Preparing the final Solution Lithuania, the statutory definition of a Jew, the authorities announced that the region’s time, the physical survival of thousands who in the Provinces: Beginnings first such formulation in the country’s history, citizens were to be divided into hierarchical were lucky enough to escape the periodic in Kaunas Commissariat was issued by the German military grades: only Germans and Lithuanians would culling of the populace in the three newly commandant during the second week of the occupy the highest Aryan “first class” created ghettos (Vilnius, Kaunas, Ðiauliai).219 An important turning point in the Nazi war in an officiously titled “Announcement to designation. On 12 and 14 July 1941 the local The ghettoization process, initiated between policy regarding the “Jewish Question” was an Occupied Land.” In letter and spirit it government of the same district issued detailed July and early September, coincided with the the arrival of the German civil administration corresponded to the laws enacted years earlier anti-Jewish regulations, including strict decision to initiate the genocide of the Jews in in Lithuania on 26- 27 July 1941. The change is in the Reich: limitations on Jewish food rations, which were the countryside and thus should be seen as an reflected in decrees issued from Kaunas, the 1. ... A Jew is a person who has at least three to be half that allowed for non-Jews, and a total integral part of the history of their country’s de facto administrative center, grandparents who were pure-blooded Jews ban on Jewish consumption of sugar and destruction.220 affecting the town and its environs. The and, in addition, meats.216 In Joniðkis, the local activist Lithuania’s urban Jewish population was Kaunas Commissariat (Gebietskommissariat, or 2. One is considered a Jew whose two authorities have left a detailed record of their placed under the rules outlined by the German GBK) with a territory of 12,000 sq. km. covered grandparents are pure-blooded Jews if administration, including the setting up of a military command. In the provinces, smaller the districts of Kaunas (the so-called Kaunas- a. on 22 June 1941 he [sic] belonged to the Commission for Jewish Affairs, a body which temporary Jewish ghettos were established, for Land), Këdainiai, Marijampolë, Ðakiai, Jewish faith [and]; ordered the Jews’ partial expropriation and example, in Telðiai, Èagarë, , Vilkaviðkis and with a population of b. at the moment of this announcement he their utilization for labor as well as restrictions Skuodas, Jurbarkas, Këdainiai and other was married to a Jew. on relations between local Gentiles and Jews.217 towns. In fact, there were provisional ghettos c. Jews and Jewesses are forbidden to greet On 23 July 1941 the acting police chief in and gathering points in each and every district. 214 LCVA, R- 1436, Ap. 1, b. 7, l. 4. The ruling persons of non-Jewish nationality. Ukmergë ordered the wearing of yellow stars, Sometimes these small ghettos existed but a few prohibiting dangerous sexual liaisons with d. Those who violate [this order] will be prohibited Jews from leaving their weeks, at times, for months (as in Telðiai). But Germans was posted in other areas of the strictly punished by the local neighborhoods without permission and as a rule, these “ghettos” were, in fact, occupied East. commandant. banned trade between Jews and villagers. temporary holding areas for Jews awaiting 215 LCVA, R-677, Ap. 1, b. 1, 11; Masinës The order went on to prohibit ritual kosher Precinct chiefs everywhere were instructed to their death and were eliminated during the þudynës, vol. 1, 105. 216 slaughter of animals, and, in the spirit of the register Communists, Komsomol members, operations organized by EK 3 which gained As detailed by Valentinas Brandiðauskas, “Lietuviø ir Þydø santykiai 1940-1941 Reich’s Law for the Defense of German Blood Jews, Poles, Russians and former Bolshevik momentum rapidly after mid-August 1941. metais,” in Darbai ir dienos, No. 2 (11), 218 and Honor, warned that local military office workers. Conditions in the short-term ghettos depended 55–57. commandants would punish by death anyone Thus, within weeks Lithuania’s Jews had on the attitude of local officials and there are 217 See the documents in LCVA, R-739, ap. 1, b. 4. who infected a German through sexual been effectively identified and segregated, their many reports of extreme cruelty and harsh 218 LYA, F. 3377, Ap. 58, b. 715, l. 19. 219 relations.214 harm to the society clearly enunciated to the circumstances: beatings and starvation were The identification and ghettoization of the urban Jewish population should be treated Lithuanian officials generally followed the public. The concentration stage was next – the the norm. In some places, the initial treatment separately within the history of the German directives, albeit with differing degrees Jews would have to be corralled. of local Jews was lax: for a time, in Lazdijai, identification, expropriation and concentration of diligence and efficiency. In Vilnius, the police people were confined to the barracks at night of the Lithuanian Jews. The periodic culling of chief Antanas Iðkauskas and the head of the but were allowed into town during the day. the so-called superfluous population and the Vilnius Committee, Stasys Èakevièius, posted The Urban and Rural Ghettos Nevertheless, even here beatings, robberies and final eradication of the ghettos in 1943 and notices around the town which stated that, humiliation were frequent occurrences. There 1944 have produced a rich historical literature in comparison to the genocide in the provinces. according to the German Military The survival of the ghetto inmates in the were periodic shootings of the segregated Jews 220 See the aforemenntioned Arûnas Bubnys report Commandant’s Order of 3 July 1941, “all Jews, largest cities depended on economic factors in the provinces by local activists and police, to the ICECNSOR. regardless of age, are to wear, in a visible place rather than, as the Nazis cynically claimed, the usually supervised by German officers. The 221 Arûnas Bubnys, “Maþieji Lietuvos þydø getai on the chest and the back a sign 10 cm. in width, need to protect the Jews from Lithuanian guards and local authorities looted Jewish ir laikinos izoliavimo stovyklos 1941-1943 a sample of which is posted in all the predators. Nonetheless, the Germans skillfully property as a matter of course.221 The creation metais,” Lietuvos istorijos metraðtis 1999 (Vilnius, 2000), 151-180; concerning Lazdijai precincts...” A curfew between 6 PM and 6 AM exploited the latter theme in the case of Kaunas of the provincial ghettos and work camps were cf. the relation from Yahadut Lite in Josifas was imposed, the measures to go into effect by (see above). The segregation and concentration a significant step in the destruction of Levinsonas, comp., Ðoa (Holokaustas) Lietuvoje 8 July.215 Other officials were quick to adopt of the Jews in Lithuania’s major cities was a Lithuania’s Jews. (Vilnius, 2001), 82–85.

142 143 approximately 700,000.222 At the beginning of the province would be confined. The Lithuanian women from 14 to 18 years, 392 between 19 and in Kaunas, which, in turn, transmitted an order August 1941, the 39-year old SA Senior Leader partisans would guard them. The Jews were 50, and 160 Jews older than fifty. The towns of from SS Lt. to the various (Oberführer) Arnold Lentzen was appointed the ordered isolated from all contacts with the Birðtonas and , as well as the precincts of Kaunas district and surrounding District Commissar (Gebietskommissar).223 outside world of the non-Jews. If anyone , Miroslavas, and other rural regions.229 Lentzen’s first announcements of 4 August attempted to leave the ghetto without permission, counties reported on the same basis.228 In the stilted language of police officialdom, 1941 were addressed to the Jewish they could be shot without warning. The preparations for the eradication of a population.224 The numerous prohibitions instructions also mandated the establishment of community are laid out: contained therein, which were to take effect a ghetto police of five to fifteen persons armed Local Authorities immediately, intended to deprive the Jews of all with clubs, as well as twelve-member Jewish and the Final Solution Top secret rights, to humiliate and stigmatize them; they councils. The Jewish police and the Jewish in the Provinces: The ‘Reivytis File’ Police Department constituted the first step in isolating them from councils were supposed to assist in handling No. 3 sl. the non-Jews. The Jews were now banned from issues within the ghetto. The Jews were forced to In the summer and fall of 1941 the Kaunas, 16 August 1941 the sidewalks, forced to walk in single file on pay for all food products; they would receive only Lithuanian countryside became the first testing the right side of the road; they were banned from reduced rations, without any right to obtain meat, ground for the Nazi program which eventually To the Kaunas District Police Chief visiting public parks or from using public dairy products, fat and eggs. Until the ghettos aimed at the comprehensive physical destruction transportation. On their left breasts and on their could be established, specials shopping hours of European Jewry: the actions of those months Upon receiving this circular, in the places backs, Jews had to wear the star of David of eight were set aside for the Jews. A list of workers in can be seen as a portent and precursor of the pointed out in the remarks, immediately detain to ten cm. in diameter. Jews were prohibited from certain occupations between the ages of twelve continental Final Solution (Endlösung), even all men of Jewish nationality from 15 years of leaving their homes between 8 p.m. and 6 a.m. to sixty were to be drawn up so that they could before this fateful concept was envisioned and, age and those women who had become Non-Jews could neither work nor live with them. be employed. In the introduction and conclusion as it were, formalized at Wannsee in January notorious in their Bolshevik activity, or who Jews who had fled were forbidden to return of these instructions, the chiefs of the local rural 1942. In Lithuania, the inauguration of this home, nor could returning Jews receive districts and the chief officers of police stations decisive phase in the history of the Holocaust accommodations from other homeowners. All were reminded that they were responsible for has left behind an archival trail and thus can be 222 Bekanntmachung Nr. 1 des GBK Lentzen, unoccupied houses and flats had to be registered. working closely together and ensuring that the determined with reasonable certainty. Undated, beginning of August 1941. Amtsblatt The Jews were also banned from disposing of directives were followed. The operational procedure which resulted in des Generalkommissars in Kauen, Nr. 2, 1 November 1941, 15; in April 1942 the Alytus any of their property in any way. Within five As noted above, plans had been drawn up the concentration of the provincial Jews, the stage district was included as well. days, on 9 August 1941, Lentzen explained for action against the Jews in Lithuania’s of the destruction process which immediately 223 See BDC-Akte Lentzen. In March 1942 Lentzen further that German Jews, all “half-Jews”, as provinces since late July. The ominous preceded their annihilation, is reflected in a file was promoted to an SA Major General well as Jews holding citizenship of countries preparation for their roundup is reflected in the of the Lithuanian Central State Archive. This (Brigadeführer), Stankeras, Policija, 241. In occupied by Germany, had to be “treated” in demographic information on Jewish folder (R-683, Ap. 2, b. 2) is clearly part of a larger 1944, he was awarded a medal (Kriegsverdienstskreuz – KVK for the merits), the same way as Lithuanian Jews.225 communities collected by the local civil trove of documents, many of which can be BA, ZADH, ZA I. 12.108, Akte 3. After the Directions promulgated on 4 August were authorities and transmitted to higher officials at assumed to have been lost. It contains directives war he lived in Hamburg, and died in Bremen immediately forwarded to the districts (Kreise) the request of the police authorities in Kaunas. from the central Kaunas office of the Lithuanian in 1956. for implementation. On 6 August 1941, the Chief For Alytus district we have the detailed responses Police Department and the ensuing responses, 224 Bekanntmachungen Nr. 2 und 3 des GBK of Kaunas District (Kreischef) Bortkevièius issued of the various rural district heads to their chief’s in addition to fragmentary but informative Lentzen, 4 August 1941, in Amtsblatt GK an order to all the chiefs of the rural districts telephone message (telefonograma) No. 9 of 4 records of over thirty rural and municipal Kauen, Nr. 2, 1 November 1941, 15ff. 225 Message to the District Magistrate, 9 August (Ger. Amtsbezirke, Lith. valsèiai) to seize Jewish August 1941. In contrast to the classification of precincts of the Lithuanian police in outlying 1941, LCVA, R 1534, Ap. 1, b. 186, l. 1. financial property and real estate which had not Jews who were to be detained during arrests areas of the Kaunas region and some districts in 226 Bortkevièius to Rural District Chiefs, 6 August yet been nationalised.226 On the following day initiated only a few days later, which targeted southwestern Lithuania. While incomplete, the 1941, LCVA, R 1534, Ap. 1, b. 191, l. 39. the District Chief sent a detailed instruction adult men and Communist women, the records allow us to reconstruct the process of 227 Message of the Commissar General of Kaunas- concerning ghettoization to all the heads of the provincial Jews were initially catalogued solely destruction as a whole. The very first document Land, 7 August 1941, LCVA, R 1534, Ap. 1, b. 186, l. 37, published in Masinës þudynës, vol. 1, rural districts and to the police station chiefs .227 by age: youths (14–18), adults (19–50) and older in the collection, essential to understanding the 290 ff. By 15 August all towns were to have established citizens (50 and above). Thus, on 5 August the machinery of the genocide, contains a police 228 LCVA, R-1436, b. 32, l. 128 ff. areas encased in barbed wire whence Jews from Merkinë rural district reported 128 men and circular of the Lithuanian police headquarters 229 Dieckmann, 245.

144 145 even now distinguish themselves by the same on half-page mimeographed sheets, ordered Këdainiai District later joined the paratroops as a volunteer only activity or insolence. The detained persons are to the rural police bosses to immediately carry Këdainiai Town Këdainiai to be thrown into the brig and cashiered by the be gathered at the main highways, and when out their instructions “without awaiting any Þeimiai235 Wehrmacht for mistreating trainees. In 1938 accomplished, this is to be immediately reported specific order from their [local] police chief.” Josvainiai236 Ariogala Hamann joined the SS. He served with the by special and most urgent means of The precinct lieutenants, “having gathered Wehrmacht as a paratroop during the Polish Trakai District communication to the Police Department. In the the Jews in the designated places, [were] to Kaiðiadorys and French campaigns, then returned to Berlin report, the number of such types of Jews who notify the Police Department,” forwarding the Þieþmariai Kaiðiadorys in the service of the Security Police and SD. To have been detained and collected is to be data on the detainees directly to Kaunas Þasliai further his career with the SS, Hamann precisely indicated. outside normal channels (ne komandos keliu) attended evening classes in juridical studies Alytus District It is necessary to ensure that the detainees as quickly as possible. While the constabulary at Berlin University, courses organized by the Birðtonas are supplied with food and the appropriate hastened to carry out Reivytis’ commands, the Prienai Prienai SS as prerequisites for candidates to its higher security, for which the auxiliary police may be copies of the sensitive circular were not to be Jieznas ranks. Most of these trainees were delegated to utilized. kept at the precincts but returned to the district the Einsatzgruppen and a number of them Marijampolë District This circular must be carried out within forty- police chiefs, an apparent effort to minimize became leaders within the various Kazlø Rûdos Kazlø Rûdos eight hours from its receipt. The detained Jews an incriminating paper trail. Evidence Einsatzkommandos, including EK 3. By April Balbieriðkis must be guarded until they are taken and suggests that the reports on the resulting 1941 Hamann had been promoted to first Ðilavotas Prienai transported to the camp. actions, which were routed directly to the Sasnava lieutenant in the SS (Obersturmführer) and was Police Department in Kaunas, were delivered Veiveriai Garliava eventually delegated to Section IV (Gestapo) of Note: to be carried out in the entire by either telephone or special courier. The EK 3. According to one of his bunk mates who Ðakiai District Kaunas District. Jews from smaller rural precincts were to be testified after the war, the lieutenant’s military Jankai gathered at collection points located at and police training was supplemented by the Paeþerëlis Zapyðkis V. REIVYTIS crossroads where the victims would be in easy Lekëèiai Director of the Police Department230 reach of the death squads which were being assembled in Kaunas.232 230 LCVA, F. R-683, Ap. 2, b. 2 [henceforth cited The Police Chief of Ðakiai District duly The instruction forms to eighteen of the The chain of command and mode of police as the Reivytis File], l. 1 Responses to Reivytis’s circular indicate that it was received by other noted and signed confirmation of the receipt precincts which accompanied Reivytis’s communication of this unprecedented special police chiefs before 16 August 1941. Only a on his copy of the circular: 16 August 1:35 Secret Order No. 3 indicate that the action by the Police Department, the first stage few of the documents in the file have been PM.231 While the Police Department’s Kaunas concentration of the Jews in southwestern of the Holocaust, was intended to ensure published, most notably in the series of Soviet and Ðakiai circulars are the only surviving ones Lithuania and parts of the Kaunas region was secrecy and speed. The decision for destruction, propaganda publications of the 1960s and in the Reivytis File, the extant correspondence to proceed as follows: of course, was approved in Berlin, the overall 1970s. 231 Reivytis File, l.48. indicates that these bureaucratic harbingers of plan supervised by EG A. In Lithuania, the 232 Reivytis’ File, l. 2-3. death were issued to most, if not all, of director, chief executive officer and accountant 233 All statistics in Figures 1 and 2, and 3 are Lithuania’s district police chiefs in western Figure 1233 of the destruction was Karl Jäger, the head of compiled from the Reivytis’ File. Lithuania during August 1941. At least 95% of The Concentration of the Jews in Kaunas District EK 3, whose reports of 10 September and 1 234 The Kaunas precinct was specifically instructed Lithuania’s Jews were still alive as Secret and Other Locales in August 1941 as Planned December 1941 stand out as business journals to “collect all the Jews of Kaunas district to Vilkija, Babtai, Jonava, Rumðiðkës, Zapyðkis Order No. 3 went out to police officials in Secret Order No. 3 of mass murder. But the mastermind of detail, and Garliava.” (Reivytis File, l. 6). The throughout the region. the daily manager of murder, was a rather low- apparent reference here is to the smaller The process of gathering the victims was District / Precinct Collection Points ranking Nazi henchman from Kiel, 28-year old groupings of rural Jews of Kaunas district not highly centralized leaving little initiative to Kaunas District234 Jonava SS First Lieutenant Joachim Hamann. resident in the other 17 precincts. In the extant the district police chiefs, even less to the (All Precincts, Vilkija An orphan of Baltic German parentage, correspondence they include locales such as Kruonis, Raudondvaris, etc. precinct heads. From Kaunas, the precinct not including Babtai Hamann received a chemist’s training, but, like 235 The original instructions to the Þeimiai precinct heads were furnished with the names of the Kaunas City) Rumðiðkës many youths in depression-era Germany, had were to send the Jewish detainees to Jonava. Zapyðkis collection points whence the Jews were to be wandered about rootless and unemployed, 236 The Josvainiai Jews were initially ordered to be gathered. Instructions to the precincts, printed Garliava until he found a home with the SA in 1931. He transferred to Këdainiai.

146 147 appropriate world-view, personality, and arrested Jews has reached 493 persons, I Under pressure to handle a highly sensitive awry. On 29 August Reivytis sent a caustic enthusiasm for the task he was about to request from you therefore an order to take operation with secrecy and speed, the special scolding to the Alytus district police chief, undertake: “Hamann gave me the impression away the detained Jews from their collection procedures for handling Special Order No. 3 Stasys Krosniûnas, regarding his subordinate of a fanatical persecutor of Jews who believed point as quickly as possible, because a caught the district police chiefs and their who had still not reported in nearly two weeks that he was fulfilling his duty for his people by contagious disease is raging among these Jews, precinct lieutenants in an unfamiliar after most police official had already dutifully these [anti-Jewish] measures.”237 as is the case in Kaiðadorius [Kaiðiadorys]. This bureaucratic tangle. In a few cases, the local announced their roundups: “...the Police The lieutenant was a hands-on task presents a danger that the infectious disease precinct heads ignored the requirements for Department is unclear on whether, in the town master. Virtually no minutiae of the operation will spread.240 special communications outside the usual of Jieznas, the Jews who are being hunted, are escaped his attention. On 16 August 1941, Forty-year old Vytautas Reivytis should channels. But in other instances, Reivytis’s still hiding, or are they hiding only when the responding to Order No. 3, a cautious precinct have considered himself superior to Hamann circular found the job already done at the police are looking for them?” Inquiring why lieutenant from Raudondvaris reported to in both rank and social status. The son of a initiative of civilian officials: the Èeimiai the Jieznas precinct head “is still not executing Kaunas “that there were no Jews of the category respected local patriot from Mažeikiai who precinct boss reported that “the Jews, who had the Police Department’s Circular No. 3,” and indicated in the circular” in his jurisdiction, had once been imprisoned by the Tsarist lived in Èeimiai, had been sent to Këdainiai on why the Department “is not receiving news of except four Jews under the authority of the police, Reivytis had entered police service in 14 August 1941 in accordance with the order what has been done with the Jews in Security Police, and four other Jews assigned 1925, completing advanced criminology of the Këdainiai district chief.”242 The Birðtonas,” Reivytis told Krosniûnas: “I suggest to work for the “local German staff.” The studies in Kaunas and Berlin. He rose through Josvainiai precinct reported on the same day that you, sir, supervise the work of your precinct message was translated into German and the police bureaucracy, achieving a high rank that, at the behest of the same district chief, “the lieutenants more closely.”245 Krosniûnas forwarded to Hamann by Colonel Vytautas in the railroad security service, as well as Jews within the borders of the Josvainiai town responded on 30 August in a defensive text: Reivytis, the newly appointed head of the working as an inspector and lecturer at the and local district were transferred to the In carrying out the Police Department’s secret Police Department and the highest-ranking advanced school of police studies in Kaunas. Ariogala ‘ghetto’ according [to his] Order No. message No. 3, I report that the Jews of Jieznas police officer of the native constabulary in During the 1930s Reivytis became an informer 7... of 9 August.”243 In another case, no action precinct had scattered and hidden when the German-occupied Lithuania.238 On 22 August for the Abwehr. An accomplished target was taken since the problem had already been arrests began upon the receipt of circular No. 3. 1941 the precinct head of Balbieriðkis informed shooter and ju-jitsu expert who competed solved, as the Kruonis precinct boss reported Later some of them returned to the town, but Reivytis that: internationally with some success, a member in his secret dispatch of 17 August: since the precinct chief was unable to Sir, in answer to your message No. 3sl., I of the country’s Aero club and an aviation In response to the secret circular of 15 August, communicate with the security police of Prienai report that the Balbieriðkis Police Precinct enthusiast, Reivytis fit the Voldemarist self- I report that all the Jews of Kruonis rural district region, and the delimitation of [security police] arrested and turned over to the Prienai Jewish image of a “man of action.” Rather than await have been settled in the Darsûniðkis church regions isn’t at all clear, and the circular had to ghetto 100 Jewish men and six Jewish women. his fate at the hands of the Soviets, Reivytis village (baþnytkaimis), which most recently ... is be executed within two days, so the further At the present time, in answer to your fled to Germany in 1940 where he worked for within the jurisdiction of the Pakuonis police circular, there are only two Jewish men the Abwehr in Ebenrode. In July 1941 Reivytis precinct. In addition, there are no more men of remaining in the town of Balbieriðkis. They are received “Category II” German citizenship . Jewish nationality of fifteen years and older, 237 As quoted in Knut Stang, Kollaboration und medical doctor Bielockis and the chemist of the There is no way to know whether Colonel neither are there any women who were Masenmord: Die lituaische Hilfspolizei, das leather factory, Jankelis Icikovèius, without Reivytis was galled by his humble notorious by their Communist activity. In all of Rollkommando Hamann und die Ermordung der whom the factory cannot operate, and a subordination to a German lieutenant, but Kruonis local district there remain about fifty litauischen Juden (Frankfurt, 1996), 157; an replacement for him, at this time, cannot be there can be little doubt about his place in the old women of Jewish nationality and about overview of Hamann’s career is in 153 ff. 238 Reivytis File, l. 27 found.239 chain of command which he held throughout thirty children below the age of fifteen.244 239 Reivytis File, l. 77. Again the matter was turned over to the occupation, nor his subservience and The Reivytis directive worked all too well 240 Reivytis File, l. 82. Hamann for resolution. That Reivytis reported loyalty to the Nazi cause during the war: he and, for the most part, the implementation of 241 A sanitized biographical profile is in Lietuviø frequently, if not daily, to the lieutenant-in- was decorated for his service in 1943 and as the roundup proceeded smoothly and Enciklopedija (Boston, 1961), vol. xxv, 92. More charge of the genocide is suggested by the late as February 1944 applied for an promptly. Bureaucratic confusion seems to on Reivytis’ role during the German occupation colonel’s entreaty to Hamann on 25 August “upgrade” of his German citizenship.241 have been the exception, as in the town of is in Petras Stankeras, Policija. 242 Reivytis File, l. 20. 1941: While the Holocaust was, above all, a German Jieznas, where on 16 August the precinct boss 243 Reivytis File, l. 30. Supplementing my messages of 18, 19 and project, the servile Reivytis and his policemen reported sending 63 Jewish men and 26 women 244 Reivytis File, l.43. 20 August 1941, since in Prienai the number of did a great deal to implement the slaughter. to Prienai, an operation which apparently went 245 Reivytis File, l. 23, 84.

148 149 arrests were made under the auspices of the lieutenants, grasped the ultimate fate of the arresting Jewish women, that is, the allegation actions, especially when they are not personally Alytus region security police chief. All told 38 detainees after they read the Police that they had been notorious in their “insolent involved in the final and most gruesome criminal [Jews] were brought to Alytus by August 31. Department’s fateful circular. No doubt, there Communist activities.” The head of the outcomes, is well-known and collaborating Some of the Jews have not yet returned to the were some who believed that their job was Paeþerëliai precinct who presented to Reivytis officials seem particularly adept at applying this town but are living, according to what we have simply to watch the Jews until their prisoners a list of 35 detained citizens, all women save stratagem. Yet recognizing that not all the ascertained, in the forests. The precinct chief would be taken off their hands to an unnamed one, noted that recipients of Secret Order No. 3 had murder in has been ordered to round up the Jews from the “camp.” The Zapyðkis chief indicated that he All of the citizens of Jewish nationality listed their hearts hardly lessens the complicity of the forests as well by utilizing the auxiliary police. was awaiting “additional orders.”248 The here were detained on 17 August 1941 in the rural police bosses who gathered the “citizens of In the Birðtonas precinct there never have examples in the archives of pedantically drawn town of Kriûkai and in the rural district, within Jewish nationality.” Any ignorance or innocence been, and are not currently, any of the kinds of up lists of the detainees, detailing age, sex and, Ðakiai District, and are being sent to the charge of of fact was fleeting; as the process unfolded, Jews indicated in circular No. 3. In all, one old in some cases, dates of birth, are, at least in the Zapyðkis precinct police chief. All of the denial very quickly required purposeful evasion. Jewish woman lives in the town, who will be these cases, not the actions of officials expecting Jewish women have been notorious, and even Certainly, as August 1941 came to a close, even transferred to Alytus in the next few days. Upon their victims’ immediate destruction. now, when their husbands, brothers and children the thickest police head must have grasped that receipt of circular No. 3, the Birðtonas precinct The bureaucratic language of the police have been deported, they spread all manner of the Jews of the provinces were being corralled chief should have reported about its execution officials was, for the most part, precise and talk and even threats. They had all been notorious not for “deportations,” but to their deaths. The directly to the Department and later to me, but laconic. In an Orwellian twist, many policemen when the Communists ruled Lithuania.250 concentration of the Jews, as outlined in the he reported it, as we discovered, only to me. I remained loyal to the official discourse of both Self-delusion, the ability of human beings to Reivytis file, provides us with a cross-section, an received his message only after three days, but independent and Soviet Lithuania. While much deny to themselves the consequences of their overview in miniature (Fig. 2), of the much-wider I didn’t report anything to the Department of the correspondence simply refers to Jews, the since, according to the circular, this should majority speak of the “Jewish nationality” of the Figure 2 have already been done by the precinct chief.246 detainees. An even more jarringly incongruous The Concentration of the Jews as Carried Out Under Secret Order No. 3 The detainees proved a logistical headache. expression, is the frequent portrayal of the On 17 August the Garliava precinct reported unfortunates as “citizens of Jewish nationality.” Reivytis’ File: August 1941 that 73 Jewish men and 46 women were being Only two precinct heads employed the language held in the town’s synagogue. Three days later, of overt ethnic prejudice, one reporting on 19 From To the precinct chief wrote Reivytis requesting that August that he had received “thirty-five Jewish DISTRICT/Precinct Male Female Total Collection Points the Director “give an order on what to do with broads (þydelkos)” from a neighboring village. the detained Jews from the town of Garliava, Interestingly, the source of this common Kaunas its environs and the other rural counties.” By pejorative described his office as “the Head of Panemunë 5 6 11 Garliava the 28th he was desperate: the Zapyðkis precinct of the Lithuanian Pakuonis 14 5 19 In supplementing my secret messages No. 1 National Soc.[ialist] Police,” a bizarre Garliava 22 6 28 of 17 and 20 August of this year, I ask you, formulation found almost nowhere else in the Veiveriai251 32 29 61 Director, to give an order on what should be done archives of Lithuania’s native constabulary Jonava 91 20 111 with the Jews of Garliava [and environs]... who during the German occupation. (Only two days Vilkija252 280 138 418 Vilkija have been detained since 17 August and are being previously, another officer, who had been the Èekiðkës 20 held in the Garliava town synagogue. Their acting head of the Zapyðkis precinct, had Veliuona 14 feeding is difficult since the purchase of food described his charges as citizens of Jewish Seredþius 14 62 76 products is being restricted and, furthermore, they nationality.)249 Still another rural precinct boss do not have suitable accommodations.247 referred to the “little Jews” (þydeliai), a History records that the Garliava police condescending, but hardly vicious, slang received their answer soon enough. expression widespread among Lithuanian 246 Reivytis File, l. 85. 247 Reivytis File, l. 57, 76, 83. The police correspondence is of limited help Gentiles. 248 Reivytis File, l. 44. in ascertaining how clearly the lower rung of Only a minority of the officials bothered to 249 Reivytis File, l. 69, cf. l. 44. police officials, for example, the precinct assert the Police Department’s rationale in 250 Reivytis File, l. 54.

150 151 Babtai 23 11 34 Babtai The deportation of the men and active scolded by the Police Department about his Vendþiogala 30 female Communists to the holding areas, mishandling of the Jëznas operation. The ostensibly for work, but ultimately to their document ranks among the most cynical Rumðiðkës 140 Rumðiðkës deaths, left behind the doleful remnants of the bureaucratic admissions of indigenous Krakës area 337 115 452 Krakës monastery country’s Litvak world: the “non-political” culpability in the mass murder of 1941:257 Petraðiûnai 33 21 54 Petraðiûnai women and children, isolated in the provinces, and useless as labor. The Reivytis File contains Secret-personal Zapyðkis 24 5 29 Zapyðkis fragmentary hints of their fate in a corner of Republic of Lithuania Këdainiai Ðakiai District. The Gelgaudiðkis precinct Ðakiai, 16 September 1941 lieutenant reported a list of three families of V. R. V. [Vidaus Reikalø Vadyba] Këdainiai Town area 730 183 913 Këdainiai Town Þeimiai253 N/A N/A N/A “citizens of Jewish nationality” deported “on Chief of Ðakiai District 3 September of this year”: three mothers; two No. 3/sl. 254 Ariogala 280 10 290 Ariogala synagogue boys, four and eight; and five girls of whom the Trakai youngest, Èenë Kaplanaitë, was ten months To the Director of the Police Department old. At the same time, the remaining seventeen Kaiðiadorys 80 14 94 Kaiðiadorys Þieþmariai 193 89 282 Jewish citizens of Plokðèiai, all adult women In presenting this correspondence, I report to Þaliai 263 85 348 except for the Budelskis sons, twelve and fifteen, you, Director, that from this day, in the district were “handed over to the ferry at Gelgaudiðkis entrusted to me, there are no more Jews. They Alytus and deported.” The unfortunates of Plokðèiai were taken care of by the local partisans and the Jëznas 63 26 89 Alytus were joined by the Zaksas family of five: the auxiliary police: in Ðakiai, 890 persons on 9/13/ Birðtonas 1 matriarch Haja 75, her 45-year old daughter 41; in K[udirkos] Naumiestis, 650 persons on 9/ Marijampolë and her three grand-children, ages eleven 16/41. through thirteen. The precinct which By the order of the Gebietskommissar, his Prienai N/A N/A 289 Prienai encompassed Ðiaudinë, Sudargas and Kiduliai own designated officials carried out searches of Balbieriðkis 100 6 106 listed, as of 26 August 1941, 101 “citizens of the persons and apartments of all the Ðakiai and Ðilavotas 7 2 9 Kazlø Rûdos 159 159 Kazlø Rûdos Jewish nationality”: 61 women, and 40 K. Naumiestis Jews with the assistance of the Sasnava 6 6 children, their ultimate destination not local police before their final disposition and indicated, but impossible not to imagine.256 carted away the money and other valuables Ðakiai This southwestern corner of Lithuania which were discovered. The remaining real Jankai 1 1 2 Zapyðkis provides us with one of the earliest records of estate and movable property is assigned to the Paeþerëliai 1 35 36 the Final Solution in microcosm, outlined in protection and care of the local government Lekëèiai 9 9 Vilkija the report of Vincas Karalius, the Ðakiai district offices until further instructions from the head and his police chief, who had been [Gebiets]kommissar. operation which effected the concentration and and municipality offices, even monasteries expropriation of Lithuania’s rural and small- (Krakës). Larger gatherings were herded into 251 Veiveriai is in Marijampolë district, but located 253 The number of Þeimiai Jews delivered to town Jews, the bulk of the country’s historic Litvak temporary camp sites and makeshift on a highway to Kaunas. Këdainiai as yet undetermined. community. “ghettos,” or simply confined to vaguely 252 The Vilkija precinct report of 18 August 254 Includes undetermined number of Jews sent During their brief captivity, the detained described areas or “neighborhoods 1941 states that 280 Jewish men and 120 from Josvainiai who had been originally Jewish men and the “active Jewish (rajonai).” In Kazlø Rûda, the precinct boss women were deported, another 18 women intended for Këdainiai. Communist women” were held under a requested further instructions for the 25 older remain in theVilkija synagogue. Jews 255 Reivytis File, l. 33. collected from Èekiðkës, Veliuona, and 256 Reivytis File, Reports of the Gelgaudiðkis, variety of conditions. Smaller groups were and frail Jews of the “Jewish camp,” whether Seredþius, a total of 129 Jews still held in the Plokðèiai and Paeþerëliai precincts and the concentrated in synagogues (Ariogala, “they should be kept in the camp or allowed synagogue, are listed in the table (Reivytis Ðiaudinë, Kiduliai and Sudargas list, l. 87–96. Garliava), public buildings, such as schools to live at home.”255 File, l. 62). 257 Reivytis File, l. 86.

152 153 If ordered, I will later provide a list of the attitude of indifferent passivity which further The Murder of the Jews religious parties respectively. Zionism was disposed Jews by name. incriminates those who actively assisted in of Jurbarkas clearly dominant. During the 1930s there were The Gebietskommissar has been informed the enterprise. periodic outbreaks of violence against the about this. While useful in understanding the The small town of Jurbarkas is located Jewish middle class; for example, a Jewish Attachments: 7 pages. perpetrators’ systematic approach to their in southwestern Lithuania on the banks of the petrol station was torched. Sometimes young task, no account of the police operations Nemunas on the Lithuanian-German border, Lithuanian nationalists attacked Jews on the V. KARALIUS[signed] which corralled the victims of the summer in the Raseiniai district of the Ðiauliai region street. When it became clear in the summer of Ðakiai District Chief and fall of 1941 can capture the horror, the (apskritis). Jews had lived here since the 1940 that the Soviet Union would annex sights and sounds of this unprecedented sixteenth century and, by the end of 1940, they Lithuania, the local Germans (Volksdeutsche) The Reivytis File tells us the method, not massacre which took place in Lithuania’s numbered more than 1,300 out of a total and Lithuanians set fire to the Jewish-owned the scale, of the concentration and cities, towns and villages during the summer population of 4,400 – almost a third of the mill, from whence the flames spread to other expropriation of Lithuania’s Jews, paving the and autumn of 1941. While we have a number town’s citizens.259 The Jews of Jurbarkas were Jewish houses.264 The first politically motivated, way for their annihilation: less than a of detailed accounts of the largest of these a vital community; in 1790, they erected a methodical, and serious attacks experienced twentieth of Lithuania’s Jewish community crimes, the mass killings in Kaunas in marvelous large wooden synagogue.260 They by the Jewish community occurred in the is reflected in the file’s correspondence. It October 1941, less is known concerning the fostered strong religious and secular traditions autumn of 1940, after the Soviet Union informs even less about the pain and provinces. By examining two cases of which encompassed Jewish schools, sports annexation of Lithuania. All the larger desolation of the victims as they awaited their Lithuania’s Holocaust in smaller towns, we associations, scouting organizations, political enterprises and banks were nationalised and end, hidden behind the official verbiage and can better appreciate the human face of the parties, as well as successful trade and statistics. But it does provide insight into the genocide. manufacturing businesses. After World War I, details of the machinery which was set into following the creation independent Lithuania, 258 There are a number of examples of such motion during the very first bureaucratized no serious problems troubled the town’s thinking, most notably expressed in the diary stage of the Final Solution, a program of Genocide in Jurbarkas various ethnic groups.261 However, at the end of Zenonas Blynas, the Secretary General of the extermination which in concept, execution and Utena: Case Studies of the twenties, more serious difficulties began Lithuanian Nationalist Party (Lietuviø and scale eclipsed both the communal of Two Provincial Towns to appear. The Smetona regime aimed at nacionalistø partija), LYA, F. 3377, Ap. 55, violence of the first days and the lightning Lithuanianizing the economy on nationalist b. 235. 259 As of 26 December 1940, 1,319 Jews registered blows of the mass killings of July. Above all, In examining more closely the history of grounds. In 1931, 69 of the 73 shops in as living in the town. Cf. the data of summer the file presents the story of obedient men, the persecution and murder of the Jews in the Jurbarkas were still Jewish; furthermore, there 1941 (undated), LCVA, R 1753, Ap, 3, b. 13, l. rural policemen in the main, who carried out small town of Jurbarkas near the German- were also many Jewish tradesmen, and all of 28. Other figures are in Arûnas Bubnys, orders which were instrumental in initiating Lithuanian border, and then in Utena, located the light industrial enterprises, except for one, “Maþieji Lietuvos þydø getai”, 166. For the the project of mass death. Undoubtedly, the much further to the east, it is necessary to were owned by the Jews. But as a result of the history of the Jews of Jurbarkas before the German occupation see Pinkas ha-Kehilot. Lita: Lithuanian police officials whose signatures provide a concise prehistory of the events. nationalist economic policy, the larger Jewish Entsiklopedia shel ha-Yishuvim min Hivasdam ve- and curt reports grace the Reivytis File, Otherwise, it is impossible to establish the firms were forced to close, their place taken by ad le-ahar Shoat Milhemet ha-Olam ha-Sheniyah played an important role in the genocide. The relative German and Lithuanian participation cooperatives supported by the state.262 The (Jerusalem, 1996), 324–329. fact that, ultimately, no Lithuanian political in these crimes, or to understand the behaviour smaller shops owned by Jews also went into 260 Photos of the synagogue in Jurbarkas, its or police institution could have prevented the of the local Jews. Nevertheless, a central decline, a situation which encouraged the rise artistic interior and the Jewish cemeteries are in Ephraim Oshry, The Annihilation of Lithuanian mass murder of the Jews in no way mitigates question concerns whether Lithuanians of the already active Zionist movement.263 One Jewry (New York, 1995), 286 and HaKehillot, their responsibility. While the Jewish launched pogroms against the Jews even before of the town parks was called “Tel Aviv”; the Pinkas. Lita, 325. community was doomed, more individuals the arrival of the Germans, and how and when Jewish school was named for Theodor Herzl. 261 HaKehillot, Pinkas. Lita, 326–328. could have been saved. In fact, even the most the transition to the annihilation of the town’s The political orientation of the Jews in 262 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg. (Jerusalem, 1991), Nazified collaborators were to later admit Jews occurred. Jurbarkas may be seen from the distribution of 55–67. their shame at the involvement of the votes during the Seimas (Parliament) 263 Ibid., 123–128 (Hislovitzs’ family); Ibid., 129–144 (Petrikansky family); Ibid., 163–166 Lithuanians as butchers and henchmen: if elections of the 1920s: 62 percent of all eligible (Frank family). the Germans insist on a judenfrei Baltic, some Jewish voters cast ballots for the Zionist parties; 264 Ibid., 167–170 (the story of Rachel Hess- implied, let them do it,258 at best a cynical 26 percent and 12 percent for democratic and Greenstein whose house was burnt down).

154 155 cultural and political organisations were had a meeting with Levickas and another ten On 3 July 1941, a squad of the Tilsit German were two of Carsten’s agents. Böhme released banned. A few Jews were assigned to the new Lithuanians at the home of Levickas’s friend, Gestapo office arrived in the town and shot one of them, the Lithuanian Matulevièius, but state and Party offices. In mid-June 1941, the a priest. A local committee was established.270 about 250 Jewish men and seventy not Berlowitz, a Jew.277 Soviets deported no less than sixty persons Carsten ordered the group to compile a list of Lithuanians; according to the German Security During the shootings, there were instances from Jurbarkas, including several Jewish local Communists and Jews,271 and then chose Police, 322 persons in total, five women among of Jews attacking their killers; however, this was families (29 persons).265 the Jewish cemetery as the place for massacres. them.276 The Lithuanian police arrested most not mentioned in the reports to the Security In the early morning hours of 22 June 1941, For his part, Carsten was subordinate to the victims with the help of the lists, and also Police in Berlin. One example is Emil Max, who the town was captured by the Wehrmacht. Tilsit Gestapo. This latter office also controlled plundered valuable possessions. Böhme had fled Klaipëda in 1939, a recipient of the There was scarcely time to escape. The local the German Security Police and SD unit, which ordered that sixty more Jewish men be arrested Knight’s Cross from WW I. He attacked the SS Commandant, Captain Baar, ordered that along with the Klaipëda city police and brought to the execution site. Among them officers and injured one of them in the leg before everyone should obey the orders of the (Schutzpolizei) department, executed the first Lithuanian mayor who was placed under his mass killings of Jews in the Soviet Union on 24 command. Sabotage and plunder would be June 1941. With the approval of Stahlecker and 265 Mayor Gepneris’s message sent to the Germans Schweder-Verfahren, Bd. 9, Bl. 2199–2240; subject to the death penalty.266 The town mayor with some local assistance, these men shot 201 omits the names of the Jewish deportees. Cf. also Georg Oselies Interogation, 3 April 1957. was the Lithuanian Jurgis Gepneris who Jews from Gargždai. Furthermore, Stahlecker the list [undated], LCVA, 1753, Ap. 1, b. 3, l. Ibid., Bd. 11, l. 2818–2827; Krumbach Germanized his surname, becoming Höpfner had assigned the head of the Tilsit Gestapo, SS 212. Meanwhile, the previous message sent to Interrogation, 17 October 1958, ZStL, II 207 in autumn of 1942. During the Soviet period, Major (Sturmbannführer) Hans-Joachim Böhme, the Lithuanian head of the district contained AR-Z 51/58, Bd. 1, Bl. 111ff, 127 ff, 130, 132; he had been in charge of public eateries to carry out “all necessary operations” within some references to deportations of Jews as in detailed description in the indictment, 12 (öffentliche Küchen) and had supported the local a designated 25-km strip along the border 272 the message of 21 August 1941, LCVA, 1753, August 1960; also Verfahren gegen Krumbach Ap. 3, b. 13, l. 22. The most comprehensive list und Gerke, Ibid., Bd. I, Bl. 62–64. Communists, facts of which the Germans were As a result, on 25 June 1941, 214 Jewish men provided to date is in Rûta Puiðytë, Vilnius 271 Hans-Joachim Böhme Interrogation, 18 267 unaware. After the war broke out, the most and one woman were murdered in Kretinga; University, Thesis on the Murder of the Jews in December 1959, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, important levers of power in Jurbarkas two days later, 111 Jewish men were shot in Jurbarkas (1997), 23 ff (authors’ copy). Bd. 7, Bl. 1564. belonged to the Lithuanian rebels, the so-called Palanga. During the course of these initial 266 Announcement of the local Commandant of 24 272 Fernschreiben Staatspolizeistelle Tilsit an partisans. They represented various strata of killings an additional Einsatzkommando was June 1941, LCVA, 1753-3-12. In July 1941, for RSHA, 1 July 1941, ZStL, Sammlung UdSSR, local society including teachers, school and created, jointly operating with Wehrmacht a few weeks the military authorities had taken Ordner 245 Ag, Nr. 254–257, Bl. 2–5. over the future Police Battalion 323 under 273 Dieckmann, “Krieg”, 292–298. university students, the owner of a kiosk, and units, the Klaipëda border police, and the Tilsit Police Major Bernhard Griese. See Griese 274 Already announced on 27 June 1941: “The a well-known nationalist. Their leader was the Gestapo, and led by Böhme, its ambitious Inetrrogation, 1 October 1959, Lechthaler- Tilsit Gestapo is organising the cleansing secondary school teacher Ausiukaitis. commander.273 Verfahren, Staatsanwaltschaft Kassel, 3a Ks operations against snipers in the 25-km border Similarly, the Lithuanian police, which was On 4 July 1941, Heydrich officially 1/61 and 3 Js. 72/60, Bd. 1, Bl. 75–79. The area.” EM No. 6, 27 June 1941, BA, R 58/214, quickly reconstituted, was commanded by a delegated enormous powers to all of his Second Reserve Police Battalion was attached Bl. 6. Einsatzbefehl Nr. 6 von Heydrich an die to the Security Division, stationed in the Chefs der Einsatzgruppen, 4 July 1941, Special 32-year old secondary school teacher, Mykolas operational units to carry out “cleansing western sector of the Division, where it was Moscow Archive 500-5-3, l. 48; EM No. 11, 3 Levickas. At the same time, Levickas was the operations” in the designated Lithuanian supported by the Eleventh Reserve Police July 1941, BA, R 58/214, 7. Germans’ translator, informer, and agent, along border areas, which had earlier been Battalion. See Kriegsgliederung der Sich.Div. 275 EM No. 26, 18-7-1941, BA, R 58/214. On the with 26 year-old policeman Mykolas Urbonas envisioned to apply only to Erich Ehrlinger’s 281, 5 June 1941; KTB Sich.Div. 281, Ic., first killings in the border area see also, Kwiet, and a few others.268 It was on 24 June that the SK 1b, and later, Karl Jäger’s EK 3. According NARA, T. 315, Roll 1870, Bl. 89; Order of 14 “Rehearsing for Murder”; Matthäus, “Jenseits Germans began controlling the distribution of to Heydrich, in order to ensure the free July 1941, KTB Sich.Div. 281, Ia officer, Ibid., der Grenze”; Longerich, “Politik”, 326-331; Roll 1869, Bl. 753. Tauber, “Garsden”. The indictment is arms. In mid-July the local partisans became a movement of his EG and EK units, the Gestapo 267 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 388. published in Justiz und NS-Verbrechen, Bd. 15. paramilitary organisation subordinate to the “were authorised to perform cleansing 268 Customs Inspector Georg Oselies Interrogation, Cf. IMT, 37, 703. police.269 operations [...] in the recently occupied 3 April 1957. Fischer-Schweder-Verfahren, Bd. 276 Cf. EM No. 19, 11 July 1941. Bundesarchiv On 23 June SS Squad Leader (Ger. territories which are situated in their part of 11, Bl. 2821; Fischer-Schweder Indictment, 25 Berlin, R 58/214, Bl. 123. 277 Hauptscharführer) and the secretary for criminal the border area.”274 By October 1941, these June 1957, Ibid., Bl. 3472 ff. Gerhard Carsten Interrogation, 12 December 269 Order No. 3 of the Ðiauliai district magistrate, 1956, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 6, Bl. affairs, Gerhard Carsten, the chief of the closest units had killed more than 5,200 people in the 13 July 1941, LCVA, R 1099, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 33. 1537; Alfred Krumbach Interrogation, Tilsit 275 German border police station in Smalininkai designated Lithuanian border regions. This 270 See also the exhaustive Gerhard Carsten Gestapo, 2nd Section, 17 October 1958, ZStL, (Ger. Schmalleningken), arrived in Jurbarkas and figure includes the killings in Jurbarkas as well. Interrogation, 5–12 February 1957, Fischer- II 207 AR-Z 51/58, Bd. 1, Bl. 102–104.

156 157 he was killed.278 SS Second Lieutenant Police Chief Levickas went to Raseiniai and prevailing practice. The military administration engaged in forced labour. It is impossible to (Untersturmführer) Wiechert in charge of the asked to be discharged; on 7 July 1941 he was had earlier fixed the minimum food rations for ascertain the fate of roughly two hundred Jews, grave-digging detail forced some Jews to beat replaced by Povilas Mockevièius.286 Lithuanian Jews; two weeks before it had also who seem to be missing when the figures are each other before they were murdered.279 Two Carsten ordered the aforementioned issued an order to compile a list of persons who obtained through a comparative study of the men were buried alive, and during the night, policeman Urbonas to organise the guarding needed foodstuffs by 1 August 1941. The Jews documentary evidence.295 Some may have they succeeded in getting out of the pit. One of of the Jews who were still alive: the relatives of were to be listed on a separate column. The escaped, others may have been in hiding; still them, Antanas Leonavièius, testified against the dead, elderly people, and fifty men with Raseiniai district chief promulgated such an others may have been killed in actions which the killers after the war. Soon thereafter, the their families who had been spared as a labor order on 21 July.293 are difficult to document. postwar anti-Soviet Lithuanian partisans force. Beginning with the second day of the The second larger-scale killings in On 16 August the Lithuanian authorities killed him along with Povilas Striauka.280 Abel occupation, the Jews were driven to forced labor Jurbarkas were perpetrated at the end of July were directed by the Germans to issue two more Vales managed to escape when the other supervised by Friedman, a Jew who was later and the beginning of August. On 27 July, 45 orders: that all Jewish property be registered, victims were forced to dig the graves.281 killed as well.287 The women had to sew and elderly men together with Jews from nearby including that already stolen, and that the The Jewish victims killed on 3 July 1941 mend the Germans’ uniforms.288 The Jews of localities were killed, and on 1 August, 105 labor force be recorded as well, with an represented the local elite.282 The lists were Jurbarkas suffered many brutal humiliations elderly women.294 On 21 August there were still indication of the registrants’ professional supposed to have recorded the names of these at the hands of the Germans and 684 Jews living in town, of whom 64 were skills.296 Three days earlier, on 13 August, the persons who were influential and educated. Lithuanians.289 As was the case everywhere, But the insistent further searching for more men they were forced to wear the identifying badge, here suggests that the German Security Police were banned from the side-walks, were intended to kill as many of them as possible. permitted to leave their homes only under 278 HaKehillot, Pinkas. Lita, 328; Gerhard Carsten 285 Wilhelm Gerke Interrogation, 7 July 1958, StA Interrogation, 8 March 1957. StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 21, Bl. 61–63. The Lithuanian victims were mostly people certain conditions, and had to give up their Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 9, Bl. 2297; the 286 Bubnys, “Getai”, 167. who had actually worked for the Soviet radios. The Jews were forced to destroy, by their aforementioned Alfred Krumbach 287 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 380, 392. authorities or had been so accused.283 Among own hand, the historic wooden synagogue Interrogation at the ZStL, Bd. 1, Bl. 105 ff. 288 Ibid., 117-122 (Leipziger family). them was one of Lithuania’s best-known and the small Jewish slaughterhouse, then to 279 Wilhelm Gerke Interrogation. 23 June 1958. StA 289 Ibid., 404 ff; Oshry, Annihilation, 287 ff. sculptors, Vincas Grybas. burn their holy books and . Jews were Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 21, Bl. 14; Alfred 290 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 381, 388–390, esp. In contrast to the the earlier shootings, forced to sing and dance before the busts and Krumbach as cited above, Bd. 1, l. 104, 109ff; 388; Cf. Atamukas, Juden, 164. HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 382. 291 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 404. which had been organised in the Lithuanian- portraits of Stalin and Lenin, and to swim in 280 Cf. Puiðytë, 19. 292 Ðiauliai GBK Message, No. 4, 6 August 1941, 290 German border areas by the Gestapo’s Tilsit the Nemunas “to be baptised”. Germans 281 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 419–428. After a few Amtsblatt, Nr. 2, 1941, 32. office, in Jurbarkas, the police battalion from photographed the public humiliation. months months, Vales found shelter with a 293 Raseiniai district chief to all mayors, 21 July Tilist was to participate in the shootings instead The Jews were systematically deprived of Lithuanian peasant, with whom he lived for 1941, LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 13, l. 4. The of the police commando from the more distant food. The Lithuanian administration, which two and a half years, hiding in the loft. The military authorities had earlier ordered the peasant took care of him, even though his entire district of Ðiauliai to provide food Klaipëda; the local adjutant had expressed since the end of June 1941 was under German neighbour, who had previously hidden Jewish registration rolls through the local magistrate. 284 such an interest to the Tilsit SD. However, orders to supply the civilian inhabitants with escapees, was discovered and shot. See Order of the District Magistrate of Ðiauliai, the Tilsit police chief, Major Schulz, objected to food, severely limited food sales to the Jews.291 282 HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 389, 395, 404 ff. 8 July 1941, LCVA, R 1099, Ap, 1, b. 1, l. 15. this, thus the said police unit did not arrive. The Jews were allowed to purchase only what 283 The names of twelve murdered persons are in 294 Hazikaron. Sefer. Jurburg, 406. The dates and This time the Security Police and Tilsit SD was left unsold in the evenings. When at the end Masinës þudynës, vol. 2, 208ff. The wife of one numbers of victims of those massacres are could not expect help from the regular German of July and the beginning of August the German of the shooting victims from a neighboring based on oral testimonies. Contemporary village testified in court in 1947, Ibid., 207 ff. documents have not yet been found. police, and, thus, had to shoot the people civilian administration (Zivilverwaltung) 284 Werner Hersmann Interrogations, 6 November 295 Mayor Gepneris’s reply of 21 August 1941 to themselves with the assistance of Lithuanian replaced the military authorities, the District 1956, 7 January 1957 and 19 January 1957, Raseiniai district chief’s message of 16 August policemen and partisans. The valuables stolen Commissariat banned Jews from shopping in StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 6, Bdl. 1311– 1941. LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 13, l. 22. This file from the Jews served to pay for food and drinks the markets, claiming that this was to prevent 1317; 1728; 1774ff; Eugen Obremski contains five queries of the summer and for the Jurbarkas killers that same evening; later, the “increasing buying up of goods and Interrogation (copy) (police chief’s adjutant in autumn of 1941 concerning the composition of Tilsit), Ibid., Bd. 18, Bl. 4797. Police Major Jurbarkas’s population. the German police used the money of the foodstuffs by the Jews.”292 Only a few shops Bendzko was in command of the Tilþë police 296 Two messages from the district magistrate of victims to pay for their week-long vacation in would be open to the Jews in the evening, from battalion, see Helmut Macholl Interrogation, Ðiauliai, 16 August 1941. LCVA, R 1099, Ap. the Palanga resort.285 After these shootings, 5 to 6 PM– in principle legitimizing the already 12 December 1956, Ibid., Bd. 6, Bl. 1472. 1, b. 1, l. 134 ff.

158 159 mayors of all Lithuanian towns and district were taken over by Lithuanians, many of them Germans, and that the killings took place in part of the Jewish elite or had nothing to do to heads in the Ðiauliai region met with the by Lithuanian policemen and activists. At the several stages. At first, members of the Jewish with the Soviet authorities. This purpose is Gebietskommissar, Hans Gewecke, who border of the town a sign was erected: elite were methodically registered and killed; made clear in the persistent search for the ordered the officials to establish ghettos in each “Jurbarkas is free of Jews” (Georgenburg ist as many Jewish men and other alleged Jewish men of Jurbarkas. town.297 After the war, Gepneris testified that judenfrei).306 supporters of the Soviet authority as possible The next step was the murder of people Gewecke had explained the purpose of those The names of 76 Jews who, in various ways, were murdered as well. To be able to murder who could not be utilized for labor, that is, the small ghettos – the Jews would be isolated until survived the German occupation are known.307 this group of people, the Germans demanded Jews who included the weakest groups: the they were to be shot. The Jews of Jurbarkas were Eight Lithuanian families in the vicinity helped that Lithuanian officials and police officers, as elderly women and men, but in other places crowded in a few houses located on two streets, the Jews,308 despite the threat of death against well as the committees of the insurgents, orphans and mental patients were often sustained only by some bread and cabbage. the entire family of any would-be rescuer which compile the requisite lists, which the latter included. Finally, the work force would be Gepneris ostensibly learned from Aleksas the Raseiniai district chief announced at the would usually undertake quite willingly. murdered as well, especially if it was no longer Grigalavièius298 , who worked in Raseiniai for end of August 1941.309 Furthermore, the German Security Police forced needed for military industry, or if, according EK 3 (which was then stationed in Kaunas), The course of events in Jurbarkas reveal that the registration of as many Jews of military to the German occupiers, it posed a threat to that a regular ghetto need not be established the initiative for mass murders came from the service age as possible, even if they were not security. The involvement of Lithuanian since, in any case, the Jews would be killed soon.299 There were a number of meetings between the responsible border police and the 297 Gewecke’s order on ghettoisation, 14 August however, there it is incorrectly recorded that, by 305 An entire list of distributions: LCVA, 1753, Ap. local military commandant, one Lieutenant 1941, reached Jurbarkas on 27 August 1941. 6 September 1941, all the Jewish men, women, 3, b. 12. On 27 March 1942 and on 14 April Groschütz.300 Within three days, from 4 to 6 LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 4, l. 36–37. For his and their children had been killed. BA, R 70 1942, Mayor Gepneris transferred 2,908.82 RM part, the Lithuanian magistrate sent messages Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 80 ir Bl. 84. This is from the sale of Jewish furniture to a special September, the Lithuanian police under to the majors as early as 22 August 1941. Cf. inconsistent with the population figures on account (Sonderkonto J) of the GBK in the German supervision murdered those Jews who Ibid., l. 156. Jurbarkas provided in Gepneris’s letter of 12 Reich’s credit account (Reichskreditkasse) in were not needed for work – over 400 women 298 On Aleksas Grigalavièius and his close contacts September 1941 to the Raseiniai district chief, Ðiauliai,. Also see two of Gepneris’s letters to and children. They were murdered in a most with the SS Lieutenant Hamann from EK 3, see LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 13, l. 58. the GBK of Ðiauliai, 1 April 1942 and 22 April brutal manner, under conditions which defy the copy of the record of the Ðiauliai GBK in 302 Puiðytë lists 31 persons who took part in the 1942, LCVA, 1753, Ap. 1, b. 3, l. 260 and 279. the imagination, related after the war by a few the file, Abschrift eines Aktenvermerks des killings of the Jews in Jurbarkas (Appendix 3). On 14 October 1941 the Ðiauliai GBK issued GBK Ðiauliai (probably prepared by Gewecke’s 303 Gepneris to the Raseiniai district chief, 14 orders for corresponding actions to be taken by young women who had managed to escape the political department head Kurt Schrepfer), 9 December 1941, LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 13, l. the district heads and mayors.(ZStL, killing fields. On 12 September, some 272 Jews, September 1941, BA, R 90/146. 190. After the war, there were four mass Sammlung Verschiedenes, Ordner 109, Bl. 126. including 73 at work, were still living in the 299 Gepneris Interrogation (by the NKVD), 23 cemeteries found in Jurbarkas and its 306 Cf. the indictment against Fischer-Schweder, town.301 They were thereafter murdered by a August 1945, published in Puiðytë, 23 ff; Cf. surroundings with over 1,200 bodies: in the especially the one announced on 25 June 1957, small killing squad from Kaunas, once again Bubnys. “Getai”, 167, which states that the Jewish cemetery, in the village of Kalnënai, StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, l. 3472; Julius ghettos were established as early as July. Cf. another forest nearby, and in the forest of Stanat Interrogation (Mayor Gepneris’s with assistance of the local Lithuanian police. Dieckmann,“Der Krieg”, 321 ff. Ðilainës, as in Masinës þudynës, vol. 2, 400. A employee), 9 June 1959. HStA Wiesbaden, At least 31 men were directly involved in the 300 See Carsten Interrogation, 5 February 1957: statistical summary is provided by the State Abt.461.32438, Bd. 4, Bl. 1509. shooting and torture of the Jews.302 By Grigalavièius had obtained “important Archive of the Russian Federation 307 See HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 186–221, on the December 1941, there were only 2,900 documents from the Kaunas police agencies”. (Gosudarstvennij Archiv Russkoj Federatsij, survivors and dead members from thirty families. inhabitants left out of more than 4,400 – about StA Ludwigsburg, EL 322, Bd. 9, Bl. 2217; henceforth – GARF), 7021-94-427, l. 1 ff. An 308 Puiðytë, 25–28, refers to the research of the Carsten’s letter to Ulm’s prosecutor’s office incomplete list with the names of victims is survivor, Chaim Jofë, who provides the names a third of the population had been murdered.303 (undated). Ibid., Bl. 2265. housed in the Jewish museum in Vilnius. of the Lithuanian families who had rendered Much of the local population enriched 301 See the accounts of Leib Koniuchowsky recorded 304 Gepneris’s to the Raseiniai district chief, 24 help to the Jews; in two appendices, Puiðytë themselves with Jewish property: 245 land in HaZikaron, Sefer. Jurburg, 392 ff; the story of October 1941, LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 13, l. lists the names of the Jews who survived. The allotments and 208 houses were left without Zvi Levith, Ibid., 407 ff, first published in 101; On 5 January 1942 the housing farmer K. Blaþys was shot in the spring of their owners or tenants.304 By the end of July, a Mendel Sudarsky, Uriah Katzenelenbogen, J. department of Jurbarkas obtained the list of 1943 because he had been hiding M. Liubinaitë, number of officials had already received their Kissin, comp., Lite, Bd. 1 (New York, 1951), houses which had belonged to the Jews, who had managed to escaping the killings of also in Kaltina nuþudytieji; Sudarski, 1850–1854; LCVA, 1753, Ap. 1, b. 3, l. 3. The list of 4–6 September 1941. Blaþys’s neighbour had share of Jewish property, some an apartment also, the First Jäger Report lists 412 victims nationalised and expropriated Jewish land informed on him. or a cow, while the furniture of the murdered from Jurbarkas. The same is recorded in the contains 107 names and addresses. See Ibid., l. 309 Order of the Raseiniai district chief, 29 August Jews was sold to the people.305 Jewish shops Second Jäger Report of 1 December 1941; 18 2ff. 1941, LCVA, 1753, Ap. 3, b. 4, l. 25.

160 161 people in the persecutions and killing actions Killings of the Jews Jews were poor. The Jewish community as partisans and had obtained German was multifaceted. In many places, the course in Utena District supported a number of schools, as well as permits for carrying arms.315 Most local officials of events developed in much the same way as public, cultural and political organisations.310 and policemen obeyed the entreaties broadcast in Jurbarkas. The preparations for murder and Jurbarkas had fallen into the hands of The first documented evidence concerning by radio and returned to the positions and the actual killings involved considerable the Germans within the first hours of the partisans, known to be anti-Semitic and anti- offices where they had served before the Soviet cooperation among not only German civilian invasion. This was not the case in Utena – the Bolshevik, date back to May 1941, but these occupation of 1940. On 25 June the Voldemarist institutions and police agencies, but Germans captured the district and town only units received a large influx of new members and Gestapo agent Malinauskas again became Lithuanian ones as well. Many Lithuanian on the fifth day. The behavior of the local only during the first Soviet deportations of 13- the chief of police in Utena.316 The first mayor regional and local officials, as well as police Lithuanians, who were not, at least at the 14 June 1941, when, as a result, hundreds of of the town was Èukas, considered a supporter and civilians, were involved in the entire outset, directed by German anti-Semitic men fled into the region’s forests, many with of former President . gamut of activities which aimed to: identify, institutions is a question that needs to be arms at their disposal.311 Most of the men had select, separate and then isolate the victims; addressed. been members of the Riflemen’s Union before plunder their property; and finally, The town of Utena, the seat of the district 1940. By radio the men learned that the long- 310 participate in their murder. Although the by the same name, is located in the northeast awaited war had begun, Kaunas had been Pinkas haKehillot, 121 ff; on the life of the Jews of Utena during 1921–1936, see Bella Lown, initiative did not come from the Lithuanians, of Lithuania, on the main highway from taken, and the Provisional Government had Memories of My Life: A Personal History of a many made use of the impunity, the Kaunas to Daugavpils (Dünaburg). A proclaimed the country’s independence. Lithuanian Shtetl (New York?, 1991). lawlessness made possible by German anti- considerable distance from the German- Lieutenant Antanas Patalauskas was in 311 First Report, 7 August 1941, NARA, RG 226, M Semitic policies. At the same time, there was Lithuanian frontier, the town is only some fifty command of a group of 76 partisans. 1499, Roll 258, 17; Account of the NKVD room for individual choice both among the kilometers from the Latvian border. The Germans arrived in the region four Officer Gladkov, 21 June 1941, Ðkirpa, Sukilimas, 266. German and Lithuanian actors. The chief of Approximately 115,000 people lived within days after the outbreak of war. By then there 312 See the story of Valerija Þemaitytë in Rimantas the Tilsit German police did not permit his the district in 1941 of whom more than 10,000 was continuous fighting between Soviet units Vanagas, Nenusigrêþk nuo savês (Vilnius, 1995), units to take part in the massacres, even lived in Utena itself, including some 3,000– and anti-Soviet rebels with casualties on both 101; Bubnys, Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva, 43. though his adjutant had pressed him strongly 4,000 Jews. In the nineteenth century the Jews sides. Dozens of people were arrested for their 313 Reports by the evacuated Soviet functionaries on the matter. The chief of the Lithuanian had accounted for as much as 70–80 percent alleged sympathy with the Soviets in the of September 1942 concerning the first days of police in Jurbarkas resigned his office after of the population of Utena and the smaller villages; in some locales, the rebels had seized the war in Molëtai, Uþpaliai and Daugaliai, in Brandiðauskas, 1941 m. sukilimas, 319–325, the first shootings. However, we do not know towns of the region. The unfavorable economic control before the arrival of the German 347 ff; cf. Lithuanian rebel reports of June the circumstances in greater detail. and political conditions in the Tsarist empire Wehrmacht. Some places were burnt by the 1941, from Alanta, Molëtai and the Utena The Jews of Jurbarkas, like most of the Jews forced many Jews to emigrate, mostly to South retreating Soviet Army and NKVD units; other district, in Ibid., 156–162. in the provinces, had virtually no time to react Africa and the United States. The most destroyed by the German bombs, including the 314 Certificates issued to the partisans at the to the unforeseen brutal threats, to the speed important turning point in the life of the Jews Jewish neighbourhood of Utena. Young beginning of the war are in LCVA, R 1652, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 12. with which the arrests, the plunder and during the early twentieth century occurred Lithuanians assisted the Germans as guides.312 315 Lists are in LCVA, R 1652, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 1–6, murder were carried out. There was no room during the Great War, when most Jews were The rebels secured important strategic points published in Brandiðauskas, 1941 m. sukilimas, for collective action or organization; the Jews forcibly evacuated to Russia of whom only and hunted soldiers of the Red Army, partly 163–174; Order No. 1 of the Commandant, were trapped. They were deeply shocked by about two thirds returned to the district; for the purpose of obtaining their arms. They Captain Benediktas Kaletka, 26 June 1941, the what was, for most of them, the utterly however, before World War II they still made released prisoners some of whom had belonged LCVA, R 1444, Ap. 1, b. 9, l. 56. 316 unexpected outbreak of violence from the up about half of the population of such small to the anti-Soviet underground and had been Malinauskas to Security Police in Kaunas, 16 March 1943, LCVA, R 1399, Ap. 1, b. 9, l. 179. Lithuanians. A few of the Jurbarkas Jews towns as Molëtai and Anykðèiai. The Jews arrested before the outbreak of the war. Most Later Malinauskas was redeployed to managed to resist and others attempted to do possessed hardly any land and were mainly Lithuanians greeted the news of war with great Ðvenèionys and replaced by Mikas Kazlauskas. so, but the majority saw no way out, no chance employed in the trades, crafts and small joy, raising Lithuanian flags and ringing From 24 September 1941 the security police to escape or resist – the terror from the businesses; in 1931 they owned 84 of 97 shops, church bells.313 In messages sent to Kaunas, chief was Jonas Èësna, who worked with Germans and Lithuanians was too great, and some thirty of forty light industrial enterprises the partisans referred to themselves as peasant- officers Grikepelis and Karosas. The first security police chief was Bronius âsevièius, cf. the environment, too hostile. and about 150 workshops. Most non-Jews in partisans, and characterized their actions as a his order regarding the persecution of 314 Utena worked either in agriculture or in state farmers’ uprising against Bolshevik power. Communists, 13 July 1941, Masinës þudynës, and educational institutions. Many of the By 27 June 1941 484 men had been registered vol. 2, 310.

162 163 During the first days of war many refugees confined in prisons. The three synagogues and children. This time the local killers were In 1944, the Extraordinary Soviet from western Lithuania arrived in the district. the prayer houses were desecrated; the rabbis, reinforced by Lithuanian units from elsewhere, Commission discovered approximately 9,000 The Lithuanian partisans arrested many of who refused to burn the Torahs, were publicly and probably by several Germans from the victims in eight mass burial sites in Raðë forest them. The refugees were confined under harsh tortured and severely injured. The damaged Security Police led by Hamann, as well as the which has now been acknowledged as the conditions, for example, in the synagogue of religious sites were turned into prisons where Third Company of the Lithuanian Auxiliary largest extermination site of Jews in the district Anykðèiai where they were under the watch of Jews, refugees, Communists and members of Police Battalion from Kaunas.331 The partisan of Utena.333 In this location, a kilometre from the Lithuanian guards; afterwards, they would the Komsomol were imprisoned.325 group under Patalauskas participated in anti- Anykðèiai and Molëtai, Lithuanian units usually be sent back to their home towns.317 On the morning of 14 July 1941 the Jewish policies in various ways. They arrested under the command of the Germans, again All the roads leading from Kaunas to the Lithuanian municipal authorities ordered all the Jews, brought them to the Ðilinës forest and killed 1,500 and 700 victims respectively on northeast, which passed Ukmergë and Utena the Jews to leave town by noon; any Jew also participated in establishing the Utena the same day as the aforementioned murders – in the direction of Daugavpils, were clogged discovered there would be shot. Within a few ghetto, where they appointed A. Jodënas the 29 August 1941. In Anykðèiai the mass murders with retreating Red Army troops and refugees. hours, the Jews were to assemble in the Ðilinës ghetto’s commandant; finally, they guarded the of nearly 2,000 Jews also began with arrests On this stretch of the road, an unspecified forest in the outskirts of town, where they killing sites. At the beginning of September the and expropriations, which intensified after the number of Jews were killed by the rebels.318 would be registered and their valuables taken partisan unit was dissolved.332 arrival of the Wehrmacht.334 The local Jews and On 26 June 1941, the Fourth Panzer Group away. The press and radio announced that of the 56th Army Corps passed Utena on the Utena was the first town in Lithuania to be way to Daugavpils.319 The attacks against the “free of the Jews” (judenrein).326 317 Dimitrijus Gelpernas, “O að buvau 326 Oshry, Annihilation, 268. Jews had already begun throughout the entire For more than two weeks, nearly 2,000 Jews sinagogoje,” in Vanagas, Nenusigrêþk, 86–88; 327 Musja Burðtenaitë survived and on 16 March district. The Lithuanian rebels would break into were confined in the forest, suffering the dirt, V. Butënas Statement, 7 June 1951, Masinës 1945 reported on this forest “ghetto” to the þudynës, vol. 2, p. 310 ff; on the refugees from 1944 Soviet commission, GARF, 7021-94-433, the Jewish homes, searching and plundering; adverse weather conditions and the taunting of Jonava concerning Utena, Eliezer Yerushalmi, l. 56-57R. also abusing the house owners – these were the their Lithuanian guards. There was hardly Pinkas Shavli: Yoman mi-geto Litai, 1941–1944 328 List of executions in First Jäger Report, BA, R first victims. On the very first day of the war a anything to eat. The younger people were taken (Jerusalem 1957), 335. 70 Sowjetunion 15, Bl. 78; for 31 July he young Jewish woman was raped and then to forced labor during the day. All men and 318 Solly Ganor, Das andere Leben. Kindheit im Holocaust reports: 235 men, 16 women, 1 Lithuanian murdered.320 Above all, the arrests targeted the women aged 17 to 55 were registered once (Frankfurt, 1997), 39–51; Tory, Holocaust, 6. Communist, 1 double murderer-robber; on 7 319 so-called Jewish intelligentsia, the Communists, again.327 During the two large-scale shooting KTB Panzergruppe 4, Ia, BA-MA, RH 21-4/14. August: 483 men, 87 women, 1 Lithuanian. 320 See Domicelë Kunèinienë in Vanagas, 329 Oshry, Annihilation, 268–271, Pinkas HaKehillot, the Komsomol and other alleged supporters of operations of 31 July and 7 August 1941 in the Nenusigræþk, 111; HaKehillot, Pinkas, 154. 124ff. 321 the Soviet regime. Using the files of the Raðë forest three kilometres away, 718 Jewish 321 Vanagas, Nenusigrêþk, 47; HaKehillot, Pinkas, 124. 330 Bubnys, “Getai”, 177. deserted Soviet offices, a list of suspects with men, 103 Jewish women and three other persons 322 Cf. Rukðënas, Politika, 137 with reference to 331 On 26–31 August 1941 Third Company, detailed information was created.322 were murdered.328 The German and Lithuanian LCVA, R. 715, Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 129. Second Lithuanian Police Battalion from Throughout July of 1941 the German police carried out the killings in the presence of 323 OK 862 (7.7.–16.7.1941), OK II 349 (16.– Kaunas is recorded as carrying out the 20.7.1941); OK II 350 (ab 20.7.1941). KTB “mission”, while the murders committed in military administration in Utena underwent the local Lithuanian officials. Twice Hamann’s Sich.Div. 281, Ia, Befehl v. 16. und 19.7.1941, Utena district in August, recorded in the constant rotation, staffed by personnel drawn “flying squad” (Rollkommando) traveled here NARA, RG 242, T. 315, Roll 1869, Bl. 745 f.; reports of the security police chief, were from the 691st Military Gendarmerie unit.323 from Kaunas. Tzadok Bleiman and Kalman Katz Tätigkeitsbericht Sich.Div. 281, Abt. VII, v. ascribed to Hamann’s unit. See Auxiliary After the arrival of the German occupiers, anti- attacked the German shooters. Katz was killed, 10.7.1941, NARA, RG 242, T. 315, Roll 1870, Police Battalion Order No. 68, here the copy Semitic policy was systematized. The Jews but Bleiman succeeded in escaping. Later, he Bl. 498. For less than a week (10–15 July) the from SWC, No. 59/60. During the killings in were forced to perform humiliating labor, for had a chance to report on the mass killings.329 division headquarters of Security Division 281 nearby Anykðèiai, the “activists” from Ðiauliai were in Utena: KTB Sich.Div. 281, took part. Vanagas, Nenusigræþ”, 47. example, they were ordered to search for mines. For two weeks, an improvised ghetto was Tätigkeitsbericht IVa, 25.3.1941–31.12.1941, 332 Bubnys, “Getai”, 177. 324 Some perished as a result. Within a few days, established in Utena where Jews were forced to NARA, RG 242, T. 315, Roll 1869, Bl. 5. 333 Testimonies of witnesses about the Jews’ all Jewish homes were marked with the sign live under miserable conditions.330 324 Tzodok Bleiman in Oshry, Annihilation, 268. journey to the killing site are in the indicating “Jew”; in this way, they became easy On 29 August 1941, in the Raðë forest, the 325 Order of the Utena security police chief on the Commission’s Act of 15 November 1944, targets for Germans and Lithuanians. The surviving Jewish old men, women and confinement of thirty Jewish men in the GARF, 7021-94-433, l. 1-2R. Ibid., l. 1R. synagogue, 14 April 1941, is in LCVA, R 715, 334 Pinkas, HaKehillot, 151–155; Leib plunder of Jewish property and the violence children from Utena and its surroundings were Ap. 1, b. 1, l. 2; The names of twelve arrested Koniuchowski’s account is consistent with the perpetrated against Jews now carried no shot in the Raðë forest – from Utena and Molëtai individuals, including two Jews, are in Ibid., l. recollections of the survivor, Motl, 150-241; punishment. The majority of Jewish men were alone: 582 men, 1,731 women and 1,469 19; Bubnys, “Getai”, 176 ff. about Molëtai, see GARF, 7021-94-433, l. 1R-2.

164 165 refugees were confined in prisons, synagogues, the districts of Rokiðkis, Panevëþys, Kretinga, was a Christian Democrat of conservative occupiers and the resolute minority of right- and schools where they were terrorized by the Raseiniai, Birþai, Maþeikiai, Telðiai, Tauragë, orientation, and did not belong to the radical wing radicals, as well as certain anti-Semitic Lithuanian guards for two weeks. There were Utena and Zarasai.340 right-wing camp, had no influence on the course functionaries who did not necessarily belong to dozens of victims and numerous rapes. The On 4 July 1941, the local media, then censored of persecution and murder. the extreme right, were better able to slaughter local priest „epënas sought unsuccessfully to by the Germans, called on the region’s populace Nevertheless, the German initiative to kill all the entire Jewish community. Virtually in all put an end to the violence against the Jews.335 to support Germany’s war and “to cleanse the the Jewish inhabitants of the region is obvious. cases, two groups of people participated directly After the non-local Jews were released, the homeland from Bolsheviks, Jews, and from other The widespread willingness for cooperation with in the mass murders: first, the regular death remainder, just as in Utena, were forced to move traitors of the Lithuanian nation.”341 the Germans on the part of the Lithuanian squads of the German and Lithuanian police, to the nearby forest where they had to live for When the killings of Jews were completed in administration and police, as well as the “hostile weeks. At the end of July 1941, the men were the aforementioned districts by the end of neutrality” characteristic of most non-Jews are shot on Liudiðkës (Ger. Hasenberg) hill. The August, the local military commandant’s office also noteworthy. The resentment and rage 335 Bubnys, “Getai”, 71. remaining people were killed a month later, of Utena ordered the disarming of the former directed against the Soviet occupation in this 336 Pinkas HaKehillot, 374-377. after they had spent a short time in the local Lithuanian partisans on 2 September 1941.342 region manifested itself as early as the spring of 337 Bubnys. “Getai”, 74–77; Eidintas, Byla, 140 ff. 338 improvised ghetto. In Molëtai the arrests of Now, on the initiative of the German military 1941 evidenced by the appearance of the first anti- See the farewell letter written by father and the son Natelovich to their relatives from Molëtai young men, the forced labour, and the robberies commandant in Utena, the German Security Soviet underground groups. The deportations of prison, 21 December 1941, while awaiting began very soon after the rebels of Molëtai Police demand the dismissal of District Chief 13–14 June 1941 resulted in a further influx of execution, located in Archiv Igud Jozei Lita, learned of the outbreak of the war.336 The first Pranas Grebliauskas, as well as the police chief men in the forests ready for an insurrection. No. 3181. On 29 August 1941 the two had weeks resulted in about sixty victims; those and Mayor Èukas, who was to be replaced by In reference to the question raised earlier managed to escape only to be captured again arrested would be taken to Utena where they the partisan leader and former Lithuanian Army concerning the problem of identifying whose three months later. They wrote that they now could see “how the world looked without shared the fate of the prisoners there. In the Lieutenant, Antanas Patalauskas.343 Their initiative was important in the persecution of Jews”. There is a document on the arrest of a second half of August, all the Jews of Molëtai enrichment from the seizure of Jewish property, Jews, the comparison of Jurbarkas and Utena family which had escaped from Molëtai at the were confined in the synagogue, and on 29 which the Germans claimed for themselves, was reveals that, despite all the varying end of 1941, carried out by the Utena security August 1941, they were shot at a nearby site.337 the motive behind the dismissals. Nevertheless, circumstances, the persecutions and massacres police on 31 January 1942, LCVA, R. 715, Ap. At Molëtai some victims made drastic attempts at the end of 1943, Èukas became the district in these towns did not differ very much. There 1, b. 2, l. 30–41. 339 For the role of the local commandant’s office, to escape the shooting sites, however, only a chief of Utena.344 Grebliauskas was arrested on was simply very little room for Lithuanian see Rukðënas, Politika, 115. Zadok Bleiman, the few succeeded. But even these people did not 14 August 1941, accused of failing to transfer initiative in Jurbarkas; while in Utena there was witness of mass killings in Utena of 29 August manage to survive long in the hostile Jewish property to the appropriate authorities, more extensive room for action. Before the arrival 1941, related that the mayor stood as a surroundings.338 and of the misappropriation of goods which had of the Germans, there were several incidents of spectator near the mass grave. Oshry, German institutions held jurisdiction over the been in the possession of the Jews.345 The murders and rapes in Utena, but a large-scale Annihilation, 271. killings: at first, the local commandant’s office Lithuanian “activists” had often robbed Jewish Lithuanian-led campaign of extermination 340 Gewecke to von Renteln, 10 September 1941, BA, R 90/146. (OK) of the Wehrmacht, and from the beginning homes during the frequent searches.346 against the local Jewish community cannot be 341 Iðlaisvintas paneveþietis, 4 July 1941, in Masinës of August 1941, the civil administration of the The pattern of crimes in the district of Utena documented. For such an outcome, German þudynës, T. 1, 51. Ðiauliai Commissariat (GBK), in cooperation, is very similar to that in Jurbarkas. Yet, here there initiative and command were necessary, 342 Zarasai self-defence unit’s chief to all partisan and on occasion, in disagreement with both the was more time for larger-scale and more brutal although the Germans could count on the commanders, 2 September 1941, LCVA, R Teilkommando of EK 2 and EK 3 of the Security excesses against the Jews leading to murders, considerable willingness of the relevant 1106, Ap. 2, b. 18, l. 82. Contains the hand- written remark by Norkus on implementation, Police and SD.339 On 10 September 1941 District robberies, and humiliations. From the very first Lithuanian administrative and police circles for dated 15 September 1941. Commissar Hans Gewecke boasted to the days, arrests became a frequent occurence. help. In the eyes of much of the Lithuanian 343 Hamann to Jäger, 31 August 1941, LCVA, R Commissar General (Generalkommissar) Adrian Within a few weeks, Jewish property had been population, the Jews had been collectively 1399, Ap.1, b. 9, l. 278; Jäger to von Renteln, 3 von Renteln that, according to instructions, expropriated, the Jews isolated and forced to live deprived of their human rights: the right to September 1941, Ibid., R 1399, Ap. 1, b. 7, l. 89. “nearly all the districts have been cleansed of in unbearable conditions; only a few found help personal security; the right to the inviolability 344 Bubnys, Vokieèiø okupuota Lietuva, 396. Jews” and that “the Jewish question in the from Lithuanian friends. The police and rebels of home and property; and, eventually, the right 345 Ibid., 396; EM No. 154, 12 January 1942, BA, R 58/220, Bl. 78. Ðiauliai GBK had been resolved with the were led by radical nationalists, some of whom to life itself. Most accepted the deaths of the 346 Tätigkeitsbericht Sich.Div. 281, Abt. VII, 27 necessary intensity and National Socialist had been in close contact with children, women and men in silence. Such an July 1941, NARA, RG 242, T. 315, Roll 1870, severity.” In saying this, Gewecke had in mind even before the war. The fact that Mayor Èukas attitude facilitated the process: the German Bl. 522.

166 167 which had been formed within a few weeks and under EK1b; thus, it is difficult to assess the Figure 3 systematically traversed the country; second, the significance of the other 3,200 Jews reportedly Jäger’s Report: Killings in Lithuania350 local police, as well as partisans who were often killed on Jäger’s orders. Since no pogroms on transformed into an auxiliary police force. Most the scale of the Vilijampolë massacres of 25–26 Command Responsibility Reported Dates of Actions Number (Category of Victims) often, control and the highest executive authority June are on record after the end of June it is EK 1b/Klimaitis and allied Before 2 July 1941 4,000 (Jews) belonged not to the police, but to the political very likely that the 3,200 figure includes the partisans, rogue elements leadership. afore-mentioned killings in the Seventh Fort. Jäger reported that “after the takeover by the EK 3 4 and 6 July 1941 (Fort VII) 2,977 (Jews) EK3,” 463 Jews (416 men and 47 women) were EK 3 Rollkommando 7 July 1941–31 July 1941 1,260 (Jews) Documenting Destruction: killed on 4 July 1941, and, two days later, an- 157 (Communists the Jäger Reports and other 2,514 Jews were executed by machine- 2 (Lithuanians) the Mortal Blow of the Late gun fire (durch Maschinengewehr), clearly then, 1 (Pole) Summer and Fall of 1941 under conditions which cannot be described 3 (criminals) as pogroms. In his later (1 December) report, 1,423 (Total) The Reivytis File affords a partial, al- Jäger noted that the killings of 4 and 6 July were 1 August–14 August 1941 4,756 (Jews)351 beit insightful, glimpse into the workings of carried out by Lithuanian partisans “on my 28 (Communists) the concentration and expropriation of the direction and orders.”347 Clearly, these latter Lithuanians (2) Jews, while the cases of Jurbarkas and Utena refer to the Kaunas actions described above. criminals (1) provide us a detailed a vivid image of the geno- All told, the 10 September report lists execu- 4,787 (Total) cidal process, including the final distruction. tions according to locales throughout Lithuania, EK 3 Rollkommando/Teilkommando 15 August–31 August 1941352 32,909 (Jews) 348 Karl Jäger’s infamous account of the genocide, claiming a total of 76,355 deaths. In his better- 544 (mental patients) on the other hand, give us an overall view of known genocidal ledger of 1 December 1941 Jäger 432 (Russians) the annihilation of Lithuania’s Jews. Unlike altered somewhat his characterization of the ini- 82 (Communists) the little-known Lithuanian police file based tial killings, noting that before the takeover of se- 4 (Russian POW’s) on Order No. 3, the Jäger documents are among curity police tasks by EK3, 4,000 Jews were liqui- 1 (partisan) the most cited sources of the Final Solution. dated exclusively by partisans “through pogroms 2 (Poles) While the EK3 report to Berlin of 1 December and executions” [emphasis added].349 There is 33,974 (Total) 1941 is the best known, this was the colonel’s then some ambiguity concerning the conditions EK 3 Rollkommando/Teilkommando 1 September–15 September353 1941 28,707 (Jews) second account of the genocide, his first filed under which the massacres took place, and it is 109 (mental patients) on 10 September 1941, as the annihilation of not entirely certain how Jäger’s numbers corre- 43 (Gentile villagers) the Jews in the provinces was in full sway. late with those reported by Stahlecker. 1 (German) In September Jäger reported that “parti- In any case, most of the killings carried out 1 (Russian) sans” had killed an estimated 4,000 Jews in after the first week of July, that is, after the forma- 28,861 (Total) pogroms, of whom nearly 800 had perished tion of Hamann’s Rollkommando, acquired a “during the time of EK1b,” that is, before EK3 character quite different from that of the previous 347 Second Jäger Report, 1 December 1941. and Rokiðkis which occurred before mid- 348 took control in Kaunas. Since the massacres at massacres. At the same time, the period between First Jäger Report. August 1941, as well as actions by the 349 Second Jäger Report. Teilkommando between 12 August 1941 and 1 the Lietûkis complex as well as the killings in early July and mid-August was also distinct 350 Based on 1 December 1941 report by Jäger and September 1941. Also, the calculation for the Vilijampolë during the last week of June oc- when compared to the initiation of the Final So- corrected for minor calculation errors made at 19 August 1941 action in Ukmergë contains an curred during Ehrlinger’s watch, it seems likely lution in Lithuania, whose operational origins the Kaunas SD office, including the error on p. error of 2 (should be 643, not 645), and the that such was Jäger’s estimate of the victims of are reflected in the Reivytis File. Understanding 3 of the report where the subtotal of 47, 814 action at Joniðkis is undercounted by 200 the Klimaitis gang and other rogue fighters. the process of the annihilation of the vast major- should read 48, 014. (should be 355, not 555). Also includes an 351 A calculation error in the original on the 13 undetermined number of killings in Alytus and There is scant evidence of true pogroms (in the ity of Lithuanian Jews (Fig. 3) begins with an over- August 1941 action in Alytus (listed 719, its environs of 13 August 1941. sense of spontaneous popular outbreaks view of the most comprehensive accounting of should be 718). 353 Includes an undetermined number of actions against the Jews) after the atrocities perpetrated the slaughter, Jäger’s 1 December 1941 account. 352 Includes a small number of killings in Raseiniai undertaken as of 28 August 1941.

168 169 EK 3 Rollkommando 16 September–30 September 1941 11,671 (Jews) Figure 4 Jäger’s Report: EK 3 Killings in Latvia and Belarus 4 (Communists) 11,675 (Total) Command Responsibility/(Locale) Reported Dates of Actions Number (Category of Victims) 1 October–15 October 1941 10,752 (Jews) EK 3 Teilkommando 13 July–21 August 1941 9,012 (Jews) 10,752 (Total) (Daugavpils) 573 (Communists) EK 3/Kaunas SP and SD/Rauca 16 October–31 October 1941 18,027 (Jews) 9,585 (Total) 18,027 (Total) EK 3 Rollkommando 22 August 1941 5 (Communists) EK 3 Rollkommando 1 November–15 November 1941 2,991 (Jews) (Daugavpils) 5 (Latvians) 2,991 (Total) 5 (Gypsies) 16 November–30 November 1941 4,934 (German and Austrian Jews) 3 (Poles) 252 (Lithuanian Jews) 2 (Jews) 15 (terrorists) 1 (Russian) 9 (POW’s) 21 (Total) 9 (Poles) EK 3 Teilkommando 23 September–17 October 1941 3,031 (Jews) 1 (German) (Minsk and environs) 19 (Communists) 5,220 (Total) 3,050 (Total)

In addition to the reported deaths within ers of the operation successfully employed na- August to 4th September 1941, second peculi- Lithuanian countryside can be largely ex- Lithuania itself, the Security Police and SD com- tive manpower for the concentration, expro- arity of mass killings can be observed in plained by fact that the various smaller Secu- mand in Kaunas was also responsible for a priation and extermination stages of the Final Kaunas Commissariat (Gebietskommissariat), rity Police units (Teilkommando) had been as- number of actions on the borders of Lithuania, Solution in Lithuania. where 5,251 people were killed in a week. Start- signed to the cities of Kaunas and Vilnius, in Daugavpils (Latvia) and in western Belarus The meticulous organization which char- ing 9th September until 9th October 1941, large where they took part in the confinement of (Fig. 4). acterized the killing operations of the late sum- scale massacres were executed in the district major Jewish communities in the ghettos. Only The Jäger Report of 1 December 1941 mer and fall of 1941 can also be seen in the of Alytus of the Vilnius Commissariat after the ghettos had been founded – in Kaunas claimed that the Nazis and their collaborators systematic geographic pattern of the geno- (Gebietskommissariat) – 18,710 Jews were shot on 15 August 1941, and in Vilnius on 6 Sep- had massacred 118,302 Lithuanian Jews, that cide.354 Sorting the killings recorded in Jäger’s here. Meanwhile, the mass shootings in the tember 1941 – did they became more active in is, Jewish inhabitants within what are now the reports on executions in the province of Lithua- Ðiauliai Commissariat (Gebietskommissariat) the surroundings areas. The Jewish commu- borders of the Republic of Lithuania. This nia according to different German administra- proceeded resulting in another 12,377 victims. nity of Ðiauliai city, with some four to five thou- would be the number of reported deaths minus tive units, it is clear that this process, apart from Consequently, the number of victims there sand people, was not as large; ghettoisation the killings reported in Latvia and Belarus, and gradual increase in the number of victims, is reached up to 36,216. there was implemented between 22 August not including the massacre of foreign citizens also characterized by a regional pattern, espe- Thus, the observable pattern: Ðiauliai GBK and 1 September 1941, at the same time as thou- brought to Kaunas, as well as shootings of other cially beginning on 28 July 1941. (from 28 July 1941), Kaunas GBK (26 August– sands of Jews were being killed throughout the categories of victims, primarily Communists Until 26th August 1941, most of the kill- 4 September 1941) and Vilnius GBK (9 Septem- region each day. and mental patients, as well as smaller num- ings of Jews in Lithuanian provinces had been ber–9 October 1941). In retrospect, the turning While the Jäger reports, as well as the other bers of Gypsies (Sinti and Roma), criminal ele- enacted in the Ðiauliai Commissariat point was 26–27 July 1941, that is, the com- documentation produced by the Einsatzgruppe, ments and Soviet POW’s. The strategic respon- (Gebietskommissariat) (exceptions: shootings in mencement of the German civil administration provide the basis for any general overview of sibility for the operation rested with the head- Alytus, where 951 persons were killed, and in In Lithuania. Beginning with the last week of quarters of Einsatzgruppe A, while the tactical Jonava, with 552 victims). According to the July 1941, the civil administration undertook details were worked out by its various subunits, data of the Lithuanian Security Police authori- the major responsibility for the killings of Jews, 354 In his Second Report Jäger emphasized that the shootings were primarily a question of especially the EK3 office in Kaunas, with the ties, this campaign of killings in the Ðiauliai along with the Security Police; under their gov- “organization” (“Die Durchführung solcher cooperation of the Lithuanian Police Depart- Commissariat (Gebietskommissariat) resulted in ernance, 95 percent of Lithuania’s perished. Aktionen ist in erster Linie eine ment and local civilian agencies. The Nazi lead- 23,879 victims in four weeks. Through 26th This territorial pattern of the murders in the Organisationsfrage...”).

170 171 the Nazi killing operations of the summer of filled out by adding Lithuanian personnel Figure 5 1941, they cannot, of course, afford a compre- drawn from the newly formed TDA units, seems 1941 Time-Line: The Destruction of Lithuania’s Jews According to Jäger hensive history of the genocide in Lithuania. to be in agreement with the known facts from Leaving aside the vexing philosophical ques- other sources. There seems little reason to doubt June July August August September September October October November November tion of whether a true “understanding” of vio- the 1:8 German-Lithuanian ratio in the killing 1–14 15–31 1–15 16-30 1–15 16–31 1–15 16–30 lence on such a massive scale can ever be at- operations claimed by Jäger, which reflects the 4,000 4,237 4,756 32,909 28,707 11,671 10,752 18,027 2,991 252 tained, there remain a series of more mundane general makeup of the Rollkommando. Clearly, problems which the official documentation does the majority of the shooters were Lithuanians. not address and which, in fact, may be incapa- But this ratio tells us little about the personnel Most of Lithuania’s Jews who had not suc- now, most of the victims had simply commit- ble of a satisfactory explanation. involved in the various individual actions of ceeded in escaping the country were still alive ted the ultimate crime – they were born Jews.356 First, there is the question of the numbers. the summer and fall of 1941, particularly the on 5 August 1941 when the Provisional Gov- The few arithmetical errors in the EK 3 calcula- larger-scale killings. The Grossaktion in Kaunas ernment formally announced its own dissolu- tions are insignificant. More important is the of 28–29 October 1941 was not primarily a tion. By the time Jäger sat down to complete his Overview: the Agencies question of whether the figures presented for Rollkommando operation, employing as it did renowned report on 1 December, at least three- and Stages of the Genocide the first days of the war are inclusive for Lithua- large numbers of Lithuanian police battalion fourths of Lithuania’s Jews were dead. The kill- nia as a whole. The Jäger account covers only personnel, thus differing substantially from ac- ing operations of the summer and fall of 1941 The killing operations of the summer the regions explicitly under the jurisdiction of tions in the smaller towns. The number of local took a decisive turn in the middle of August: a and autumn of 1941 were directed primarily EK 3, omitting mention of the actions in the west- “partisans” coopted into Hamann’s killing op- selective series of killings intended to bolster by the staff of EK3 from Kaunas. The limited ern border areas (Gargždai, Kretinga) and sev- erations also varied according to locale. The the ideological war against Bolshevism was manpower of the SD and SP was supplemented eral other venues of the genocide, including parts mass murders in which the Germans constituted transformed into a policy of genocide, a Final by the cooperation and assistance of German of the Ðiauliai region, nor do they include some a significant striking force, for example, the case Solution on a country-wide scale. The culmi- and Lithuanian agencies which helped expe- of the murders in Vilnius, for instance, the infa- of German Police Battalion 65 and nation of the campaign on 29 October 1941 dite the definition (or marking), expropriation, mous “Yom Kippur Action.” Furthermore, there Einsatzkommando 2 in the Ðiauliai region, are stands out as a brutal record. On that day nearly concentration and, finally, the extermination are questions concerning some of the dates of not representative of the German-Lithuanian 10,000 Lithuanian Jews were slaughtered at of the victims. Of the German agencies which actions in the seond half of 1941. ration estimated by Jäger. the Ninth Fort in Kaunas by the Nazis and their provided the German Security Police and SD The characterization of the victims needs Despite their limitations, the Jäger reports, collaborators.355 Never had so many been killed with logistical support and personnel in the some explanation as well. There is no way to the UdSSR Ereignissmeldungen, the Stalecker on Lithuanian soil in so short a time. destruction process, one must list: be sure, especially in the case of actions re- documents, the Reivytis File and other such In as much as the genocide of 1941 consti- 1) The Wehrmacht, principally the ported in Vilnius, whether the listed victims primary material constitute the most important tutes the bloodiest page in the history of mod- Feldkommendaturen and the Security Divisions; were citizens of Lithuania or among the thou- sources for ascertaining the general progres- ern Lithuania, it must take center stage in any 2) German Police Battalions, primarily the sands of 1939 refugees from Poland; thus the sion of the slaughter in Lithuania. At the core discussion or analysis not only of the German 11th and 65th; term “Lithuanian Jews” may or may not be of the program of mass extermination of Lithua- occupation of 1941–1944, but of the entire pe- accurate in describing the statistical universe nian Jewry was an intensive “cleansing” riod of foreign occupations and misfortunes of the Jewish victims. It seems highly probable (Säuberung) of the provincial Jewish popula- initiated by the Second World War. Nothing in from the overall evidence that the “Commu- tion which reached a frenetic burst of murder- the national past could have prepared the 355 A factual account which preserves the horror of nists” are usually Gentiles, ethnic Lithuanians ous activity between mid-August and mid-Sep- Lithuanian people for these disasters, espe- the atrocity is in Avraham Tory, Surviving the Holocaust: The Kovno Ghetto Diary (Cambridge, in the main, sometimes designated by ethnic- tember 1941. To employ the language of the cially the extent of the violence, which had no MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), 43–60. ity, sometimes not. Lithuanian police officials who carried out the historic parallels or precedents either in the 356 A recent well-documented and comprehensive More important, the documentation, espe- round up, of the approximately 120,000 “citi- quantitative or qualitative sense. The scale of overview of the events of the summer and fall cially Jäger’s second report, must be utilized zens of Jewish nationality” of the Republic of the killings make this clear enough, but the of 1941 is the introduction to Eidintas, Byla, with some care regarding the specific identity Lithuania who are listed as having perished change was also evident in the very language 83–279. For an excellent brief overview see Joachim Tauber, “‘Juden, Eure Geschichte auf of the killers. In general, the creation of the 8–10 in the German accounts during the summer employed by the murderers. By autumn, the litauischen Boden is zu Ende!’ Litauen und der man armed German squad as the commanding and fall of 1941, more than half were killed breakdown of the victims by political, criminal Holocaust im Jahr 1941,” in Osteuropa, 9/10 core of Hamann’s Rollkommando, which was during this four-week period (Fig. 5). and ethnic categories was largely abandoned: (2002), 1346–1360.

172 173 3) Other police agencies, both civilian and padëties nuostatai) of 1 August 1941.358 But the 1) The pogroms and initial actions aimed general chronology, progression and chang- military (for example the Criminal Police and cabinet, even as it approved decrees segregat- at Jewish men and alleged Communists be- ing nature of the genocide as it evolved during Feldgendarmerie); ing and expropriating the Jews, shied away from tween late June and early July of 1941; the Nazi occupation, do not fully convey the 4) The German Civilian Administration. endorsing organized slaughter.359 The members 2) Selective killing operations from early complexity and often chaotic nature of the The German policy-making organs of the of the PG were clearly discomforted, even July to mid-August; events in question. The official documents can- Holocaust also employed a number of Lithua- shocked, by the excesses around them. They re- 3) The implementation of the Final Solution not fully capture the terror of the victims who nian paramilitary, police and administrative corded, albeit not publicly, their disassociation in the provinces and larger towns from mid- knew they were about to die, nor can they shed organizations in the extermination of the Jews: from Klimaitis and other rogue partisan ele- August to late November 1941, accompanied light on the darkness in the hearts of those who 1) Elements of irregular forces which arose ments, and issued public reprimands against by the ghettoization of surviving urban Jews; were about to kill them. They do, however, pro- spontaneously or were quickly organized lawlessness and vigilante justice.360 As noted 4) The periodic selections and culling of the vide insight into that which is indispensable upon news of the Nazi invasion, such as the above, only one member of the leadership, the ghettos during 1942–1944.364 in transforming massacres into a Final Solu- notorious Klimaitis unit and a number of other PG’s liaison with the Germans, historian These stages of the Holocaust in Lithuania, tion — the often dispassionate but invariably partisans; Zenonas Ivinskis, is reported to have suggested while useful guidelines in understanding the bureaucratic workings of genocidal policy. 2) Units of the TDA, later termed the Self- a specific and public condemnation of the vio- Defense Battalions, often known in the litera- lence against the Jews.361 ture as the Schutzmannschaften; There is no doubt that Lithuanian collabo- 3) The Police Department in Kaunas and rators played an important role in the geno- much of the local constabulary reestablished cide. Whether that assistance was indispensa- after the Soviet retreat; ble is another question.362 Naturally, while the 4) Agents and officers of the Lithuanian genocide required a substantial administrative Security Police; infrastructure, several of the subunits of the 5) Significant elements of the Lithuanian organizational categories listed above played civilian administration, both transitional or- a disproportionate role in mass executions. gans of the first weeks of the occupation as well These include the Klimaitis gang during the as the later permanent institutions. first days of the war, as well as the Rollkommando The role of the highest Lithuanian civilian and the infamous Ypatingas Bûrys in Vilnius authority between late June and early August during a later period. At the same time, a con- 357 Á laisvæ, 24 June 1941. 1941, the Lithuanian Provisional Government siderably larger number of Lithuanian auxil- 358 LLV, 135–137. and its cohort, the Vilnius Citizens’ Committee, iaries took part in individual actions and 359 See protocols on June–July 1941 in LLV. played a controversial, if less direct role, in the served in secondary roles – guarding detain- 360 See LLV, 9–18; Á laisvæ, June 24, 1941. There is also the claim that two Lithuanian generals process of destruction. The PG’s ambiguous ees, securing the perimeters of killing opera- had privately rebuked Klimaitis, in Budreckis, position emanated from the paradoxical politi- tions and hunting for Jews in hiding. The Lithuanian National Revolt, 63. cal morass in which it found itself: the regime, The genocide perpetrated by the Nazis and 361 Liudas Truska, “Ir atleisk mums mûsø tëvø such as it was, claimed sovereignty, but never their collaborators in Lithuania resulted in the bei seneliø nuodëmes: apie holokaustà effectively exercised power. However, the anti- death of nearly a quarter million of the coun- Lietuvoje 1941 m.,” in Eidintas, Byla, 671. 362 Semitic attitudes of the LAF and PG are well- try’s inhabitants, the vast majority, Jews. There See Christopher Browning Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battailion 101 and the Solution known. The hour of liberation was greeted by walso the many thousands of Soviet POW’s as in Poland (New Jork, 1991). the LAF with the charge that Jews and Bolshe- well as othet non-native and transient elements 363 For the deaths of Soviet POW’s and Soviet vism are one and the same.357 There are even of the Soviet population.363 The destruction of evacuees see Christoph Dieckmann, Alytus more strident passages in Naujoji Lietuva (pub- the Jews deserves special emphasis, constitut- 1941–1944: Massenmorde in einer Kleinstadt. lished in Vilnius) and the provincial newspa- ing a historically unique effort at total extermi- Ein Fallbeispiel deutscher Besatzungspolitik in Litauen,” in Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review, pers. The most comprehensive expression of the nation which can be divided into several more 2/8 (2001), 89–102. PG’s official anti-Semitism was the draft of the or less clearly discernible stages according to 364 The basic scheme is outlined in Arad, “The Statutes on the Situation of the Jews (Þydø intent, scale and method. ‘Final Solution’”, 234–272.

174 175 Sources and Literature Yad Vashem Archives – Jerusalem O 71/163

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180 181 Abbreviations KTB Kriegstagebuch (War Journal) l. lapas (Manuscript page) LAF Lietuviø aktyvistø frontas (Lithuanian Activists’ Front) LCVA Lietuvos centrinis valstybës archyvas (Central State Archive of Lithuania) LVVA Latvijas Valsts Vçstures Archîvs (State Historical Archive of Latvia) LYA Lietuvos ypatingasis archyvas NARA National Archives and Records Administration OK Ortskommandantur (Local Commandant’s Office) OKW Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (Supreme Command of the Wehrmacht) Ord. Ordner PG Laikinoji Vyriausybë (Provisional Government) POW Prisoners of War RK Reichsmark RSHA Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Main Reich Security Office) Sich. Div. Sicherungsdivision (Security Division) Abt. Abteilung (Chapter) SK Sonderkommando AO Abwehroffizier (Military intelligence officer) SWC Simon-Wiesenthal-Center AOK Armeeoberkommando (Army Command) TDA Bataillion Tautos darbo apsaugos batalionas (TDA battalion) BA Bundesarchiv Berlin (Federal Archive-Berlin) VO Verbindungsoffizier (Liaison officer) BA-MA Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv Freiburg/Breisgau YVA Yad Vashem Archives (Federal-Military Archive-Freiburg/Breisgau ZStL Zentrale Stelle der Landesjustizverwaltungen zur Aufklärung Bd. Band (Volume) von NS-Verbrechen in Ludwigsburg (Central Agency for the State Bl. Blatt (Manuscript page) Judicial Administrations on researching the Crimes of Nazis in Ludwigsburg) EG Einsatzgruppe EK Einsatzkommando EM Ereignismeldung (Record of Events) F. Fondas (Archival Collection) GARF Gosudarstvennyj Archiv Rossijskoj Federaciji (State Archives of the Russian Federation) GBK Gebietskommissariat GK Generalkommissar[iat] (General Commissar[iat]) H. Gr. Nord Heeresgruppe Nord (Army Group North) HStA Hauptstaatsarchiv (Main State Archive) Ia 1. Generalstabsoffizier (1st General Staff Officer, chief of operations at division headquarters) Ic 3. Generalstabsoffizier (3rd General Staff Officer, chief of Intelligence, at division headquarters) ICECNSOR International Commission for the Evaluation of the Crimes of the Nazi and Soviet Occupation Regimes in Lithuania IMT International Military Tribunal

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