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Adoption, Use and Perception of Australian Acacias Around the World

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Adoption, Use and Perception of Australian Acacias Around the World Diversity and Distributions, (Diversity Distrib.) (2011) 17, 822–836 S BIODIVERSITY Adoption, use and perception of PECIAL ISSUE RESEARCH Australian acacias around the world Christian A. Kull1*, Charlie M. Shackleton2, Peter J. Cunningham3, Catherine Ducatillon4, Jean-Marc Dufour-Dror5, Karen J. Esler6, James B. Friday7, Anto´nio C. Gouveia8, A. R. Griffin9, Elizabete Marchante8, Stephen J. :H Midgley10, Anı´bal Pauchard11, Haripriya Rangan1, David M. Richardson12, Tony Rinaudo13, Jacques Tassin14, Lauren S. Urgenson15, Graham P. von Maltitz16, Rafael D. Zenni17 and Matthew J. Zylstra6 UMAN - MEDIATED INTRODUCTIONS OF 1School of Geography and Environmental Science, ABSTRACT Monash University, Melbourne, Australia, 2Department of Environmental Science, Rhodes Aim To examine the different uses and perceptions of introduced Australian University, Grahamstown, South Africa, 3Sowing acacias (wattles; Acacia subgenus Phyllodineae) by rural households and Seeds of Change in the Sahel Project, SIM, communities. Maradi, Niger Republic, 4INRA, Jardin Thuret, Antibes, France, 5Environmental Policy Center, Location Eighteen landscape-scale case studies around the world, in Vietnam, Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, Jerusalem, India, Re´union, Madagascar, South Africa, Congo, Niger, Ethiopia, Israel, France, Israel, 6Department of Conservation Ecology and Portugal, Brazil, Chile, Dominican Republic and Hawai‘i. A Journal of Conservation Biogeography Entomology and Centre for Invasion Biology, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, 7University Methods Qualitative comparison of case studies, based on questionnaire sent to of Hawai‘i, Honolulu, HI, USA, 8Centre for network of acacia researchers. Information based on individual knowledge of local Functional Ecology, Department of Life Sciences, experts, published and unpublished sources. 9 University of Coimbra, Portugal, School of Plant A Science, University of Tasmania, Hobart, Results We propose a conceptual model to explain current uses and perceptions USTRALIAN ACACIAS Australia, 10Salwood Asia Pacific, Canberra, of introduced acacias. It highlights historically and geographically contingent Australia, 11Facultad de Ciencias Forestales, processes, including economic development, environmental discourses, political Universidad de Concepcio´n and Institute of context, and local or regional needs. Four main groupings of case studies were 12 Ecology and Biodiversity (IEB), Chile, Centre united by similar patterns: (1) poor communities benefiting from targeted for Invasion Biology, Department of Botany and agroforestry projects; (2) places where residents, generally poor, take advantage of Zoology, Stellenbosch University, South Africa, a valuable resource already present in their landscape via plantation and/or 13World Vision, Melbourne, Australia, 14CIRAD, UPR BSEF, Montpellier, France, 15School of invasion; (3) regions of small and mid-scale tree farmers participating in the — Forest Resources, University of Washington, forestry industry; and (4) a number of high-income communities dealing with the AGLOBALEXPERIMENTINBIOGEOGRAPHY Seattle, WA, USA, 16Natural Resources and the legacies of former or niche use of introduced acacia in a context of increased Environment, CSIR Pretoria, South Africa, concern over biodiversity and ecosystem services. 17Department of Ecology and Evolutionary Biology, University of Tennessee, TN, USA Main conclusions Economic conditions play a key role shaping acacia use. Poorer communities rely strongly on acacias (often in, or escaped from, formal plantations) for household needs and, sometimes, for income. Middle-income regions more typically host private farm investments in acacia woodlots for commercialization. Efforts at control of invasive acacias must take care to not *Correspondence: Christian A. Kull, School of adversely impact poor dependent communities. Geography and Environmental Science, Keywords Monash University, Melbourne, VIC 3800, and Distributions Australia. Acacia, biological invasions, economic development, introduced species, E-mail: [email protected] livelihoods, natural resource management, subsistence harvesting. (Fig. 1). Yet peoples’ interactions with acacias are not uniform. INTRODUCTION In some places, like highland Madagascar, introduced acacias Introduced Australian acacias (Acacia subgenus Phyllodineae, are universally accepted, widely utilized and even celebrated, Fabaceae; Miller et al., 2011; Richardson et al., 2011), besides despite displaying invasive behaviour. In others, like on the Diversity being commercially important crops, play diverse roles in the slopes of Re´union and Hawaiian islands, the plants presently lives and livelihoods of rural communities around the world play a minor (if any) economic role, are of little concern to the DOI:10.1111/j.1472-4642.2011.00783.x 822 http://wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/ddi ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd Adoption, use, and perception of Australian acacias Figure 1 Facets of community uses of introduced Australian acacias in different parts of the world. Row 1: woodfuel and construction use; environmental education with orphans, in South Africa. Row 2: acacia businesses in France (cut flower) and Re´union (fuel for distillery); Acacia mearnsii on ranch in Maui. Row 3: woodfuel in Palni Hills, India; land rehabilitation in Tamil Nadu, India; agroforestry in Niger. Row 4: acacia seed injera, Ethiopia; catchment restoration, Ethiopia; acacia flowers for sale, Chile. Row 5: acacia fuel for industrial boiler, charcoal kiln and acacia-tanned leather, Madagascar. Row 6: acacia harvest, furniture and branding, Vietnam. Photo credits: M. Aitken (1a,b); MZ (1c); CAK (2a,b, 3a,b, 5a,b,c); Forest & Kim Starr (2c); TR (3c, 4a,b); AP (4c); SJM (6a,b,c). public and are seen by many environmental managers as Wilgen et al., 2011). We seek to untangle these differences by weeds. In yet other places, like South Africa, the situation asking three questions: What are the key values of introduced might be described as a mix of the above examples with the Australian acacias to rural households and communities addition of major industrial uses for pulp and tanbark (van around the world? Under what conditions do they gain these Diversity and Distributions, 17, 822–836, ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 823 C. A. Kull et al. values? What factors best explain the differences observed plant. As Kull & Rangan (2008) specify, the transfer and between acacia values in different regions of the world? diffusion of plants includes the accompanying bundles of Answering these questions provides both empirical evidence knowledge, such as ideas on cultivation and use, links to and conceptual arguments to allow environmental managers a marketing networks or even biocontrol agents, which can better understanding of the social context they encounter when shape outcomes and uses in different regions. managing introduced species. Australian acacias have followed multiple pathways on their The current values of introduced acacias in diverse rural way into contact with rural households and communities. communities around the world are complex outcomes of These include scientific forestry breeding and propagation historically and geographically contingent processes that processes (cf. Midgley et al., 2011), as well as historical integrate plant ecology, economic development, political introductions for obsolete purposes, accidental introductions context and culture (Kull & Rangan, 2008; Carruthers et al., and self-propagation, community agroforestry programs and 2011). Planted in different eras for diverse motivations linked parallel adoption by individuals outside formal interventions, to rural development and land restoration, they grow in as we describe in this article. landscapes that present a variety of environmental constraints Once present, why do rural communities adopt new plants? and opportunities (Richardson et al., 2011). Their use is People use both indigenous and introduced plant species to shaped by land use traditions, historical and current economic meet their needs for energy, shelter, medicine, food, spirituality opportunities, subsistence needs, or by structures of land (and and culture, as well as trade in plant products to generate cash tree) access. Together, these factors shape contemporary uses income (Cunningham, 2001). Traditionally, potentially useful and perceptions of the trees (Fig. 2). species have been tried and tested to identify those with The adoption of plants into local livelihoods is as old as superior qualities, which may be further enhanced through humankind itself. The adoption of plants introduced from selection and domestication. However, the widespread spon- elsewhere is nearly as old, although the increased volume, taneous use of introduced species, such as for medicinal distance and speed of human movement have increased purposes (Dold & Cocks, 2000; Sarma & Sarma, 2008), edible opportunities in recent centuries (Wilson et al., 2009). The leaves and fruits (Shackleton et al., 2007; Maundu et al., 2009) ways in which plants arrive and spread in new landscapes play or locally preferred woodfuels (Higgins et al., 1997), suggests a role in their later adoption by humans. Kull & Rangan (2008) that such trial and error screening can be rapidly achieved, not distinguish three kinds of movement. ‘Transfer’ refers to the just over generations as previously assumed. Once such uses transoceanic movement of plants by scientists, traders or become ingrained in how people make
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