DOCSLIB.ORG

Master's Thesis

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Master's Thesis MASTER'S THESIS Title of the Master's Thesis "East, West, Ukraine - Understanding the Conflict in Ukraine in its Geopolitical Context" submitted by Alexander Seiwald, BA in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) Vienna 2017 degree program code as it appears on the student record sheet: A 066 824 degree program as it appears on the student record sheet: Masterstudium Politikwissenschaft supervisor: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Dieter Segert ABSTRACT. The conflict in Ukraine remains unresolved. The ceasefire can be described as fragile at best, illusive being a more accurate term. With no political solution in sight, the conflict remains an open wound in the continuously deteriorating East-West relationship. While global attention has been shifting elsewhere in recent years, this analysis revisits the now simmering crisis by deconstructing the two prevailing narratives, which depict the Ukrainian crisis as either caused by Russian aggression or as a consequence of Western interference, and instead applying the analytical frame of geopolitics. This allows for placing the conflict in the context of the current dynamic within the global political system, which is increasingly shaped by tensions and power struggles between the West and re-emerging powers such as Russia and China, and thereby leads to a better understanding of both, the conflict in Ukraine and the current dynamic in global politics. It is demonstrated that the escalation of the situation in Ukraine was the direct result of the country's position as a vital part of the strategic constellation between Russia and the West, and that Ukraine is one of several flashpoints in a much larger, geopolitical, conflict. Keywords: Conflict in Ukraine, Ukrainian Civil War, East-West Conflict, Geopolitics ABSTRACT. Der Ukraine-Konflikt bleibt ungelöst. Die Waffenruhe im Osten des Landes kann im besten Fall als brüchig bezeichnet werden, jedoch ist es fraglich ob diese überaupt existiert. Eine politische Lösung des Konflikts ist weiterhin nicht in Sicht. Somit bleibt diese offene Wunde in den sich weiter verschlechternden Ost-West-Beziehungen bestehen. Die diesbezügliche globale Aufmerksamkeit hat in den vergangenen Jahren wegen der Krisenherde im Nahen Osten, insbesondere in Syrien, und den ebenso zunehmenden Spannungen zwischen Russland und den USA, nachgelassen. Der Ukraine- Konflikt bleibt jedoch ein wesentlicher Faktor in der aktuellen politischen Dynamik zwischen Ost und West. Die beiden primären Narrative, welche den Konflikt entweder als ein neo-imperiales Projekt russischer Außenpolitik oder als eine Konsequenz westlicher Einmischung sehen, haben in den letzten Jahren sowohl den politischen Diskurs als auch das außenpolitische Handlungsspektrum auf beiden Seiten fundamental mitbestimmt. Diese Analyse zielt darauf ab beide Narrative zu dekonstruieren und unter einer geopolitischen Sichtweise zu vereinen, um sowohl ein besseres Verständnis bezüglich der Auslöser und Hintergründe der anhaltenden Ukraine-Krise als auch der derzeitigen globalen politischen Lage zu erhalten. Es wird einerseits deutlich gemacht, dass die Eskalation des Konfliktes eine direkte Konsequenz der geographischen und historischen Rolle der Ukraine als ein entscheidendes strategisches Grenzgebiet zwischen Russland und dem Westen ist, und andererseits aufgezeigt, dass die Krise ein Wendepunkt in einem wesentlich umfangreicheren, geopolitischen Konflikt ist. Dieser Konflikt zeichnet sich durch eine Vielzahl an Spannungspunkten aus und geht weit über die Grenzen der Ukraine hinaus. Keywords: Ukraine-Konflikt, Ukrainischer Bürgerkrieg, Ost-West-Konflikt, Geopolitik 2 Contents 1 Introduction......................................................….................................................................................4 2 Flashpoint Ukraine......................................................….......................................................................7 2.1 From Euromaidan to Chaos........................................................................................................7 2.2 Territorial Disintegration and Civil War......................................................................................9 2.3 The Minsk Process and Beyond................................................................................................11 3 Failing State Ukraine...........................................................................................................................14 3.1 Post-Soviet Transformation Failures........................................................................................14 3.2 The Dire State of Ukrainian Statehood.....................................................................................18 4 The Return of Geopolitics...................................................................................................................24 4.1 Geopolitics: An Old Concept Revived.......................................................................................24 4.2 The Impact of Geography on a Multipolar World....................................................................28 4.3 The Return of Geopolitics as a Core Feature of International Relations..................................37 5 The Crisis in Ukraine in its Geopolitical Context.................................................................................44 5.1 Understanding the Geopolitical Value of Ukraine....................................................................44 5.2 In the Midst of Growing Tensions............................................................................................53 5.3 Georgia: A Final Warning Sign Ignored.....................................................................................60 6 Superpower Flashpoint Ukraine…....………….…………….…….......………….…….….…...….............................64 6.1 Russian Intervention and the Art of Hybrid Warfare................................................................64 6.2 US Involvement and the Policy of Double Standards...............................................................80 6.3 Europe: Unity for Unity's Sake..................................................................................................96 7 Beyond Ukraine................................................................................................................................108 7.1 New Frontlines in a Global Conflict.........................................................................................108 7.2 Permanent Belligerency..........................................................................................................116 8 Conclusions…....……………………………………….…………………........………….……….….…...…..........................121 References…………….......…………….….....…….…….….………………..……………...……….…….…....….…...............124 3 1 Introduction 2016 was a very busy year for international politics. For many observers, the distinct scent of a Cold War atmosphere is getting more and more prominent. With Russia heaving succeeded in pushing itself back on to the global playing field, by forcing other major players to interact with it over the conflict in Ukraine as well as other issues, the United States (US) assertively counteracting the resurging Russian confidence, and Europe once again being caught somewhere in the middle; the Cold War does indeed seem to be experiencing a comeback of sorts. Although the tensions between Russia and the West had been gaining momentum for quite a while before the current crisis in Ukraine unfolded in late 2013, the annexation of Crimea and the ensuing war in the Donbass region, following the Euromaidan revolution, have finally put the East-West relationship back on the mainstream agenda. In the three years since the conflict broke out both, the media and academia alike, have shifted their attention elsewhere. The unexpected Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war, the growing tensions at Europe's eastern borders, and the apparent Russian interference with the recent US presidential election; all pushed the ongoing conflict in Ukraine to the sidelines. In many regards, the conflict in Ukraine has already become history. Today, no one seriously expects Russia to return Crimea to Ukraine, or for the separatists to surrender the control over their territories, anytime soon. Russia is building a bridge to Crimea, representatives from Crimea have been elected into the Russian State Duma, and the Ukrainian government has long ago granted the separatist republics of Donetsk and Luhansk a certain degree of autonomy under the Minsk II agreement. The situation has, in other words, turned into a protracted conflict with no end in sight. Very much like the peace process itself, the debate over how the Ukrainian crisis unfolded remains locked in a stalemate. Today, as in the early moments of the crisis, the same two narratives are standing their ground in opposition to each other. On the one side there is the Western narrative, depicting the situation as a conflict between Russia as the aggressor and Ukraine as the victim of a Russian neo-imperialistic foreign policy. This is also the view portrayed by the post-Euromaidan government in Kiev. On the other side, the Russian narrative describes the conflict as an internal conflict between an illegitimate pro-Western government and a pro-Russian separatist movement, which was largely facilitated by Western interference in domestic Ukrainian matters, at the expense of Russian security interests. One of the most striking
Load more

Recommended publications
  • EU-UKRAINE PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE First Meeting 24-25 February 2015
    EU-UKRAINE PARLIAMENTARY ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE First Meeting 24-25 February 2015 FINAL STATEMENT AND RECOMMENDATIONS Pursuant to Article 467 (3) of the Association Agreement Under the co-chairmanship of Mr. Andrej Plenković on behalf of the European Parliament and of Mr Ostap Semerak on behalf of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the first meeting of the EU-Ukraine Parliamentary Association Committee (PAC) was held in Brussels on 24-25 February 2015. This first meeting was inaugurated by the President of the European Parliament, Mr Martin Schulz, and the Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, Mr Volodymyr Groysman. The Parliamentary Association Committee, having considered the state of play of EU-Ukraine relations and the overall security and political situation in Ukraine, agreed upon the following final statement and recommendations. The Parliamentary Association Committee (PAC): 1. Commemorates together with the Ukrainian people the first anniversary of the Revolution of Dignity; admires the courage and determination of the Ukrainian people who, a year ago, stood for and defended their right – even at the sacrifice of their own lives – to live in a democratic and European state, free to decide on its own future; On the overall political and security situation: 2. Strongly condemns the fact that Ukraine has been subject to Russia’s aggressive and expansionist policy and undeclared hybrid war, which constitutes a threat to the unity, integrity and independence of Ukraine and poses a potential threat to the security of the EU itself; emphasises that there is no justification for the use of military force in Europe in defence of so-called historical or security motives; 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Kremlin Trojan Horses | the Atlantic Council
    Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski ISBN: 978-1-61977-518-3. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. November 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Foreword Introduction: The Kremlin’s Toolkit of Influence 3 in Europe 7 France: Mainstreaming Russian Influence 13 Germany: Interdependence as Vulnerability 20 United Kingdom: Vulnerable but Resistant Policy recommendations: Resisting Russia’s 27 Efforts to Influence, Infiltrate, and Inculcate 29 About the Authors THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES FOREWORD In 2014, Russia seized Crimea through military force. With this act, the Kremlin redrew the political map of Europe and upended the rules of the acknowledged international order. Despite the threat Russia’s revanchist policies pose to European stability and established international law, some European politicians, experts, and civic groups have expressed support for—or sympathy with—the Kremlin’s actions. These allies represent a diverse network of political influence reaching deep into Europe’s core. The Kremlin uses these Trojan horses to destabilize European politics so efficiently, that even Russia’s limited might could become a decisive factor in matters of European and international security.
    [Show full text]
  • Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves
    No. 2088 November 29, 2007 Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves The current Moscow power establishment is The Moscow leadership seems impervious to leading Russia back in time. Instead of moving for- America’s and Europe’s pleas to foster democracy. ward toward a nation that cherishes and protects While the U.S. and its allies wait for a more oppor- freedom and democracy, the establishment is creat- tune time to reengage, they should consider refo- ing a state and body politic dominated by a new cusing their efforts on Russia’s neighbors that are breed of oligarchic groups composed of security willing to democratize. Ultimately, the Russians officers and their business allies. themselves need to realize that they can benefit The Russian media are no longer free and unre- more by integrating into the West and developing stricted. With the exception of a few minor show- democratic institutions that will preserve and pro- case outlets and the Internet, the media are tect their freedoms. dominated by the Kremlin and its allies. The major- On the other hand, Washington cannot ignore ity of political parties are under state control, and Moscow. Too many pressing issues—from Iran and the activities of nongovernmental organizations nuclear proliferation to arms control treaties and the (NGOs) with foreign ties are under severe scrutiny. future of conventional forces in Europe—are on the Russia is no longer a free nation. table. Even during the Soviet era, Washington and A return to authoritarianism is not in the interests Moscow at times had a robust diplomatic engage- of the Russian people, their European neighbors, or ment, despite viewing the world very differently.
    [Show full text]
  • Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
    Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Macho Personality Cult*
    Communist and Post-Communist Studies xxx (2015) 1e11 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Communist and Post-Communist Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/postcomstud Putin's macho personality cult* Valerie Sperling Department of Political Science, Clark University, United States article info abstract Article history: Masculinity has long been Russian President Vladimir Putin's calling card. At the center of Available online xxx Putin's macho aura is his image as a tough leader who will not allow Western countries to weaken Russia or dictate what Russia's domestic and foreign policies should look like. This Keywords: article draws attention to the role of masculinity in the Putin regime's legitimation Vladimir Putin strategy, and how it became more obvious during the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine Russia in 2014 and the Russian annexation of Crimea. To the extent that there is a “personality Ukraine cult” in contemporary Russia, the personality at the center of it is defined in highly Crimea Barack Obama gendered terms, shaping the tenor of both domestic and foreign policy. © Masculinity 2015 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights Gender reserved. Legitimacy Domestic politics Foreign policy Since his third ascension to the Russian presidency, Vladimir Putin has attracted more attention than any other contemporary state leader. From the jacket of Time Magazine in September 2013, to the front pages of newspapers detailing Russia's annexation of Crimea in March 2014, there has been no shortage of coverage of Putin in the international press. Putin's omnipresence in the Russian media is even more striking.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Last Term
    January 2019 Putin’s last term Taking the long view By Ian Bond and Igor Yurgens Putin’s last term: Taking the long view By Ian Bond and Igor Yurgens Vladimir Putin has dominated the Russian political scene since 1999. But he is now in what should be his final term as president. He faces economic, social and foreign policy problems; and he has to decide what will happen at the end of his term of office. The performance of the Russian economy in recent years has been mixed. Inflation has fallen, foreign reserves have risen and the ruble’s exchange rate is relatively stable; but growth has been anaemic and real disposable incomes have fallen. Putin has set ambitious economic targets for his final term, but is unlikely to achieve them. Russia is not investing enough in education to enable it to modernise and diversify the economy. The oil and gas sector is too dominant. Structural reforms (such as moving investment from the defence sector to other, more productive areas) are not on the cards. Russia has suffered from demographic problems since the Soviet period. With a shrinking working- age population and an increasing number of unhealthy pensioners, Russia risks stagnation, while countries like China leap ahead. Putin has yet to give any hint of his thinking about his successor. He could find a trusted individual to take over as president; change the Russian Constitution to allow himself to run again; or create a new position from which he could still exercise power. But if he stays in power too long, Russia could become like the late Soviet Union – a system unable to renew itself.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Language and the Human Body
    THE POLITICAL LANGUAGE AND THE HUMAN BODY: COMPARATIVE DISCURSIVE ANALYSIS OF VLADIMIR PUTIN’S 2000 AND VIKTOR ORBÁN’S 2010 CAMPAIGN RHETORICS By Anna Szilágyi Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2010 CEU eTD Collection Abstract In my MA thesis I compare the campaign rhetoric of Vladimir Putin and Viktor Orbán during the 2000 Russian presidential and the 2010 Hungarian parliamentary elections, respectively. These elections took place in a similar environment of political and economic crisis and both politicians won with the overwhelming majority of votes. The research explores if the similarity of contexts could trigger societal responsiveness towards a discourse that contributed to the enormous success of the candidates. The multi-disciplinary analysis focuses both on structural politico-economic contexts and discursive features of campaign texts in order to explore the complex relation between the two. The analysis combines political science concepts with a detailed analysis of linguistic practices (especially, the use of key metaphors). The major finding of the work is that the moment of deep politico-economic crisis triggers societal responsiveness towards a public discourse that is mainly characterized by the lack of the political and evokes a simple moral value system of traditional family and gender conceptualization. The popularity of this language lays in its ability to present otherwise threatening complex problems as solvable issues that require simple physical intervention. I also conclude that the distinct political and cultural traditions, as well as the position of the countries after the democratic turn largely influence the specific discursive strategies of the speakers.
    [Show full text]
  • Ukraine Report FINAL 0712 COMPLETE-Compressed
    THE OPPORTUNITIES FOR UKRAINE IN A LOW-CARBON FUTURE December 2017 The Bellona Foundation, Kiev, Ukraine, December 2017 Authors: Oskar Njaa; [email protected] Ana Serdoner; [email protected] Larisa Bronder; [email protected] Keith Whiriskey; [email protected] Disclaimer: Bellona endeavours to ensure that the information disclosed in this report is correct and free from copyrights but does not warrant or assume any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, complete- ness, interpretation or usefulness of the information which may result from the use of this report. © 2017 by the Bellona Foundation. All rights reserved. This copy is for personal, non-commercial use only. Users may download, print or copy extracts of content from this publication for their own and non-commercial use. No part of this work may be reproduced without quoting the Bellona Foundation or the source used in this report. Commercial use of this publication requires prior consent of the Bellona Foundation. Acknowledgement: This report was supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Norway and the Embassy of the Kingdom of Norway in Ukraine. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Foreword .................................................................................................................................................. 4 Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................. 5 1 Past & Current economic and industrial development of Ukraine ...........................................
    [Show full text]
  • The European Union's Policy Towards Its Eastern Neighbours
    Review of European and Russian Affairs 12 (2), 2018 ISSN 1718-4835 THE EUROPEAN UNION’S POLICY TOWARDS ITS EASTERN NEIGHBOURS: THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE1 Tatsiana Shaban University of Victoria Abstract The European Union’s neighbourhood is complex and still far from being stable. In Ukraine, significant progress has occurred in many areas of transition; however, much work remains to be done, especially in the field of regional development and governance, where many legacies of the Soviet model remain. At the crossroads between East and West, Ukraine presents an interesting case of policy development as an expression of European Union (EU) external governance. This paper asks the question: why was the relationship between the EU and Ukraine fairly unsuccessful at promoting stability in the region and in Ukraine? What was missing in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in Ukraine that rendered the EU unable to prevent a conflict on the ground? By identifying security, territorial, and institutional challenges and opportunities the EU has faced in Ukraine, this paper underlines the most important factors accounting for the performance of its external governance and crisis management in Ukraine. 1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the “Multiple Crises in the EU” CETD conference at University of Victoria, Feb 23rd, 2017. This conference was made possible by generous financial support from the Canada- Europe Transatlantic Dialogue at Carleton University. The author would like to acknowledge Amy Verdun, Zoey Verdun, Valerie D'Erman, Derek Fraser, and two anonymous reviewers of this journal for their comments on earlier drafts of this work.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin's Youth
    Putin’s Youth: Nashi and the Pro-Regime Youth Movement in Russia, 2000-2012 Angela Lee Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Prerequisite for Honors in History May 2013 © 2013 Angela Lee Table of Contents page I. Acknowledgments……………………………………………………………………………iii II. Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………1 III. Background: The Komsomol, 1918-1991 ……………………….………………...…………4 IV. Chapter 1: Idushchie Vmeste, 2000-2005……………………………………...……………17 V. Chapter 2: Nashi Emerges, 2005-2008………………………………….…………………..31 VI. Chapter 3: Nashi Recedes, 2008-2012…………………………….………………………...55 VII. Conclusion.…………………………………………………………………………………..66 VIII. Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………69 ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank my advisor, Professor Nina Tumarkin for her patience, sound guidance, and endlessly good humor. I would also like to thank all my History professors at Wellesley for their dedication to teaching and their passion for the subject, and also to the Russian Language Department for making the process of learning Russian a joy during this past year. I am grateful to those who were part of the History Honors Thesis Seminar for the rich discussions and thought-provoking questions. I am thankful to Professors Mark Kramer, Ivan Kurilla, Valerie Sperling, and Elizabeth Wood for their willingness to direct me to the right sources for my research. And finally, I am indebted to the love and support of my parents and siblings for all these years. iii Introduction “The question for Russia now is what to do next. How can we make the new, market
    [Show full text]
  • THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM and DEMOCRACY in FRANCE and RUSSIA by Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of T
    THE DOUBLE-HEADED EAGLE SEMI-PRESIDENTIALISM AND DEMOCRACY IN FRANCE AND RUSSIA By Cole Joseph Harvey Submitted to the Dean of the University Honors College In partial fulfillment Of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh i 2008 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH UNIVERSITY HONORS COLLEGE This thesis was presented by Cole J. Harvey It was defended on July 14, 2008 and approved by Dr. Ronald Linden, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Alberta Sbragia, PhD., Department of Political Science Dr. Thomas Remington, PhD., Department of Political Science, Emory University Thesis Advisor: Dr. Jonathan Harris, PhD., Department of Political Science ii Copyright © by Cole J. Harvey 2008 iii The Double-Headed Eagle: Semi-Presidentialism and Democracy in France and Russia Cole J. Harvey University of Pittsburgh, 2008 It has become a commonplace observation in recent years that Russian democracy is in remission. Indeed there is a significant difference between the struggling democratic performance of Russia and that of a consolidated democracy such as France. The modern French and Russian states are both semi-presidential states, meaning that in each country executive power is shared between an elected president and an appointed prime minister who can (at least in theory) be voted out of office by the legislature. Despite this broad similarity, semi- presidential institutions are organized in significantly different ways in each country. This paper examines those differences in order to understand how they can help account for poor democratic performance in Russia and strong democratic performance in France. Four political institutions will be examined in each country: presidents, prime ministers, parliaments, and political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2019 Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis Nicholas Pehlman The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/3073 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2019 © Copyright by Nick Pehlman, 2018 All rights reserved ii Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional Crisis by Nicholas Pehlman This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date Mark Ungar Chair of Examining Committee Date Alyson Cole Executive Officer Supervisory Committee: Julie George Jillian Schwedler THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT Police Reform in Ukraine Since the Euromaidan: Police Reform in Transition and Institutional
    [Show full text]