The Apocalypse of Zerubbabel in Judaeo-Arabic 1

THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 1

Moshe GIL Tel Aviv University

THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

RÉSUMÉ

Le texte de l’apocalypse de Zorobabel que je présente au lectorat de la Revue des études juives a été reconstitué par moi-même à partir de dix-neuf fragments de la Gueniza du Caire contenus dans six manuscrits, tous trouvés dans la collection Tay- lor-Schechter de la bibliothèque de l’Université de Cambridge. En plus des éléments messianiques habituels qui se trouvent dans les versions hébraïques de l’apocalypse de Zorobabel, la version présentée contient un véritable vaticinium ex eventu qui s’étend sur une période d’environ cinq années, et nous présente les événements — des guer- res surtout — qui viennent de se passer justement dans divers pays du Proche-Orient, tout cela comme prélude au salut, attendu pour l’année 970. Ainsi le texte est intéres- sant, non seulement comme document messianique, mais aussi comme témoignage authentique sur des événements historiques appartenant à la fois à l’histoire générale et à l’histoire juive.

SUMMARY

The text of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel which I present to the readers of the Revue des études juives, was reconstructed by me from nineteen fragments found in six Geniza manuscripts, all at the Taylor-Schechter Collection, kept at the Cambridge University Library. In addition to the usual messianic elements found in the Hebrew Zerubbabel texts, the present version contains a real vaticinium ex eventu, stretching over a period of some five years, describing events — mainly wars — which take place in various countries of the Near East, as prelude to the process of redemption, expected in 970. Thus, the text is interesting not only as messianic document, but also as an authentic evidence of historical occurrences, involving Jews and non-Jews alike.

The Development of the Apocalypse; the Hebrew Texts

During the time I was studying Geniza documents in the various libraries in which they are kept, my attention was drawn to six fragments found in the Taylor-Schechter collection in the Cambridge University Library containing eighteen fragmented parts of the Judaeo-Arabic version of the

Revue des Études juives, 165 (1-2), janvier-juin 2006, pp. 1-98. doi: 10.2143/REJ.165.1.2013875 2 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. As the reader will discover, this version differs significantly from the Hebrew ones. Whereas these known versions describe the end of days and the redemption of Israel, including several events described in an abstract and vague mythological manner, the Judaeo-Arabic version is truly a vaticinium ex eventu, a prophecy after the fact. It contains not only explicit dates, but also references to identifiable events, as well as very obvious names and epithets of people and places. Naturally, the narrative is presented by Zerubbabel, who heard it from the angel, who was, in effect, describing events that occurred several years prior to AD 970, the approximate year in which the apocalypse was written. As is well-known, Zerubbabel is a biblical figure. One of the leaders of the return to Zion, he was appointed “governor of Judah” by the Persian rulers since he was obviously a descendant of King David; his father, Shealtiel, was a great grandson of King Josiah and he was the son of Jeconiah (that is, King Jehoiakin), who was the son of King Jehoakim. Sources dealing with the redemption of Israel have utilized Zerubbabel as the narrator who describes the final return to Zion that will occur at the end of days. The names of Gog and Magog come from the Bible itself, and the idea of the war of Gog and Magog developed from this source. Indeed, the main inspiration for the image of “the War of Gog and Magog” comes from Ezekiel (chapters 38 and 39). In the Tosefta we find “the wars of Gog;” in the Mishna, “the judgment of Gog that will come in the future.” According to chronological order, the earliest source is chapter 20 of the Apocalypse of John in the New Testament; it describes a global war initiated by Satan, who will be defeated and thrown into the fiery lake. This is the idea of the “wars of Gog and Magog,” the war of the end of days. “Gog,” “Gog and Magog” are also mentioned in the Palestinian Tal- mud1. Several of the characters and names interwoven in the various versions of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel also appear in the targum ascribed to Jonathan: “the Messiah the son of (the biblical) Ephraim” (that is, the Mes- siah the son of (the biblical) Joseph, the “Northern Messiah” of the “King- 1. Aside from the six fragments, Prof. Ezra Fleischer suggested another one, which is no. XII below. Zerubbabel: Ezra 2:2; 3:2, 8; 4;2, 3; 5:2; Nehemiah 7:7; 12:1; Haggai 1:12; 2:2, 4; Zechariah 4:6, 7, 9, 10; 1 Chr. 3:19; Gog, Magog: Gen. 10.2; 1 Chr. 1:5; Ezek. 38:2: “Gog, the land of Magog”; ibid. verses 14, 16, 18; 39:1, 6, 11, 15. Mishna, {Eduyot, 2:10. Tosefta, Berakhot i:13; in the N.T.: Rev. 20:8-10, Zerubbabel is one of Christ’s forefathers: Mat. 1:12; Luke 3:27. In the Palestinian Talmud: Berakhot i, 4a (Jer. 12; this abbre- viation refers to the Jerusalem edition [2001] quoted by no. of column); “the kingdom of Gog”, ibid. i, 4b (Jer. 18) = Megilla i, 73a (Jer. 758); Shevi{it iv, 35c (Jer. 192): “whoever dies in Gog’s seven years has no part in what will happen (i.e. in the seven years preceding the redemption); Yevamot xv, 14d (Jer. 897). THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 3 dom of Israel”); “Armilus” (mentioned here for the first time in a Jewish source); “the Messiah the son of David.”2 The Babylonian Talmud mentions the Messiah the son of David, the Messiah the son of Ephraim, and the War of Gog and Magog3. In midrashim we find: “The anointed of war who comes from Ephraim” and “the great redeemer who comes from the sons of the sons of David.”4 Statements made in the name of R. Levi talk about the Jews of the Upper Galilee and their leader, the Messiah the son of Joseph; their onslaught on Jerusalem; their victory over “the Canaanites” and “the land of Moab”; the death of the Messiah the son of Joseph; the suffering of the Jews: their escape; their abuse at the hands of the “Ananites” (the original apparently read “the Arabs”) and “the Canaanites”; many Jews who convert, who “run off to the Canaanites”; abuse of the “salty things”; the flight to Babylonia; the Jews’ encounter with many trials and tribulations until the coming of the Messiah the son of David and the advent of the ultimate re- demption5. These motifs are also reflected in the midrash, Pirqe de Rabbi Eliezer, which has not yet been dated positively: God (Himself) speaks to Adam and shows him the two kingdoms, and David the son of Jesse, who redeems Israel6. Saadia Gaon speaks about the great suffering of the nation on the path to the final redemption: “(God) will cause this nation to suffer terrible and enduring trials.” “The man clothed in linen” already announced to Daniel that the redemption would be taking place in the future and provided details about when it would happen. Saadia Gaon goes on to speak about the Galilean from the house of Joseph who asks his followers to go up to Jeru- salem, which is then under Roman rule. He also mentions: the battle against Armelius; the fall of the man from the house of Joseph in that battle; the appearance of the Messiah the son of David; the war of Gog and

2. The targum to Ex. 40:11: messiah the son of Ephraim, that will be a descendant of Joshua; to Is. 11:1: a king will be born from the offspring of Jesse and a messiah will grow up from among his descendants; to S. of S. 4:5, 7:4: your two saviours who will save you in the future, messiah the son of David and messiah the son of Ephraim; to Is. 11:4: Armilus the evil one. See a list of references in: GUTTMANN, Religionsphil., 236 n. 4. 3. BT Sukka 52a-b; {Avoda zara 3b; Berakhot 29b. 4. Num. rabba ch. xiv:1. 5. LeqaÌ †ov, to Num., pp. 258f., cited in OÒar ha-g. to Sukka, 70 n. 7. On the matter of the Arabs and “the salty things”, see the talmudic traditions: PT Ta{aniyot iv, 69b (Jer. 736); Jesus in Isl. C., section 5; Lam. Rabba, ii: 117 (Buber, 108); cf. Gil, Jews in Isl. C., no. 7 and n. 5. 6. Pirqe de-r. El., xix and the introduction of Friedlander ibid. xviii f, liii f. See also ZUNZ, Ha-derashot, 134-140, and the addition by the editor, Î. ALBECK, in note 23 ibid., who believes that “its time should not be placed later than the second half of the eighth century”, because there is no mention of the Karaites in this composition. However, this omission, which may also be explained in other ways, does not prove anything. 4 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Magog in the Valley of Johoshaphath; and the intervention of God, the final redemption, and the ingathering of the exiles. In his commentary on the Song of Songs, Saadia Gaon makes mention of: a man, a descendant of Joseph from “the Galilee Mountain,” who will go up to the Temple with his followers; the war against Armilus and the death of that man (whom he does not call Messiah) in battle; and the arrival of Elijah and the advent of the redemption. Armilus is the king of Edom who went out of ∑ur (Tyre) and had six fingers on each hand7. Saadia Gaon completed writing the Book of Beliefs and Opinions in 933. The Apocalypse of Zerubbabel in Judaeo-Arabic, Geniza fragments of which I present below, was written about forty years afterwards. Before discussing this text, which is the main topic here, I will review the matter of Hebrew texts of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, i.e., in which the name Zerubbabel figures. No references to Zerubbabel exist in the previously sur- veyed sources. He is revealed to us only in the Hebrew texts that I will describe below, and the Judaeo-Arabic Apocalypse also utilizes him. The Apocalypse of Zerubbabel (in Hebrew) was first printed in Istanbul in 1519 from an unidentified manuscript. In this version, which was reprinted several times, God reveals Himself to Zerubbabel directly, although He sends him to “the vile person” who told him “I am the anointed of God.” “A man with six wings” — Metatron — also joined the conversation. The narrative refers to: Menahem ben {Amiel, the Messiah of the House of David who was born during the time of Nebuchadnezzar’s conquest of Jerusalem; Hephzibah, Menahem’s mother; Nehemiah ben Îushiel “a descendant of Ephraim the son of Joseph,” who is killed in a mysterious manner. Menahem ben {Amiel appears in the days of Armelius. Gradually all the dead are gathered in the Valley of Jehoshaphath, among them the group of Korah, as well as Nehemiah ben Îushiel and Elijah the Prophet. According to the text, Menahem ben {Amiel goes up to Jerusalem and everyone follows him. Hephzibah and Menahem go up against twelve evil kings, of whom ten are identified by name. Their names are generally well-known, although most of them are corrupted. A war is conducted against the ninth king “Shiron (a corrupted version of Shirawayh), king of Persia, in the Valley of Arbal and in “the Valley of Shittim.” The tenth

7. SAADIA GAON, Beliefs and Op., 290-293, 295-298, 301-306; idem, the commentary on S. of S., in: {AQRISH (ed.) Shel. Per., 19b, re-edited by WERTHEIMER, Ge’on ha-g., 126-128, and see the citation in LEWIN’s OÒar, to Sukka, 70, with the versions: Tyre, as against Rome; mention is made of: Armilus: the Messiah the son of Joseph, the son of Îushiel; the victory of Armilus, who kills the Messiah the son of Joseph; Menahem ben {Amiel, who is the Mes- siah the son of David, who restores to life the Messiah the son of Joseph (his interpretation of S. of S. ch. vii). THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 5 king is Armelis (= Armilus), who was born of a statue and destined to rule over “’Imus.” In the Geniza fragments appended by Wertheimer, reference is made to a man from ∑an{a, one of the “children of Joktan,” who was born in Gulgal. He comes to the land of “Qamonia Africa” the (great land) of the West. He will kill the “heroes of the Ishmaelites and all the children of Kedar.” Frag- ment three reveals the lineage of Hephzibah; she is King David’s daughter- in-law, the wife of David’s son Nathan, and the mother of Menahem ben {Amiel ben David. This fragment also indicates that Armilus was born from the statue of a beautiful woman, “a daughter of Belial.” Fragment four (which is not connected chronologically with the previous fragment) mentions the kings of the Umayyad dynasty, {Abd al-Malik Ibn Marwan, al- Walid Ibn Marwan and Sulayman Ibn {Abd al-Malik (the names are some- what corrupted). In fragment five, we learn that the Messiah will conquer all of Palestine and “expel Edom and Ishmael” (Romans and Arabs)8. A responsum ascribed (perhaps erroneously) to Hayy Gaon is relevant to the present discussion. “A son of Joseph” is referred to here; he is called the Messiah, and he has many followers among the Galileans and inhabitants of other places. They go up to Jerusalem and wipe out the regime of Edom (i.e., Rome). Armilus rises up against them and defeats them, and the Messiah the son of Joseph is killed. The Messiah the son of David arrives and raises the dead, including the Messiah the son of Joseph. And then the advent of the final redemption, the ingathering of exiles, and the resurrection of the dead occur9. A Persian manuscript, qiÒÒa dani’el (the story of Daniel), prophesies the coming of the Messiah the son of Joseph, the war of Gog and Magog, and the coming of the Messiah the son of David. All this will come to pass after a king arrives from Europe — az rumiyan — who will: conquer the lands of Islam and reach Damascus; kill the leaders of the Ishmaelites and destroy their mosques and their minarets. No one will again dare to utter the name of the pasul (the defective one), that is “the messenger,” the rasul, that is MuÌammad, the prophet of Islam10. In 1853, Jellinek published the Book of Zerubbabel for the first time as part of the large collection of mediaeval midrashim, which he edited. Here as well, the Voice of God speaks to Zerubbabel. He tells Zerubbabel to go 8. In the Bible Hephzibah is the mother of King Manasseh, see II Ki. 21:1; in the Midrash she is the wife of Nathan the Prophet the son of David, see WERTHEIMER, Batte M., II, 504; see YAARI, Ha-defus, 77 (no. 60); the text of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, in WERT- HEIMER, ibid., II, 595-597 was taken from the Istanbul edition. 9. ASHKENAZI, ™a{am zeq. 61-69, printed also in OÒar ha-g., to Sukka, 72-75. 10. MUNK, Notice, 87, from MS Paris (ancien fonds) no. 45. 6 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC to the city of Nineveh, to the “vile and wounded man,” who is transformed into the angel Metatron, and prophesies the coming of Menahem ben {Amiel and the exploits of Hephzibah, Menahem’s mother. Further on mention is made of the ten kings, whose names appear at the end of the midrash. The Messiah the son of Joseph, who is in hiding, will appear and a great war will be fought with the king of Persia. Armilus is revealed to have been born from a rock shaped like a woman, while his father is Satan. Nehemiah ben Îushiel, who is the Messiah the son of Joseph, is killed. In the end, Menahem ben {Amiel and Elijah will arrive on the scene and the dead will be resurrected. The war against Armilus will be waged in the Val- ley of Arbal. Menahem ben {Amiel will receive the staff held by Adam, Moses, Aaron, Joshua, and King David that is kept in the city of Naphtali, Raqat, which is Tiberias, the seat of Nehemiah ben Îushiel, the son of Ephraim the son of Joseph (that is the Messiah the son of Joseph), who will take control of Jerusalem with Israel, until they are attacked by Shirawayh, the king of Persia11. Graetz believed that the Apocalypse expressed beliefs about the immi- nent coming of the Messiah and the redemption of Israel that were scattered in the Diaspora. The Apocalypse maintained that this event would take place after 990 years had elapsed since the destruction of the Temple. Graetz took this calculation to be an indication of the date of the Apoca- lypse’s composition, in other words: 68 + 990 = AD 1058. (Originally, Graetz had made a mistake in his calculation, concluding that the year was 1068; but his Hebrew translator, S.P. Rabinowitz, recorded the correct date). With respect to the date, Israel Lévi disagreed with Graetz, relying on the fact that one of the kings mentioned in the version he was studying was Shirawayh (also known as Qubad II), the king of Persia, who ruled in 628 for six or eight months and when he took over the throne, killed his father, Khusraw II as well as his seventeen brothers. He was also the Persian king who had to face the terrible humiliation of recognizing the Byzantines’ victory and being forced to return to them everything the Persians had ob- tained during the protracted war with Byzantium, starting from 611. This was why Shirawayh became, at least in the eyes of the Jews, the embodiment of evil — a sort of Jewish anti-Christ. On this basis, Lévi concluded that the Apocalypse had been written in Palestine at that time, i.e., between 629 and 636 (629 was the year after the death of Shirawayh and 636, according to Lévi, was the year of the Muslim victory over the Byzantines in

11. JELLINEK, Bet ha-m., II, 54-57, from two manuscripts belonging to the Leipzig mu- nicipality, nos. 22 and 28. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 7

Palestine). Nevertheless, it is not logical that the mention of one Persian king, known for the murders he perpetrated, his short reign, and his down- fall, could be used as proof for the date of the Apocalypse’s composition. The Jews, particularly Persian Jewry, must have been familiar with the traditions about Shirawayh, which were preserved by the Arab chroniclers, but there was no reason for this evil king not to be mentioned in this vision of the redemption written many generations later12. In Lévi’s version, the story of the apocalypse begins with a divine revela- tion to Zerubbabel while he was at prayer. Afterwards, he encounters “the vile person,” who is none other than the Messiah from the house of Heze- kiah (i.e., the House of David) who was being held captive in Rome. An angel intervenes in their conversation; he is the angel Michael, actually Metatron, who will be fighting Armilus, the son of Satan later on. Zerubbabel then meets Menahem ben {Amiel, the Messiah the son of David, and his mother Hephzibah, who is destined to kill Nof the king of Yemen and Isrinan the king of Antioch. The angel shows Zerubbabel a rock of marble “in the image of a virginal woman who is pleasing and very beautiful”; it is she and Satan who give birth to Armilus. Armilus, together with ten kings, will go to battle against Nehemiah ben Îushiel, the Messiah the son of Joseph, and kill him and many people of Israel. During Passover, Menahem ben {Amiel will come and the war that he initiates will start off in the Valley of Arbal, after the dead have been resurrected. The combat, in which the descendants of Korah participate, will also take place in the Valley of Jehoshaphath, in the Valley of Shittim, and in the plains of Jericho. Armilus will be killed when Menahem ben {Amiel “breaths into his nostrils” and all Armilus’s men fall and die in the Valley of Arbal. Gog and Magog are also among these enemies, and Jerusalem cel- ebrates. Following this account, there is a list that gives the names of the ten kings, which are corruptions of Greek and Latin names. In conformity

12. See the calculation for the date of the Apocalypse’s composition according to Lévi (1914), 134 f. See GRAETZ, Gesch., VI, 54f. Idem (Heb.), IV, 61-73; LÉVI (1919), 111-115. See the synopsis of the wars between Persia and Byzantium on the eve of the Muslim conquest in Gil, Hist., 4-6. Shirawayh ruled six months, some say: eight (in AD 628), and some: a year and a half. See on him: ™ABARI, Ta’rikh, I, 1045, 1059f. cf. CHRISTENSEN, Iran, 493- 497. On the problem of the date of redemption (which, as is self-understood, was much debated during generations) see also: ZUNZ, JZWL, 9 (1871), 106; STEINSCHNEIDER, ZDMG, 28 (1874); POZNANSKI, MGWJ, 44 (1900), 400-416, who cites, among others, the viewpoint of Yefet ben {Ali, who believed that the time of the redemption could not be ascertained. None- theless, among the early Karaites it was widely accepted that it would come to pass in AH 400, AD 1009-1010. See PINSKER, Liq. Qadm., II, 82, who cites the Sefer ha-{osher of the Karaite Jacob ben Reuben, written, according to Pinsker, in 1098. 8 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC with the vision of Daniel, “the saints of the most High shall take the kingdom.”13 In 1910, Alexander Marx published a fragment of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel found in a collection dating from the middle of the twelfth century. Hephzibah, the mother of the Messiah the son of David, that is Menahem ben {Amiel, is mentioned in this fragment along with Nehemiah ben Îushiel, the Messiah the son of Ephraim, and Armilus, who was born of a statue of a woman in Nineveh, which is Rome, and Satan. Menahem ben {Amiel kills Armilus. A great war is fought against Nof, the King of Yemen and Asrat King of Antioch14. We do not find any references to the various elements of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel in texts of the Karaites. Nonetheless, the Apocalypse itself may be associated in some way with the Karaites, or possibly with one of the Karaite nesi’im, who were, as is well-known, offspring of the House of the Exilarchs, in other words, the House of David. The versions of the Apocalypse bear no trace whatsoever as regards those who were the main- stay of the Jews in the period in question: the Rabbanites and their institu- tions, such as yeshivot, geonim, and talmudic traditions. Al-anwar wa’l- maraqib, a book written in 928 by the Karaite Jacob ben Isaac al-Qirqisani, a contemporary of Saadia Gaon, declares that a descendant of King David, will be the al-faruq al-a{Âam, the greatest redeemer, the Messiah; it is he who will build the house of the Lord and rule over the entire world, from the East to the West, for all eternity (on the basis of the Book of Daniel). He goes on to describe how universal peace will reign with the advent of the Messiah, wars and heresy will cease, and all creatures will have one creed and one language. The book also contains harsh words with regard to Christians (the Gospel according to Matthew) who argue that the lineage of Jesus goes back to Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel15. Simon Hopkins published six fragments from the Hebrew Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, which are among the Geniza manuscripts kept in Cambridge.

13. See the version of the Apocalypse and the translation in LÉVI (1914), 129-160; (1919), 108-121; (1920), 57-63 where he published a portion of a piyyu† that mentions the Messiah the son of Joseph, the Messiah the son of David (Menahem ben {Amiel), and Armilus (who in this version stabs Menahem ben {Amiel and then the Messiah comes and revives him). The version of the Apocalypse edited by Lévi is based on the Jerahmeel manuscript, Bodl 160 and 6242; MS Paris 326, and the above-mentioned editions by Wertheimer and Jellinek. 14. MARX, JQR, NS 1 (1910/11), 77, after the above-mentioned MS Paris 326. 15. Qirqisani, Anwar, 208f., 294f., 1177; faruq is the nickname of Caliph {Umar Ibn al- Kha††ab, whose meaning was “(the man) who knows how to distinguish”, but Qirqisani uses it according to the Aramaic meaning of the root, “to redeem”; see Dan. 7:24. It is important to call attention to the fact that the place where all the Jews still gather (“and all the Jews will go out and all will come together”) is called Òela{ ha-elef; but Òela{ ha-elef was the designa- tion of the Karaite quarter in Jerusalem; see GIL, Hist., 651-653. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 9

They make reference to: Nahal ha-Shittim; Hephzibah; a great earthquake; Nehemiah ben Îushiel, the Messiah the son of Joseph; the Messiah the son of David, that is, Menahem ben {Amiel, who kills Armilus (“breaths into his nostrils and kills him”); the war of Gog and Magog; the resurrection of the dead and the final redemption. Naturally, these fragments also mention Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel ben Jeconiah. The colophon of one of these fragments contains the name al shaykh yosef ha-lewi bar yefet16. Thus far we have noted Lévi’s suggestion that the Hebrew text should be dated on the basis of the mention of Shirawayh, king of Persia, and the opinion of Graetz (above page 6). According to Zunz’s calculation, based on that of Saadia Gaon, the redemption was to take place in AD 964. I was unable to comprehend how Zunz arrived at this result. If we take the number 1335 (which is found at the end of the Book of Daniel) and we say that the third year of Cyrus’s reign, which is equivalent to 367 BC according to the traditional Jewish chronology, marks the starting point of the calculation, we will arrive at 968. In the following, we shall see that the dates 964 and 968 are of significance in the discussion on the Judaeo-Arabic text. The calculations in this regard are always based on the Book of Daniel, while “days” are interpreted as years. But there is no reference anywhere to a starting point, a date which is simply unknown17. Attempts have been made to determine when the Hebrew versions of the Apocalypse were written by referring to piyyu†im containing messianic motifs parallel to those of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. In this regard, I will discuss three important piyyu†im. The first is a silluq (the piyyu† chanted before the qedusha), which was edited and published by Ezra Fleischer from fragments he pieced together. The messianic elements comprised in this piyyu† include: ashur (= Persia) and the restoration of the Temple; Armilus, a terrible enemy; a time of great distress; the coming of the Mes- siah, who is not “of holy stock,” and the Messiah who is “lowly, riding on an ass” and revives the “first Messiah.” In my opinion, the grounds for proving that these elements in the piyyu† predate the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel are insufficient; it seems that Graetz (above page 6) was right

16. HOPKINS, Miscellany, 10, 15, 64, 65: TS A 45.5, 45.7, 45.19, 45.22. Joseph ha-Levi b. Yefet was from Tyre or from ™arabulus al-Sham, see his signature in: GIL, Palest., III, 552 (no. 606, line 17) a fragment from a document regarding alimony, of September 1102, previously edited by GOITEIN, JQR, NS 66 (1975), 75. 17. ZUNZ, JZWL, 9 (1871), 106 n. 2, based on Saadia’s Book of Bel. and Op., viii, ch. 3, and Rashi’s commentary to Dan. 8:14 (“note two thousand and three hundred days then shall the sanctuary be cleansed”); Rashi’s text seems to be garbled. See also ZUNZ, Literatur- gesch., 603, n. 6; POZANSKI, MGWJ, 44 (1900), 402; SILVER, Hist., 49-51; BERGER, AJSR, 10 (1985), 156. 10 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC in assuming that the Hebrew Apocalypse was written in the eleventh cen- tury18. Another piyyu† — oto ha-yom (on that day), published by Ginzberg and reprinted by Yahalom — has themes similar to those of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. It contains the following elements: the Messiah the son of David; eclipses of the sun and the moon; wars between the “King of the East” and the “King of the West,” in which the king of the Land of Joktan intervenes; Gog and Magog and their war; the cancellation of the restric- tions regarding houses of worship. It also mentions that: the kings of Edom will be annihilated; there will be a conflict in Antioch which will come to an end; Edomites and Ishmaelites will fight against one another; the vision of the son of Shealtiel (Zerubbabel, of course) will come to pass. Mention is made of Hephzibah, who kills the two kings; Menahem ben {Amiel; the angel Michael; Harmelius (sic) stabs one messiah and the next messiah brings his predecessor back to life. The final redemption is described at the end on the basis of verses from the Bible. It is plain that this piyyu† bor- rowed from the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. Bernard Lewis attempted to prove that the piyyu† was composed around the Muslim conquest of Pales- tine, and I have already claimed that it contains no explicit point of reference that could establish the time of its composition. Allusions to events that actually did take place, a sort of vaticinium ex eventu, prophecy after the fact, merely endeavor to prove Zerubbabel’s prophetic capacity and could have been written in any period. This piyyu† comprises elements of both vaticinium ex eventu, and messianic visions and yearnings19. Echoes of the book of Zerubbabel may also be discerned in another piyyu† edited by Fleischer, which talks about the coming of the Messiah, when the “Mount of Olives shall cleave” (Zech. 14:4). In his discussion on

18. FLEISCHER, Tarbiz, 54 (1985), 385f.; the fragments are: Westminster College, Litur- gica, I.55, III.48; BL Or 5557E, fols. 20-25; TS NS 10b.275; TS NS 13.48.III; TS NS 102.67; TS NS 110.54. The “seven shepherds and eight principal men” (Mic. 5.5) and the “four workmen” (Ìarashim, in the Bible, Zech. 2.3) are mentioned there, see Fleischer, ibid., 389, 418; they are mentioned in some versions of the Hebrew Apocalypse, and also in the one edited here, see X 25-26; and also in a letter of the Palestinian Gaon, Josiah, written around AD 1020: GIL, Palest., II, no. 29, and also in the letter of the Palestinian yeshiva to the communities, ibid., III, no. 571; see the messianic motifs in the piyyu† as reconstructed by FLEISCHER, ibid., 414-427, and what he writes about the similarity to the (Hebrew) Apoca- lypse, ibid., 408-411. See also the discussion in ALEXANDER, in DAY (ed.), King and Messiah, 461-467. 19. GINZBERG, Ginze Sch., I, 310-312 (the Schechter Geniza Collection at the JTS in New York, 5.2, see DANZIG’s Catalogue, 278); YAHALOM, Cathedra, 11 (1979), 130-133 (TS NS 275-80, with variae lectiones); LEWIS, Abel Mem. Vol., 197-200; GIL, Hist., 62, n. 65 (where there is a misprint in the reference to Ginzberg); FLEISCHER, Tarbiz, 53 (1984), 86 and see there his discussion and notes. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 11 this piyyu†, Fleischer touches on certain aspects of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. In reference to the dates of its various versions, he notes the dates of earthquakes mentioned in the Zerubbabel literature: 18 Iyar, 11 Sivan. No earthquake in the month of Sivan is mentioned in any source that dates from before 1068; such an event did occur in that year on 29 May, which is equivalent to 24 Sivan. An earthquake in the month of Iyar is not recorded anywhere20. Another piyyu† that contains several elements found in the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel is ba-yamim ha-hem (in those days), which was published in the maÌazor romaniya, printed in Casal Maggiore in 1486. Zunz, and then Lévi, relying on Zunz, ascribed this piyyu† to Qiliri; in Lévi’s view, this was a rationale for the early dating of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. Both Zunz and Lévi considered the Apocalypse as the more ancient work, believ- ing that it influenced the piyyu†. Zunz therefore concluded that Qiliri wrote the piyyu† in the first half of the ninth century, at the earliest, whereas Lévi argued against Graetz’s overlooking of Zunz when determing the date of the Apocalypse. Like the Apocalypse, the piyyu† makes mention of: Menahem ben {Amiel, who will come to the Valley of Arbal; the resurrection of the death of the tribe of Korah; the cleaving of the Mount of Olives; and the Òela{ ha-elef. All this is predicted by “the son of Shealtiel.”21 Since I now wish to present several main elements and terms in the various versions of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, it is most appropriate to begin with the central character — the Messiah the son of David, Menahem ben {Amiel, the final redeemer. He “will come suddenly in the month of Nisan,” and in another version, on 21 Nisan. The tradition (based on Ex. 12:42), which asserts that the Messiah will come on the even of Passover exists as early as the targum ascribed to Jonathan (“in this night…to re-

20. FLEISCHER (as in the previous note), 77-80; TS NS 243.199, and the discussion ibid., 86-96; the matter of the earthquake of AD 748: GIL, Hist., 89f. and n. 15; idem, Cathedra, 70 (1994), 30-32, with more references. See the different opinion, by TSAFRIR and FOERSTER, ibid., 74 (1994), 179f. In my opinion, no doubt should be cast on a date that relies on a list of fasts and a proclamation of a public fast, as preserved in Geniza documents. Thus, that “fast of the seventh year” (i.e. a year of shemi††a [sabbatical year]) took place on 28 January 748. 21. See ZUNZ, Literaturgesch., 31 and n. 6; LÉVI (1919), 118-121 (in the note on p. 118 Lévi refers to the Synag. Poesie of Zunz, by which he meant: Literaturgeschichte der synag. Poesie). Zunz and Lévi ascribed the piyyu† to Qiliri, but FLEISCHER challenged their opinion: Tarbiz, 53 (1984), 86 and n. 42. The piyyu† was reprinted by EVEN-SHEMUEL, in Midreshe ge’ula, 109-116, and see ibid., 61-63, a review of scholarly opinions regarding the dating of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel and the place where it was composed, while his own opinion was: AD 638, and see the reply of MARGALIOT in Kiryat Sefer, 20 (1943), 138. See the texts in EVEN-SHEMUEL’s above-mentioned book, 55-98, 352-370, and his correction to the piyyu† oto ha-yom (above, 436), 400f. EVEN-SHEMUEL apparently ascribed educational significance to these texts, and did not hesitate to make revisions and insert additions at his discretion. 12 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC deem all their generations from their exiles”). It was also known to Hieronymus, who was aware of its impact on the narrative about the last phase of the life of Jesus22. The Messiah from the House of David is even known by name — Menahem ben {Amiel. His name (Menahem) can be found in the Palestinian Talmud, while {Amiel was added at some later stage, its initial appearance being as yet unknown. We saw above (p. 434) that the early Karaites also believed that the Messiah would come from the House of David. In Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer, God Himself speaks to Adam and shows him the four kingdoms: David the son of Jesse, Menahem ben {Amiel the son of Joseph (!) and the son of David, the redeemer of Israel (see also above, p. 429). As regards the son of Joseph, he is a Galilean, that is, he symbolizes the Northern Kingdom; he is sometimes called the son of Ephraim as well. Later on in the text, Menashe, that is “the son of Joseph,” is also included. We also find the name of the Messiah the son of Joseph, Nehemiah ben Îushiel. It appears that the basis for this name was that it be close to that of the son of David — Menahem — Nehemiah. “The son of Joseph” was sometimes referred to as Menahem ben {Amiel23. Hephzibah is another main character in the Hebrew versions of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel. It seems that the authors of the Apocalypse were enchanted by this name and fascinated by the fact that she had been the wife of King Hezekiah and the mother of Menashe. She kills two kings and fights alongside Menahem ben {Amiel. She is simultaneously the mother of Menahem, the daughter-in-law of King David, and the wife of Nathan the son of David24. It was claimed that the mother of Armilus, the embodiment of Satan, was the statue of a beautiful woman: “a man cannot look at her face because of her great beauty.” He is an evil Satan who heads the list of the enemies of the people of Israel, and as we have already seen (p. 2) above, he was mentioned in the targum ascribed to Jonathan. Saadia Gaon also mentions the

22. See WERTHEIMER, Bette midrashot, II, 56; Lévi (1914), 138. See Pirqe hekhalot, ch. 39, in WERTHEIMER, ibid., I, 133. 23. The name Menahem: PT Berakhot ii, 5a (Jer. 18); the son of Joseph = Menahem b. {Amiel, see the Geniza fragment edited by LÉVI (1920), 61f. Lévi quotes a fragment found at the library of the Alliance israélite universelle in Paris (vii.c. 21); but the parallel version at the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York (ENA 3474.16) has: [ben David] ben Ye- huda; I am grateful to the JTS Library for sending me a good reproduction of the fragment. The bibliothèque of the AIU did not reply to my request about the above-mentioned Paris Geniza fragment. In the JTS fragment we find the version Harmilus. With regard to Nehemiah, attention should perhaps be paid to the fact that this name is found in the lineage of the exilarchs and early nesi’im, see the genealogical lists in GIL, Jews in Isl. C., 98f., although that Nehemiah appears to have lived in the eleventh century; see ibid., 96. 24. JELLINEK, Bet ha-m., II, 55f. WERTHEIMER, Batte midr., II, 498f., Lévi (1914), 153, 137f. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 13 war of Armilus. Henceforth, we find him in all the versions of the Apoca- lypse of Zerubbabel. In the version under discussion, he is called Armelius (X 3, 7, 12, 16)25. This version, about Armilus being born of a statue, is naturally surprising. Aside from this story, no other Jewish source describes a person born of a rock, and I believe that this is a rare motif in world literature. An account does exist about Mithras, the Persian god adopted by many in the Roman world who was said to have been born of a stone: qeòv êk pétrav. In the Gospel according to Matthew 3:9, we are told that God “is able of these stones to raise up children unto Abraham.” After being saved from the deluge produced by Zeus, Deukalion, the son of Prometheus, scattered rocks and this was how the human race was renewed26. It seems that this story about Armilus developed from an earlier version, preserved in Saadia Gaon’s Book of Beliefs and Opinions as well as his commentary on the Song of Songs. There it says that Armilus was “of ∑ur,” Tyre, meaning Rome, which used to be nicknamed Tyre, probably for security reasons27; but ∑ur also means “rock,” thus the strange story was born. The origin of the name Armilus is an issue dealt with at length. Zunz, employing common sense, believed that the name derived from the founders of Rome, Romulus and Remus, since Armilus symbolized the evil empire, Rome. Guttmann suggested the possibility that Armilus comes from the nickname for Balaam: Erjmólaov (who lays waste to the nation). In his article on Armilus, Dan proposed that the name derived from the emperor Romulus Augustus, one of the last emperors who stayed in Rome, who ruled toward the end of the fifth century AD. In an article that appeared in 1871, Nehemiah Brüll expressed the opinion that the origin of the name Armilus might have been a Greek version of Ahriman, the Persian god of evil (in Greek: ˆAreimánev), although this does not quite stand to reason28. He does, however, mention a phrase from Pseudo-Methodius: Romulus qui et Armelaeus dictus. In 1920, Lévi cited the same source. According to the Pseudo-Methodius version, Byzantia,

25. Lévi (1914), 136; WERTHEIMER, Batte midr., II, 499f., 502, 504. 26. See WÜST, Mithras, RE XV.2, 2138; Tümpel, Deukalion, in RE V.1; cf. EFRON, Reshit ha-n., 51, 281, nn. 46, 47. 27. See above, p. 4, and n. 7; OÒar ha-g., to Sukka, 70, n. 9. Tyre = Rome, see KRAUSS, REJ, 27 (1929), 17; GINZBERG, Ginze Sch., I, 320 n.1; BONFIL, Zion, 56 (1991), 144 n. 161. 28. ZUNZ, Vorträge, 282 n.d. GUTTMANN, Religionsphil., 237, n.4; see the discussion on this topic also in BERGER, AJSR, 10 (1985), 155-164; see DAN in: SCHÄFER and COHEN eds. Toward the Mill., 80, 99f. Some scholars thought to have found information about the attitude of the Byzantine emperors, particularly Heraclius, toward statues and icons, in the Apoca- lypse of Zerubbabel. 14 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Alexander the Great’s step-sister and daughter of the King of Ethiopia, married Roales the son of Armalaeus and gave birth to a son whose name was also Armalaeus. In the Greek version of Pseudo-Methodius, the names are ¨Rwmulov, ˆArmélaov, and in the Syriac text, Armelius and also Ar- maleus. The targum ascribed to Jonathan (the first Jewish source in which the name Armilus is mentioned; above, note 2) and Pseudo-Methodius might have been contemporaries, of the end of the seventh century29. The references to Yemen in the Hebrew version of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel are of great interest. Hephzibah, in coincidence with cosmic events (she holds the staff of salvation; a large star suddenly appears in front of her; all the stars veer wildly from their course) will kill two kings who are bent on doing evil, Nof, the king of Yemen, who raised his hand against Jerusalem, and Isrinan, king of Antioch. Another reference to Yemen is: a man of the yoktan people, whose land of birth is Gulgal, will come from the desert of ∑an{a with a very large host of soldiers, as numerous as the sand on the shore, to the land of Qamonia Africa, to take all the land of the East, and the Mountain of Esau, and all the land of Kush30. Cosmic events are not only associated with Hephzibah, but also with the entire messianic process. Michael-Metatron will shower “brimstone and fire” on Sodom and Gomorrah. On 18 Iyar “the mountains and hills will tremble and the earth will be destroyed along with everything on it and in it.” On 18 Sivan there will be a great earthquake in Palestine. In Tamuz “the Mount of Olives will cleave from the castigations” (of God). “Every wall and terrace will fall to the ground and God will strike all their horses.” “A pillar of fire and a cloud of incense will rise to the heavens.” Jerusalem will be “surrounded by walls of fire from the great desert up to the last sea and up to the Euphrates River.”31 It is also important to pay attention to the term the Hill of Arbal or the Valley of Arbal, the place where the Messiah the son of David will appear for the first time. “The Valley of Arbal which belongs to Joshua ben Jehozadak the priest” (in another version: ben Saraf) is the place where the

29. BRÜLL, Jeschurun (Kobak), 7 (1871), 11; LÉVI (1920), 59; see studies on Pseudo- Methodius: LOLOS, Apokalypse, 15, 22f.; Martinez, Dissertation, 73 (Syriac): Armelius; 108: also Armelaus; the translation has: Romulos; see AERTS and KORTEKAS, Apokalypse, I, 27, 120f.; see also: KNOHL, Tarbiz, 68 (1999), 32f., whose idea is: Armilus = Augustus (the emperor). 30. LÉVI (1914), 134; MARX, JQR, NS 1 (1911), 77; WERTHEIMER, Batte midr., II, 503f., RATZABY, MeÌqere ha-merkaz, 1 (1970), 305f.; FRIEDMAN, Ha-Rambam, 111 n. 116, with more references. What we find here might be a reflection of the Qarma†is’ wars in the tenth century. 31. See for instance LÉVI (1914), 133, 139-141. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 15

Messiah the son of David, that is Menahem ben {Amiel, will appear for the first time in the month of Nisan. This is the place, “the Hill of Arbal which belongs to Joshua ben Nisraf (!) the priest, in the eastern part of the city,” where the Exilarch Hezekiah ben Shekhaniah was buried (in the third century AD, approximately)32.

The Apocalyptic Structure in the Judaeo-Arabic Version

Zerubbabel is an interlocutor with God by means of Adam who calls out to him while he is crying bitterly (I 15-18). He turns to God in prayer and reminds Him of the covenant with the nation’s forefathers. While he is still crying and appealing to God, a man, the righteous slave, calls out to him (II 3-11; 13-15). A false messiah will appear; he is the ruler Gog and Magog, who will perform miracles with two fish (IX 18-22). After him, the Messiah the son of Joseph will come; he will be born from the sea and will be raised in Îijaz (IX 23-24). In the Apocalypse, the followers of Gog and Magog are the people who have special garments and (light?) bows, who are the people of the symbols of the sun, with a hairdo in the middle of their heads, and they were known to be of the species of Gog and Magog, and they are disaster; they will conquer cities in the mountain (or: in Media) … They will totally destroy the North (VI 33-36). The reference seems to be to Turkish tribes. Armelius (!) will appear and conduct a war in the Valley of Acre until the horse will sink into blood that will cover its nose (X 3-5)33. The one who wages war against Armelius appears to be the Sufyani, the messiah for whom the followers of the Umayyads were waiting; they were the enemies of the House of Hashim, i.e., both of the Abbasids and of the House of {Ali (X 3-6; before this, anyone who believes in the House of {Ali, that is the Shiites, will be killed)34. The Messiah the son of Joseph, along with all of

32. WERTHEIMER, Batte midr., II, 500: the Valley of Arbal which belongs to Joshua b. Saraf (see in 1Chr. 4:22: Saraph, of the offspring of Shelah b. Judah). Bet Arbel is mentioned in Hos. 10:14: “and all thy fortresses shall be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth Arbel in the day of the battle”. See LÉVI (1914), 138, 154; the Valley of Arbal is mentioned in the Pales- tinian Talmud, see the Concordance to the PT, OÒar ha-shemot, 138. Hezekiah ben Shekhaniah: Seder {olam zu†a, in NEUBAUER, Med. J. Chr., ii, 71, 75; in the piyyu† ba-yom ha-hu we find: the Valley of Acre: “Edomites (version: Ishmaelites) will fight in the Valley of Acre until they (version: the horses) will sink in blood”, see in GINZBERG, Ginze Sch., I, 133. 33. See in the previous note. 34. See MADELUNG, al-Mahdi, in EI2. See idem, SI 63 (1984): 5 (his article on the Sufyani with references); cf. {ATHAMINA, AION, 60 (2000-2001), 122 n.9. See on the anti-Abbasid rebellion, under the Umayyad flag, in the name of the Sufyani messiah, lead by Abu {Umay†ar: GIL, Hist., 293f. The Sufyani was identified as Abu MuÌammad {Abdallah b. Khalid, son of 16 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Israel, will gather in Jerusalem. Armelius will come and do battle against the son of Joseph and the son of Joseph will be killed and many people of Israel will die. And the survivors will flee to the wilderness of the Peo- ples (X 7-8). Armelius will be victorious, but then the Messiah the son of David will appear in reality to Israel (X 12-13). God will create a river in Jerusalem….; God will resurrect the dead (X 24-28). A separate fragment (XI) contains additional descriptions of calamitous events — ruin, diseases, death, diseased fish, etc. — which will take place in the (Coptic) months of Tut and Babiya (i.e., Toth, corresponding approximately to Sep- tember; and Paopi, approximately October)35. At the same time terrible events also take place in other spheres. Rain will be diminished… there will be a drought; the famine will be so severe that people will eat their children (III 4, 15; VIII 13). Arab chronicles with regard to those years describe similar circumstances such as unu- sually high prices for grain and people who eat carcasses36. The economy is in a severe depression: people hasten to sell their estates; they disregard their obligations (I 8-9). Corruption is widespread; graves are desecrated by people digging for booty (I 3-5). In addition: men will cohabit with men and women with women (I 1); the water of the Euphrates will turn to blood (III 24); the water of the Euphrates will decline and the sun will grow dark; the Euphrates will recede and decline (until) a vineyard will be planted in it (V 14-15)37. In contrast to the Hebrew versions of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, whose authors have left readers in the dark about its date — an issue that will continue to be debated — the Judaeo-Arabic version under discussion contains clear indications in this regard. The author of this version ascribed to Zerubbabel a prophecy about events that relate to a seven-year period and Zerubbabel is called upon to enquire about a host of troubles that the Umayyad caliph Yazid, or as his father, Khalid; see Ibn al-Athir, Kamil, VII, 53: he was {Ali, the son of the above-mentioned {Abdallah; he claimed to be the Sufyani, was brought to Baghdad and found to be insane; see Sachedina, Islamic Mess., 165: the Mahdi, the Muslim messiah, will send an army to Damascus, to arrest the Sufyani. 35. The Wilderness of the People: Ezek. 20:35: “And I will bring you into the wilderness of the people”. Toth begins on 29 August, Paopi: on 28 September. Fragment XI appears to be an Egyptian one, whereas the previous ones are from Mesopotamia, as will be clarified below. 36. Wheat was sold for 90 dinars a kurr; the kurr: Hinz, 42f.; see HAMADANI, 201; YAÎYA IBN SA{ID, 98; IBN JAWZI, MuntaÂam, VII, 19, 47, 344; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 533, 601, where there is also mention of a lunar eclipse; in our document: IX 23: the sun will prefer (to appear) not in the east but in the west; see also: IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 142. 37. See the story on the grave digger (in fact: a woman), nabbash, in TANUKHI, Nishwar, III, 236-243 (it occurs in Ramla, and the nabbash is the cadi’s daughter); see HAMADANI, 201: in 358 (969) the waters of the Euphrates and the Tigris did not rise. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 17 would be happening during this “week” (II 16). The angel tells him what will be happening in the second year of the “week” of the end of the years, which will be the year 355 (II 17-18). In view of what is described in the various sections of this Apocalypse, there can be no doubt that the year in question is a hijra year. This is confirmed in the text itself, when referring to the year 353: of the kingdom of al-{arab (in the variae lectiones, to I 19). It is surprising that the author of this work, which is religious in character, did not use the era that was in common use among Jews at that time — the Seleucid. Indeed, this is one of the indications that we have about the marginal status of his circle, which could have been members of the exilarchic house, nesi’im, about which there will be other indications. As to AH 355, “the second year”, it began on 28 December 965, so that, with respect to the matter at hand, we may speak of the year AD 966. An earlier reference belongs to AD 964: The angel says: In 353 there will be conflicts in the world…. (I 19) and further on, in line 32, 354 (“the first year”) is noted. Later on the angel recalls the third year… which will be a difficult time… (III 16) and the reference is to AD 967; the fourth year, in other words 968, is also mentioned (III 22)38. Thus, it is clear that this Apocalypse was written towards the end of the “week” (according to Dan- iel 9:27), which was considered to mean seven years, at the end of which the redemption of Israel would come to pass; i.e., it was probably written at the end of AD 970. We also find a special calculation, apparently related to the final phase of the “week,” which is based on the word mo{ed of the book of Daniel; it is 9 months, therefore the meaning of mo{adim is 18 months. And half is four months and a half; it will be 31 and a half months (see Daniel 12:7) and this is what will come to pass and in this there will be the sign (IX 1-5). Further on in fragment IX, Zerubbabel declares that there will be torture and killing; abandoning of religion; disregard of laws; edicts de- claring that there will be only one religion; enslavement; the abrogation of fasts and prayer and the Torah, the Sabbath and the holidays; the abandoning of all belief; a period of severe deprivation. There is also a remnant of a warning against signs in heavens (the dubba, the she-bear constellation, the great bear). The final process is described in section X. A large assembly “of Israel” come from Îijaz and from Yemen. Armelius the Roman comes and so does the Sufyani, the messiah of the Umayyads, and then they do battle in the the) שנז but it is still ,תעז In an additional fragment (VIII 18) there is mention of AH .38 left leg of the shin appeared to be connected with the nun; a copyist’s error is also in the par- .שנה :which should be ,שצה :allel version of 2 18 18 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Valley of Acre. The Sufyani goes into Damascus. The Messiah the son of Joseph reaches Jerusalem and engages in battle with Armelius. The Mes- siah the son of Joseph is killed. The Messiah the son of David arrives and brings the Messiah the son of Joseph back to life along with all the dead of Israel. The sun goes from the east to the west again and so on until the redemption is complete. Another fragment, a separate one, XI, describes the difficult events of the final period. There will be evil kings, diseases, particularly among the aged population, diseases among the fish, but the cattle will survive. Olives and oil will dwindle, but there will be much honey; and on 25 Nisan disasters of all sorts will begin. It appears that this fragment stems from Egypt, because names of Coptic months are used. In fragment XII another version of the story of Zerubbabel begins. After nothing at all takes place on the previous dates, this time events start from AH 360. It is as if another “week” was initiated (AH 360 = 4 November 970 — 23 October 971). In 960, the Rhine communities sent inquiries to “the communities of Pal- estine about the coming of the Messiah.” In a treatise he wrote in AD 997, Abu {Ali {Isa ibn IsÌaq ibn Zur{a says that the elders of the Jews would as- sure him that the Messiah will come in AH 360 (which began on 4 Novem- ber 970)39. Pirqe hekhalot rabbati, which includes a copy of parts of the Apocalypse of Zerubbabel, contains a statement saying that the advent of the Messiah would occur 890 years after the destruction of the Temple: 890+68 = AD 95840. According to the computation of the author of the present document, the seventh year — the year of the redemption — should be AH 360, that is, before 23 October 971. In the following, we shall see that in its vision it refers to events that really occurred on the eve of that very year. On the other hand, it might have meant a week and a half, according to the Book of Daniel, in other words, they might have been antici- pating that the redemption would occur around the year 975.

39. See PERLES, in Grätz Jub. Vol., 31, from a MS found in Bern, from a text ascribed to Isaac b. Dorbelo, who saw in Worms a letter of the communities of the Rhine, written to Pal- estine in AM 4720, AD 960, where “the people of the Rhine ask… the communities of Pales- tine about the time of the coming of the messiah”; the answer was evasive; see GIL, Hist., 498, with the references. Ibn Zur{a (943-1008) was a Christian personality of Baghdad; see on him IBN AL-NADIM, Fihrist, 264; SBATH, Vingt traités, 33; PINES, in U. Heyd ed., Studies, 156, n. 9. The Karaite Salmon b. YeruÌim writes, around 980, about the view of Saadia Gaon, that from the year 3 of Cyrus to the redemption will be 1335 years, “but this was already disproven” (as it had to happen in 967, or 968). A fragment of the Jewish BaÌira Story, also considers that Sel. 281, which is AD 970, will be the year of redemption. See it in GIL, Rel. W., VIII, esp. 7-10 and note 5. Here is a list of years mentioned in the present text: 353 (9.I.964-6.I.965): I 19, the first in the “week”: 354 (7.I.965-27.XII.965): I 32; the second: 355 (28.XII.865-16.XII.966): II 18 (see the parallel versions to lines 16 and 18); the third: 356 (17.XII.966-6.VII.967): III 17; the fourth: 357 (7.XII.967-24.XI.968): III 22. 40. See WERTHEIMER, Batte midr., I, 133; cf. MARX, JQR, NS 1 (1910/11), 75f. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 19

The period which the Judaeo-Arabic Apocalypse indicates as being the prelude to the redemption and the time of the event itself pertain to the reign in Baghdad of Caliph al-Mu†i{ (946-974, i.e. 28 years)41. At that time the caliph had no influence whatsoever and control of the caliphate was, in effect, in the hands of members of the Persian Buyid family (Daylamis by their tribal lineage), at first Mu{izz al-dawla and later on his son {Izz al-din Bakhtiyar. In general this was a period of weakness and decline in the caliphate. It was also a time of incessant warfare: the Buyids in Baghdad, Sayf al-dawla in Mosul, the Byzantines, the Qarma†is, the Turks, the Ikhshidids, were all fighting one another, a situation that suited the description of the end of days. Aside from the Daylamis, who ruled in the center of the caliphate, separate political and military entities were formed. Northern Syria (around Aleppo) and northern Mesopotamia (around Mosul) were under the control of Îamdanid rulers. The Qarma†is, an extremist Shiite movement, of the Isma{ilis, ruled in parts of the Arabian Peninsula and in southern Iraq; they conducted interminable battles, in Palestine as well. The following is a citation from al-Mas{udi, written ten years prior to the beginning of the “week” of the Judaeo-Arabic Apocalypse: I do not intend to offer a detailed description of al-Muttaki and al-Mustakfi (al-Mu†i{’s predecessors) and al-Mu†i{ and their conduct. They behaved as if there were someone over them, they could not execute any of their decisions… and they became depressed, fearful, and had to be content with merely the title of caliph; they sought tranquility; the situation was precisely analogous to the circumstances people were in at the time of the Epigon kings after the murder of Alexander the son of Philip…. when everyone had (a kind of) estate over which he ruled and which he sought to increase, while culture declined and behaviour was twisted, and many cities were destroyed and districts disap- peared and the rum (=the Byzantines) and the other kingdoms would gradually take over the border fortifications and the cities of Islam…42 Fifty years later, {Abd el-Jabbar writes: When the ways of the kings of Islam deteriorated and they began to disregard Islam, and they began to be attacked by people of the type of Ibn {Ali Îamdan (that is, Sayf al-dawla) or the enemies of the Muslims (meaning: the Fatimids) in Egypt, people who confiscate properties of the waqf in the port cities, the prestige of the Muslims declined in the eyes of Byzantines, who said: it has been eighty years (the intention is: from about 915) since Islam is losing its authority…43 And Ibn al-Athir, referring to about the same period, writes: MawÒil… and Diyar Rabi{a (the district of Mosul) is in the hands of the Îamdanids, Egypt and al-Sham (Syria and Palestine) are in the hands of MuÌammad Ibn ™ughj [the Ikhshid], the Maghrib and Ifriqiya (the Tunis re-

41. See ZETTERSTEIN and BOSWORTH, al-Mu†i{ li’llah, in EI2. 42. MAS{UDI, Tanbih, 400. 43. {ABD AL-JABBAR, Tathbit, I, 168. 20 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

gion) are in the hands of the Fatimids… Andalus is in the hands of {Abd al- RaÌman Ibn MuÌammad who is called al-NaÒir, of the Umayyads, and Khurasan… is in the hands of NaÒr Ibn AÌmad al-Samani, ™abaristan and Jurjan are in the hands of the Daylamis, BaÌrayn and Yamama are in the hands of Abu ™ahir and the Qarma†is44. On all this the Apocalypse under discussion here states that the battles will spread out from land to land and from village to village and from mountain to mountain and the people will despair of their properties (I 27-28). As to Caliph al-Mu†i{, it states: a king will rule over them, and will like women… and there was not… a king of the sons of Hashim (that is, an Abbasid) who ruled longer than he did (VI 1-2). (When this was written, al-Mu†i{ had been the reigning caliph for about twenty years starting in 946.) About him it also says: …a caliph will rule, but he will not enjoy (III 18).

* * *

On the basis of the prophecy that he heard from the angel, the messenger of God, Zerubbabel presented a complete chain of events, but unfortunately, we only know about some of them since the text now available to us is fragmented. In general, it is important to note that there is a great deal of authenticity in the narrative since it is a contemporary account. It contains a checkerboard of events, military and otherwise, together with quite a few expressions of sorrow and fear in view of what “is about” to take place. Despite the spontaneous and confused nature of the account, references to these events, in a more or less similar form, may be found in Arab chronicles. The most important and well-organized source is, of course, the Kamil of Ibn al-Athir, which was written about 200 years after the events. The MuntaÂam of Ibn al-Jawzi, which is almost contemporaneous with the former work, is of a similar quality. Fewer analogous elements are found in works written nearer to the time of our Apocalypse: Hamadani, Mas{udi, Tanukhi, Ibn Miskawaih. However, I must point out that not all of the iden- tifications I have made regarding events and people are completely conclu- sive, and other alternatives, and additions, may certainly be put forward. The author is best acquainted with the city of Mosul and its environs, which he and his contemporaries called Diyar Rabi{a, i.e., northern Meso-

44. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 323f., and see ibid., 450f., details on the caliphs of that time: in 334 (945/6) al-Mu†i{ blinded his predecessor al-Mustakfi and kept him under arrest until his death, in 338 (949/50). THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 21 potamia. It would not be farfetched for us to assume that the author was a native of Mosul, which in the second half of the tenth century was a center of Jewish scholarship and enlightenment for all of Babylonia45. It is un- likely, however, that our author was one of the town’s well-educated people. Mosul is mentioned several times in the work: The city is a potential target of Byzantine attack (III 2); the killing of the city’s inhabitants (III 5); someone from the area of Mosul will kill some nameless mutawalli (person in charge) (V 2); an unnamed commander (apparently: Mu{izz al- dawla) will attack the city at the head of an army, but will retreat and return to Iraq and kill his master (VI 25). In addition, the region (Diyar Rabi{a) is mentioned: The Byzantines advance on the region (I 29); an army of rebels invades the region and there will be much bloodshed (III 6- 10). The war is directed against the region’s ruler, apparently NaÒir al- dawla, a Îamdanid (VI 44-54), who will be discussed below.

Mu{izz al-dawla

One of the central figures in the history of this period is Mu{izz al-dawla AÌmad, the youngest of the Buyid brothers, who was the real ruler of the caliphate’s center, starting from December 945, when Caliph al-Mustakfi appointed him to be amir al-umara’, that is, the commander of the army. In 965, the year in which the narrative of the Apocalypse begins, he was near- ing the end of his life; he died in April 967, after ruling for twenty-two years. The Apocalypse blends criticism of Mu{izz al-dawla with a few words of praise for him: the Persian will rule in Baghdad and his traditions will be those of the ashraf (that is, of the {Alids and the Abbasids) and there will not be a true religion, and in those days justice will be done for the people of Iraq and the people will enjoy a pleasant life with him (the Persian) (VIII 16-18). It appears that the author of the Apocalypse was referring to Mu{izz al- dawla when he wrote about the person who would rule twenty-five years and the Arabs would never have someone who would rule like this one (VI 27-28). According to Ibn Khallikan, Mu{izz al-dawla was a descendant of the Sasanid Persian kings. He also points out that al-Mu{izz was called al-aq†a{ (the cripple) because he had lost his left hand and he was missing some fingers on his right hand as the result of combat in Sijistan46. In the Apocalypse he is called al-abtar, a synonym of al-aq†a{ (for example: VII

45. See GIL, Jews in Isl. C., 407, 512f. 46. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 575. 22 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

5: abtar al-yad; see also I 42; VIII 12). It appears that he is in fact the ruler who the Apocalypse describes as having conducted extensive battles at sea, reaching (apparently, although perhaps conquering?) Sarandib, which is the island of Ceylon, while at the same time fighting wars along an extensive front, from the border of Byzantium through the regions inhab- ited by the Bedouin and the desert until the seashore, evidently the Indian Ocean (I 25-26). His war on BaÒra is also mentioned (IV 21). In reference to AH 355 (966), Hamadani writes that the Daylamis launched a naval attack against Siraf, located on the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf, under the command of the Persian Abu’l-Faraj MuÌammad, a member of the FasanÌas family (that enjoyed a privileged status with al-Mu{izz). A com- parable conflict was also waged against {Uman, whose ruler was the black Nafi{, and was conquered in the end by the Qarma†is. In general, we have no information about Ceylon (Sarandib) in that period, yet it is easily reached from {Uman. In fact, in AH 323 (935) the vizier Ibn Muqla attempted to eliminate his predecessor, Abu’l-{Abbas AÌmad Ibn {Ubay- dallah al-KhaÒibi, by having him taken to {Uman; however, he escaped to Sarandib47. The Apocalypse describes the attack launched by Mu{izz al-dawla against Mosul and its environs (Diyar Rabi{a), and afterwards against the city of Mayyafariqin in the north. He also struck Aleppo, which was ruled by the Îamdanid Sayf al-dawla, whose brother, NaÒir al-dawla, was ruler of Mosul: the Persian will come to Diyar Rabi{a and oppose its ruler, who will escape, and he will remain there (several) days and then return to Baghdad and the ruler of Diyar Rabi{a will return to his place (VI 52-54). Also: the Persian will launch out from Baghdad and march against Diyar Rabi{a, that is, Iraq, to a city in the north, and that is Mayyafariqin; and after that to the city of Aleppo, which is the kingdom of his brother and the administration will be considered as divided equally between them (VII 1-4). Thus, we see before us an offensive of the Buyids against the Îamdanids, three such offensives were launched. But Sayf al-dawla quickly regained control of Mayyafariqin, its fortresses, and of the Byzantine captives being held there48. In the end, these assaults did not displace either Sayf al-dawla, the ruler of Aleppo, or

47. HAMADANI, 190; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 565f.; see BOSWORTH, Sarandib, in EI2. See on the matter of {Uman and the beginning of the conflict between the Buyids and the Qarma†is; BUSSE, Chalif, 37. On Sarandib see also HAMADANI, 86. 48. See HILLENBRAND, Mayyafariqin (Muslim part), EI2. The purpose was to force the Îamdanids to pay him a tax. See also CANARD, Histoire, 524-527. Control of Mayyafariqin: Ibn Miskawaih, 208. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 23 his brother, NaÒir al-dawla, the ruler of Mosul, who was known as al-aqra{ (the bald): the bald one will return to Diyar Rabi{a (VII 4). Mu{izz al-dawla was the object of attacks from the east by a rebel who the Apocalypse calls al-{Ajami, the Persian (this is what the Apocalypse calls Mu{izz al-dawla as well), the chief of the mountain. He launches an attack on Baghdad with an army, and then the king, the ruler of the state, that is the cripple, will be terrified by the turbaned ones (with the tall turbans; I 40-42). This description may refer to the Turks, who joined the rebel, whose name is well-known: the Persian Marzuban. The author of the Apocalypse knows about these wars, fought with the man from the east: A man from Iraq with a vast army will go against… and fight three wars against him, until the easterner will be killed (IV 1-3). This Persian commander will also attack Mosul (Diyar Rabi{a). His distinctive features are: he is ugly, beardless, with thin hair, with beady eyes; but courageous, valiant, and he will fight anyone and will be a Persian speaker (VI 46- 48). Obviously it is none other than Mu{izz al-dawla. (See also below, p. 25). This Persian from the mountains will arrive in Baghdad and (there he will) kill the person in charge of Baghdad (II 21-23) but later on he himself will be killed (V 13; VIII 1)49. Towards the end of his life, Mu{izz al- dawla was afflicted with a terrible disease, priapism (chronic penile erec- tion), although it appears that the disease was in fact a urinary dysfunction. Some claim that he died of severe diarrhea, while others said that the malady was kidney stones. He died on 13 2Rabi{ 356 (26 March 966)50. The battle grounds referred to in the Apocalypse also include eastern regions: IÒfahan, the Kurdish regions, ™abaristan, Jurjan (III 2, 20). In ™abaristan the ruler was NuÌ Ibn NaÒr, enemy of the Buyids, especially of Rukn al-dawla51. After the death of Mu{izz al-dawla, his son Bakhtiyar, that is Abu ManÒur {Izz al-dawla, ruled in his place. In the beginning of his reign, he was plagued by severe attacks from rebels, some of them even his own people, the Buyids, but mainly from the Turks, whose leader, Subuktakin, cut him-

49. BUSSE, Chalif, 35. Ibn Jawzi, MuntaÂam, VII, 20: Mu{izz al-dawla set out on (his last) campaign against Mosul in II Jumada 353, which was around July 964. The tax was about two million per annum, for the control of Mosul, Diyar Rabi{a, and RaÌba, see IBN MISKA- WAIH, II, 174f. That was the price for recognizing the supremacy of the Îamdanid NaÒir al- dawla over those places. 50. IBN JAWZI, VII, 2, 38f.; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 575: he had ten wives; perhaps he was the one who is described as the king who will like women (VI 1). See also BUSSE, Chalif, 38f. 51. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 533-579; ™abaristan: the reference is to the region of the southern coast of the Caspian Sea, in northern Persia. 24 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC self off completely from Bakhtiyar. Subuktakin’s place was taken up by his father-in-law, Alptakin; but he abandoned the Buyids and went over, together with his Turkish regiments, to the Îamdanids52. The author of the Apocalypse mentions Turks explicitly only once. They apparently made up the major portion of the armed forces sent to the ™abaristan and Jurjan regions. Two major Turkish commanders are mentioned in the sources, Subuktakin and Alptakin. Alptakin became the commander-in-chief following the death of Subuktakin. Clearly the rulers at that time had to rely more and more on the Turks, but in order to promote this relationship, the Turks had to accept Islam. Indeed, Ibn al-Athir informs us that in AH 349 (960) 200,000 “tents” of Turks converted to Is- lam. Although we do not know what a “tent” of Turks was in numerical terms, it is reasonable to assume that it represents family units53. It seems that it is the Turks who are being described in the Apocalypse by means of their turbans and hairstyles. The Persian (perhaps Marzuban), who set out to attack Baghdad, frightened al-Mu{izz with the bearers of tall turbans and the clothing worn by his warriors, who were evidently Turks. The Apoca- lypse calls the turbans, in plural, al-†urar (I 42) al-†arata (VI 38) and reference is unquestionably to the †ar†ur, i.e., a tall turban, which was apparently typical among the Turks of that period54.

NaÒir al-dawla (who is al-Îasan Ibn {Abdallah Ibn Îamdan)

As already stated, it seems that the author of the Apocalypse focuses his attention and the information he ascribes to Zerubbabel on Mosul, its environs, Diyar Rabi{a, and on the Îamdanid ruler, NaÒir al-dawla. A man who will slaughter the people of Mosul is supposed to come from the desert. Bedouin tribes will join him, and he will gain control of Diyar Rabi{a and reach Îarran. But a large army will go to battle against him and much blood will be shed: that rebel will be forced to flee (III 5-10). Also mentioned is: The one who will attack Diyar Rabi{a (V 1-2). There is also a

52. HAMADANI, 196; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 593. BUSSE, Chalif, 38-46. 53. See the mention in IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 589, under the year 357, which was AD 968. The conversion to Islam: ibid., 532 …Ud, see DOZY, Suppl., I, 366f. 54. See MAQRIZI, Khi†a†, II, 428: in AH 528 an enemy was captured and taken to al- Qahira on a camel and wearing a †ar†ur of red felt on his head, in order to be executed. See KAZIMIRSKI, II, 71: Bonnet long, haut, pointu, en laine ou en fourrure (a long tall pointed hood of wool or fur). FRÄNKEL, Aram. Fremdw., 53, derives it from †ar†an, see BT, Kelim, 32a, which is interpreted by Hayy Gaon, in his commentary printed there, as “a kind of hats”. See the {Arukh of NATHAN B. YEÎI’EL, s.v., †r†n; STILLMAN, Libas, in EI2; it is said, in IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 140, about the rebel against Sayf al-dawla, Rashiq (ca. 965, in Aleppo), that he fled to the qalanisiyin, the hooded people, apparently referring to the Turks. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 25 description of a campaign conducted by someone of Iraqi origin who rebelled against his master: and his army will gain control of Diyar Rabi{a and Mosul (VI 23-26). Another assault is launched on the region, led by the man mentioned above (449), who is ugly, beardless, with thin hair, etc. His war against the region’s ruler is described further on. Once more this is a campaign conducted by a man from Baghdad, a Persian, against Diyar Rabi{a. The Persian is none other than Mu{izz al-dawla: he is stout, a cripple without a hand, of large heart, a swollen belly, stupid in his beliefs; he does not belong to any madhhab (school of legal thought in Islam) (VII 4-6). The ruler of Diyar Rabi{a is also a tough belligerent party and he conquers Baghdad (VIII 1-3). Finally, this ruler will be the cause of his subjects’ impoverishment and he will rob them of their property. Diyar Rabi{a will be laid waste by his hands (VIII 19-22). During the period of time referred to in the Apocalypse, the Jazira, i.e., northern Iraq (Mesopotamia), had been under the control of the Îamdanids for about twenty-five years55. In the year preceding the “years of the Apocalypse,” in June 963, Mu{izz al-dawla conquered Mosul, an event reflected, as we have seen above, in the text of the Apocalypse. This was also a year of plague and famine. As the Apocalypse says in regard to 964: In that year there will be a severe drought (II 1-2). The drought will last for half a year (III 15). There will be a severe drought; people will eat their children, they will become impoverished, and most of them will die (VIII 13-14)56. In his presentation of Mu{izz al-dawla’s assault on Mosul, Ibn al-Athir stresses the fact that the victor, NaÒir al-dawla, the Îamdanid, took vast amounts of booty, killed many and captured numerous people from Mu{izz al-dawla’s army57. The Turkish regiments, which I related to above, fought alongside Mu{izz al-dawla, under the command of Subuk- takin. The Qarma†is, who I will be discussing later on, supported NaÒir al- dawla. The conflict ended by a compromise; NaÒin al-dawla continued to rule Diyar Rabi{a and RaÌba, while paying his opponent close to three million dirhams58. In the Apocalypse, NaÒir al-dawla is called ÒaÌib Diyar Rabi{a (VI 48). He is described as being: a robust and strong man, with nice eyes and

55. See CANARD, Histoire, 291-306, 404-406, on the early history of the Banu Îamdan, and mainly about the father of the family, Îamdan; idem, Diyar Rabi{a, in EI2. HONIGMANN and BOSWORTH, MawÒil, in EI2. 56. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 552. The region of Mosul was hit by a severe drought four years previously also, see ibid., 533. Stories about cannibalism during a drought in the course of Caliph al-Mu†i{ can also be found in Ibn Jawzi, see above, note 36. 57. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 554. 58. CANARD, Histoire, 524-526, 529, 534; a different report about the position of the Turks can be found in Hamadani, 151, according to which they cooperated with NaÒir al- dawla. 26 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC hair, (but) bald, with diseased hands and feet, and an abundance of intelligence and wisdom (VI 48-50). By the baldness, we can identify the person that the Apocalypse calls al-aqra{ (the bald) as NaÒir al-dawla (VII 4-7; VIII 7-8). In addition, the ruler of Diyar Rabi{a is said to have had brothers, but they will not remain alive, except for one (i.e., Sayf al- dawla). Woe to the people of al-Sham (Syria and Palestine) because of this one man, and woe to the people of Diyar Rabi{a because of the bald one (VI 50-52). The author of the Apocalypse decries the situation whereby a son will lie to his father and a daughter to her mother, the members of one’s own household will be one’s enemies (I 5-6). Here he is referring to events that he witnessed, the terrible conflicts that erupted in the house of NaÒir al- dawla. In AH 358 (968-969), NaÒir al-dawla turned over the control of RaÌba to his son, Îamdan, who swiftly seized control of Raqqa as well59. The author of the Apocalypse mentions wars around the cities of RaÌba and Raqqa, located on the Euphrates. Someone, whose name was not preserved, will rule over the bank of the Euphrates and go to a city called al- RaÌba, where he will build a bridge and control it… afterwards he will go to a city called Raqqa, which has a small population, and conquer it. His brother is mentioned further on, but unfortunately the full text has not been preserved (VI 12-17). The transfer of RaÌba (and afterwards Raqqa) to Îamdan’s control gave rise to a fierce conflict among the members of NaÒir al-dawla’s family. The eldest son, Abu Taghlib went to war against Îamdan. Another brother of Abu Taghlib, Abu’l-Mu†a{, known as Dhu’l-Qarnayn, or al-Muqarran, “the horned one,” is also mentioned but about his deeds there is no information in the chronicles. According to the Apocalypse, however, al-Muqarran will lead an army of Îamdanids who will fight against Egypt; the ruler of al- Sham (Syria and Palestine) will defeat him and set out to fight him in Egypt, where there will be a great battle as was prophesied by the prophets (V 16-18)60. In the end, the brothers reached a compromise and reconciliation. On 6 1Jumada 356 (7 May 967), Abu Taghlib had NaÒir al- dawla, his father, imprisoned with the support of his mother, Fa†ima, in the fortress of Kawashi, where he died two years later. Abu Taghlib (Fa∂lallah al-Mugha∂anfar) inherited the administration of Mosul and Diyar Rabi{a, and it was said that: he will stretch out his hand against rich and poor alike, and the people will become impoverished… and he will control

59. IBN MISKAWAIH, 254f. 60. CANARD, Histoire, 541-544; HONIGMANN and BIANQUIS, al-RaÌba, in EI2. MEINECKE, Raqqa, in EI2. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 27 the food supplies of the population and order increases and decreases in the price (of commodities). His deeds will lead to the destruction of Diyar Rabi{a (VIII 19-22). The explanation for this must be sought in the account about his relations with Bakhtiyar Ibn Mu{izz al-dawla. He had to pay Bakhtiyar 1,200,000 dirhams every year and in AH 358 (969) it was alleged that he paid the Qarma†is 50,000 dirhams. He contracted a marriage agreement according to which he married Bakhtiyar’s three-year-old daughter. The Apocalypse refers to battles that were fought around Îarran (buqi{at Ìaran; III 5-8). It was reported that Abu Taghlib sought to conquer Îarran in 359 (970), but the inhabitants of the city defended themselves, and after a siege they arrived at an agreement with him61.

Sayf al-dawla (who is {Ali Ibn {Abdallah Ibn Îamdan)

The only person mentioned by name in the fragments of the Apocalypse is Sayf al-dawla (see the parallel version to I 20-22). The portion that has been preserved discusses the building of a ceremonial site, a ma{bad, which will be discussed below. Sayf al-dawla ruled the city-state of Aleppo and its environs, especially the eastern side, which was then called Diyar Mu∂ar. He was the younger brother of NaÒir al-dawla, the ruler of Mosul and Diyar Rabi{a, of whom I have already spoken above. Sayf al-dawla was renowned for the many wars he fought against his rivals in the Muslim world as well as against the Byzantines. His name had spread chiefly thanks to the great Arab poet, known as al-Mutanabbi, who is Abu’l-™ayyib AÌmad b. al- Îusayn al-Ju{fi, whose protector and host he was. The Apocalypse mentions the campaign of the Persian (in other words, the Buyid ruler, apparently Mu{izz al-dawla) against Aleppo, a sequel to his onslaught on Mayyafariqin (VII 1-3) (mentioned above, p. 448)62. In the third year (i.e., AH 356 [967]), the Apocalypse talks about terrible wars in Khurasan, apparently in reference to a conflict with its inhabitants (III 18, in the parallel version.) In another place, it tells about a man from Khurasan… woe to the people of his day, because he will not demand goods, but only will demand the person, body and soul (meaning, he will

61. HAMADANI, 197; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 593 and there, mistakenly: died in 959. According to another version, he was imprisoned in the fortress Ardumusht, see CANARD, Histoire, 538; later on Dhu’l-Qarnayn served the Fatimids, was appointed governor of Da- mascus and given the title wajih (the venerable, the excellent, of) al-dawla, see CANARD, ibid., 541; the payments to Bakhtiyar: IBN AL-ATHIR, ibid., 580, 600; IBN MISKAWAIH, 254f.; the marriage: IBN AL-ATHIR, ibid., 617; IBN MISKAWAIH, 283. Îarran: CANARD, ibid., 608. 62. See BIANQUIS, Sayf al-Dawla, in EI2. 28 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC kill people). And he will enter Baghdad and kill the possessor of the throne (the meaning here is not clear) (V 6-9). Conquests in Khurasan are ascribed to Mu{izz al-dawla (I 24). According to chronological order, the first reports about the Khurasanians belong to a period that precedes the Apocalypse or coincides with its initial phase, i.e., about 962-964; at that time a Khurasani army led by MuÌam- mad Ibn {Isa reached Aleppo in order to help Sayf al-dawla in his war against the Byzantines. In the end, this army was scattered after a short time due to Sayf al-dawla’s illness and a severe drought. It appears that the Apocalypse refers to the disorderly conduct of the Khurasanian army and its commander, probably in 96463. Ibn Miskawaih reports about an invasion of Persia by Khurasanis in the area of Rayy (today’s Teheran) in AH 355 (966), placing it in the time frame of Zerubbabel’s prophecies. At that time, one of the most prominent inhabitants of Khurasan, Abu’l-Îasan {Ali Ibn AÌmad, known as Ibn al- Khurasani, is mentioned in connection with Baghdad; he became the aid (Ìajib) of Mu{izz al-dawla. The commander in chief of the Khurasanian army at that time was NaÒir Ibn AÌmad Ibn Isma{il al-Samani, the ruler of Khurasan. While in Baghdad, his forces fell into complete boisterousness. In this same period, the Khurasanis also conquer IÒfahan and Mu{izz al- Dawla’s brother, Abu {Ali al-Îasan Ibn Buye, or Rukn al-dawla, rules in Persia64. As regards the wars of Sayf al-dawla, the Apocalypse goes on to tell us that: The brother of the bald one (al-aqra{, i.e., NaÒir al-dawla, ruler of Mosul) will rule in the land of al-Sham where he will wage wars against the ruler of Egypt; he will reach the area of Ramla, and the ruler of Egypt will engage him in battle and he will be defeated twice and he will return beaten (VII 7-10). The author of the Apocalypse may have been referring to the battles fought by Sayf al-dawla in an earlier period, 944-946, when he was at war with the Ikhshidids, the rulers of Egypt. On the other hand, he could have been talking about the Qarma†is’ battles of 1Jumada 353 (May 964), when they overran Tiberias and expanded their control over Palestine up to Ramla. Obviously they had contact with Sayf al-dawla and he went out of his way to supply them with iron; for this purpose he ordered the dismantling of the city gates of Raqqa and even confis-

63. YAÎYA IBN SA{ID, 794 (96), 807 (109); IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 142; SAUVAGET, Alep, 85-88; LAMBTON, IÒfahan, in EI2. 64. IBN MISKAWAIH, 222f.; IBN JAWZI, MuntaÂam, VII, 33, where the date is: 10 Shawwal 355, which is 24 September 966. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 569f., who puts it earlier, in Rama∂an, approximately: August. TANUKHI, Nishwar, III, 61, 93. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 29 cated the scales of the city’s merchants. The description in the Apocalypse may be stressing the scope of Sayf al-dawla’s participation in those battles, which continued until the end of 968, when the black Kafur was ruler of Egypt65. In this regard, the Apocalypse knows about: an invasion by an army that will come from the desert and reach the Valley of Îarran (III 5- 7). Indeed, the Apocalypse talks there about Mosul and Diyar Rabi{a, that is, NaÒir al-dawla’s domain. Ibn al-Athir, however, reports about a rebellion in Îarran put down by Hibatallah Ibn NaÒir al-dawla, in which Sayf al- dawla was also involved; he also strove to aid the local residents. This se- quence of events began in AH 352 (963)66.

The Byzantines

The narrative about Sayf al-dawla focuses on the wars he waged against the Byzantines. After describing what happened in RaÌba and Raqqa, and mentioning the sons of NaÒir al-Dawla’s who took control of these cities, the Apocalypse states: and during the reign of this king (apparently: Abu Taghlib) there will be a man, a servant, an offspring of the Banu’l- aÒfar, that is the Byzantines, who will guide the king… and with his good judgment he will guide the kings of the rum (the Byzantines), but not for many years… (VI 19-22)67. It is readily understood that the reference here is to the Emperor Romanus II (959-963), who is called armanus in the Arabic sources. He died a short time before the events described in the Apocalypse. During that period, Byzantium was ruled by Emperor Nicephoros Phocas, who was assassinated in 969. It was he who went to war against Sayf al-dawla. One generation prior to the events of the Apoca- lypse, in 944 (AH 332), Emperor Romanus I decreed an edict of forced conversion to Christianity against the Jews of the empire68, yet the Apoca- lypse does not even allude to this.

65. See GIL, Hist., 319f., with references in note 92; on the contacts with the Qarma†is see ibid., 321, 322 n. 96. 66. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 546-548. 67. Banu’l-aÒfar (al-aÒfar, the yellow one, but perhaps: the pale one) was the common nickname in mediaeval Arab texts for Rome and Byzantium, see DOZY, Suppl., I, 836. Esau, who is Edom, “came out red” (Gen. 25:25), is called Swfár in the Septuagint and is the father of Rumil who is Reu’el (Gen. 36:10), who is said to be Romulus; in early times the meaning of aÒfar might have been: red; perhaps also ∑efo, grandson of Esau (Gen. 36:11) has something to do with it; cf. STEINSCHNEIDER, Polem. u. apolog. Lit., 257 n. 36; GOLDZIHER, Muh. St., I, 268f. 68. MAS{UDI, Muruj, II, 8f.: “he converted the Jews who lived in his empire to the Chris- tian religion, by force”; cf. RUNCIMAN, Emp. Romanus, 63, 231, who writes about an expulsion of the Jews, and of the Armenians as well; however, Mas{udi does not say anything on 30 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

The Apocalypse is familiar with Sayf al-dawla’s wars against the Byzantines. At that time the ruler of Aleppo will return to his place, but he will not enjoy tranquility because of the many battles that he will wage in the land of the Byzantines and (many) people will perish under his hand (VII 17-19). The author merges these wars into his description of the end of days: A man will go out of al-rum with a great army; he will rule by the strength of his sword, and people of all religions will come together to him… the ruler of Gog and Magog will rule for nine months and he will claim that he is the Messiah… (IX 16-19). He also stresses the Byzantines’ naval capabilities: The Rum will win at sea (XI 28-29). Furthermore, he describes how: In that year marakib al-rum (the Byzantine ships) will set sail for booty and great disasters will happen as a result. Woe to the people of al-Sham because of this (I 10-11). When they set out for the land of al-Sham they will launch an assault on Ramla and Jerusalem (!) from one direction, from the sea, in their shalandiyyas and they will conquer al-Sham and will return as victors (III 12-13)69. According to the literary sources, a massive Byzantine offensive was launched in the north in AH 351 (962). The army under the command of Nicephoros Phocas (who would become emperor a year later) gained control over northern Syria and in effect conquered Aleppo, except for the cita- del; but the offensive failed in the end due to a severe drought70. YaÌya Ibn Sa’id recounts that Byzantine attacks on Muslim areas were renewed in Dhu’l-Îijja 352 (January 964). This time as well, the campaign was headed by Nicephoros Phocas, who had in the meantime become the emperor of Byzantium. The Byzantines captured both MaÒiÒa and ™arsus on the coast of Asia Minor. In 1Rabi{ (April 963), they also carried out an assault against Ruha, Edessa, with the help of Armenian units, because the people of Ruha had given support to Sayf al-dawla. And at that time the Byzantines will come to the city that is called al-Ruha and it will be captured, but he will give (them) an aman afterwards on condition that he receives money of the city (VIII 23-24). expulsion; STARR, Jews, 151f.; SHARF, Byz. J., 97f.; SCHECHTER, JQR, NS 3 (1912/13), 181- 219, believed to have found in the Geniza document he edited there, a reference to that op- pression; see details about the debate that arose on this subject, in BONFIL, Zion, 44 (1979- 1981), 111-147, who shows that the reading of the document was not accurate, and it does not relate at all to that topic (the document is kept at the Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary in New York; it is S.5.1, see DANZIG, Catalogue, 278, and the additional comments of BONFIL, Zion, 56 (1991), 78-90. 69. Shalandiyya, from the Greek xelándion, the Byzantine warship, see DOZY, Suppl., I, 783; see also FAHMY, Musl. Nav. Org., 130f.; KREUTZ, Viator, 7 (1976), 95; AGIUS, in: Vermeulen and van Steenbergen, Egypt and Syria (2001), 49-60. 70. IBN JAWZI, MuntaÂam, VII, 16; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 540; IBN AL-SHIÎNA, 49. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 31

To a large extent, the Byzantines succeeded in capturing these cities because a severe drought that had been plaguing the area caused the people of ™arsus to surrender without a fight. Many even converted to Christianity. The conquest of MaÒiÒa began in July 965 and in August ™arsus was captured. The sources stress the conversion to Christianity of many Muslims in the conquered areas. According to the Apocalypse: the people of Diyar (that is, northern Syria) will flee from beneath his hand (of the Muslim ruler, apparently Sayf al-dawla) and they will convert to Christianity and their religion will become that of the Byzantines (V 10-11). According to Ibn al-{Adim, the Byzantines forced the population of the Aleppo region to extol and praise (Jesus)71. In his commentary on the book of Daniel, Yefet ben {Ali maintains that Daniel 11:18 (“shall he turn his face unto the isles” etc.) “may be referring to al-thughar (the port cities), that is ™arsus and Cyprus and others” (aside from these two). In regard to Daniel 11:45 (“yet he shall come to his end and none shall help him”): “since they (the Byzantines) conquered the Muslim port cities Antioch and ™arsus, etc.” With respect to Daniel 12:7: “Gog, who is surely the last subjugated by Christianity….” As to Daniel 11:45 again (“the tabernacles of his palace”), Yefet suggests that “these are the tabernacles of Edom” (Psalms 83:7; that is Byzantium) “and afterwards Gog.” He goes on to say, with regard to the end of the book — the end of days (Daniel 12:12) — “and in the end of these days Gog will come and God will show His revenge upon them.” But within this train of thought, he also adds, in reference to Daniel 11:14 (“the robbers of thy people”) “people from Israel shall convert to Christianity along with them.” This may be connected with the edict of forced conversion of the Jews of Byzantium (see above, p. 29)72. The best Arab chronicle about this period, that of {Izz al-din Abu’l-Îasan {Ali Ibn al-Athir, writes about another extremely important religious event: (in that year, AH 354 [964]) there was an extensive conversion to Islam among the Khazars. As to the Apocalypse, it informs us about the wars of the Khazars against the Byzantines, a subject about which no other source has provided any information: A man will go out of the Land of the Khazars with a large army; he will go up against the Byzantines and defeat them and the sword will devour the enemy for three months and

71. YAÎYA IBN SA{ID, 793-797 (95-98); HAMADANI, 189f.; IBN MISKAWAIH, 208-211; IBN JAWZI, MuntaÂam, VII, 15f., 24; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 549, 552, 560f.; IBN AL-{ADIM, I, 162f.; HONIGMANN and BOSWORTH, Ruha, in EI2, 590. 72. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, ed., Japhet ibn Ali, Comm. on Daniel, 119, 121, 133, 145, 150. Yefet interprets Gog as the Muslims. 32 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC they will live in fear three months and many of their cities will be destroyed. (I 34-35, mainly in the parallel version)73. The Byzantines launched another wave of offensives four to five years later. The Apocalypse states: At that time the sword of the Byzantines will strike and spread destruction all around (IV 3-4). It declares there that people will hit the rulers, apparently alluding to the time when the caliphs were barred from any actual governing functions. It says further that: The governing people will decide to appoint a {Alawid (but they will not succeed, because of the Hashimites, probably referring here to the Abbasids and their supporters [I 44-45; see also the parallel version to line 45]). And by way of delineating the intentions of the Shiites it recounts: He will enter Baghdad and kill the possessor of the throne and Usama (unknown) will ascend and a {Alawi shall rule (V 8-10). In addition it says: they will put up a caliph from the House of {Ali (IV 5); and in the parallel version: they will put a caliph from the Children of {Ali on the throne. On the basis of the information available to him, the author wrote: The {Alawi, who was enthroned to be the caliph of Baghdad, will be killed (see the parallel version to IV 19). Perhaps he was trying to say that the Buyid rulers were (as he knew) Shiites and that their aim (which was never fulfilled) was to bring in someone from the House of {Ali to replace the Abbasid caliph. We know that the Îamdanids (including Sayf al- dawla), who ruled both Mosul and Aleppo, tended toward the Shi{a. It was the intention of the Apocalypse to show that even though the kingdom of Edom (the Byzantines) was attacking Islam, they were both in a process of disintegration, which would undoubtedly accelerate the redemption of Is- rael. In fact, in the first year of the Apocalypse, Shiites under the leadership of a certain Ibn al-Da{i attempted to seize control of Baghdad74. The Shiite tendencies of Mu{izz al-dawla are recognizable through the fact that he ordered the distribution of 10,000 dirhams to the ™alibiyin, the descendents of {Ali Ibn Abi ™alib, as a symbol of his gratitude to God for his good health75. The Îamdanids, including Sayf al-dawla, also tended towards the Shi{a, although this did not sway Shiites from participating in rebellions against Sayf al-dawla in AH 354 (965)76.

73. On the conversion to Islam of the Khazars (garbled in Jewish sources as kuzarim) see IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 565; see BARTHOLD and GOLDEN, Khazar, IN EI2, 1175. 74. THE ATTEMPTED SEIZURE OF BAGHDAD: HAMADANI, 188. 75. TANUKHI, Nishwar, III, 93. The Daylamis were Shiites, says IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 452. 76. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 562. On a Shiite rebellious movement, based in Kufa, see IBN MISKAWAIH, II, 208: in AH 354, 965, its leader was “a man with a mask”, mubarqa{, who fled when Mu{izz al-dawla took over the reigns of power in Baghdad. See on the Shiite THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 33

The Byzantine offensives bring destruction upon the people of al-Sham, i.e., Syria and Palestine: Woe to the people of al-Sham (I 11). The Byzantines will set out to the land of al-Sham and will wreck great havoc and destruction, and no one will be able to stand up to them. They will launch an assault on Ramla and Jerusalem (III 10-12). As we have already seen (p. 30 above), the Apocalypse appends a naval campaign to this offensive, which it is reasonable to assume actually did occur, intending, in all probability, to support the offensive planned to conquer Pal- estine. As soon as the Byzantines conquered ™arsus in August 965, Nicephoros stood on the city’s minbar and declared that this was the minbar of Jerusalem, not that of ™arsus; this was in keeping with the fact the war was going in favor of the Byzantines at that time. Sayf al-dawla was also involved in this war. It appears that the Apocalypse exaggerated a great deal when maintaining that: the brother of al-aqra{ (the bald one, that is, Sayf al-dawla) will rule in the land of al-Sham, where he will wage wars against the ruler of Egypt and reach the area of Ramla, all this while Kafur rules Egypt and defeats Sayf al-dawla. Kafur only died in 968, but managed to fight him, and twice he will overcome him (i.e., Sayf al-Dawla) and he will return beaten (VII 6-10)77. The Byzantine offensives were renewed in 966 (in the Apocalypse this is the third year): Three Byzantine armies shall go forth, one by sea and the other by land and the other by way of the mountains and the three will meet and fight the {Alawi (that is, Mu{izz al-dawla, who was seri- ously ill and about to die at the time) behind Baghdad. Woe to your people at the hands of his household (IV 17-20). YaÌya Ibn Sa{id wrote about the conquest of areas of northern Syria and northern Iraq — Qinnasrin and afterwards Mayyafariqin as well78. These events were interwoven with invasions of Turkish tribes, evidently under the command of Alptakin. They conquered Baghdad in 967, set up a center in ÎimÒ, and played a significant role in the wars in Syria and Palestine, considering themselves the representatives of the legitimate rulers, the Abbasids. In this period, their destructive operations were manifest mainly in northern Syria and Iraq, and also in certain areas of Persia. An army of Turks will set out and kill the king of the land of Jurjan and IÒfahan (III 19-20). The Qarma†is, who will be discussed below, were on their heels. The version tendency of Mu{izz al-Dawla and Shiite support of him: BUSSE, Chalif, 43; on a similar tendency among the Îamdanids, see HOROVITZ, Der Islam, 2 (1911), 410; BIANQUIS, Sayf al- dawla, in EI2, 109. 77. See GIL, Hist., 322f. and the references in note 97. 78. YAÎYA IBN SA{ID, 805 (108), 814f. (116f.). 34 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC that parallels III 19-21 mentions the widespread killing of Turks in the Jurjan and IÒfahan regions; then a man from Îijaz appears who seeks (only) plunder. (The allusion is to the Qarma†is.) The Apocalypse is most likely referring to the Turks when it describes events during the day of the weak king who will rule (over Iraq). During his reign internal conflicts will erupt in the land of the Persians, and the people will be enticed by those with the special garments and (light?) bows, who are the people of the symbols of the sun, with a hairdo in the middle of their heads; and they will be known to be of the species of Gog and Magog; and they are disaster; they will conquer cities in the mountain (or: in Me- dia, which is called al-Jibal in Arabic) and the people (of the cities) in the land of al-Sham will leave their dwelling places; they will totally destroy the North, no one (will be able to) stand up to them. Afterwards the people with the turbans whose hair grows down their back will come to them. And they will set up a siege for a while. Then they will kill one another for a while. And he will go out with a vast army and turn against Baghdad and conquer it and rule over the kings for years and overthrow one king and enthrone another and woe to the people of Iraq in his days. And armies will go out in his day and many cities will be destroyed. But the city that is called Qaliqil, which is Qaliqula, will not be destroyed (VI 32-43). They frighten Mu{izz al-dawla: Then the king, the ruler of the country, that is the cripple, will be greatly alarmed by the people of the (tall) turbans and the garments… (I 41- 42). And perhaps this as well: A man will come from Media, the one who conquered Media, and he will turn against him in Baghdad and stay against the gate of Baghdad for a while. The characteristics of his soldiers (will be): they will have (special) garments and (light) bows and the spears and the shields; they are the people of the (signs of the) sun (VIII 8-11). The continuation apparently referred to Mu{izz al-dawla and his people79. The intensification of the Byzantine offensives in 968-969 is recounted by Îamadani, who also points out that there was a severe drought at that time and that the water level in the rivers, the Tigris, Euphrates, and the Nahrwan canal was very low. The water of the Euphrates will decline and the sun will grow dark; the Euphrates will recede and decline (un-

79. IBN AL-FAQIH, 229: Qaliqula is one of the coldest cities. See LE STRANGE, Lands, 117; the Arabs used to call it: Qaliqala Arzan al-Rum (the most unyielding of Byzantium); today in Turkey: Erzerum, which is ancient Theodosiopolis; as to its earlier history, it is known that it was conquered by the Byzantines in 949, and had its walls destroyed. See IBN ÎAWQAL, 245-248; see CANARD, Sayf al-Dawla, 56, and see its description in: idem, His- toire, 244. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 35 til) a vineyard will be planted in it (V 14-15). And here the parallel version adds: seeds will be sown there80.

The Qarma†is

The Qarma†is, too, were heavily involved in the torrent of battles and wars fought in that period. The Apocalypse refers explicitly to the two Qarma†is (Qarma†iyan), one from the east and one from the west: and they will wage war on the bank of the Euphrates until the water of the Euphrates will turn to blood. This will occur in the fourth year (that is, in 357 [968]; III 22-24). Their presence (in the area) will begin when a man will get out of the land of Îijaz (that is, the Arabian peninsula); he will do terrible things to happen in the land of Persia and his appetite will increase (I 37-38). Half of a phrase that talks about assaults against pilgrims on their way to Mecca is also preserved: …and afterwards, he will send (an army) on the road to Mecca and he will kill… (VI 9-10). The Qarma†is were one of the two branches of the extremist Shiite movement, the Isma{ilis, who believed that Isma{il, the eldest son of Ja{far al- ∑adiq, was the genuine imam who would reappear in future. Isma{il was the seventh in the line of the descendents of {Ali Ibn Abi ™alib and Fa†ima, the daughter of MuÌammad. The Qarma†is (whose name derives from Îamdan Qarma†, the founder of the movement) appear in the historical arena at the end of the ninth century. One branch of the Qarma†is established itself in BaÌrayn on the Arabian Peninsula under the leadership of Abu Sa{id al- Jannabi. From there they also extended their control to adjacent areas of the peninsula. The other branch was centered in southern Persia, mainly in Ahwaz, and in southern Iraq, in BaÒra, and conducted bloody wars in the areas of Syria and Palestine. When the Apocalypse mentions “the two Qarma†is,” it means al-Îasan al-A{Òam (891-970), who held sway in the north, and Abu ™ahir Sulayman al-Jannabi, whose sphere of influence was BaÌrayn and the Arabian Peninsula. It was Abu ™ahir who attacked the pilgrims and Mecca in January 930. After his death, his brother, AÌmad, suc-

80. HAMADANI, 201; IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 589, 596. The events of this period are described in ‘the Story of Daniel’ (in Judaeo-Persian), which seems to be partly inspired by our ‘apocalypse’, as a total victory of the Byzantines over the Muslims; the author, who apparently wrote in a much later time, was not aware of the real outcome of the wars; there is also in it the apparition of the messiah son of Joseph (called also: son of Ephraim), and his bad end; also: a man of Damascus will call a fish from the sea and will feed the Jews with it – which reminds of the two fishes brought by the ruler of Gog and Magog, who will claim that he is the messiah, in IX 18-22. See SHAPIRA, Sefunot, 7 (22), 362-365. 36 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC ceeded him. In May 964, the Qarma†is attacked Tiberias and also during the ensuing years they were involved in battles in Palestine. In 965, the people of {Uman transferred their allegiance to the Qarma†is (according to Ibn al- Athir; to the Hajariyin). That same year the Qarma†is obstructed the route to Mecca, with the assistance of Banu Sulaym81, while in the north they rebelled against Sayf al-Dawla, even though he had been considered their pa- tron up to that time. The rebellion was led by Marwan al-{Uqayli, Sayf al- Dawla’s appointee for the coastal cities. It broke out after Marwan was accused of murdering a member of the Byzantine emperor’s delegation, and this led to a protracted conflict between Marwan and Sayf al-Dawla. The Qarma†is continued to be an actively belligerent force in Syria and in 968 they even captured Damascus, under the command of al-Îasan al-A{Òam. That same year a great battle took place on 28 October between the Qar- ma†is, under al-Îasan al-A{Òam, and the army of the Ikhshidids, the rulers of Egypt. At that time, the Qarma†is pillaged Ramla for two days and took many of the city’s inhabitants into captivity. To secure their release, the people of Ramla were forced to pay a ransom of 125,000 dinars. This event is reflected in the Apocalypse: Then a man will go out from the east who will oppose him and he will come to Damascus by land and he will wage a protracted war and then he will return to the east; woe to the people of Damascus because of him, because he will be the cause of its destruction (IV 14-17). The episode ended in September 971, when the Fatimid commander, Ja{far Ibn FallaÌ, conquered Damascus82.

Construction Works in Aleppo

The author of the Apocalypse also talks about Sayf al-dawla’s construction project. Alongside his condemnation of the low state of morality, he also thrust in: the ruins will be built up (but) the buildings will be ruined (I 4). It seems that here he is alluding to the conditions of Aleppo prior to and following the Byzantine conquest. The author also notes that: They behave deceitfully regarding him and demand (that he refrain from building the ma{bad, a place of worship) …but they will not succeed in this and the worship site will be built (I 21-23). And more: A fortress will be built between Fa†a{i and Tadif. Before that he will have built a

81. CANARD, AL-ÎASAN AL-A{∑AM, in EI2; see CARRA DE VAUX and HUDGSON, al- Djannabi, in EI2; MADELUNG, Ëarma†i, in EI2; IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 140; GIL, Hist., 310f., 313. {Uman: IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 565; IBN JAWZI, MuntaÂam, VII, 33; IBN MISKAWAIH, II, 213, 215. 82. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 566; IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 140; MADELUNG, Ëarma†i, in EI2, 663; GIL, Hist., 321f., 339f. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 37 fortification of two walls in Aleppo (III 3-4). As can be seen by the context, the Apocalypse is speaking about Sayf al-dawla. Tadif is mentioned by Imru’l-Qays, when he is on his way to the Byzantine emperor: Tadif dhat al-tall, min fawqi †ar†ar (Tadif with its hill behind ™ar†ar). These are places in the environs of Aleppo. Tadif is close to Buza{a and four para- sangs from Aleppo, that is, about 25 kilometers east of the city, in Wadi Bu†nan83. As regards the ma{bad, the worship site, it may be referring to the mashhad, the memorial to al-MuÌassin — one of the sons of al-Îusayn Ibn {Ali Ibn Abi ™alib — the most prominent Shiite building in Aleppo. Sayf al-dawla built the walls of the city after the Byzantine conquest in 962 and his son Sa{d al-dawla completed their construction and renovated the jami{ (the central mosque), which was burned down by the Byzantines84.

Egypt

The Apocalypse did not ignore Egypt, even though it was most probably written, as we have seen, in northern Iraq, in Mosul. Since it was conceived to show that the messianic events would occur at the end of “the week,” the final date of the redemption would be the end of the seventh year, that is, AH 360. (If, according to I 32, 354 was the first year, then the last date would be 4 November 970). However, if 353 was the first year (as in I 19), the date would have to be 14 November 969. Ostensibly, the Apocalypse should have limited itself to events that preceded the Fatimid conquest of Egypt (the Fatimid army entered Fustat on 5 August 969); however, it appears that 354/965 was the year designated as the first year. Therefore, the events of the end of days had to take place in 970. It appears that in regard to Egypt (like other matters as well) the Apoca- lypse does not follow a precise chronological order. It asserts that the Byzantines came to Egypt: And the Byzantines will come to Egypt and

83. IMRU’L-QAYS, SharÌ, 20, and see there the editor’s note; IBN AL-{ADIM, Bughya, I, 277: a village in Wadi-Buza{a; the editor calls it Tadhif, but see ibid., VII, 3367: Tadif; ibid., X, 4673: the verse of Imru’l-Qays; IBN AL-SHIÎNA, 174 (citing Ibn Shaddad): Tadif. Buza{a is 40 kms. east of Aleppo, see SOURDEL-THOMINE, Buza{a, in EI2. Samuel he-Ìaver b. Moses, mentions {ir (the town) buza{a (around 1025), see GIL, Palestine, II, 500 (no. 281), and see idem Hist., 188, and see there in the note, cited from Ibn Khallikan: (Buza{a is) “a large village, in the middle of the road between Aleppo and Manbij”. 84. See SAUVAGET, Alep, 106f.; IBN SHADDAD, I, 48f.: From his home, Sayf al-dawla saw a light illuminating a site outside the city. He rode out to it, dug there and found a stone with the inscription saying that this was the tomb of al-MuÌassin b. {Ali-Ibn Abi ™alib (another version: the son of {Ali and Fa†ima, the daughter of the Prophet, who miscarried); Sayf al- dawla erected a mashhad there, which is mashhad al-dikka (of the bench). See CANARD, Sayf al-Dawla, 207 and note 1. SAUVAGET, Alep, 101; TABBAA, 17, 109. 38 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC engage in a great battle there. After that “the horned one” will settle in Egypt and levy taxes on them as a punishment as said by the prophets (V 19-21). But I know of no Byzantine campaign in Egypt during the period in question. Ibn al-Athir reports about a massive flight in AH 355 (966) from the territories of al-Sham, that is Syria and Palestine, as well as from Egypt, engendered by fear of the Byzantines. He goes on to say that the masses fled to the Arabian Peninsula (specifically, to Mecca) with the intention of continuing on to Iraq85. The Apocalypse also recounts that (in the days of Mu{izz al-dawla the Buyid) the brother of “the bald one” will rule (the bald one is NaÒir al-Dawla and his brother is Sayf al-dawla) in the land of al-Sham (that is Syria, i.e., Aleppo) where he will wage wars against the ruler of Egypt and reach the area of Ramla, and the ruler of Egypt will engage him in battle and he (that is, Sayf al-dawla) will be defeated twice and return a beaten man (VII 7-10). In this account we can discern an echo of the protracted wars fought from 935 to 947 between the Ikhshidids, the rulers of Egypt, who sought to gain control of Syria, and Sayf al-dawla86. The Apocalypse also talks about Kafur, the ruler of Egypt, an Ethiopian slave and eunuch, who seized power from the hands of the Ikhshidids: and in those days a black man, a slave, will rule over the Holy Land. Woe to the people at the beginning of his rule, but there will be well-being in the middle of his rule (V 3-4). Also: The ruler of Egypt will die and be buried in the Land of al-Sham (VII 10). The reference is to Kafur, who was indeed brought to Jerusalem for burial; he was evidently buried in Je- rusalem in April 968. Later on in the Apocalypse there is a gima†ria (numerology) for the name Kafur, although there is no way knowing how it was calculated since the author maintains that, written in Hebrew, the name Kafur was numerically equal to the name Pharaoh; but the numbers are re- spectively 307 and 355. Nonetheless, he declared: and this is his hallmark: if you calculate the four letter nickname in gima†ria, you will find that his name is equivalent to the numerical value of the name

85. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 574. The “horned one” (with two horns), Dhu’l-Qarnayn was later in the service of the Fatimids, see above n. 61. 86. See a survey of these wars in Bianquis, Sayf al-Dawla, in EI2, 104f. On coins minted by the Îamdanids in Palestine in 942: GIL, Hist., 258f. and n. 33. On the victory of the Ikhshidids in the battle of Qinnasrin in 945, ibid., 319f. and there also on the battle of Iksal, that put an end to Sayf al-dawla’s control over Palestine, then considered to be a patrimony of the Ikhshidids, and see the references ibid. in n. 92. See above, 36, on these matters and the possibility that the Apocalypse is referring there to the Qarma†is as well, who were the allies of the Îamdanids. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 39

Par{oh (Pharaoh), and this is the name of the man who was mentioned (VII 12-13)87. In July-August 969, the Fatimid army seized control of Egypt and at the end of that year reached Damascus. It seems that the author of the Apoca- lypse was only familiar with the initial period of the Fatimid occupation of Egypt, which coincides with 969 and part of 970: A man will get out from the Maghrib to attack Egypt and wage war against the ruler of Egypt and many people will die in Egypt (I 38-40). And: A man will come from the west with a vast army to attack Egypt and al-Sham (Palestine and Syria), but he will not reach al-Sham (only) Egypt, and will halt there (II 18-20). (And in the parallel version: a man will go forth from the Maghrib with a vast army and spill much blood; he will kill the ruler of Egypt and take his place in Egypt.) According to the author, these events took place in the AH 355 (966); however, in an assumed first version the year was perhaps 358 (969-970). Further on we find: A man from the land of the Nubians will advance against him with an immense army and the Nubian and his soldiers will be killed (II 20-21). This is an invention. The author explains that (in one of the years of “the week”): A man from the Maghrib, a descendant of Keturah, will appear; he will come to Damascus after being engaged in a battle in Egypt, and (the inhabitants of Damascus) will be under him for a while, and he will stay in Damascus (IV 12-14). And, although it does not mention Egypt, the phrase, they will put up a caliph from the House of {Ali (IV 5), is a reference to the Fatimids, who claimed to be descendants of {Ali88.

87. See IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 581; see a synopsis of the period of his rule in LANE- POOLE, Hist., 87-89. The burial of Kafur: GIL, Hist., 634, 635 n. 109, and see there also about the burials of the Ikhshidids in Jerusalem, and references. According to Ibn Jawzi, MuntaÂam, VII, 50, Kafur died in AH 358, AD 970, whereas YaÌya Ibn Sa{id, 811 (311) says: on 13 baqiyin of 1Jumada 356, 3 May 967; according to Hamadani, 197: in 968. Use of the gima†ria numerology may be found in Arab sources, albeit infrequently; for instance, MAS{UDI, Muruj, II, 312f.: the gima†ria of Hilani (who is Helena), mother of Emperor Constantine, is 100. 88. KETURAH, Gen. 25:1, 4; 1Chron. 1:32, 33. In the midrash Keturah is identical with HAGAR, see Bereshit rabba (Theodor and Albeck), II, 661, in the editors’ notes. The offspring of Keturah are relatives of Ishmael’s offspring. See the commentary on Num. xxiv of Yefet b. {Ali, as edited by H. BEN-SHAMMAI, in BL Or. 2475, fol. 29a, about the identity of the Kenites: “in this he points to those Maghribis of our day; their origins are from the same region, i.e., the region being the land of the sons of Keturah”. Further on, Yefet mentions the great fortified kingdom that those children of Keturah (meaning the Fatimids) built and its capital, Qayrawan. See BEN-SHAMMAI, Alei Sefer, 2 (1976), 30. The time of the conquest of Egypt: IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 590. See the chronological list in GIL, Hist., 850f.; ibid., 336f., in notes 2 and 3, the sources. It is possible that the Fatimid conquest of Damascus happened in reality only at the end of 970. 40 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Women and Slaves

The author of the Apocalypse complains bitterly about the decline occur- ring in his day. Among other things, he writes that there will be women, slaves, and servants, ruling over people at that time (V 5-6). Since he was evidently an inhabitant of Mosul, it would seem that he was referring specifically to Fa†ima, the wife of NaÒir al-dawla, who was extremely involved in the workings of the regime and most probably it was she who was behind the abusive treatment and imprisonment of NaÒir al-dawla by his sons, which I described earlier. Fa†ima, who was of Kurdish origin, was joined in these activities by her daughter Jamila, who amassed great wealth. Similarly, the wife of Sayf al-dawla was a powerful figure who ruled mainly in Mayyafariqin; she successfully defended the city against the army of Naja, who rebelled against his master, Sayf al-dawla, and besieged Mayyafariqin in the autumn of 96489. The Apocalypse states in addition: The slave will rule and the master will be humiliated, and similarly, the maid servant (will rule) (I 7). I cannot identify anyone who could fit the description of maid servant in this context. One of the leading aides of the Îamdanids, and mainly to Sayf al- dawla, was Naja al-Kasaki, who brought important victories over the Byzantines to Sayf al-dawla. In 965 he rebelled against Sayf al-dawla, but found his death at the hands of Sayf al-dawla’s wife. Ibn al-Athir gives an explicit account of his cruelty toward the population of Îarran90. Another one of Sayf al-dawla’s aides was Qaraghuye, who was also a faithful servant of the Îamdanids. The sources call him ghulam (slave) of Sayf al- dawla and he would substitute for his master when he was off on one of his expeditions. Qaraghuye took control of Aleppo after the death of Sayf al- dawla in MuÌarram 358 (December 968) calling himself Ìajib (a sort of second-in-command of the state); he called his own ghulam, Bakjur, amir. He came to an agreement with the Byzantines in exchange for paying taxes for the cities of northern Syria. He expelled Abu’l-Ma{ali Sharif, the son and heir of Sayf al-dawla, from Aleppo, forcing him to find refuge with his mother in Mayyafariqin. In the end, Qaraghuye was killed by Marwan al- {Uqayli, one of the Qarma†i leaders, who had seized control of Aleppo, caused great misery to the population, and stole their money91.

89. HAMADANI, 189. Sayf al-dawla’s wife was his relative, daughter of Abu’l-{Ala Sa{id b. Îamdan; IBN MISKAWAIH, 255; cf. CANARD, Histoire, 537, 542, 571, 598, 639-641. 90. See on the victories of Naja in the years 349/960, 350/961 in CANARD, Sayf al-Dawla, 135-137; his rebellion: HAMADANI, 189; another version has that he was killed by a slave of Sayf al-dawla, Qabjaj, or NajaÌ, see CANARD, ibid., 396; see IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 551. 91. See TANUKHI, I, 226; IBN AL-{ADIM, Zubda, I, 146, 150-152, 155. IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 597f.; CANARD, Histoire, 550f. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 41

AH 359 (14.XI.969-3.XI.970) which was supposed to be the seventh and last in the process of redemption at the end of days, the year of the Messiah (the true one, ben David) passed. Menahem ben David, scion of King David, did not appear. Apparently, the messianic movement, the exact nature of which we cannot define, did not despair. We have before us an additional fragment, XII, in which Zerubbabel perorates again, dating from AH 360, which began in November, 970 and lasted until the end of October, 971. This time, Metatron, his angelus interpres, knew about and informed Zerubbabel about changes which were to occur in the caliphate of Baghdad, in ‘the house of Hisham’, i.e. the Abbasids, concerning the Buyids taking control over the Abbasids. However, the possibility also exists that the anonymous author changed his mind, and was now assuming that the process of redemption would last ‘one and a half weeks’, as in (the Hebrew version of) Dan. 9:27, which means ten and a half years. If we now have a look — after having been informed of the historical events which the author of ‘the apocalypse’ described for us — at what was missing in his stories, a serious omission is obvious. That is, no mention is made of the alleged Jewish kingdom of the Khazars, the existence of which some texts of the Middle Age tried to make us believe; in the mind of some modern scholars, quite successfully. Such an omission in what is mainly a messianic text prophesying the final revival of the kingdom of David and the redemption of the People of Israel, is by no means accidental. In short, it teaches us that in those days, no Jewish kingdom of the Khazars existed. ‘The sources’ on the Khazari kingdom pertain to the time of Îisdai ibn Shapru†, roughly 25 years before the writing of ‘the apocalypse’. The apocalypse does mention a Khazari; the text in the main version is corrupted, making us believe that the Khazari was a Byzantine; the correct version is the parallel one: a man from the land of the Khazars will egress with a big army against the rum and will defeat them and the sword will act against the enemy for three months (I 34). I know of no other source mentioning such an offensive of the Khazars92.

92. See ASHTOR, Jews of Spain, I, 133-146. In 965, at exactly the same time that, according to the apocalypse, the offensive of the ‘Edomite Khazari’ occurred in the areas of Islam, the Khazars were under attack by both the Russians and Turkish tribes; see BARTHOLD and GOLDEN in the article ‘Khazar’, in EI2, IV, 1176. The author of the apocalypse is not aware of these offensives at all, though it is possible that something about them was mentioned in the parts that are missing; there also might have been some more general information about the Khazars mentioned there. See a résumé of the much reiterated and detailed discussion on the Jews of Khazaria, and on the alleged Jewish kingdom of the Khazars, in SIMONSOHN, Colorni Jub. Vol., 117-146, with references to the sources and to modern research. Nicephoros Phocas was a scion of the Phocas family; the origin of the family is obscure. Perhaps they came from Asia Minor, or maybe from Georgia. According to IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, 8, 607, Nicephoros was the son of a Muslim from ™arsus, who converted to Christianity, whose name was Ibn al- 42 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Another serious omission is any reference to the Jewish leadership of the time. Although this was the period of a temporary decline in the Babylo- nian yeshivot, Sura and Pumbedita, in the wake of Saadia Gaon’s demise and the serious personal hardships among the leaders of Pumbedita (the period of Nehemiah Gaon), the two yeshivot were still the recognized leaders of the Diaspora93. We are in the dark concerning the family connections of the author, or the social group to which he owed his loyalty. Nevertheless, a plausible guess would be that he was one of the nesi’im, the scions of the ramified exilarchic family, rather than a follower of the yeshivot or even a Karaite. He almost certainly lived in Mosul, where a branch of the exilarchic family had been living for generations. Scions of this branch of the family are encountered there at the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth centuries, who are recognized as exilarchs: David and Samuel and their offspring, each of whom bore the title rosh ha-gola. Mosul is also known to have had an important Jewish community during those generations. In 1168, Benjamin of Tudela mentions its people, among them: “R. Zakkai, the nasi, of the house of David”94.

THE FRAGMENTS*

15 1–3 1 ויכתר אלרבא ואלפגור ואלפסק וירכב דכר לדכר ואנתי לאנתי 2 וישחב אלחדת פי גיר וקתה ותוכתר אלחמאמאת ותובנא ביות אלכפאר 3 פי אלקבור אעני אלמסאגד ויסתהל נבש 1 4 אלמותי ותבנא אלכראבאת ויכ$רב אלעמראן ויכתר כדב 5 אלסלאטין ויכדב אלאבן אביה ואלבנת לאמהא ויכון אעדא 6 אלֹרגל אהל ביתה ואלעאמי יאמר באלמערוף ואלרג $ל לא 7 יק[דר] יתכלם ואלעבד ימלך ואלמולא ינחט וכדלך אלאמה 8 ומן באע עקארה לא יחזן ומן אשתרא לא יפרח ומן אקרץ$ 9 שי לא יופא איאה ומן אודע ודיעה הם באכדהא 10 ופי הדה אלסנה תכרגֹ מראכב אלרום פי אלבחר ותגנם

Faqqas (?). He was of Khazar origin, which although it is interesting information, it does not contradict the information that the family had been Muslims, see above, 457, on the widespread islamization among the Khazars. See: ZAKYTINOS, History, 195; Mihaescu’s article, 289f. 93. GIL, Jews in Isl. C., 233-239, 357f. 94. GIL, ibid., 428-430; 512f. * I am indebted to the librarians and custodians of the Geniza Collections at the Univer- sity Library, Cambridge, and to the Director of the Taylor-Schechter Geniza Research Unit, Prof. S.C. Reif, for the permission to publish these Geniza fragments, and also for the supply of the photocopies. — The numbers in the right margin refer to the illustrations (see 73-93). THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 43

11 והי מפאתיח אלבלאיא ואלויל ִלא[ה]ל אלשאם מן דלך ואהל 12 אלעראק ואהל אלגבאל מן דלך מכפיין והדא יא זרובבל מא 13 יכון פי הדה אלסנין פקד אכברנאך פאערף דלך: 14 פבכית א[נא] בן שאלתיאל בכא שדידא תם מדדת טרפי 15 אלי אלסמא וצלית ואתצ$רעת פאדא בשכץ נאדא 16 בי ויקול לי עלי מא דא תבכי פקלת לה יאמולאי יסאל 17 הדא אלעבד מולאה פקאל א[ס]אל [ת]גאב פקלת לה מה(!) 18 אחרית אלה פקאל לי פתח אלשדה ואלבלאיא מא אקולה 19 לך לאן יכון פי סנה ש$נֹגֹ פתן פי אלעאלם ותג[תמע] עסאכר 20 מן אלשאם ומן מצר יטלבון עסאכר אלדי [ ]לי 21 צאחב אלמעבד <לנצחה> לינצחוה [ ] 22 וקד יעמלון מעה באלמכר ויטלבון [ ] 23 ולא יתם דלך ותבנא אלמעבד ויט$[הר ] 24 ויפתח פי בלד כראסאן פתוח [ ] 25 פי סרנדיב ויעמל חרוב ואסעה פי אלבחר ו[ ] 26 אדום אלי ִוסט עמל אלערב ואלבריה תתם אלי אלסואחל 27 ויקע אלחרב מן בלד אלי בלד ומן קריה אלי קריה ומן 28 גבל אלי גבל ויבגצו אלנאס אמואלהם [ת]ם יהדון אלנאס 29 בעד פתוח אלרום פי אלגבאל מן מא ילי דיאר רב[י]עה 13 1–7 30 ומן אלבר ואלסואחל [ ] ללערב ותדכל אלערב ללדור 31 וידעון אל[ ] אללה [ ] דעאהם ויכון פי ס[נה] 32 ש$נֹד$ [ ] פי אל[ ]רה ממא ילי אלגרב [ ] 33 אלי אלגבאל [ ] ובאלליל [ ת]לך אלעלאמה אבאו [ ] 34 ללרום [ ] אליהם רגל מן אלכזר אדומ[י ] ויכן 35 פי [ ] אלכוף ג אשהר ויכרב להם מדן כתיר 36 ויכונו [ ] פי אלבלד אן ויפרק [ ] and on margin 24–19 2 37 ויכרג רגל מן בלד אלחגאז ויותר אתרא 38 וחש פי בלד אלעגֹם וישתד גרצ$ה: ויכרג רגל מן אלמגרב 39 ויטלב מצר ויעמל חרב מע צאחב מצר וימות כלק כתיר 40 במצר וירגע באלסלאמה: ת“ם יגי צאחב אלגבל אעני אלעגמי 41 בגיוש ליכרג בהא יטלב בגדאד ויתשוש אלמלך צאחב 42 אלדולה אעני אלאבתר צאחב אלטרר ואלאכסיא באן יקעדו margin, right, and bottom) 43) תם יאתי רגל מן אלבר בגֹחפל כתיר ויכון פי בלדהם אלסיף תלתה אשהר ויכרב מדן כתירה להם ויכונו פי שדה וירתפע אלכ$בר ותשתהר אלבלאיא [ ] ויפרח אלנאס [ ] ויכרג [ ] 16 14–15 44 אלמלך ויהומו אהל אלדולה באן יגלסון עלוי ומא יתם ממא יגרי עליהם מן בלד 45 האשם ואלויל ללנאס פי איאמה מן קט 44 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

II 3 2–23 1–2 ופי תלך אלסנה יכון גלא שדיד וחסבך יא זרובבל בן שאלתיאל ° ° 3 פלמא ערפת דלך תוגהת אלי אללה מצליא ותדללת 4 קלת יא רב יא טאיק יא ראוף יא רחים יא מזיל אלבלא 5 [י]א כתיר אלמערוף יא חק יא חאפץ$ אלעהד אלדי תעהדת 6 לאברהם ויצחק ויעקב לא תנצ$ר אלי צעובה שעבך 7 [ו]לא אלי סיאתהם ואקם ועדך להם: תם אני תממת 8 צלאתי ותממרמית (!) תם קמת אלתמס אלשכץ ולם אגדה 9 פעאודת אלי אלצלוה ואלבכא ואלתצ$רע וקמת קאימא 10 פאדא בשכץ ינאדי בי ויקול קד קבלת צלותך ותמת 11 מסאלתך יא עבד צאלח הודא תסל עמא יכון והי שדה 12 כבי<ר>ה ומרה לסאמעהא פכיף למן יפאגיהא והי בעהוד 13 ומואתיק וליס פיהא חילה ממא יתם עלי שעבך פסל 14 תגאב פבכית ותצ$רעת אלי אללה וקלת ַעד ָמ ַתי פאדא 15 בשכץ יגיבני ויקול לי יא זרובבל בן שאלתיאל: תסל 16 על צרות רבות תכון פי מדה הדא אלאסבוע פשכרת 17 אללה עלי דלך פקאל לי אלסנה אלתאניה מן אלאסבוע לתתמם 18 אלסנין והי סנה ש$צ$ה$ יאתי רגל מן אלג $רב בגחפל כביר 19 יטלב מצר ואלשאם פלא יצל אלי אלשאם ויצל אלי מצר 20 ויתבת פי מצר ויכרג עליה רגל מן אלנובה בעסכר עט$ים 21 ויקתל אלנובי ורגאלה: ויכרג מן אלגבל צאחב אלעגמי 22 ויאתי בגדאד ויקתל אלמתולי אל< > בבגדאד אעני צאחב 23 אלעסכר

III 4 1 אלטר[ ]י תו[ ]רום עסאכר אלי 2 אלמוצל ותטלב אלעראק ותהרב אלי אלגבל קרדא וטברי 3 ויבנא בין פטאעי ותאדף חצנא ויכון קד אסתותק מן חלב 4 בסורין ויוקל אלמטר ותאתי אלסנה אלתי בעדהא ויכרג 5 מן אלבר רגל יגי אלי אלמוצל ויקתל מן אהלהא כלקא 6 ויגתמע אליה מן אלערב כלקא ויבלג אלי דיאר רביעה 7 ויכרג אלי בקיעה חראן ותכרג עליה עסאכר כבאר 8 מן דיאר רביעה ויסמע וירגע אלי קנטרה ראס אלעין 9 תקע אלחרוב תספך אלדמי מא לא עין ראת ולא אדן 10 סמעת וירגע אלרגל מנהזם בבלא עט$ים ותם תכרוג 11 אלרום אלי ארץֿ אלשאם ויותרו פיה אתרא וחש ויכרבו 12 ולא ירדו וגההם אחד ויטלבו אלרמלה ואלקדס מן גאנב 13 ואחד מן אלבחר פי אלשלנדיאת ויפתחו אלשאם וירגעו 14 ט$אפרין וימותו אלשיוך מנהם ואלעלמא וינחרבו אלנאס 15 וירהב אלעאלם ויכון נצף אלסנה שבע ונצפהא גֹלא ותדהב THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 45

16 אגֹרה אלאגֹיר ויג ֿדר אלאך באכיה: תם תאתי אלסנה 17 אלגֹ והי מדה צעבה פתכון כלהא מלאחם ויכון סיף 18 פי אלשרק בעץ$ בבעץ$ ויקעד כליפה ולא יתהנא 19 ויכון סיף פי אלגבאל ויכרג גֹחפל מן אלתרך ויקתל 20 מלך מן בלד גֹרגֹאן ואספהאן ויכרג $ איצ$א רגל מן 21 בלד אלחגאז ויטלב אלנהב ואלסבי ותשג ֿב אלערב בעץ עלי 22 בעץ: ואלסנה אלד$ יכרג מנהא קרמטיאן ואחד מן 23 אלמשרק ואכר מן אלמגרב ויכון מלחמתה עלי שט <אלפ> 24 אלפראה חת<י> יתקלב מא אלפראה פיציר דמא ויכרג IV

5 1 עסכר אלרום [ ] רגל מן אלעראק 2 בגחפל כביר ויטלב אל[ ] אלשרקי ויעמל מעה ג $ 3 מלאחם תם יקתל אלשרקי ומע דאך סיף אלרום מן כל 4 גאנב וישג ֿב אלנאס עלי אלסלאטין ויקטל ויטמע 5 אלצ$פר באלערב ויקעדו כליפה מן בני עלי: ø ø ø 6 ועדֿ ֹכּה סוֹ ַפה ִמ ְל ָתהֿ וְ ִבֿ ְשבֿ ָוּעה: ופיה חרגֹ פי ענק מן 7 יכשף הדא אלכתאב אלי אחד מן אומות העולם: ובעד 8 דלך תוגהת אנא זרובבל וצלית וקלת יסאל עבדך אנא 9 למולאה: פקאל ממא תסל פקלת לה ִוב ַא ֻחִרית ַמ ְל ֻכ ָותם 10 ְכ ָה ֵתם הפוֹ ְש ִעים: פאגאבני וקאל לי יא זרבבל בן 11 שאלתיאל פי גמלה מא בקי מן אלסנין אלמחדודה 12 יט$הר פיהם רגל מן אלמג ֿרב מן בני קטורה ויאתי 13 אלי דמשק בעד חרב יעמל במצר ויכונו 14 תחת ידה מדה ויקים בדמשק תם יכרג מן אלשרק 15 רגל יטלבה ויגי אלי דמשק פי אלבר ויקע חרבא 16 כתירא וירגע אלי אלשרקי וויל אהל דמשק מנה 17 באנה יכון סבב כראבהא תם יקתל עלי בעץ ויכרג 18 ללרום גֹ עסאכר ואחד פי אלבחר וואחד פי אלבר ואלאכר 19 פי אלגֹבל ותרכב תלאתתהא ויקאתלון אלעלוי פי כארג 20 בגדאד ויל אמתך מן אהל ביתה: ויט$הר רגל 21 מן שט אלבחר מן חדוד אלבצרה אלי בגדאד באלסיף

V 6 1 [ויקים פיהא יום ויכרג] יטלב דיאר רביעה 2 ויכרג עליה רגל מן חדוד אלמוצל ויקתל אלמתולי 3 ופי דלך אלאיאם ימלך ארץ$ אלקדס רג $ל אסוד עבד 4 אלויל ללנאס פי אול מלכה וטוב/א/ להם פי וסט מלכה 5 ויכון מלוך אלנאס פי דלך אלזמאן אלנסא ואלעביד 6 ואלכדם וכל דועאהא ידברון אלמלוך: תם יאתי 46 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

7 רגל מן כראסאן וויל לנאס איאמה לאנה לא יטלב 8 [א]מואל ואנמא יטלב אלנאס ואלנפס וידכל אלי בגדאד 9 ויקתל צאחב אלכרסי ויצעד אלאסאמה וימלך 10 עלוי: לאן קד הרבו אהל אלדיאר מן ידה ותנצרו 11 וצאר דינהם ודין אלרום ואחד: תם יכרג רגל מן 12 בלדה קרח ויאתי אלי בגדאד ויקעד עלוי: ותקע 13 אלמלאחם פי דלך אלוקת ויקתל אלעגמי ויאתי אלעגמי 14 אלבחר אלי חדוד אלשאם וינקץ מא אלפראה ותט$לם 15 אלשמס ותקל וימסח אלפראת וינצבט פיה כרם < > 16 ויכון אלסלטאן כראב ויגד סנן <לם> תכון ויאתי אלמקרן 17 אלי מצר ויכרוג עליה צאחב אלשאם ויקאתלה במצר 18 ותכון מקתלה עט$ימה אלדי תנבו עליהא אלאנביא 19 ויכלץ אלשעב אלצ$עיף ותגי אלרום אלי מצר 20 ויקע בהא קתל אן כתיר תם יגלס אלמקרן ב[מצר?] 21 פיסומהם סום אלעדאב כמא קאלת אלאנביא ויכו[ן] (margin) (1) לאן קד הרבו אהל אלדיאר מן ידה ותנצרו וכי דלך אלאיאם ימלך ארץ אלקדס (2) וצאר דינהם (the rest is illegible) (bottom) אלויל ללנאס (in continuation) פי וסט מלכה ויכון מלוך אלנאס פי דלך אלזמאן....

VI 8 20–1 1 וימלך להם מלך יחב אלנסא [ ] ולא יכון [ ] מלך 2 לבני האשם מלכא אכתר סנין מנה ויתמתעון עליה 3 סנין כתירה ויט$הר פי אול מלכה [ ] עאלם 4 כתירה פי אלשאם מן אלבל[איא] אלסיף עאלם 5 מן אלנאס [ ]ו סמרה מן אולאד 6 אל [ י]רגע מן אלמשרק ואלגבל ויקלבה 7 [ ] אלאקלים יערף בגונבה 8 [ ] גונבה והי תערף [ ] מתגירה מן סנאן 9 בני האשם ויותר [ ] אתרא סונגא תם ינפד 10 אלי טריק מכה ויקתל [ ] ויסתאסר מתל דלך 11 ולא יקאומה אחד [ ית]שוש אלמלך ואהל אלעראק 12 יכונו פיה [ ] תם יע[ר]ף אמת[ ] ימלך שט אלפראה 13 ויאתי אלי מדינה יקאל להא אלרחבה ויעקד גסר וימלכהא 14 וימר מצארבה פיהא ויסמעון אלמאלכין אלבלדאן בה 15 ויהאבוה אלכלק תם יסיר אלי מדינה יקאל להא אלרקה והי 16 דקיקה אלבשר ויפתחהא תם יאכד אסמ[ ] יקתל פיהא 17 ויקע פי רגאלה ג $פלה וית[ ] אלאמר אכוה מן בעדה > 18 וירגע אלי בלדה ויבקי אלמ[ ] עליה פי בלדה [ ] דיארה THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 47

19 דראריה אלי אכר מלך אלשאם: ופי סנין הדא אלמלך יכון 20 רגל כאדם 14 ע"א 21 מן אולאד אלאצפר אעני רום ידבר מלך [ ] 22 ויודבר מלוך אלרום בעקלה ולא יכתר אלסין: פי מ[ 23 בינהם תם פי יפסך הדא אלכאדים עלא מולאנ[א] 24 ויכרג $ מן אלעראק בגחפל כתירה ויטלב דיאר אל 25 רביעה ויקים בהא ובארץ אלמוצל תם ירגע 26 אלא עראק ויקתל מולאה ויכתר אלבלאיא פי ארץ$ 27 אלעראק ויכון מדה אלמלך כ$ה$ סנ[ה] ולא יכון ללערב 28 מן ימלך מתל הדא תם ימלך אכר ו[ליס] י[ט]ול בהא 29 אלמולכ ויכון צארמא ויקתל צגֹאדיד אלמלוך ואמ(!) 30 ואמר<א>הם ויקתל אלכאדים מע דלך ויהדא אלעאלם 31 קליל תם ימלך להא מלכא צעיפא מדבר ופי אי(!) 32 איאמה ת<ק>ע אלפתן פי בלד אלעגם ויכלב אלנאס 33 אצחאב אלאכסיא ואלזובינאת והם אצחאב 34 אלשמסאת אעני גזֹה$ פי וסט רוסהם והם יוערפון 14 ע"ב 35 ב[צנ]ף גוג ומגוג והם גאל ויפתחון מדן פי אלגבל 36 ותנתקל אהלהא אלדי פי ארץ אלשאם ויכרבון אלשמאל 37 כלה ולא יקא<ו>מהם אחד תם יאתי אליהם קום 38 אצחאב אלטראטא ושער אלקפא ויכון יחאצרון 39 מודה תם יקתל בעצהם לבעץ מוליא ויכרג בגחפל 40 כביר ויטלב בגדאד ויפתחהא וידבר אלמלוך סנינא 41 ו[יכ]לע מלך ו[י]קעד מלכא ואלויל לאהל אלעראק פי 42 איאמה פ[תכר]ג עסאכר פי איאמה ותכרב מדן כתי(!) 43 כתירה ומדינה יקאל להא קליקיל והי קליקלא לא תכרב והי 44 מן פתח אלבליא עלי אלאסלם(!) ובעד דלך יטלב 45 הדא אלרגול דיאר אלרביעה ועלאמה הדא אלרגול 46 יכון דמימא כפיף אלעארצין קליל אלשער צגיר אל 47 עינין כביר אלקלב שגאע לא יבלי מן לקי עג[מי] אל 48 לסאן ועלאמה צאחיב דיאר אלרביעה רגל 7 19–24 49 תאם חסן אלעינין חסן אלשער אקרע אלראס מעלול אלידין 50 ואלרגלין ואפר אלעקל כתיר אלפהם יכון לה אכוה ולא יבקי 51 אלא ואחד ואלויל לאהל אלשאם מן הדא מן אלואחד ואלויל 52 לאהל דיאר רביעה מן אלאקרע ותם יאתי אלעגמי 53 אלי דיאר ויטלב צאחבהא ויפלת ויקום בהא איאמא תם 54 ירגע אלי בגדאד וירגע צאחב דיאר רביעה אלי מכאנה

VII 2 1–19 1 יצעד אלעגמי מן בגדאד ויטלב דיאר רביעה יעני אלעראק 2 אלי מדינה פי אלשמאל והי מיפארקין תם אלי מדינה חלב 48 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

3 והי ממלכה אכוה תסתקע אלצולה פימא בינהם וירגע 4 אלעגמי אלי בגדאד וירגע אלאקרע אלי דיאר רביעה: 5 ועלאמה אלרגל אלעגמי גסים אבתר אליד כביר אלקלב 6 כאלב אלבטן גני אלנפס סכף אלדין ליס לה מדהב פי איאמה 7 ימלך אכו הדא אלאקרע בלד אלשאם ויעמל מלאחם 8 באלשאם מע צאחב מצר ויבלג אלי חדוד אלרמלה וי[כרג] 9 אליה צאחב מצר ויחארבה פתכון אלגלבה עליה דפעת[ין] 10 וירגע מהזום וימות צאחב מצר וידפן בארץ$ אלשאם 11 והדא עלאמתהמא: אדא חסבת לקבה אלמערוף 12 ב$ד$ אחרף באלגמטריא וגדתתה (!) יכרג בעדד אסם פרעה 13 פהאדא אסם אלרגל אלמדכור וכדלך אדא חסב לקב הדא 14 אלרגל אלמקים לה ונקץ מן אלעדד ב$ פהו אלי וחדה עלאמתה 15 נקץ מן אלחסאב באלי אן דאך ארפע דרגֹה מנה ולא ימלך לה 16 ולד בעינה והדא עלי אנה ידבר מלכה והו קליל יציר בעדהם 17 ופי דלך אלזמאן ירגע צאחב חלב אלי מכאנה ולא יכון לה 18 קראר מן כתרה חרובו(!) יעמל <פ> פי בלד אלרום ויהלך אלעאלם 19 עלי <ס> ידה: ø

VIII 9 1 תם יקתל אלעגמי עלי יד אל[ אל]נאס תם יטלב צאחב דיאר 2 רביעה בגדאד <ויד> וידכלהא ויקים בהא תם יתזעזע עלי ִה 3 אלכרסי ויכרג עלי שט אלפראה תם יצעד אלי צאחב אלעגם 4 מן בגדאד עלי דגלה ויכחל צאחב אלכרסי וינחדר אלמכחול 5 פי אלפראה תם יגלס מלכא אכר פי מכאן אלאול תקע אלפתן 6 פי אלעאלם ותכון [מלא]חם כבאר מע צאחב אלעגמי וצאחב 7 דיאר רביעה וינהזם אלעגמי ויכחל ויטלב אכו אלאקרע אלשאם 8 ויפתח באלסיף וינחדר אלאקרע אלי אלעראק ויקים בהא ויאתי 9 רגל מן אלגבאל אלדי פתח אלגבאל ויטלבה בבגדאד ויקים עלי 10 באב בגדאד זמאן ועלאמה רגאלה יכונון אצחאב אלאכסיה 11 ואלזופינאת ואלחראב ואלתראס והם אצחאב אלשמסאת 12 עגם אלאלסאן והם אלרביעה וצאחבהם אבתר ופי תלך אלאיאם 13 יכון גלא שדיד <ותאכלון> // ויאכלון אלנאס אולאדהם ויפתקר אלכלק 14 וימות אכתר אלנאס ותרתפע אלאמאנאת ויקל תמן אלעקאר 15 ותכרב כתיר מן אלמדן ויקע באלנאס ת<דעמ>ד תחיר וינתקלון 16 מן מואטנהם וימלך אלעגמי בגדאד ויסתן בסנן אלאשראף 17 ולא יכון לה דין צחיח: ופי תלך אלאיאם יעדל פי אהל 18 אלעראק ויכון אלנאס מעה פי עיש הני ודלך פי סנה ת$ע$ז $ ופי 19 דאלך אלזמאן ירגע צאחב אלדיאר ויבסט ידה עלי אלגני 20 ואלפקיר ויפקר אלנאס וידעא עליה ולא יסתגאב פיה THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 49

21 וימהלה אללה ויגעל קות אלנאס תחת ידה ויקול אלדי//הו// יגלי 22 והו אלדי ירכץ: ויכון סבב כראב דיאר רביעה עלי ידיה 23 ופי דלך אלזמאן יאתי אלרום אלי מדינה יקאל להא אלר“הא 24 ותפתח ויעטי אלאמאן //אלאמאן// בעד דלך באכדהם מן מאלהא תם

IX 11 1 וח[ ]ה ושרה בשרהא למועד וחדה פחצל אנה 2 ט$ אשהר ומועדים יֹח$ שהר וחצי ארבעה אשהר 3 ונצף יכון אלכל אחד ותלאתין שהרא ונצף והדה 4 תכון ובה אלעלם ויסוס אלנאס פיהא סוס אלעדאב 5 [ ] כלאיק מן אלנאס יקתלון אנפסהם ויכרגון מן 6 אדיאנהם וכלק יהדבון וליס יכון לאחד מהדב מן 7 סונה לאנה יגעל אלרגל ואלמרה ואלולד עביד לה[ם] 8 ולא ירחם ולא ישפק ויגעל אלדין ואחד ויעטל אלצום 9 ואלצלאה ואלתורה ואלסבת ואלאעיאד ולא יקול בשי 10 ויגזר עלי אלנאס גזירות וחשה וימלך ולא יקאומה 11 אחד פי מדה אלאחד ותל [אתין] שהרא ונצף ויכון 12 עלאמה דלך אלוקת [ ] ויחצד קליל 13 ויאכלון אלנאס ולא ישבעון [ ]ון ולא יס[ ]ון וימחק 14 אללה אלכסב ויכונו אלנאס [ ] קד [ ] אלסבע 15 פלך אלדב ומן איש דלך מן אלטוב [ ] איאם 16 והלך הדא אלרגל יכרג רגל מן אלרום ומע[ה] גחפל כביר 17 וימלך בשדה סיפה ויגתמע אליה מן סאיר אלאדיאן 18 [ ] צאחב גוג ומגוג וימלך ט$ אשהר וידעי אנה 19 אלמשיח ויעמל איאת כתירה ומן בעץ עלאמאתה 20 אנה [ ]דו פיסבק אלשמס מן אלמשרק אלי אלמגרב 21 וינזל אלי אלבחר ויצטאד חייתאן אחדהא פי עין 22 אלשמס ויטרח לעסאכרה ויאכלון ויאתי מנה אלקביח 23 ויטלב אלאמה אלדלילה ויהלך כלאיק ויאתי משיח בן יוסף 24 ומולדה פי אלבחר ותרביתה פי אלחגאז ויאתי אלי בעץ 25 גזא [ ]

X 12 1 פיגתמע אליה גֹמע כביר מן יש$ מן בלד אלחגאז ואלימן 2 ויכרג רגל מן שט אלבחר בגחפל כביר פיאתי אלי מן יקול 3 בעלי ויהלכה תם יאתי אלרומי והו ארמליוס פיאתי אליה 4 הדא אלרג $ל והו אלספיאני הו אשד אלרג$אל יעמלון מלחמה 5 פי בקעה עכא אלי אן יכוץ$ אלפרס אלי כטמה פי אלדם תם ידהב 6 אלספיאני אלי דמשק ויגי בן יוסף בעד דלך וידכל אלי 7 ירושלם וישראל מעה תם יאתי ארמליוס ויקאתל בן יוסף 50 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

8 פיקתל בן יוסף וכלאיק מן ישראל ואלבאקין יהרבו אלי מדבר 9 העמים ויבקון מֿה יומא תם ירחם אללה אלעאלם ויקע באל 10 נאס גפלה כבירה וקום מנהם ירגעון אלי בלד אלרום וקום 11 ימרון אלי מצר ויהלכון האולי והאולי לפיקא גמיעא 12 ויבקא ארמליוס פי ירושלם ויטהר משיח בן דויד פי 13 אלבר לישראל ולא יצדקון ישראל אנה בן דויד פיטהר להם 14 ג עלאמאת אחדהא יחיי אלמותי להם משיח בן יוסף ואלקתלי 15 ואלתאניה ירד אלשמס מן אלמשרק אלי אלמגרב ואלתאלתה 16 ילען ארמליוס ויקתלה ויטהר אליה נור מן אלסמא ויקתל 17 בה [ ]יעה מן גוג ומגוג והי סבעין לסאן ומן 18 ש[ ] גבל אלזיתון וידכל אלמהדי והו משיח 19 בן דויד ומעה קום מן ישראל אלי בלד אלרום ויקתל אללה 20 [עז] וגל [ כלא]יק מנהם מקתלה עטימה ויקלב אללה 21 אנהארהם אלי אן תציר זפת וארצהא כברית 22 וי[ ]אנהם ליל ונהאר ולא ינקטע וירגע משיח 23 בן ד[ויד אלי ירושלם] ֹויטהר נהרא כבירא ואשגאר לא 24 תנקטע תמארהא ציף ושתא פי כל שהר ֹויטהר 25 אללה נהרא פי אלקדס ויט$הרו שבעה רועים ושמנה 26 נסיכים ואלאבא ויטהר אללה תעֿ פי קדסה ויאתון 27 גמיע אלמלל ליבצרון נור קדס רב אלעאלמין ולא יבקא 28 מנהם אחד חתי יגֹאב אלי דאר אלסלאם ויחיי אללה אלמותי

XI 10 ע"א 1 ואלמלך יכרג מן בלדה אלי בלד 2 אכר ויגלט אלקום ויאכד מלך מן 3 אלמלוך שביה אלגנון ואלוסואס או 4 עלה מפסדה ללגסם פי אלעקל 5 ותכתר אלאמראץ$ וכאצה פי אלשיוך 6 ויקע פי סמך אלבחר עלה ותסלם 7 אלבהאים מן אלמות ויקל אלזית 8 ואלעציר ויכתר אלעסל ואללה 9 אעלם בגיבה אלדאלי 10 אדא כאן אלקמר פי ברג 11 אלדאלי יום כ$ה$ מן אביב 12 פאנה ידל עלי חבוב אריאח מן 13 נאחיה אלימן ותכון מן אלשמאל 14 איצ$א ויכון ברדא שדידא ואלחר 15 שדיד ואלהוי בכמא ותמטר אלסמא 16 ג סאעאת ואלנגום צאפייה 10 ע"ב 17 ויכון מבארכא ואלערב ולצוץ THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 51

18 ואלקיטאע פי אלטבקאת יכתרון 19 וישתד אלמסבא ויגרק כתיר 20 מן אלמסאפרין ואלאדייה 21 כתירה ויהלך כלק כתיר לשד/ת/הא 22 וכתרתהא ואדא מצא מן אלסנה 23 דֿ אשהר ילחק אלמלך כוף וולי 24 עהדה ויסקט אלחואמל אכתר 25 חמלהם ותכון רגפה יפסד פיהא 26 בעץ$ בלדאן אלשאם ואעמאל 27 מצר ויכון בהא צולמא ואכד 28 מאל עצ$ים ותט$הר אלרום פי 29 אלבחר ואלזית ירבח פיה 30 ואלגמאל ואלבקר מודבחה 31 ואלחבוב תגלו מן בעד תות 32 ובאביה יֹא שהר פיסתקבלה ....

XII a19 1 כל השומע הזכרת השם מפי חבירו ואינו 2 מקללו הוא עצמו יהא בנידויי> 3 כל השומע הזכרת השם מפי חבירו ואינו 4 מקללו הוא עצמו יהא בנידויי b 1 בשם גלי רזים 2 [אנא] זרובבל בן שאלתיאל כנת קאים עלי שט נהר 3 [אלמ]לך עלי אקלים בבל פאנפתחת לי אבואב 4 [אלס]מא פאדא בצות ינאדי בי פמדדת טרפי 5 [ ]ת אלי שכץ קאים והו יקול יאזרובבל סאל 6 [ ] פצלית וסאלת מן אנת פקאל לי אנא מיטט[רון] 7 [מיטט]רון שר השרים פשכרת אללה וקלת יא רב 8 [ ]א לעבדה פקאל סאל [ ] פקלת 9 [ ] קץ הפ[לא]ות פקאל [ ] תכון תע[ ] 10 [ ]וקת ואב[ ]א [ ] פקלת יערפ[ני] 11 [ ] הדא ענד [ ] אנה צ[ ] 12 [ ] האשם והודא אערפך סריא 13 [ ] אעלם יאזרובבל אן לא יתם מלך 14 האשם [ ]יתה וינדרס מלך אלכוף והו מלך 15 [ימ]לכהם ש$ס$ סנה מן תעביר סנינהם 16 [ ] מקבלא ר$פ$ה$ סנה ֹ תם ימלך רגל 17 [ ] מא מן בני האשם ֹ כפיף אלרכאב 52 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

18 [ ]עה אלכלק .ויכון אהל אלגבל ואלסהל 19 [ ] ואלבר ואלבחר יטיעוה ויבסט ידה עלי אלכלק 20 [ ] אלכיר ויוגהה [ ] ותכון אלעדאלה 21 [ ] איאמה ואלנצפה ויכרג פי איאמה 22 [ ] אדם [ ] ויתר פי ארץ$ אלעראק אתרא 23 [ ]גא ויט$פר בה 24 ויקתל ופי ר$צ$ה$ סנה ימלך [ ] בידה יכון [ ]ב 25 [ ] ויכון קד מלך בבל [ ] 26 [ י]מלך אכתר סנין סנא ויכון [ ] (some words, whose reading is unclear) 27

variae versiones to I

4 15 ותובנא אלכראיב ותכרב אלעמראן; 5 15 עלי אביה ואלבנת עלי אמהא; 6 15 ויכון אלעאמי יאמר באלבאטל; 7 15 וכדלך אלאמה, deest; 8 15 בעא שי; 9 15 לא יסתופי; איאה, deest. ומן אודע ודיעה לא תועד אליה 10 15 תלך אלסנה; מראכב ללרום ותגנם 11 15 והי תכון מפתח אלבלא; 12–13 15 והדא כלה יאזרבבל יכון עלמה פי תלך אלסנין פתביין דלך ואערפה 14–15 15 פבכית אנא בן שאלתיאל, חסר; תם מדדת טרפי אלי אלסמא, deest. 15 15 ותדרעת בין ידי אללה עז וג ֿ; ינאדי; 16–17 15 תאמר עבדך אן יתכלם; פקאל לי מא אחבבת 18 15 מא הודא אקול לך; 19 15 סנה ג ֿ ונ ֿ ושֿ למלך אלערב; ויגתמעון עסכר 20–22 15 יטלבון אלעדו ויגחפון אלי סיף אלדולה ויכונו מע[ה] וינצרוהו ויקאתלו מעה ויטלב אן יזאל מן מוצ$עה 23 15 ולא יתם לה דלך תם תובנא חלב ויצ$הר רגל פי בלד פורס 24 15 פתוח כבאר ויצ$הר 25 15 ויבלג עסכרה אלי וסט 26 15 אדום. ויבלג עסכרה אלי וסט בלד <אלשאם> אלאסלאם 27–28 16 ומן מדינה אלי מדינה; ומן מוצע אלי מוצע; אנפסהם ואמואלהם; 29 16 בעד פתח אלעדו; 30 16 יתצל אלרום ללערב ויצרבו אלנאס; 31 16 וידעו אללה עז וגל ויסמע אללה; 32 16 ויצהר עלאמה פי אלסמא; 34 16 ויכרג רגל מן בלד אלכזר בעסכר כביר יט$לב אלרום ויטפר בהם ויקים אלסייף יעמל כי אלעדו ג' שהור; 37–38 16 ויצ$הר רגל; מן בלד אלחגאז, deest; אתראת אלוחשה ויקתל אלרגול וימלך רגל מן אלעגם וישתד גדא; 39–40 16 וינצב אלחרב; ויקתל כלק עצים ויתכלץ אלמגרבי סאלם; 40 16 תם יגמע אלעגמי גיש כביר יטלב ידכל בגדאד ומא יתם לה שי ויפתקד צאחב אלכרסי בבגדאד 45 3 אלעלוי ולא יתם לה דלך; בני האשם וויל אלנאס פי איאמה מן אלשדאיד ואלגֹור ומא לא יחבה אללה.

to II

1–2 16 אלסנה אלתי כאן פיהא הדה אלעלאמאת כלהא; וגוע כביר (an incomplete version is found also in 13); 3–4 16 תוגהת אלי אלקבלה; ותדרעת(!) ותחננת בין ידי אללה עז וגל וקולת יארחמן; יאטאיל ואמחל אלבלאיא; 5 16 יא כביר באלמערפה THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 53

יאוסע אלרחמה אחפץ$ אלעהד אלדי קטעת מע; 7 16 ולא אלי מא גרי מנהם ואנקצהם מן שדתהם וקים בעהדך ותפעל אלדי ועדת לאבאהם ולא תגעלהם לאסתיצאל יארב אלעאלמין; 8 16 צלאתי ותסביחי; ולם אנצרה פדעות; 12 16 כיף למן ישאהדהא; 13–14 16 סל ען מא הודא תריד פבכית בוכא שדיד וקולת יא סידי עד מתי קץ הפלאות. 16 17 תכון פי תמאם הדא אלאסבוע; 17 17 אעלם אן אל סנה אלתאניה; לתמאם; 18 17 ... סנה למולך אלאסלאם והי תכון סנה הֿ ונ ֿ ושֿ יכרג מן ... אלמגרב רגול בגיש כביר 19 17 ויספך דם כתיר ויקתל צאחב מצר ויכון הוא(!) פי מכאנה במצר; 20 17 בעסכר כביר; 21–22 17 ויוקתל הוא(!) וגישה ויצ$הר אלעגמי מן אלגבל ויזחף אלי בגדאד וידכלהא תם יקתל צאחב כרסי בגדאד.

to III

1–2 17 ויכרג בעסכר כביר אלי אלמוצל יטלב אלאקרע ויתקדם אלי אלגבל באקרדא ובא והא 3 17 ויבנא בין בזאעה ותאדי; 4–5 17 ויקל אלמטר פי תלך אלסנה ותדכל אל סנה; יצ$הר פיהא רגל מן אלבריה אלי אלמוצל ויוקתל מן אהל אלמוצל כלק עצ$ים ויזחף אלי דיאר רביעה; 7 17 ויאתי אלי בקעה חראן; 9 17 מא לא תטיק אלעיון תנט$רה מן כתרתה 10–11 17 וירגע אלרגל מן תמה בכבלה כבירה מונהזם באקי(?) .... בעד דלך יכרג רגל מן בלד אלרום בגיש כביר אלי ארץ אלשאם ויתר פיהא אתאראת וחשה ויכרג פיה מודן כתירה מן אלעמא; 12–14 17 מן אלבחר; תם יפתחון אלשאם צ$אפרין ויבידו אלשיוך ואלעלמא וינהבטון אצחאב אלתורה; 15–16 17 ויפנון אצחאב אלעלם ויתלפו .... ויסתכף אלולד באביה 18 17 כליפה, חסר; ויגלס ולא יתהנא ויקע אלסיף פי גבל כראסאן 19–21 17 ויכרג עסכר מן אלתרך ויקתל כלק כתיר פי בלד גרגאן ואספהאן ויצ$הר רגל מן אלחג ֿאז יטלב אלנהב; 21–23 18 יכרג ֿ מנהא קרמיטין ואחד מן אלשרק ואכ$ר מן אלגרב 24 18 אלפראת

to IV

2–4 18 מעה תלת מלאחם ויוקתל אלמגרבי; סיף אלעדו יעמל מן כל גאנב; אלסלאטין; 5 18 יסמע אלעדו באלערב; ויגלסון כליפה מן בני עלי; 6 18 ופיה חרב ובאלהי ישראל ושבועת שמים פי ענק; 7 18 לגוי או לאחד מן אומות העולם; 8–9 18 כרת עלי אלארץ$ סאגדא וקומת אצלי; וקלת יאסידי יסאל עבדך יאמולאי; ובאחרית מלכותם כהתם הפושעים; 11–12 18 פי גפלה מא בקי מן אלסנין אלמחדודה אלתי ללערב סנין אלמלך; 13 18 בעד חרב יקע במצר ויכונו אלדמה תחת ידה; תם יקום תם; 15 18 ויזחף אליה אלי דמשק; ויקע בינהם חרב; 16 18 ויקתל אלמגרבי ויגלס אלמשרקי בדמשק; 17–18 18 ויקתל אלמשרקי עלי יד בעץ$ רגאלה ויכרג ללעדו ג $ עסאכר; 19 18 ויקתל אלעלוי אלדי אקעד כליפה בגדאד וימלך גירה מן אהל ביתה

to V

7–8 18 מא יטלב סוא אלנפוס; 9–12 18 ויסעד; וימלך רגל אן עלוי ויצהר רגל מן אלגרב (?) לה קרנין; ויגלס עלוי; 13 18 ויקתל אלעגמי ויאתי אלמקרן אלי חדוד 54 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

אלשאם; 14–15 18 ינקץ מא אלפראת ויזרע פיה זרע וינצב פיה כרם; 16 18 ויגדד עלי אלנאס סונן לם תכון ויזחף אלמקרן אלי מצר.

to VI

21 8 מן אולאד אלצ$[.... 22 8 וידבר .... בחסן סירה וגודה באחסן .... לא יבדל אל סיף פי .... בינהם ... אלרום .... וסט ... כתירה כבאר ומדן כתירה תכרב 23 8 תם יעצו הדא אלכאדם עלא מולאנ[א] ויכרג אלי בלד אלעראק בגחפל כביר ויבלג אלי דיאר רביע 25 7 ויקום בהם וירגע אלי אלמוצל; from "ויקתל" to "אלעראק", deest; 27 7 ויכון אמרה הדא אלמלך כ$ה$ סנה; 29 7 צג $אדיר ואמרא; 31 7 ימלך להם מלוך אעדא (?); 33 7 [אצחאב] אלשמס יעני אלדוראת אלתי פי וסט רוסהם 35–36 7 [ויפ]תחו מדן פי אלגבל וינתקלון אהלהא אלי ארץ$ אלשאם 38–39 7 אצחאב טרד; ויעינהם מדה וינהזם ויקם למולאה; 40 7 וידבר אלנאס סנין; 42–44 7 ויכרגון אלרום פי איאמה ויסבון מדן כתירה; ומדינה יקאל להא קליקאלה תכרב והי מן פתוח אבואב אלשר ואלבלא; 46 7 קליל אלשטר; 47–48 7 מא לקי; והדה עלאמאת צאחב דיאר רביע.

TRANSLATIONS

(1) Interest and corruption and moral deterioration will increase and men will cohabit with men and women with women, (2) and the young man will turn gray before his time; and the number of bath houses will increase and the houses of the heretics will be built (3) in the graves, that is mosques, and (people) will allow themselves to uncover (4-5) the dead (from their graves); the ruins will be built up and the buildings will be ruined. The lies of the regime will increase in number. A son will lie to his father and a daughter to her mother (6) and the members of one’s own household will be one’s enemies. A man of the mob will decide what is reasonable and the notable will not (7) be able to speak. The slave will rule and the master will be humiliated, and similarly, the maid servant (will rule). (8) He who sells his estates will not be disappointed and the purchaser (of the land) will not

I. 2. Wa-yashÌab (reading uncertain) means to become pale; perhaps wa-yashab was meant, to become white-haired. 4. See above, 16. 5-9. Cf. Pirqe hekhalot rabbati, xxxiv: “The first bad decree is like displacing mountains. Whoever has a son, it is a son who denies his father, whoever has a field denies his field”; cf. above, 16, 26, 40. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 55 be happy. He who lends (9) a sum of money will not be repaid and he who makes a deposit will worry when he wishes to retrieve it. (10) In that year the Byzantine ships will set sail for booty (11) and great disasters will happen as a result. Woe to the people of al-Sham because of this, but the people of (12) Iraq and Media will be exempt from this. This, oh Zerubbabel, (13) is what will be in those years. We have told you, and you should know it. (14) Then I cried, I the son of Shealtiel, with bitter tears, and then I turned my gaze (15) heavenward and I prayed and entreated. And lo here is a man who calls (16) me and says to me: What are you crying about? I told him: Oh my lord (17) I the servant will ask (17) my master. Then he said: Ask and you will be answered. I said to him: What (18) will be the end of it all? He said to me: This is the beginning of the suffering and disasters, that is what I say (19) to you; because in the year 353 there will be conflicts in the world and armies will gather (20) from al-Sham and from Egypt, and set out against the armies that… (21) [he who] holds sway over the worship site in order to defeat him (22) and they behave deceitfully regarding him and demand… (23) But they will not succeed in this and the worship site will be built. (A man) will appear… (24) and he will achieve conquests in the land of Khurasan… (25) in Sarandib and he will conduct extensive sea battles… (from the land) (26) of Edom up into the area of the Arabs and the desert, until the seashores. (27) And the warfare will spread out from land to land and from village to village (28) and from mountain to mountain and the people will despair of their properties. Afterwards the people will have a respite, (29) after the conquests of the Byzantines in Media, where it bor- ders Diyar Rabi{a, (30) and from the desert and the seashores… of the Ar- abs; then the Arabs will enter the houses (31) and they will pray… and god (will hear) their prayers. And afterward, in the year (32) 354… in what bor- ders the Maghrib… (33) up to Media… and in the night… this sign, will refuse… (34) (to) the Byzantines… and a man of the Khazars, an Edomite (will go out) to them… and (the people) will be (35) …frightened, for three months, and many of their cities will be destroyed (36) and they will be… in the land, and they will be separated… (37) and a man will get out form the land of Îijaz and do terrible things (38) in the land of Persia and his appetite will increase. And a man will go out of the Maghrib (39) to attack

21. Li-yanÒiÌuhu, here the root is Hebrew, nÒÌ. 22. Cf. above, 27, and the parallel version, below. 23-24. Cf. above, 36f. 26. Edom is Byzance. 32. AH 354 = 7.I.965-27.XII.965. 34. See above, 31f., 41f., and the parallel version. 56 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

Egypt and wage war against the ruler of Egypt and many people will die (40) in Egypt, and he will return in peace. Afterwards, the ruler of the mountain, that is the Persian, (41-42) will arrive with armies with whom he will set out to attack Baghdad; then the king, the ruler of the country, that is the cripple, will be greatly alarmed by the people of the (tall) turbans and the garments, who will halt… (43 and margins) then a man will come from the desert with a vast army and lay the land to the sword, three months, and many of their cities will be destroyed and there will be great distress and the notice will be spread and the catastrophes will be divulged… and the people will be happy… and the king will leave (44) and the governing people will decide to appoint a {Alawid, but they will not succeed because of what will happen to them due to the land of (45) Hashim, and woe to the people during his days, anyone who only…

(1-2) In that year there will be a severe drought; is this enough for you Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel? (3) When I found out about this, I turned to God in prayer and pleaded (4) and I said: Oh Lord, Oh the omnipotent, benefi- cent God, Oh the compassionate, Oh who prevents disaster (5) Oh full of grace, Oh the true one, Oh who preserves the covenant You made (6) with Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, You do not look at the anguish of your people (7) nor to their troubles; fulfill your covenant with them; and then I finished (8) my prayer and I prostrated myself (on the ground); after that I stood up and searched for the man, but I did not find him. (9) And I re- turned to my prayers, crying, and supplications. Then I stood up (10) and lo there was a man who called out to me and said: I accepted your prayer and fulfilled (11) your wishes, Oh righteous servant. Now you ask about what will be. There will be great distress, (12) bitter for whoever will hear it, all

42. Cf. above, 22, 23, 24, 34. 45. Cf. above, 32. Margin: jaÌfal, an army, or an army unit, apparently in common use in Northern Iraq, as the author never uses jaysh, or jund.

II. 1. Ghala’ indeed means dearth; but in medieval Arabic and in Judaeo-Arabic it is used to mean a drought. This is the case in Abu’l-FatÌ. See the Levi-Rubin edition, p. 214 of the MS, line 7, which has: ‘rise in prices’, which does not reflect the gravity of the situation. 2. See above, 25. .ותרמית He intended to write .8 12. The resh in kabira was skipped. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 57 the more so for those to whom it will befall; but this (is contained) in cov- enants (13) and agreements and there is nothing to prevent what will happen to your people; therefore ask (14) and I will answer you. Then I cried and pleaded with God and I said: For how long. And behold (15) someone answers me and says: Oh Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel: You ask (16) about many terrible things that will happen during this week. Then I thanked (17) God for this and then he said: the second year in the week of (18) the end of the years, which will be the year 355: a man will come from the west with a large army (19) to attack Egypt and al-Sham, but he will not reach al-Sham but (only) Egypt (20) and will halt in Egypt. A man from the land of the Nubians will advance against him with an immense army; (21) and the Nubian and his soldiers will be killed. Then the Persian ruler (22) will set out from the mountain and arrive in Baghdad and kill the person in charge of Baghdad, that is, the commander (23) of the army…

III

(1) …(from) the Byzantines, armies (will go) to (2) Mosul, to attack Iraq and will escape to the mountains of the Kurds and the ™abaris; (3) and a fortress will be built between Fa†a{i and Tadif; before that he will have built a fortification of two walls in Aleppo. (14) Rain will be diminished. And the next year will arrive and then a man will set out (5) from the desert and come to Mosul and kill people of its inhabitants; (6) and he will be joined by people from among the Arabs and he will reach Diyar Rabi{a (7) and go to the Valley of Îarran. And great armies from Diyar Rabi{a will attack him (8); and he will hear (about this) and return to the bridge at Ra’s al- {ayn. (9) Battles will be fought and there will be bloodshed such as no eye has seen and no ear (10) has heard. And the man will return and flee in immense debacle. After that the Byzantines (11) will set out toward the land of al-Sham and will wreck great havoc and destruction there; (12) and no one will be able to stand up to them. They will launch an assault on Ramla

15. Cf. above, 15. .AH 355, 28.XII.965-16.XII.966 ,שנה The correct year should have been .18 21. Cf. above, 39. 23. Cf. above, 23.

III. 2. Note the distinction between the north (al-Jazira, Diyar Rabi{a), and Iraq. 4. Cf. above, 16, 37. 8. Cf. above, 24, 27. 12. Cf. above, 30, 33. 58 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC and Jerusalem from one direction (13) from the sea, in their shalandiyyas and they will conquer al-Sham and return (14) as victors. And their elders and scholars will die, people will quarrel (15) and be terrified. For a half year there will be enough to eat and for half a year there will be drought; and the wage of the wage earner will disappear (16) and brother will betray brother. Afterwards the third year (17) will come, which will be a difficult time because everything will be engulfed in war and the swords will destroy (18) in the east, man against man. And a caliph will rule, but he will not enjoy; (19) and the sword will destroy Media and an army of Turks will set out and kill (20) the king of the land of Jurjan and IÒfahan. And a man (21) from the land of Îijaz will also set out to seek booty and take captives and the Arabs will hurt (22) one another. And in the fourth year two Qarma†is will set out, one from (23) the east and the other from the west and they will wage war on the bank of the Euphrates (24) until the water of the Euphrates will turn to blood; and he will leave…

(1) The Byzantine army… A man from Iraq (2) with a vast army will go against… the easterner and fight three (3) wars against him, until the easterner will be killed. And at that time the sword of the Byzantines will strike and spread destruction all around (4) and the people will hit the rulers. And they will kill and desire to defeat (5) the Arabs; and they will put up a caliph from the House of {Ali. (6) And this is where the story and the oath come to an end. And it contains (the curse) of ‘a rope around the neck’ of anyone who (7) will reveal this document to any gentile. Afterwards (8) I, Zerubbabel, turned to pray and said: I, your servant, will ask (9) my Lord. And he said: What do you wish to ask about. I said to him: In the latter time of their kingdom, (10) when are the transgressors come to the full? Then he answered me and said: O you, Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel, (11) dur-

13. Cf. above, 30. 16-17. The third year, i.e. AH 356, 17.XII.966-6.XII.967. Cf. above, 17. 18. Cf. above, 17. 20. Cf. above, 23, 35. 22. The fourth year, i.e. AH 357, 8.XII.967-24.XI.968. 24. Al-Furah; this version occurs several times, instead of al-Furat. Cf. above, 16.

IV. 3. Cf. above, 32. 5. Cf. above, 39. 6. Defective Hebrew; by wa-fihi he probably meant the quire from which he copied. The Hebrew is defective further on, in lines 9-10 as well. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 59 ing all the years that remained of those particular years (12) (in one of them) a man from the Maghrib, a descendant of Keturah, will appear; he will come (13) to Damascus after engaging in a battle in Egypt and (the inhabitants of Damascus) (14) will be under him for a while and he will stay in Damascus. Then a man will appear from the east (15) who will oppose him and he will go to Damascus by land and he will wage a protracted war (16) and then he will return to the east. Woe to the people of Damascus because of him (17) because he will be the cause of its destruction. After that, he will be killed by someone. Three Byzantine armies (18) shall go forth, one by sea and the other by land, and the other (19) by way of the mountains, and the three will all meet and fight the {Alawi behind (20) Baghdad. Woe to your people at the hands of his household. A man (21) will appear from the seashore from the area of BaÒra (and he will go) toward Baghdad with the sword….

(1) (And he will tarry there for one day and leave) and attack Diyar Rabi{a; (2) and a man from the area of Mosul will oppose him and kill a nameless official. (3) And in those days a black man, a slave, will rule over the Holy Land. (4) In the beginning of his rule, woe to the people, but there will be well-being for them in the middle of his rule. (5-6) There will be women, slaves, and servants ruling over people at that time, and all impostors will be directing the kings. Then a man from Khurasan (7) will come. Woe to the people of his day, because he will not demand (8) goods, but only will demand the person, body and soul. And he will enter Baghdad (9-10) and kill the possessor of the throne and Usama will ascend and a {Alawi shall

14. Cf. above, 39. 16. Al-Sharqi; he probably meant al-sharq. 17. Probably the intention was: {ala yad ba{∂in. 19. Cf. above, 32. 20. Cf. above, 33.

V. 3. Ar∂ al-quds, the land of Jerusalem, intending probably: the holy land. 4. In the margin, he wrote in Arabic script: wa-†uba. Cf. above, 28. 5. In the margin, he wrote in Arabic script: al-{abid. 6. Plural of da{i, du{ah. These were the missionaries of extreme Shiism, of the Isma{ilis, the Fa†imids, the Qarma†is. Cf. above, 35f. 9. Usama which means a lion, is here the name of a man. Cf. above, 27f. 10. Cf. above, 31. The land of Korah, according to the Bible, is Midian; perhaps the North of Îijaz was meant. But Korah was also the name of the son of Esau (Gen. 36:81), who is Edom, which also means Byzance. 60 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC rule. Because the people of Diyar (Rabi{a) will flee beneath his hand and convert to Christianity (11) and their religion will become that of the Byzantines. Then a man will (12) go forth from the land of Korah and come to Baghdad and a {Alawi will rise. And wars will be fought (13) at the time and the Persian will be killed and a Persian will come (14) by sea up to the border of al-Sham. And the water of the Euphrates will decline and (15) the sun will grow dark; the Euphrates will recede and decline (until) a vineyard will be planted in it. (16) And the regime will be destroyed and laws that had not existed will be renewed. And ‘the horned one’ will come (17) to Egypt, but the ruler of al-Sham will defeat him and set out to fight against him in Egypt (18) where there will be a great battle as was prophesied by the prophets. (19) But the weak nation shall free itself (from occupation). And the Byzantines will come to Egypt (20) and engage in a great battle there. After that ‘the horned one’ will settle in Egypt (?) (21) and levy taxes on them as a punishment as the prophets declared and there will be… (in the margins – 1) Because the men from Diyar (Rabi{a) fled from him and converted to Christianity. And in those days (he) will rule in the Holy Land (2) and determine their religion… woe to the people… and the people will be afflicted in that time by…

(1) …a king will rule over them, who will like women… and there was not… a king (2) of the sons of Hashim who ruled longer than he did and they will enjoy a pleasant life with him (3) for many years. And at the beginning of his reign there will appear… (there will be) (4) many disasters in al-Sham… persons (5) of the people… and Samara of the (6) …will return from the east and from the mountains (or: Media) and will transform him (7) …the district whose name is Junba (8) …Junba and she is the consciousness (of) …different from the rules of (9) the Hashimites… and have… a balanced effect. Afterwards, he will send (10) on the road to Mecca and he will kill… and will surrender in the same way;

13. Cf. above, 26. 15. See the parallel version and above, 16, 21, 34f. 18. Cf. above, 37f.

VI. 2. See above, 20. 8. In the margin, he wrote in Arabic script: bi-junba. 10. See above, 35. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 61

(11) and no one will stand up to him… the regime will collapse. And the people of Iraq (12) will be in it… and after that it will become known… he will rule over the bank of the Euphrates, (13) and go to a city called al- RaÌba where he will build a bridge and control it (14) and he will transfer his camps there and the owners of the towns will obey him (15) and he will be awed by the populace. Afterwards he will go to a city called Raqqa, (16) which has a small population, and conquer it; then he will take… he will be killed there (17) and neglect will take over his soldiers… and his brother (will take upon himself) the matter… after him (18) and return to his country and remain… in this country… his region (19) his descendants until the end of the al-Sham kingdom. And during the reign of this king there will be (20) a man, a servant, (21) an offspring of the Banul’l-aÒfar, that is the Byzantines, who will guide the king… (22) and with his good judgment he will guide the kings of the Rum, but not for many years… (23) among them; after that (?) this servant will leave our master (24) and leave Iraq with a large army and attack (25) Diyar Rabi{a and remain there and in the land of Mosul; afterwards he will return (26) to Iraq and kill his master. Then the disasters will multiply in the land (27) of Iraq. And the duration of the kingship will be twenty-five years and the Arabs (28) would never have someone who would rule like this one. After that another will rule, but not for long (29) in his kingship, and he will be strict, and will kill the most important kings (30) and their commanders and at the same time he will kill the servant; and people will have (31) a little respite. After that a weak king will rule (over Iraq) and during (32) his reign internal conflicts will erupt in the land of the Persians. And the people (33) will be enticed by those with the special garments and (light?) bows, (34) who are the people of the symbols of the sun, with a hairdo in the middle of their heads; and they will be known to be (35) of the species of Gog and Magog; and they are disaster; they will conquer cities in the mountain (or: in Media), (36) and the people (of the cities) in the land of al-Sham will leave their dwelling places. They will totally destroy the north (37), no one (will be able to) stand up to them. Afterwards the people (38) with the turbans whose hair grows down their back will come to them; and they will set up a siege (39) for a while. Then

17. See above, 26. 22. See above, 29. 28. See above, 21. 31. He started writing ayamihi, left it out, and wrote it in the following line. 33. Zubinat, see BUSTANI, al-MuÌi†, I, 854. 872. 36. See above, 34. 62 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC they will kill one another for a while. And he will go out with a vast army (40) and turn against Baghdad and conquer it and rule over the kings for years (41) and overthrow one king and enthrone another and woe to the people of Iraq (42) in his days. And armies will go out in his day and many cities (43) will be destroyed. But the city that is called Qaliqil, which is Qaliqula, will not be destroyed. And this (44) is the beginning of the ca- lamities of Islam. Afterwards this man (45) will attack Diyar Rabi{a. This man’s characteristics are: (46-47) he will be repulsive, beardless, with thin hair, with beady eyes, courageous, valiant, and he will fight anyone, and he will be a Persian speaker. (48) And these are the characteristics of the ruler of Diyar Rabi{a: (49-50) a robust and strong man, with nice eyes and hair, (but) bald, diseased hands and feet, and an abundance of intelligence and wisdom. He will have brothers but they will not remain alive (51) except for one. Woe to the people of al-Sham because of this one man, and woe to the people (52) of Diyar Rabi{a because of the bald one. Afterwards, the Persian will come (53) to Diyar Rabi{a and oppose its ruler, who will escape and he will remain there (several) days and then (54) return to Bagh- dad and the ruler of Diyar Rabi{a will return to his place.

VII

(1) …The Persian will launch out from Baghdad and march against Diyar Rabi{a, that is, Iraq, (2) to a city in the north that is Mayyafariqin and after that to the city of Aleppo, (3) which is the kingdom of his brother, and the administration will be considered as (divided equally) between them. And the Persian will return to Baghdad (4) and ‘the bald one’ will return to Diyar Rabi{a. (5) The characteristics of the Persian are: he is stout, a cripple without a hand, of large heart, (6) a swollen belly, a rich soul, and devi- ant in his beliefs, he does not belong to any madhhab (school of legal

42. He started writing kathira, left it out, and wrote it in the following line. 43. See above, 34. 48. See above, 21, 23, 26. 53. Diyar, intending: Diyar Rabi{a. 54. See above, 21f.

VII. 1. Note that Diyar Rabi{a, which is Mesopotamia, the Jazira, or northern Iraq, is here identified with Iraq. 3. Tastaqi{u, the root is Òq{, meaning listing and planning revenue, see: GIL, Documents, 76. 4. See above, 21-23, 25. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 63 thought in Islam). In his day (7) the brother of ‘the bald one’ will rule in the land of al-Sham where he will wage wars (8) against the ruler of Egypt; he will reach the area of Ramla, and the ruler of Egypt (9) will engage him in battle and he will be defeated twice (10) and he will return beaten. And the ruler of Egypt will die and be buried in the land of al-Sham. (11) And this is his hallmark: if you calculate the four letter nickname he goes by (12) in gima†ria you will find that his name is equivalent to the numerical value of the name par{o (=pharaon) (13) and this is the name of the man who was mentioned. In addition, if you calculate the nickname that his subordinate goes by (14-15) and subtract two from that number, then by one of his nick- names, it will show, I think, that the former has a higher grade. And his real son (16) will not rule (after him), on condition that he will hold sway in his kingdom but he will be lower (in rank) than they are. (17) At that time the ruler of Aleppo will return to his place, but he will not enjoy (18) tranquility, because of the many battles that he will wage in the land of the Byzantines and (many) people will perish (19) under his hand.

VIII

(1) Afterwards the Persian will be killed by… the people; afterwards the ruler of Diyar (2-3) Rabi{a will turn against Baghdad and enter the city and remain there until his seat will be shaken under him; and he will go to the bank of the Euphrates and then go up against the ruler of the Persians (4) from Baghdad up the Tigris and he will blind the man sitting on the throne (of the kingdom). And the blinded man will flee (5) on the Euphra- tes. After that he will place another man on the throne instead of the (blinded) predecessor. Many conflicts (6) will break out throughout the world and extensive wars will be fought between the ruler of Persia and (7) the ruler of Diyar Rabi{a; and the Persian will flee and his eyes will be blinded and the brother of ‘the bald one’ will attack al-Sham (8) and con-

7. See above, 26, 28, 38. 11-15. How these gima†rias were calculated is not clear; apparently the copier was not meticulous enough. 19. See above, 30.

VIII. 3. See above, 25. 4. He apparently refers to the blinding of Caliph al-Mustakfi, in January or March 946; i.e. more than 30 years before the writing of this apocalypse. See: IBN AL-ATHIR, Kamil, VIII, 451. 8. See above, 26. 64 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC quer (it) by the sword. And ‘the bald one’ will hasten to Iraq and stay there. And a man will come (9) from Media, the one who conquered Media, and he will turn against him in Baghdad and stay against the gate (10) of Bagh- dad for a while. The hallmarks of his soldiers will be: they will have the (special) garments (11) and the (light) bows and the spears and the shields; they are the people of the (signs) of the sun (12) and their language is Per- sian. They are al-Rabi{a and their leader is a cripple. In those days (13) there will be a severe drought; people will eat their children, they will become impoverished (14), and most of them will die; agreements will be broken, and the price of estates will decrease (15) and many of the cities will be ruined and great distress will befall the people and they will abandon (16) their homelands. The Persian will rule in Baghdad and his traditions will be those of the ashraf (17) but he will have no true religion. And in those days justice will be done for the people (18) of Iraq and the people will enjoy a pleasant life with him (the Persian). This will be in the year 357. (19) And at that time the ruler of al-Diyar will return and he will stretch out his hand against rich (20) and poor alike, and the people will become impoverished; and they will pray about this but their prayers will not be answered. (21) But God will make him more moderate in temper. He will control the food supplies of the population and order increases (22) and decreases in the price (of commodities). His deeds will lead to the destruction of Diyar Rabi{a. (23) And at that time the Byzantines will come to a city that is called al-Ruha (24) and it will be captured but he will give (them) an aman afterwards on condition that he receives money of the city; afterwards…

11. See above, 34. 12. See above, 25. 13. See above, 16. 16. al-ashraf, the illustrious. This is what members of the Prophet’s family were called, namely scions of {Ali Ibn Abi ™alib and Fa†ima, the Prophet’s daughter, but also descendants of {Abbas, the Prophet’s uncle. Apparently, descendents of {Ali were meant here, which cor- responds to the Shiite inclinations of the Buyids; and see on this above, 26. 18. 488 is the copyist’s error, and it should have been 357, which is 968; less probable is that the original version had (Sel.) [1]277, which was 966. 19. al-Diyar, probably intended to be Diyar Rabi{a, the region of Mosul, then under the rule of Abu Taghlib, son of NaÒir al-dawla, who removed his father from power and had him imprisoned (above, 26). 22. See above, 25-27. 24. See above, 30. Ruha is Edessa; later: Urfa. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 65

(1) and their (?) disaster will (also) be his disaster, in one mo{ed, and it was established that it is (2) nine months; and mo{adim: eighteen months; and half: four months (3) and a half: all together it will be thirty-one and a half months and this (is what) (4) will come to pass, and in this there will be the sign. And in that time they will behave toward the people with a practice of torture (5) …groups of people will kill themselves and leave (6) their religions, and there will be people who guide, but no one will have a guide in (7) keeping with the laws because the man and the woman and the child will become slaves to them (8) and there will be no compas- sion nor forgiveness, and (only) one religion will be (imposed), and will abolish fast (9) and prayer and the Torah and Shabbat and holidays and no one will believe in anything (10) and outrageous edicts will be declared against the people; and he will rule and there will be no one to stand up to him (11) for thirty-one and a half months. And there will be (12) a sign of those times… and little will be harvested (13) and people will eat but they will not be satisfied… and God will (14) eliminate (people’s) liveli- hood(s) and people will be… the seven (15) heavens (?) ‘the bear’ and whosoever will despair of the… days (16) this man will die. A man will go out of al-Rum with a great army (17); he will rule by the strength of his sword, and people of all religions will come together to him (18) …the ruler of Gog and Magog will rule for nine months and he will claim that he is (19) the Messiah and he will produce many signs and (one) of his traits (20) that he is… and the sun will prefer (to appear) not in the east but in the west (21) and he will go down to the sea and catch two fishes, one of them in {Ayn (22) al-Shams and he will throw (them) to his armies and they will eat and from this will come the badness and (23) he will turn against the tiny nation and people will die; and the Messiah, the son of Joseph, (24) who will be born from the sea and will be raised in Îijaz, and will come…

IX. 1-3. See: Dan. 12:7, the oath of ‘the man clothed in linen’: “it shall be for a time, times, and a half… all these things shall be finished”. 5. See above, 17. 10. Here he uses Hebrew words. 24. See above, 15f. 66 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

(1) And a large assembly of Israel (i.e., Jews) will gather around him from the land of Îijaz, and from Yemen; (2) and a man will go forth from the seashore with a large army and will arrive to him who believes (3-4) in {Ali and they will kill him. After that the Byzantine, that is Armelius, will come and this man, the Sufyani, who is the strongest of men, will come to him and they will engage in a war (5) in the Valley of Acre until the horse will sink into blood that will cover its nose. After that the Sufyani (6) will go to Damascus and then the Messiah the son of Joseph will come and enter (7) Jerusalem along with all Israel. Then Armelius will come and do battle against the son of Joseph (8) and the son of Joseph will be killed and many people of Israel will die. And the survivors will flee to the wilderness of the peoples (9) and remain (there) forty-five days. Then God will take pity on the people and bring to them (10) great faintheartedness in their hearts. Some of the people will return to the land of the Rum and others (11) will pass to Egypt, but these and these will die in droves. (12) And Armelius will remain in Jerusalem and the Messiah the son of David will appear (13) in reality to Israel; but Israel will not believe that he is the son of David so he will show them (14) three signs; one, that he will bring the dead to life for them, the Messiah the son of Joseph and those who were killed; (15) the second, the sun will move again from the east to the west; the third, (16) he will curse Armelius and kill him, and a light from heaven will appear to him and he will kill (17) with it… from Gog and Magog who are seventy languages and from (18) …the Mount of Olives and the rightly guided, that is the Messiah (19-20) the son of David, will enter and with him people from Israel to the land of the Rum, and God may He be glorified and exalted, will kill… vast numbers of them, a great carnage, and God will transform (21) their rivers to become tar and their land will become sulfur (22-23) night and day this will not cease; and the Messiah the son of David will return to Jerusalem and a great river will appear and trees (24-25) that will not cease to produce fruit, both summer and winter, every month. God will create a river in Jerusalem and seven shepherds will appear and eight (26-27) principal men, and the forefathers, and God, may He be exalted, will appear in his Sanctuary (quds, i.e., Jerusalem) and all religions will come to see the light of the Sanctuary (Jerusalem) of God, Lord of the Universe, and none of them will remain (28) who will not be

X. 5. See above, 15. 19-28. See above, 17f. THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 67 brought to the dar al-salam (the city of peace) and God will resurrect the dead.

XI (Separate fragment)

…(1-2) And the king will go forth from his land to another land; but the people will err and take a king from (3) those kings who are like ghosts or spirits or (4) (who behave as if a) malignant disease of the body (has af- fected) their intelligence (5) and diseases will multiply, especially among older people (6-7) and the fish of the sea will become diseased but the beasts will be saved from death. And the olives will decline in number (8-9) and the oil but the honey will increase; but God knows better. When Aquarius disappears (10) when the moon is in the constellation of (11) Aquarius in the twenty-fifth day of aviv (12) He will bring winds over the grain from the south and from the north (14-15) as well and there will be terrible cold and terrible heat and vigorous wind and the rains will fall from the sky (16) for three hours while the stars will be visible (17) and there will be a blessing. But the Arabs and the thieves (18) and the hordes of army battalions will multiply (19-20) and the razzias will escalate and many of the travelers will drown and the damages (21) will multiply and many people will die because of the severity (22-23) and the great number (of the damages); and when four months will have passed from the year fear will engulf the king and his heir (24) and the carriers will drop most (25) of their burden and there will be an earthquake in which (26) several of the cities of al-Sham and regions of (27) Egypt will be destroyed and there will be evil and expropriation (28) of enormous property. And the Rum will win (29) at sea and they will make profits on the oil; (30) camels and cattle will be slaughtered (31) and there will be a drought in the grain (fields) after the month of Toth (32) and the month of Paopi for eleven months and it will continue…

XI. This fragment is of an apocalyptic nature, similar to that of the previous ones; above, in note 35, I have already mentioned that it was written in Egypt; it might have belonged to a kind of a yearly calendar with predictions about what would happen each month. Similar to this one are the fragments TS Ar 6.9 and 53.16, in the ‘Arabic Boxes’ in the Taylor-Schechter Geniza Collection at the Cambridge University Library. See the Catalogue of Baker and Polliack, nos. 415 and 7732. Judging by the script in these two fragments, they would seem to be of a much later period. See above, 18. 68 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

XII (Separate section) a(1) Whoever hears his friend mentioning the Name (of God) (2) and does not curse him (the friend), that one himself will be under ban (repeated). b(1) In the name of the one who uncovers mysteries, (2) I Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel stood on the edge of the king’s canal (3) in the region of Babylonia, and the gates of heaven (4) opened before me. And there was a voice that called out to me. Then I turned my gaze (5) …to a man who stood (there); he said: Ho Zerubbabel; ask! (6) …then I prayed and I asked: Who are you? He told me: I am Me†a†ron (7) Me†a†ron the minister of the ministers… I thanked God and said: Oh my Lord… (8) to your servant. And he said: Ask… So I said: (9) (How long shall it be to) the end of these wonders? And he said… (10) And I said: inform me… (12) (the House of) Hashim, and I am telling you this in confidence (13) …know [this], O Zerubbabel, that a king from the House of Hashim (14) will not fulfill (the duration of his reign) …and the king will learn what is fear and he is the king (15) who will reign over them in the year 360 according to the calculation of their years (16) …parallel to the year 285. Afterwards a man will reign (17) …who is not from the House of Hashim. He will be moderate in his regime (18) …the people. And the people of the mountains and the plains (19) …and the land and the sea will pay heed to him, and he will extend his hand over the people (20) …the good and send him …and justice will reign (21) …in his day and integrity. And there will go forth in his day (22) a man… and he will bestow (a huge?) contribution in the land of Iraq… (23) …and he will obtain it… (24) and will be killed in the year 295… will reign… in his hand will be… (25) …who had reigned in Babylon…. (26) ….he will reign the greatest number of years and will be….

XII. a 1-4. Such imprecations are often found in funerary inscriptions and in apocalyptic texts. b 3. Nahr al-malik, ‘the king’s canal’ was the main canal connecting the Euphrates with the Tigris, at the point where they were closest to each other. See: LE STRANGE, Lands, 68 and the map, ibid., facing p. 25. 15-16. He writes: sh.s sana, instead of sana sh.s (as also later on). AH 360 was: 4 No- vember 970-23 October 971; 285 was meant to be of the Seleucid era. Sel. [1]285 was 1 Sep- tember 973 – 18 September 974. The copier mistakenly wrote 285 instead of 282. The year of salvation probably had to be sometime after AD 984. 24. Sel. [1]295: 10 September 983 – 29 August 984; apparently the whole section, from line 15 to this one, referred to the most important among the Buyid rulers, {A∂ud al dawla (d. March 983). THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 69

INDEX TO THE TEXT

Abraham, Isaac and Jacob II 6 al-abtar, the cripple, who is Mu{izz al-dawla I 42; VIII 12 al-{Ajam, {Ajami, Persia, Persians I 38, 40; II 21; V 13; VI 32, 47, 52; VII 1, 4, 5; VIII 1, 3, 6, 7, 12, 16 (Baq{at, Valley of) {Akka (Acre) X 5 (house of) {Ali, {Alawi I 44; IV 5, 19; V 10, 12; X 3 al-aqra{, the bald one, who is NaÒir al-dawla VI 49, 52; VII 4, 7; VIII 7, 8 al-{Arab, the Arabs I 26, 30; III 6, 21; VI 27 Armelius X 3, 7, 12, 16 al-aÒfar, the Byzantines VI 21 {Ayn al-Shams IX 21-22

Babiya (= Paopi), a Coptic month XI 32 Baghdad I 41; II 22; IV 20, 21; V 8, 12; VI 40, 54; VII 1, 4; VIII 2, 4, 9, 10, 16 BaÒra IV 21 Byzance, Byzantines, see: Edom, al-Rum

Christians, Christianity V 10, and margin

Damascus IV 13, 14, 15; X 6 Dar al-salam (the city of peace) X 28 Dijla, the Tigris VIII 4 Diyar rabi{a, the region of Mosul I 29; III 6, 8; V 1, 10; VI 24-25, 45, 48, 52, 54; VII 1, 4; VIII 1-2, 7, 12, 19, 22 Edom, Edomi (= Byzance, Byzantines) I 26, 34

Fa†a{i, a locality close to Aleppo III 3 al-Furat, al-Furah, the Euphrates III 24; V 14, 15; VI 12; VIII 3, 5 ghala’, drought II 1; III 15; VIII 13 al-Gharb, the west (see also: al-Maghrib) I 32, 38; II 18; III 23; IV 12; X 15 gima†ria VII 12 Gog and Magog VI 35; IX 18; X 17

Îalab, Aleppo III 3; VII 2, 17 Îarran III 7 (the house of) Hashim I 45; VI 2, 9; XII b 17 al-Îijaz I 37; III 21; IX 24; X 1 hijra years I 19 (353); 32 (354); II 18 (395; garbled from 355, which is the second year of “the week”); III 16-17 (the third year: 356), 22 (the fourth year: 357); VIII 18 (477; garbled from 357); XII b 15 (360, perhaps a new ‘week’) Homosexuality I 1 interest I 1 70 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

{Iraq I 12; III 2; IV 1; VI 11, 24, 26, 27, 41; VIII 8, 16, 18 IÒfahan III 20 al-islam VI 44 jaÌfal, army, or army unit I 43; II 18; III 13; IV 2; VI 24, 39; IX 16; X 2 al-Jibal, the mountains, or: Media I 12, 29, 33; III 19; VIII 9 Junba VI 7, 8 Jurjan III 20

(descendants of) Keturah IV 12 Khazars I 34 Khurasan I 24; V 7 kibrit, sulfur X 21 (the land of) Korah V 12 ma{bad, a worship site I 23 al-Maghrib, the west, North Africa (see also: al-Gharb) I 38; III 23; IV 12; X 15 al-mahdi, the rightly guided one, the messiah X 18 Makka (Mecca) VI 10 al-Mashriq, the east (see also: al-Sharq) III 23; VI 6; X 15 MawÒil (Mosul) III 2, 5; V 2; VI 25 Mayyafariqin VII 2 Me†a†ron XII 6, 7 midbar ha-{ammim (wilderness of the peoples) X 8-9 MiÒr, Egypt I 20, 39, 40; II 19, 20; IV 13; V 17, 19, 20; VII 8, 9, 10; X 11; XI 27 al-Muqarran, the horned one V 16, 20 nabsh al-mawta, uncovering the dead (for pillage) I 3-4 Nahr al-malik, the king’s canal VII b 2-3 al-Nuba (Nubia), Nubi II 20, 21

Par{oh (Pharaoh) VII 12

Qaliqula, Qaliqil VI 43 Qarma†is III 22 al-Quds (see also: Yerushalayim) III 12; V 3 and margin; X 25, 26 Qurda, land of the Kurds (?) III 2

RaÌba VI 13 rajfa, earthquake XI 25 Ramla III 12; VII 8 Raqqa VI 15 Ra’s al-{ayn III 8 Ruha, Edessa VIII 23 Al-Rum, Rumi, Byzance, Byzantines I 10, 29, 34; III 1, 11; IV 1, 3, 18; V 11, 19; VI 21, 22; VII 18; VIII 23; IX 16; X 3, 10, 19; XI 28

Samara VI 5 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 71

Sarandib, Ceylon I 25 al-Sham (Palestine or Syria, or both) I 11, 20; II 19; III 11, 13; V 14, 17; VI 4, 36, 51; VII 7, 8, 10; VIII 7; XI 26 shalandiyya, Byzantine warship III 13 al-Sharq, the east (see also: al-Mashriq) III 18; IV 14 Shealtiel I 14; b 1, 15; IV 11; XII b 2 al-Shimal, the north VI 36; XI 13 solar eclipse V 14-15 (the messiah) the son of David X 12, 13, 19, 23 (the messiah) the son of Joseph IX 23; X 6, 7, 8, 14 al-Sufyani, messiah of the Umayyads X 4, 6

™abari, ™abaristan (?) III 2 Tadif, a locality close to Aleppo III 3 al-Turk, Turks III 19 †ur†ur, †ar†ur, †urar, a kind of turban I 42; VI 38 Tut (= Toth), a Coptic month XI 31

Usama V 9

Yaman X 1; XI 13 Yerushalayim X 7, 12 (see also: al-Quds)

(jabal) al-zaytun, the Mount of Olives X 18 Zerubbabel I 12; II 1, 15; IV 8, 10; XII b 2, 5, 13 zift, tar X 21 zubinat, zufinat, a kind of bows VI 33; VIII 11 72 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

1 TS Arabic boxes, 6.14b, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 73

2 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96c, right side 74 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

3 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96c, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 75

4 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96d, right side 76 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

5 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96d, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 77

6 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96a, right side 78 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

7 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96b, right side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 79

8 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96a, left side 80 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

9 TS Arabic boxes, 51.96b, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 81

10/I TS Additional series, 154.291, left side 82 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

10/II TS Additional series, 154.291, right side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 83

11 TS Arabic boxes, 6.14a, right side 84 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

12 TS Arabic boxes, 6.14b, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 85

13 TS Arabic boxes, 6.14a, right side 86 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

14/I TS Arabic boxes, 53.40, recto THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 87

14/II TS Arabic boxes, 53.40, verso 88 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

15 TS Additional series, 121.326b, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 89

16 TS Additional series, 121.326a, right side 90 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

17 TS Additional series, 121.326c, left side THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 91

18 TS Additional series, 121.326d, right side 92 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

19 TS (‘glasses') 20.57, verso THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC 93 94 THE APOCALYPSE OF ZERUBBABEL IN JUDAEO-ARABIC

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