Black Africans and the Ontological Conflict in Catalonia
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El Tratamiento En La Prensa Del Movimiento Independentista En Cataluña Alonso Muñoz
! ! sphera.ucam.edu ISSN: 1576-4192 ! Número 14 ! Vol. II ! Año 2014 ! pp. 104-126 ! !"#$%&$&'()*$+#)*#"&#,%)*-&#.)"#'+/('()*$+#(*.),)*.)*$(-$&#)*# !"#"$%&"! ! Laura Alonso Muñoz, Universidad Jaume I de Castelló [email protected] ! Recibido: 31/10/2014 ! Aceptado: 15/12/2014 ! Publicado: 30/12/2014 ! "#$%!&'()*!+,(+!)*(-&./%0!!"#$%#& '()#*+& ,-& ./0123-& 4"& 5675789:$5#& :$& "7& ;6:$%7& <:"& 8#=989:$5#& 9$<:;:$<:$59%57&:$&>757"()7-&!"#$%&'()*+,-&.'/.'.123+&102?1/@& & Resumen En este artículo se analiza el tratamiento que hizo la prensa de referencia, tanto de ámbito catalán como de ámbito estatal, sobre el movimiento independentista en Cataluña en sus noticias. Se trata de un tema reciente que ha suscitado el debate político en España y, por lo tanto, poco estudiado hasta el momento. Esto justifica el alto grado de novedad de esta investigación. En este sentido, el objetivo principal es conocer la evolución del enfoque periodístico otorgado a diversos ítems considerados de especial relevancia en este tema. Para ello, se ha llevado a cabo un análisis del discurso. Se han estudiado dos periodos temporales de especial relevancia para este proceso, la celebración de la Diada de 2012 y el anuncio del referéndum (2013). La muestra está integrada por cinco periódicos: el diario Ara, La Vanguardia, El País, El Mundo y La Razón. Lo que implicó el análisis de 319 noticias. Los resultados obtenidos permiten comprobar como la ideología no ha sido determinante en la manera de posicionarse de cada periódico respecto al tema de la independencia -
A Critical Discourse Analysis of Artur Mas's Selected
Raymond Echitchi “Catalunya no és Espanya”: A critical discourse... 7 “CATALUNYA NO ÉS ESPANYA”: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF ARTUR MAS’S SELECTED SPEECHES Raymond Echitchi, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia E-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This article is a Critical Discourse Analysis of secessionist discourse in Catalonia in the light of a selection of speeches given by Artur Mas. This work aims at deciphering the linguistic strategies used by Mas to construct a separate Catalan identity in three of his speeches, namely his acceptance, inauguration and 2014 referendum speeches. The analysis of these speeches was carried out in the light of Ruth Wodak’s Discourse-historical Approach to Critical Discourse and yielded the identification of three sets strategies to which Artur Mas mostly resorts; singularisation and autonomisation strategies, assimilation and cohesivation strategies and finally continuation strategies. Keywords: Catalonia, sub-state nationalism, secessionism, Critical Discourse Analysis. Resumen: Este artículo analiza, mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, las disertaciones secesionistas en Cataluña de los discursos de Artur Mas. En este trabajo, se pretende captar las estrategias lingüísticas utilizadas por Mas para construir una identidad catalana separada en tres discursos que presentó; en su investidura, su toma de posesión y antes de celebrar el referéndum de 2014. El análisis de estos discursos se llevó a cabo a la luz de la aproximación histórica discursiva de Ruth Wodak y dio lugar a la identificación de tres tipos de estrategias en estos discursos: las estrategias de singularización y autonomización, las estrategias de asimilación y cohesión y las estrategias de continuidad. Palabras clave: Cataluña, nacionalimo sub-estatal, secesionismo, Análisis Crítico del Discurso. -
Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven***
170 Constructing Contemporary Nationhood in the Museums and Heritage Centres of Catalonia Colin Breen*, Wes Forsythe**, John Raven*** Abstract Geographically, Spain consists of a complex mosaic of cultural identities and regional aspirations for varying degrees of autonomy and independence. Following the end of violent conflict in the Basque country, Catalonia has emerged as the most vocal region pursuing independence from the central Spanish state. Within the Catalan separatist movement, cultural heritage sites and objects have been appropriated to play an intrinsic role in supporting political aims, with a variety of cultural institutions and state-sponsored monumentality playing an active part in the formation and dissemination of particular identity-based narratives. These are centred around the themes of a separate and culturally distinct Catalan nation which has been subject to extended periods of oppression by the varying manifestations of the Spanish state. This study addresses the increasing use of museums and heritage institutions to support the concept of a separate and distinctive Catalan nation over the past decade. At various levels, from the subtle to the blatant, heritage institutions are propagating a message of cultural difference and past injustice against the Catalan people, and perform a more consciously active, overt and supportive role in the independence movement. Key words: Catalonia, museums, heritage, identity, nationhood Across contemporary Europe a range of nationalist and separatist movements are again gaining momentum (Borgen 2010). From calls for independence in Scotland and the divisive politics of the Flemish and Walloon communities in Belgium, to the continually complicated political mosaic of the Balkan states, there are now a myriad of movements striving for either greater or full autonomy for their region or peoples. -
Aza E Zainab
Aza E Zainab Compiled by Sakina Hasan Askari nd 2 Edition 1429/2008 1 Contents Introduction 3 Karbala to Koofa 8 Bazaare Koofa 17 Darbar e Ibn Ziyad 29 Kufa to Sham 41 News Reaching Medina 51 Qasr e Shireen 62 Bazaare Sham 75 Darbar e Yazeed 87 Zindan e Sham 101 Shahadat Bibi Sakina 111 Rihayi 126 Daqila Karbala 135 Arbayeen 147 Reaching Medina 164 At Rauza e Rasool 175 Umm e Rabaab‟s Grief 185 Bibi Kulsoom 195 Bibi zainab 209 RuqsatAyyam e Aza 226 Ziarat 240 Route Karbala to Sham 242 Index of First Lines 248 Bibliography 251 2 Introduction Imam Hussain AS, an ideal for all who believe in righteous causes, a gem of the purest rays, a shining light, was martyred in Karbala on the tenth day of Moharram in 61 A.H. The earliest examples of lamentations for the Imam have been from the family of the Holy Prophet SAW. These elegies are traced back to the ladies of the Prophet‟s household. Poems composed were recited in majalis, the gatherings to remember the events of Karbala. The Holy Prophet SAW, himself, is recorded as foretelling the martyrdom of his grandson Hussain AS at the time of his birth. In that first majlis, Imam Ali AS and Bibi Fatima AS, the parents of Imam Hussain AS , heard from the Holy Prophet about the martyrdom and wept. Imam Hasan AS, his brother, as he suffered from the effects of poison administered to him, spoke of the greater pain and agony that Imam Hussain would suffer in Karbala. -
Jordi Pujol Hagi Entrat Amb Gaire Bon Peu a La Presidència De La Generalitat
i %<s>. I ENTT15 vostè té crèdit cada dia a 2.600.000 establiments Una targeta extraordinària per als nostres clients No es tracta només que vostè tingui avantatges si vol anar a Pestranger. El que importa és que la targeta també li sigui útil aquí quan faci les compres habituals en un supermercat, una sabateria o qualsevol establiment comercial, quan hagi de pagar el compte d'un restaurant, comprar una joguina o fer un regal Ja pot fer les coses de cada dia sense haver de dur diners! A cada pas veurà un establiment que té a la porta la reproducció de la nostra targeta. Hi serà ben rebut, perquè vostè s'hi presentarà com una persona de crèdit JL· CAIXA DT5TALVI5 DE CATALUNYA CAÍXA DE TOTS li ofereix gratuïtament la Targeta Master Charge Carta del director En aquest Les primeres passes Amic lector: No es pot dir que el senyor Jordi Pujol hagi entrat amb gaire bon peu a la Presidència de la Generalitat. Cartes a L'HORA. Pàg. 5 El sistema electoral vigent provoca, tant a Catalunya com arreu de l'Estat, que sigui molt difícil per a un partit polític assolir la majoria absoluta. Es pot dir que guanyi qui guanyi, dels resultats electorals es desprèn sempre un poder Pujol, president a la segona, per AL- dèbil que ha de pactar-ho tot, igual que passava a França amb la IV República. BERT GARRIDO. Pàgs. 6 a 8. D'altra part, la victòria electoral de Pujol va ser molt ajustada i es pot dir que. el seu programa ha anat endavant per l'imperatiu que senten els partits cata-* Jordi Pujol, president 115 de la Ge- lans de no frenar el procés institucionalitzador de Catalunya. -
?El Desè President De La Generalitat, Inhabilitat
Punt de vista | Joan Roma | Actualitzat el 12/10/2020 a les 08:23 ?El desè President de la Generalitat, inhabilitat Deixem les coses clares, ja d'entrada, per evitar malentesos posteriors. Quim Torra, ha estat el desè president de la Generalitat de Catalunya i no el número 131, com els independentistes volen fer creure, seguint una nomenclatura que es va inventar l'historiador Josep M. Solé i Sabaté l'any 2003, en una obra per ser inclosa dintre de l'Enciclopèdia Catalana. En un exercici de salt al buit, fent servir un munt de consideracions, va fixar els inicis de la presidència de la Generalitat, en Berenguer de Cruïlles, eclesiàstic , entre els anys 1359 i el 1362, fins acabar amb Josep de Vilamala, 1713 - 1714. Aquests imaginaris ?presidents? tots eren eclesiàstics, formant part d'un dels braços de la Diputació del General de Catalunya, però sense cap de les competències que té un president. Si s'acceptés aquesta relació, resultaria que Catalunya hauria tingut 121 ?presidents? capellans. Quan dic capellans, vull dir eclesiàstics perquè hi podríem trobar des de monjos, a bisbes, i altres càrrecs religiosos, però tots pertanyents a l'església catòlica, i en ple exercici de les seves funcions. Ens hem de creure aquest invent ? La realitat és que el primer president fou Francesc Macià, elegit el 17 d'abril de 1931, i a partir d'aquí, l'han seguit Lluis Companys, Josep Irla ( a l'exili) , Josep Tarradellas ( a l'exili, fins el seu retorn ), Jordi Pujol, Pasqual Maragall, José Montilla, Artur Mas, Carles Puigdemont i Joaquim Torra. -
“Behind-The-Table” Conflicts in the Failed Negotiation for a Referendum for the Independence of Catalonia
“Behind-the-Table” Conflicts in the Failed Negotiation for a Referendum for the Independence of Catalonia Oriol Valentí i Vidal*∗ Spain is facing its most profound constitutional crisis since democracy was restored in 1978. After years of escalating political conflict, the Catalan government announced it would organize an independence referendum on October 1, 2017, an outcome that the Spanish government vowed to block. This article represents, to the best of the author’s knowledge, the first scholarly examination to date from a negotiation theory perspective of the events that hindered political dialogue between both governments regarding the organization of the secession vote. It applies Robert H. Mnookin’s insights on internal conflicts to identify the apparent paradox that characterized this conflict: while it was arguably in the best interest of most Catalans and Spaniards to know the nature and extent of the political relationship that Catalonia desired with Spain, their governments were nevertheless unable to negotiate the terms and conditions of a legal, mutually agreed upon referendum to achieve this result. This article will argue that one possible explanation for this paradox lies in the “behind-the-table” *Attorney; Lecturer in Law, Barcelona School of Management (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) as of February 2018. LL.M. ‘17, Harvard Law School; B.B.A. ‘13 and LL.B. ‘11, Universitat Pompeu Fabra; Diploma in Legal Studies ‘10, University of Oxford. This article reflects my own personal views and has been written under my sole responsibility. As such, it has not been written under the instructions of any professional or academic organization in which I render my services. -
The Fulla Doll, Identity, and Consumption in a Globalizing Arab World
University of Alberta Boxes Fulla Fun: The Fulla Doll, Identity, and Consumption in a Globalizing Arab World by Lena O. Saleh A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science ©Lena O. Saleh Fall 2013 Edmonton, Alberta Permission is hereby granted to the University of Alberta Libraries to reproduce single copies of this thesis and to lend or sell such copies for private, scholarly or scientific research purposes only. Where the thesis is converted to, or otherwise made available in digital form, the University of Alberta will advise potential users of the thesis of these terms. The author reserves all other publication and other rights in association with the copyright in the thesis and, except as herein before provided, neither the thesis nor any substantial portion thereof may be printed or otherwise reproduced in any material form whatsoever without the author's prior written permission. For Ummi and Abbi: I love you both. ABSTRACT: This thesis uses the case study of the Arab-Islamic Fulla doll to examine the relationships among globalization, consumption and cultural identities. Beginning with the question of how cultural products like the Fulla doll come to exist, I argue that the Fulla doll serves as an example of the process of creolization whereby non-Western peoples mobilize local customs and beliefs to transform globally-distributted consumer goods, thus re-contextualizing and assigning new meanings to these goods. Through an analysis of thirteen animated Fulla doll advertisements, I argue that the Barbie doll’s ethnic, religious and gendered identity has been re-contextualized to transform her into an Arab-Muslim woman, the Fulla doll. -
The Regions of Spain
© 2017 American University Model United Nations Conference All rights reserved. No part of this background guide may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means whatsoever without express written permission from the American University Model United Nations Conference Secretariat. Please direct all questions to [email protected] A NOTE Julia Clark Chair Estimats Diputats del Parlament de Catalunya, Dear Diputats of the Parliament of Catalonia, My name is Julia Clark and I’ll be serving as your Chair for the Parliament of Catalonia. I cannot wait to meet all of you in February. Time is of the essence and the Catalan Republic needs creating! As for a little bit about myself: MUN is my life! Last year, I served on the AmeriMUNC Secretariat as the Charges D’Affaires and currently I am an Assistant Head Delegate of the AU Model United Nations competitive travel team. I have done MUN for seven years, competing at 24 conferences across the US and Canada, and I once chaired a conference in the Netherlands! I’m proud to say that AmeriMUNC will be my eighth time chairing. Outside of MUN, I am also the President of my sorority, Phi Mu. If you have any questions about greek life or collegiate MUN, I’d love to chat via email or at the conference. I’m personally very excited to be forming our own new nation, the Catalan Republic. I just studied abroad for four months in Madrid, Spain and was at the center of the real life action surrounding the Catalan independence movement. -
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the Brink: Background, Facts, And
Catalonia, Spain and Europe on the brink: background, facts, and consequences of the failed independence referendum, the Declaration of Independence, the arrest and jailing of Catalan leaders, the application of art 155 of the Spanish Constitution and the calling for elections on December 21 A series of first in history. Examples of “what is news” • On Sunday, October 1, Football Club Barcelona, world-known as “Barça”, multiple champion in Spanish, European and world competitions in the last decade, played for the first time since its foundation in 1899 at its Camp Nou stadium, • Catalan independence leaders were taken into custody in “sedition and rebellion” probe • Heads of grassroots pro-secession groups ANC and Omnium were investigated over September incidents Results • Imprisonment of Catalan independence leaders gives movement new momentum: • Asamblea Nacional Catalana (Jordi Sànchez) and • Òmnium Cultural (Jordi Cuixart), • Thousands march against decision to jail them • Spain’s Constitutional Court strikes down Catalan referendum law • Key background: • The Catalan Parliament had passed two laws • One would attempt to “disengage” the Catalan political system from Spain’s constitutional order • The second would outline the bases for a “Republican Constitution” of an independent Catalonia The Catalan Parliament factions • In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are: • Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (Catalan European Democratic Party; PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya -
In Focus CIDOB 03
CIDOB • Barcelona Centre for International 2012 for September Affairs. Centre CIDOB • Barcelona in focusThe Barcelona Centre for International Affairs Brief 03 Spain’s territorial tensions: OCTOBER A turning point? 2012 Francesc Badia and Oleguer Sarsanedas, CIDOB t is said that the late Don Juan, Count of Barcelona and father of King Juan Carlos I, gave his son a piece of advice the day he abdicated the crown (so as to confer dynastic legitimacy on the Spanish Monarchy reinstated by Franco): Imake sure the Catalans feel comfortable, because you cannot run Spain without the Catalans. Now, thirty-five years later, among the many things the current cri- sis is erasing in Spain, the comfort level of the Catalans ranks high on the list. On September 11 (Catalonia’s National Day), a massive pro-independence rally collapsed central Barcelona for many hours. Citizens of all ages and conditions (families with small children, senior citizens, young people) arrived, a substantial number of them in rented coaches, from all over Catalonia. They marched carry- ing flags and shouting “Independència!” behind a giant banner that read: “Catalo- nia, the next state in Europe”. Never before had the case for Catalan independ- ence rallied so many people in a party-like mood, chanting, celebrating, as if in an American-style parade. It was perhaps the largest demonstration ever in Barcelo- na, initially convened by civic and grass-root groups -which have been mobilising for the cause of independence since at least 2009, holding informal polls in most towns and villages throughout Catalonia. These groups had been preparing for a big demonstration for months, and only as D-day approached, and in the light of the momentum it was gathering, did the mainstream media (national TV, radio stations, pro-government newspapers) decided to fully back it. -
What Catalans Want 1 During the Republic, the Main Catalan Bank Was Taken Over by the State
“Catalonia is a nation which in synthesis is based on its medieval history and the economic revolution of the 18th and 19th centuries”. That’s how former president Jordi Pujol i Soley describes his country. A moderate nationalist, Pujol was the surprise winner of the 1980 Catalan parliamentary elections, the first after the dictatorship fizzled out with the placid death of Franco in 1975. Two years later, at the first Spanish Parliament elections, Madrid-based socialists, communists and the Spanish right had obtained the most votes in Catalonia. It seemed as if forty years of Franco, plus decades of immigration from southern and central Spain, had got the better of nationalist sentiment. In historical terms, it was certainly a contrast to the election results registered during the Republic (1931-1939), when Catalan nationalist parties had swept the board. Indeed, the first Catalan president in the Republican period, Francesc Macià, had been an outspoken advocate of separatism. Now, in the late 70s, the political control of Catalonia seemed poised to fall into the hands of a Catalan Socialist Party that was clearly subservient to the Spanish Socialists. It was Jordi Pujol who prevented that. Jordi Pujol qualified as a doctor though he never practiced medicine. From an early age, he saw Catalanist activism as a way of protesting against Franco. His group used the mysterious initials “CC” in slogans painted on the roads, apparently with the idea of putting across a joint “Catalanist” and “Christian” message. In 1960 he was arrested for having instigated a protest in Barcelona’s Palau de la Música, where a patriotic song was song in the presence of the Francoist authorities.