!e Nature of Code-Switching in Puerto Rican Music

Tim Gorichanaz

University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee 2

Introduction

It has been established for decades that code-switching is not the hapless habit of bilinguals, but rather a healthy and useful communication tool. Recent studies have even shown that bilingual speakers use code-switching as a stylistic device (!ompson, 2011).

When we talk about code-switching, we often discuss it in the context of spontaneous speech. But there are also plenty of examples of code-switching in recorded language—in music and writing, for example—which has been the subject of a sizable body of research. I am most interested in studying code-switching in .

Code-Switching in Hip Hop

A few scholars have begun to investigate the linguistic issues that hip hop manifests. !is research shows that code-switching has been used in hip hop music to convey particular themes

(Davies & Bentahila, 2008), aid the structure of songs, grab attention (Sarker, Winer & Sarker,

2005), reflect the linguistic situations of their provenance communities (Perullo & Fenn, 2003), and express identity. !e expression of identity includes in-group identification (Shinhee Lee,

2011), aspirational identification—called “performativity” by (Hiwatari, 2008)—and ethnic identification (Babalola & Taiwo, 2009). We will now consider each of these more deeply.

In the Arabic–French rai music of north Africa, which has been influenced by hip hop music both in style and content, words of certain domains tend to appear in a particular language. For example, discussions of love are almost exclusively expounded in French (Davies &

Bentahila, 2006). Code-switching, therefore, can be used to signal topic change, taking on a structural function. !is device has also been observed in songwriting and written language in general throughout history. Historical linguist Tore Janson, for example, notes that music in the thirteenth century as well as ancient Greek writings employed different languages and dialects to discuss different topics (1991). 3

Code-switching can also support the structure of a song in other ways. Instead of being used to distinguish topics, for example, it could be used to distinguish sections of a song. Rai music has been shown to exhibit this: !e artist might sing the chorus of the song primarily in one language and the verses primarily in another, perhaps as a way to reformulate the message for the other group (Davies & Bentahila, 2006). !e authors concluded that the common language is generally used for the verses, which convey the story, while the language of the international community—the secondary audience—is used to provide “a minimal expression of the main theme” (p. 203).

Considering structure in a more tactile sense, code-switching is also used to facilitate rhyme, which is vital to hip hop music. As Sarkar, Winer and Sarkar said, “!e use of rhyme in rap lyrics—both final and internal—is crucial to the success of any rap number” (2005, p. 2070).

Fortunately for bilinguals, the available lexicon is effectively multiplied by the number of languages in use, allowing for more opportunities to rhyme. It was noted that in Montreal hip hop, “rappers draw on all possible linguistic sources in their rhyming” (Sarkar, Winer & Sarkar,

2005, p. 2070). It was found that line-ending words are often in languages other than the song’s primary language for the purpose of creating rhyme.

Grabbing attention is another function of code-switching that was observed in Montreal hip hop. Rappers often use words with a vocative function at the ends of lines or as appositives in order to address the listener (or as an apostrophe, addressing another character in the song’s story) (Sarkar, Winer & Sarkar, 2005).

Whereas the code-switching functions described above could be considered among the technical aspects of songwriting, code-switching can also be used stylistically in order to strengthen the song’s message. For example, code-switching in rai is sometimes used in the same way that north African bilinguals speak every day. In other words, the code-switching patterns of the music mimic those of common life in a specific region or social context. Because it is used to 4

symbolize the “identity of a very specific ethnic or social group,” this qualifies as an example of

localization as defined by Davies and Bentahila (2002, p. 205). Seemingly contradictorily, code-

switching in rai has also been seen as a symptom of globalization, or the expanding of a message

for a wider audience; French is often used for the chorus, for example, because it is more

accessible to a wider audience than Arabic (Davies & Bentahila, 2002). Another symptom of

globalization in popular music is code-switching as mimesis. !is has been observed in rappers

who imitate the successful American rappers they adopt as behavioral models (Nilep, 2006).

Interestingly, these colluding phenomena of globalization and localization are very often at play

in this field, leading researchers to engender to a lovechild phenomenon known as “glocalization,” or simultaneous globalization and localization (Wellman & Hampton, 1999).

Code-switching in hip hop can also be used as a marker of identity. !is is unsurprising, given that language is a crucial—and changeable—aspect of identity, whereas certain other aspects of identity cannot be changed (race, for example). It has been discussed that youth in some cultures use code-switching to forge a common group and identity for themselves, allowing them to dissociate from their elders (Nilep, 2006). We have also seen that musical artists see themselves as symbols of their communities, and they use code-switching to explicitly mark themselves as such (Davies & Bentahila, 2006). In these ways, code-switching is used to establish an in-group identity.

We have also seen code-switching used to communicate ethnicity. In order to do so, artists must demonstrate certain ethnic group markers to others, which can either be accepted or scrutinized. (Trimble & Dickson, 2004). For example, though Nigerian hip hop generally uses

English as the primary language, artists often code-switch into a variety of minority languages in order to identify with their roots (Babalola & Taiwo, 2009).

Another aspect of expressing identity is performativity, or the ongoing performance of cultural and social markers that are used to continually and precisely define an identity. 5

According to Rampton, identity and ethnicity can be declared (performed) through code- switching. In this way, speakers are able to communicate who they want to be perceived to be, rather than who their interlocutor understands them to be (perhaps from previous experience or racial prejudice) (1998). For example, Korean hip hop artists often use African American English lexical items to label themselves as macho individuals—a value that dominates hip hop culture.

!ese words relate to the aspirational identities of the Korean artists (Shinhee Lee, 2011).

Moreover, these types of group markers are strong: !ey are increasingly recognized by people who don’t even speak English (Sarkar, Winer & Sarkar, 2005).

!e Markedness Model of Code-Switching

As we have seen, code-switching has been employed in hip hop music to numerous ends. To begin to make sense of this, it can be helpful to consider this phenomenon in light of a theoretical model. Scholars in this field have used the Myers–Scotton Markedness Model of code-switching to frame their discussions, and I will do the same in my research.

!e Markedness Model assumes that humans have an innate markedness metric that enables speakers to, first of all, interpret the usage of a particular language in a particular situation in terms of appropriateness (Meeuwis & Blommaert, 1994). In short, the an utterance would be considered unmarked if it used the code that would be considered most appropriate or common in a given situation. !is definition, of course, requires a shared understanding among community members of each language’s role in a particular context (Nilep, 2006).

What can be accomplished by code-switching, according to this model? “Speakers are creative actors,” say Mendieta-Lombardo and Cintron, “who manage communicative skills according to what they want to accomplish” (1995, p. 566). In other words, they code-switch to further their goals in a communicative task. In the case of recorded language such as writing and music, one of these goals may be to mark identity—either to establish foreignness or to call 6

attention to a cultural nuance—and to illustrate how code-switching is used in real life.

Mendieta-Lombardo and Cintron discuss this ability as the establishment of a “fraternal

relationship with the reader” or audience who identifies with them. !ey go on to say that “such a

fraternity is not going to stand on formality,” meaning that such constructed intimacy depends on

the unmarked employment of code-switching (1995, p. 570).

!e Present Study

!is research gives us a solid ground in which to continue exploration, though it has some

limitations. For example, it seems that no study has done a diachronic analysis of the evolution of

code-switching in hip hop lyrics. Is it not possible that the nature of code-switching in these

lyrics has changed over time?

Another limitation of current research is that, though the research has surveyed code-

switching in hip hop in several places around the world, there are still many areas and linguistic

situations that have so far gone unrepresented. For example, so far no research has systematically

analyzed Spanish–English hip hop lyrics. In fact, very little writing seems to have been done on

Spanish–English hip hop in general; I was unable to find any articles treating the subject beyond

anecdotal references. Doing so seems prudent because the Spanish–English bilingual situation is

the most salient one in the United States, which is where most of the research in this field has

been presented, and where hip hop originated.

!e United States also affords a unique linguistic situation. !e country is largely monolingual, but there are growing pockets of non–English-speaking communities, and our

Spanish-speaking communities seem to be the largest among them. !ough many people would probably be reluctant to admit any symbiosis between English and Spanish, it cannot be denied that the two populations consume some of the same media and have overlapping habits. 7

To this end, Torres said of poetry something that I also find true in music: “[code- switching] represents a reality where segments of the population are living between cultures and languages; literary language actualizes the discourse of the border and bilingual/bicultural communities” (Torres, 2007, p. 76).

!ough it might seem more obvious to investigate this phenomenon in the southwestern

United States, it is also played out in the Puerto Rico linguistic environment. Yes, the island is clearly Spanish dominant, but English plays roles in a few sectors of society, including government and research (Vélez, 1999). Moreover, the island mandates English classes through

12th grade for all children, and we can conclude that many people in Puerto Rico have at least some degree of English competency (Pousada, 2000). Because of all this, English holds a position of prestige in Puerto Rico (Rodríguez, 2009).

I also have a suspicion that there is a commercial element at play: For example, if a song were to have elements in both English and Spanish, it could be sold to a wider market than a monolingual song (Cepeda, 2003). It seems worthwhile to analyze code-switching in this context to see if there is anything new to be uncovered.

Another reason to explore code-switching in Puerto Rican music is that Puerto Rico is home to a genre of music that has not yet been explored academically for its code-switching qualities: reggaeton.

Reggaeton is a genre that is related to hip hop, distinctly Latin American and predominantly Puerto Rican. It generally features Spanish lyrics and is characterized by a distinctive, reggae-like beat known as the “dembow.” !e genre has been growing in popularity since its inception in the early 1990s, and artists such as and have carried it to the top of international pop charts. Reggaeton’s relationship to hip hop is, in fact, so close that it was once—before its name was well known—referred to as simply “hip hop” by many 8

people. Many still consider reggaeton to be a grassroots phenomenon local to Latin America,

though it is inarguably growing in popularity (Marshall, 2012).

It is with all this in mind that we explore the Spanish–English code-switching in Puerto

Rican reggaeton. My research and analysis will be based on the following research questions:

1. What is the nature and purpose of code-switching in the reggaeton music of Puerto

Rico?

2. Has this nature changed over time? If so, how?

Selecting the Sample

In my attempt to satisfy the diachronic nature of my research questions, it was important to

select reggaeton artists on the basis of a long career. I chose artists, first and foremost, who are

currently popular, because their most recent work will reflect the latest situation in code- switching in this medium. I drafted a list of potentially eligible artists by identifying artists listed in the “Top 20 Reggaeton” list on ReggaetonOnline.net, the preeminent reggaeton fan website

(Reggaetonline, 2012). I also included any reggaeton artists who were nominated for Latin

Grammy Awards in 2012 for their work in 2011 in order to capture artists who are currently popular (!e Recording Academy, 2012).

Once I had this list, I eliminated all those artists who released their first after 2005 in order to establish a list of artists who have been creating work for many years. I also eliminated any who were not born and raised in Puerto Rico, who were not male, and who do not create music using Spanish as the primary language; doing so was an attempt to homogenize my sample as much as possible and thereby increase the validity of any conclusions I might draw. (It should be noted that, given the richness of the worldwide reggaeton community, many more studies can be done that analyze based on geography and gender.) 9

!ese criteria left me with five prolific artists: Daddy Yankee, Don Omar, Plan B and

Wisin y . Collectively, these artists have been releasing music nearly every year since 2002

—though Daddy Yankee preempted the rest by releasing his first album No Mercy in 1995. I will survey every album released by each of these artists from 2002 to 2010, with the exception of soundtracks and collaboration . Figure One shows the albums that will be surveyed.

Figure One: Albums to be analyzed

Plan B Daddy Yankee Don Omar y Yandel

El Mundo Del Plan B: 2002 El Cangri.com De Otra Manera Los Que La Montan

2004 Barrio Fino

2006 King of Kings Pa’l Mundo

2007 El Cartel: The Big Boss Los Extraterrestres

2009 IDon

2010 House of Pleasure Daddy Yankee Mundial Meet the Orphans La Revolución

Coding the Data for Analysis

!e website Musica.com is a lyrics database to which users submit their transcriptions

(Musica.com, 2012). Other users can then rate the transcriptions and submit their corrections, if necessary, thereby improving the accuracy of the transcriptions. To assemble the corpus used for this study, I downloaded the complete lyrical transcriptions for each album listed in Figure One, with the exception of any tracks labeled “intro” or “outro.” !is decision was made because these tracks generally cannot truly be called reggaeton; they can be more properly termed as spoken 10

word pieces. Because this study examines reggaeton lyrics, these questionable tracks were

excluded from the corpus.

I then filtered the corpus, which consisted of removing all “language agnostic” references.

!is included utterances such as “ah,” “uh,” “aha,” and “okay,” which don’t unequivocally correspond to any particular language. I also removed proper names that don’t have unique versions in English and Spanish, which included the names of artists (in reggaeton music, it is very popular for artists to add their own names to the beginnings and endings of their songs, as a form of signature). !is also included names like Houston and Puerto Rico, which take the same form in both English and Spanish. Names that were kept in the corpus were those that have specific English and Spanish versions, for example New York (versus Nueva York) and Miami

(which can be distinguished by its pronunciation).

As a last step in filtering the corpus, I removed any segments of a maximum of two lines that were repeated in succession. !is stipulation arose from a need to deal with many occasions in which strings of one or two words were repeated sometimes as many as ten times, which would have impacted the results. On the other hand, I wanted to respect the full transcription of each song as much as possible (for example, if a refrain is sung four times in a song, I wanted to count it four times rather than just once). !e two-line cutoff seemed to be an acceptable compromise.

I then coded the data by first demarcating the English lyrics in each song. I was then able to count the number of words in English and Spanish and then calculate the percentage of the lyrics in each language, what I will hereafter call “density.” During the coding process, I also noted the theme of each song and the function of each instance of code-switching. By keeping all this data separated by artist, album and year, I was able to analyze the data from various perspectives.