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Imperial Preference – and Deference: the Economics of Empire, 1920S
IMPERIAL PREFERENCE – AND DEFERENCE: THE ECONOMICS OF EMPIRE, 1920S Prologue: Wembley wood As a show of what the Empire produced – could buy – could sell, the exhibition at Wembley proved a real draw... You could see the Witton Kramer Electric Lifting Magnet the Constantineseo Converter Motor Chassis (for driving standard-gauge engines) wonderful machines that turned a fluid of emulsified wood pulp into paper or packed cigarettes into boxes... The kind of thrill you get once in a life-time .... if you’re lucky. But all this praise for the self-sustaining Empire got a bad crimp on the opening day when the King gave his speech. Reporters noticed that the platform wasn’t English-made. The lumber came from the U.S.!1 Right there was a symbol of something gone askew with the English 1 “Britain’s Empire Packed into One Big Show,” Literary Digest (June 14, 1924): 44. political economy. I. OWE CALCUTTA A. ENGLAND TRIMS ITS SALES World War I wrecked international trade. The 1920s saw a very incomplete recovery. Blame America for a lot of the trouble. It came out of the world war as the great creditor nation. Then it enacted policies that made it impossible for debtors to pay without ruining themselves.... and demanded that they pay. It closed its doors to Europeans with the most pressure of population by severe immigration laws. It closed its shops to Europe’s products, by tariffs. The Hawley-Smoot tariff was the worst of all. Exports Decline: Manufactures Trouble like this England didn’t need. 3 British wealth depended on what it could sell abroad. -
{FREE} Napoleon Bonaparte Ebook
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Gregory Fremont-Barnes,Peter Dennis | 64 pages | 25 May 2010 | Bloomsbury Publishing PLC | 9781846034589 | English | Oxford, England, United Kingdom Napoleon Bonaparte - Quotes, Death & Facts - Biography They may have presented themselves as continental out of a desire for honor and distinction, but this does not prove they really were as foreign as they themselves often imagined. We might say that they grew all the more attached to their Italian origins as they moved further and further away from them, becoming ever more deeply integrated into Corsican society through marriages. This was as true of the Buonapartes as of anyone else related to the Genoese and Tuscan nobilities by virtue of titles that were, to tell the truth, suspect. The Buonapartes were also the relatives, by marriage and by birth, of the Pietrasentas, Costas, Paraviccinis, and Bonellis, all Corsican families of the interior. Napoleon was born there on 15 August , their fourth child and third son. A boy and girl were born first but died in infancy. Napoleon was baptised as a Catholic. Napoleon was born the same year the Republic of Genoa ceded Corsica to France. His father was an attorney who went on to be named Corsica's representative to the court of Louis XVI in The dominant influence of Napoleon's childhood was his mother, whose firm discipline restrained a rambunctious child. Napoleon's noble, moderately affluent background afforded him greater opportunities to study than were available to a typical Corsican of the time. When he turned 9 years old, [18] [19] he moved to the French mainland and enrolled at a religious school in Autun in January Napoleon was routinely bullied by his peers for his accent, birthplace, short stature, mannerisms and inability to speak French quickly. -
Independence and Trade: the Speci C E Ects of French Colonialism
Independence and trade: the specic eects of French colonialism Emmanuelle Lavallée¤ Julie Lochardy June 2012z Very preliminary. Please do note cite. Abstract Empirical evidence suggests that colonial rule and subsequent indepen- dence inuence past and current trade of former colonies. Independence ef- fects could dier substantially across former empires if they are related to the end of dierent preferential trade arrangements. Thanks to an original dataset including new data on pre-independence bilateral trade, this paper explores the impact of independence on former colonies' trade (imports and exports) for dierent empires on the period 1948-2007. We show that independence reduces trade (imports and exports) with the former metropole and that this eect is mainly driven by former French colonies. We also nd that, after independence, trade of all former colonies increase with third countries. A close inspection of the eects over time highlights that independence eects are gradual but tend to be more rapid and more intense in the case of exports. These results oer indirect evidence for the long-lasting inuence of colonial trade policies. Author Keywords: Trade; Decolonization; French Empire. JEL classication codes: F10; F54. ¤Université Paris-Dauphine, LEDa, UMR DIAL. Email: [email protected]. yErudite, University of Paris-Est Créteil. Email: [email protected]. zWe would like to thank participants at the IRD-DIAL Seminar and participants at the Con- ference on International Economics (CIE) 2012 for useful comments and suggestions. 1 1 Introduction Several studies highlight the consequences of colonial rule on bilateral trade. Mitchener and Wei- denmier (2008) assess the contemporaneous eects of empire on trade over the period 1870-1913. -
Locating the British World of Trade
Introduction- Locating the British World of Trade ‘We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind. While we were doing it….we did not allow it to affect our imaginations or in any degree to change our way of thinking; nor have we even ceased to think of ourselves as simply a race inhabiting an island off the northern coast of the Continent of Europe’, J.R. Seeley, The Expansion of England (London, 1883), p. 11 ‘Here in the United Kingdom, there are some forty millions of us. Outside, there are more than ten millions descended from ancestors who left this country. How long are we going to be four times as many as our kinsfolk abroad?...Do you think it better to cultivate trade with your own people, or let that go in order that you may keep the trade of those who are your competitors and rivals?’, Joseph Chamberlain, Birmingham speech, May 1903.1 In 1871 Europe accounted for a larger share of UK trade than the Empire-Commonwealth. The same was true for 1901, when Queen Victoria died and Britain was embroiled in the Second Anglo-Boer War, and in 1931, the year before a system of tariff preferences between Empire-Commonwealth countries was cemented at the Ottawa economic conference. In 1961, when the UK made its first application to join the European Economic Community (EEC), its trade with western Europe was about equal with that of the Empire- Commonwealth, and Europe had firmly re-established itself as Britain’s key trade partner by 1 Cited in C.W. -
The Caribbean and Iberoamerica and Its Impact for the Congress of Vienna and Viceversa
1 The Congress of Vienna 1814-15: Making Peace After Global War, February5-7, 2015. European Institute at Columbia University, NYC The Caribbean and Iberoamerica and its impact for the Congress of Vienna and viceversa. Christian Cwik (University of the West Indies, St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago) The outbreak of the coalition wars (1792-1815) impacted the European colonies on a global level. In Iberoamerica and the Caribbean there was a spread of revolutions and the cry for the abolition of slavery. For many in Europe there was the view that “The revolution in the Americas is the revolution in Europe”. This was a serious fear among the victorious conservative elites during the Congress of Vienna. Revolutions in the Americas had not one but many faces: the call for independence, republicanism, democracy, liberalism, social utopianism and the abolition of slavery as well as the fight for universal franchise, property and many other fundamental changes. In the aftermath of the success of the thirteen British North American colonies in their fight for independence from London, other revolutionary changes had taken place on the North American main. American revolutionaries such as Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, Arthur Lee, and Thomas Jefferson, and French revolutionaries such as Louis Philippe, Comte de Ségur and the Marquis de Lafayette who had fought for the American cause spread the “virus of revolution” to France. Among the supporters also were revolutionaries from South America such as José Maria España and Francisco de Miranda, who spread the “virus” to Iberoamerica and the Caribbean. The repercussions were feared by many European statesmen, who devoted considerable attention to the issue and initiated a separate domain of exploration of the “South American Matter” during the Congress. -
Special List 341: the Peninsular
special list 341 1 RICHARD C.RAMER Special List 341 The Peninsular War 2 RICHARDrichard c. C.RAMER ramer Old and Rare Books 225 east 70th street . suite 12f . new york, n.y. 10021-5217 Email [email protected] . Website www.livroraro.com Telephones (212) 737 0222 and 737 0223 Fax (212) 288 4169 July 22, 2019 Special List 341 The Peninsular War Items marked with an asterisk (*) will be shipped from Lisbon. SATISFACTION GUARANTEED: All items are understood to be on approval, and may be returned within a reasonable time for any reason whatsoever. VISITORS BY APPOINTMENT special list 341 3 Special List 341 The Peninsular War 1. [ACADEMICO TRANSMONTANO, Um]. Ode. [after quotes from Claudian and Camões, text begins:] Transmontanos guerreiros! Quando trôa / O sonóro clarim da Independencia .... N.p.: n.pr., (1809?). 8°, stitched, with paper reinforcement at spine. Uncut. Fine. Old ink number “122” in upper inner corner of first leaf recto, on paper reinforcement. 8 pp. $200.00 FIRST and ONLY EDITION. We have been able to locate only one other copy, in the Fundo Barca-Oliveira at the Biblioteca Pública de Braga. The work probably dates to 1809, when Marshal Soult invaded Portugal from the north and was temporarily repulsed by Portuguese militia at the Minho River. Page 3 includes the lines, “em Tras-os-Montes / SEPULVEDA immortal o brado alçando, / Proclama a Liberdade!” Porbase identifies “Academico Transmontano” as Antonio Pimentel Soares, but since he was born in 1804, this cannot be the same author. ❊ Biblioteca Pública de Braga, Catálogo do Fundo Barca-Oliveira, p. -
Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1
wbhr 02|2014 Great Britain, the Dominions and the Paris Peace Conference1 JAROSLAV VALKOUN Institute of World History, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague Nám. J. Palacha 2, 116 38 Prague, Czech Republic [email protected] Introduction The First World War was the greatest test for the cohesion of the British Empire after the first Dominions came into being.2 The Empire entered the war as one single entity as the Dominions were still formally subordinated to their mother country. The Dominions had the right to decide about the extent of their involvement in the war effort; however, as a result of various pre-war agreements, their fleets and expeditionary forces found themselves under the command of the British Admiralty and the Supreme Military Command.3 Although the Dominions’ military deployment was below the level of their mother country, their help was everything but negligible.4 Losses and victories of these overseas countries, symbolized by the heroism of Australians and New Zealanders during the Gallipoli Operation, of Canadians at Passchendaele and Vimy Ridge, and of South Africans during the conquest of German Southwest and East Africa, deeply entered the collective memory of the Dominions. In addition, they accelerated local 1 This article has been published as a part of the research project PRVOUK „Historie v interdisciplinární perspektivě” (scientific discipline AB – history; coordinator: Prof. PhDr. Ivan Šedivý, CSc.), partial project „Evropa a (versus) svět: Interkontinentální a vnitrokontinentální politické, ekonomické, sociální, kulturní a intelektuální transfery a jejich důsledky” (leading project researcher: Prof. PhDr. Josef Opatrný, CSc.). 2 See H. E. -
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India’S Independence Struggle
Trade Shocks, Mass Mobilization and Decolonization: Evidence from India's Independence Struggle Rikhil R. Bhavnani and Saumitra Jha∗ May 2011 Abstract A key challenge for development lies in generating broad coalitions in favor of reforms that span economic and ethnic divisions. The mobilization of India's remarkably diverse population in favour of independence|one of the first mass political movements and the first major reversal of colonization by Europeans since the early 19th century| provides an important historical example of a success. Using novel data, we find evidence that districts that were negatively impacted by the Great Depression and Britain's policy shift from free trade to an imperial preference regime favoring British manufactures were more likely to support the Congress, the party of independence, in 1937 and 1946 and more likely to engage in violent insurrection in the Quit India rebellion of 1942. However, positive and extreme negative shocks in this period were associated with less, rather than more, support for Independence. We interpret our results as inconsistent with a \peasant rebellion" interpretation of India's independence and instead as reflecting the role of the Great Depression in aligning the incentives of South Asia's exporters with import substituters in favour of political independence, even while Imperial protectionism forged new pro-Empire constituencies. ∗Preliminary and incomplete. Please do not cite without authors' consent. Bhavnani: Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, [email protected]. Jha: Graduate School of Business, Stanford University, [email protected]. We are particularly grateful to Dennis Appleyard for helpful comments and generously sharing his data. -
Divided Sovereignty: Empire and Nation in the Making of Modern Britain
DIVIDED SOVEREIGNTY: EMPIRE AND NATION IN THE MAKING OF MODERN BRITAIN APRIL 2009 By Andrew Baker Lecturer in History University of Hertfordshire ABSTRACT Great Britain is regarded as a classic example of the Weberian state, and thus as a model of a developed state that might be contrasted with developing states. However, this comfortable fiction conceals the role of empire in the evolution of the British state. Rather than take the distinction between a ‘metropolis’ and a ‘periphery’ as given, this essay explores the mutual constitution of state and empire. What it finds is that the political identity of the British state changed drastically over the first half of the twentieth century, as British intellectuals and policymakers attempted to develop a new political community through the British Commonwealth. The British state of the interwar years decentralised its decision-making and embedded itself firmly in new multilateral networks. A rationalised, centralised British state only emerged after the Second World War, and that in the context of other (Atlantic and European) political identities. The modern British state, it is concluded, is as much a post-colonial invention as the states of the ‘developing’ world. 2 INTRODUCTION Britain occupies an important place in theories of the state and sovereignty. From the perspective of historical sociology, Britain exemplifies the development of the fiscal- military state, where clerks and administrators made possible the exploits of British military heroes, Marlborough to Wellington, Vernon to Nelson (Brewer, 1989). From the perspective of historical materialism, Britain exemplifies capitalist development, an essentially ‘universalising’ world market concealed behind a bureaucratic, centralising nation-state (Rosenberg, 1994). -
Papers of Joseph Chamberlain
http://gdc.gale.com/archivesunbound/ PAPERS OF JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN Winston Churchill once wrote that Joseph Chamberlain "made the weather" in British politics. Through his radical ideals he split both the main British parties, the Liberals by opposing Home Rule for Ireland, and the Conservatives over tariff reform. The Papers of Joseph Chamberlain highlight his political career as Mayor of Birmingham to Secretary of State for the Colonies and the fight over tariff reforms with which he ended his career. This collection demonstrates the rapid change in politics, particularly the constant change in allegiances between politicians and Chamberlain’s own development as a politician. Newspaper clippings of his early speeches, the only record still existing of them, can also be found in this collection, recording his political career from start to finish. Date Range: 1836-1914 Content: 141,316 images Source Library: University of Birmingham Library Detailed Description: Joseph Chamberlain established a model that politicians and pundits still use to classify and judge the performance of Britain’s political leaders. He commonly heads the list for most outstanding statesman who never became Prime Minister. By the time he took charge of the British empire at its height at the turn of the century, he had already distinguished himself as a civic reformer. He set about posing the most serious challenge to the free-trading economic orthodoxy that had been dominant in Britain since the mid-nineteenth century. His first step into politics was as the Mayor of Birmingham, where he had built a company that manufactured screws. In his early adulthood he was a radical Liberal Party member and a campaigner for educational reform, standing up to Gladstone over elementary education. -
2. Working with Bruce
2. Working with Bruce Summary The Australian Dried Fruits Association took the campaign for tariff preference, summed up in a memorandum by McDougall, to the Premiers’ Conference late in 1921. The Federal Government was persuaded to raise the issue of increasing preference with the British Government, which refused to consider a measure increasing the cost of food. A delegation to help clear stocks of Australian tinned fruits in London included McDougall, who gained the approval of Stanley Melbourne Bruce, a young and very new Federal Treasurer in 1922, for his continuing to campaign for tariff preference while in London. By the time McDougall reached London, Bruce had replaced W. M. Hughes as Prime Minister. McDougall reported regularly to Bruce on the progress of his lobbying, and was asked to assist him prepare for the 1923 Imperial Conference. He helped write Bruce’s major speech to the Imperial Economic Conference, calling for imperial economic cooperation through the provision of ‘men, money and markets’. Soon after the conference, British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin sought endorsement of further tariffs at a general election. McDougall assisted Bruce in his support for Baldwin’s case and also urged Bruce to ensure that Australia’s rural industries were organised for efficient marketing. With the election lost and an anti-tariff minority Labour Government in power in London, Bruce summoned McDougall to Australia in 1924 to help prepare legislation for organisation schemes for industries including dried fruits. It was agreed between the two that McDougall should return to London, paid partly by the Federal Government for lobbying work and partly by the new Dried Fruits Export Control Board, of which he would be the London Secretary. -
Diplomatic Realignment Between the War of Rosellon and the War of Oranges in the Days of Gomes Freire De Andrade
War compasses: diplomatic realignment between the war of Rosellon and the war of Oranges in the days of Gomes Freire de Andrade Ainoa Chinchilla Galarzo Throughout the 18th century, both Spain and Portugal decided to join the two great powers of the moment: France and England, respectively, in order to maintain their overseas empires. The defense of these territories depended on the threat of the dominant maritime power of the moment: England; therefore, these two States were forced to choose one of the two options. As we already know, the alignments of France with Spain and, on the other hand, of England with Portugal, would lead them to be in [1] opposing positions throughout the eighteenth century . In the first place, the decision of the Spanish government was due to their capacity to face the maritime strength of the English, which was not enough. Spain needed France´s support to fight against the hegemony which the English intended at sea, since the French power was becoming the rival to take into account. Therefore, the Spanish government decided to join its steps to [2] those of France with the signing of three Family Pacts . On the other hand, Portugal, as a gateway to the Atlantic Ocean, needed British aid to keep its overseas territories, since its interests and reality were wholly linked to the control of the sea. Hence the alliance with the English nation, was ratified in the treaty of Methuen of 1703. These alignments allowed each of them to have the help of their ally in case it was needed, while leaving room for the own politics of each State.