THINK PIECE #93

The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century

Chris Bowers and Paul Pettinger

January 2018

ABOUT THE AUTHORS THINK PIECE Chris Bowers is a two-term Liberal Democrat #93 district councillor (including a spell as group

leader), a three-time parliamentary candidate, author of : the biography and Elections for Sale?, and co-editor with and Lisa Nandy of The Alternative.

Paul Pettinger is a former city councillor and Lib Dem HQ employee who has spent the last eight years campaigning to ensure state-funded schools

better promote integration. He sits on the boards of the Electoral Reform Society and Compass.

ABOUT THIS PUBLICATION

This paper was written by two Liberal Democrats with close links to Compass, to stimulate

discussion within the Lib Dems about formulating the party's policy platform in a way that is both true to the party's radical roots and could make it part of any future Progressive Alliance.

This paper is aimed at offering policy input to the review of Party Strategy currently being undertaken

by the Federal Board. It makes the case for the party to embrace and advance radical liberalism in today’s political context. It is deliberately short in order to make its point, even at risk of cutting a few

corners. The authors are delighted to make the paper available to Compass members and supporters in the hope that readers inside the Lib Dems and in other progressive parties and none see

the radical side to Party that is essential to the electoral and political future of progressive politics.

Published January 2018 by Compass By Chris Bowers and Paul Pettinger Compass is keen to keep exploring these key issues and would welcome any comments or ideas about © Compass how. All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievable system, or transmitted, in any Compass Think Pieces are shorter, sharper and form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, more immediate responses to key issues. The ideas recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Compass. and the thoughts are always those of the author, not Compass Compass. They can cover any topic that helps us 81a Endell Street understand better what a good society should WC2H 9DX or could look like and how we might get there. We [email protected] welcome suggestions for future publications, www.compassonline.org.uk especially from women and any groups or people in

society who are under-represented in the field of Compass is a home for those who want to build and be a part of a political thought and action. Good Society; one where equality, sustainability and democracy are not mere aspirations, but a living reality. Please contact: [email protected] in We are founded on the belief that no single issue, organisation or the first instance. political party can make a Good Society a reality by themselves so we have to work together to make it happen. Compass is a place where people come together to create the visions, alliances and actions to be the change we wish to see in the world.

Purpose brand with many former voters. Various There are enough discussion papers sculling policies, such as electoral reform and pro- around Liberal Democrat circles, so if there’s Europeanism, have long been associated with to be another one, it has to serve a clear the Lib Dems, but voters sometimes find it purpose. The aim behind this paper is twofold: hard to identify just what a Lib Dem vote actually means. With the two main parties • To define what today’s incarnation of currently further apart than for at least a radical liberalism means in terms of generation, the Liberal Democrats risk being policies and its unique place in today’s squeezed out of the picture by polarised terms political context; of debate. It is vital therefore that Liberal Democrats should set out much more clearly • To package those policies so they give their distinctness and relevance towards better a sense of purpose and identity to what meeting people’s needs over the immediate being a Liberal Democrat means, but in years ahead, and why they are an integral part a way that makes it clear where they of working for a progressive future. leave scope for working together with other parties, both before the next There are five recognitions that form the general election and afterwards, to help parameters in which the search for a definition ensure progressives dominate 21st and packaging of radical liberalism has to fall: century UK politics the way the Conservatives managed in the 20th. • The Conservatives are in government, which means progressive parties will In other words, we need to make it easier for inevitably be closer to each other by the public (including those either casually dint of shared opposition, and the next interested in politics or only interested at election is likely to be more of a ‘get election times) to understand what the Lib the Tories out’ election than at any time Dems stand for; we need to do so in a way that since 1997. In addition, intellectual the public and other progressives can get the common ground between Liberal message that voting Lib Dem will lead to Democrats and Conservatives was lasting political, social and economic change; exhausted during the 2010-15 coalition. and we need to be clear that Lib Dems are willing to work with others to help achieve a • Most Lib Dem target seats are more pluralistic, cohesive and collaborative Conservative-facing, where to succeed society. we need to strike a balance between winning favour from some soft Basic parameters Conservatives and generally doing a lot UK liberalism has a great tradition as a better at ‘squeezing’ anti-Conservative creative and radical force, often best known voters (which we did successfully in through leading reformist figures such as 1997). As Pack and Howarth found in Gladstone, Hobhouse, Lloyd George, Keynes, their 2015 ‘The 20% Strategy: Building Beveridge (a liberal whose ideas were a core vote for the Liberal Democrats’, implemented by a Labour government) and three fifths of voters with a broadly Grimond. More recently, positions such as liberal outlook hold views on the Kennedy’s opposition to the Iraq war and economic centre-left.1 This speaks to us Cable’s advocacy of wealth taxes can be seen rebuilding a public perception as an as a continuation of the party’s radical core. alternative centre-left party to Labour But the delicate balancing act and policy of (as occurred under the leaderships of equidistance that characterised the Clegg years Kennedy and Campbell) rather than a meant the party appeared to lack clarity about centre ground party that is equidistant its liberalism (a dangerous position for a party from the two main parties (and which based around values, rather than clearly risks us being aggressively squeezed by defined collective interests), and while both). We can say we’re sounder on understandable in a practical context, the economics than Labour, we can say 2010-15 coalition has toxified the Lib Dem we’re a more evidence-based

3 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century alternative to Jeremy Corbyn, we can through the various shades of Labour say we’re the more pragmatic choice opinion such as Clive Lewis, Stephen for those who want a prosperous and Kinnock, Jonathan Reynolds and Jon compassionate society, but we need to Ashworth, to ‘Blairites’ like Chuka make clear that we are of the Umunna and Ben Bradshaw. In progressive centre-left and not the safe addition, an increasing number in and soggy centre. When the party Labour recognise that forging a more formally abandoned a position of equal society requires equal votes (that equidistance in 1995, the Federal democratic and economic equality are Executive adopted a statement which entwined). included the declaration: ‘No quarter for the Tories. No let-up on Labour. • If we believe in PR, we have to accept Liberal Democrats will continue to that, under PR, there is unlikely ever to campaign and win for the principles and be a single-party majority government, policies that we believe in.’2 While the and therefore parties will have to work statement was appropriate for the together. While we have to be awake to political context of its era, we believe the potential of frightening away voters such public positioning offers a useful with the prospect of cooperating with example for today about how the party one party or another, we have more to might again go about maintaining its gain for liberal voters by establishing distinctiveness while also indicating the principle of cooperation in the that it operates on the centre-left. public’s mind and delivering them a louder voice through PR. • A key long-term goal has to be a proportional voting system for the • Centrism and equidistance doesn’t work House of Commons. Only then can we for minor liberal parties. It leaves them truly pursue liberalism unencumbered open to being aggressively squeezed. by electoral tactics and ensure liberal As the Lib Dem blogger and political voters can finally punch their weight. science PhD student Nick Barlow The Conservatives are not going to explained in 2015, where the main deliver PR: the 2017 Conservative parties of the left and right are not close manifesto committed the party to together and cannot form governments ensuring first-past-the-post was with each other, liberal parties must introduced for all police and mayoral ‘pick a side’ between left or right and elections in England, and many work within it.5 This is what almost all Conservatives would prefer Labour to other liberal parties do on the national have an overall majority so it doesn’t stage. introduce PR than see it break open British politics permanently. By Values and vision of radical liberalism contrast, the Greens, the SNP and Plaid Liberalism is an emancipatory ideology. Cymru all support proportional Radical social liberals believe we must representation, while all meaningful prioritise sharing power more equally and electoral reform achieved over recent empowering those who are least empowered. generations has occurred with either the We have allowed our opponents to appropriate support of or through the Labour Party.3 this spirit, for instance when Vote Leave Furthermore, there is a growing effectively used the slogan ‘take back control’. commitment to PR among senior Furthermore, some opponents have been able Labour politicians and activists from to frame liberals as elitist. across the Labour factions that appears to be a genuine conviction, rather than While we respect and appreciate those who simply an opposition tactic that will be generate wealth, we are far from elitist, and abandoned the moment they are in seek the devolution of power and wealth, government.4 Leading advocates for PR believing that one is not possible without the in Labour range from Corbyn loyalists other. Both will ultimately boost liberty and such as John McDonnell and Cat Smith, prosperity. Our desire for redistribution and

4 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century concern for those who have the least provides overbearing government. We wish to a great deal of common ground with other encourage bottom-up forms of progressives. enterprise that are run on liberal and cooperative principles. But what marks liberals as different from some other progressives is that we are based far less But radical liberalism needs to go further, for on advancing clearly defined group interests example challenging the narrow concept of (such as class or a national identity) and more growth that lies at the heart of both on the empowerment of individuals. We are neoliberalism and Keynesian social democracy led by a philosophy, not class interest. We (growth that focuses almost entirely on naked envisage a compassionate society, in which productivity, to the exclusion of quality of life, everyone has a respected place, as a context in long term security and well-being). Even 50 which all individuals are given a chance to years after the ‘limits to growth’ debate, develop themselves and shine in whatever way advocating an end to growth may still be a step is appropriate for them and helpful to society. too far at this stage. But any growth that we do We are less communitarian than Labour and accept must be within defined sustainable other parties because of the extent of our belief limits so we are quite clearly tackling the in the rights and opportunity of the individual, contributory factors to environmental and in all spheres we seek to set individual degradation and wealth inequality, not just freedom first (albeit mindful that individual trying to fight the symptoms. freedom stops at the point where it impinges on the freedom of others). We see a key role Framing of policies for an active and enabling state but are The way we frame our policies and campaign suspicious of all concentrations of power, messages has to meet three criteria: whether public or private, hence our encapsulate radical liberalism, generate a sense instinctive commitment to civil liberties, of what the Liberal Democrats stand for that human rights and social justice. the general public can assimilate, and allow scope for the formation of shared agendas, Both the shared striving with others for a more whether or not these shared agendas ultimately compassionate and equal society, and our find form through formal pre-election pacts philosophical commitment to celebrating the and post-election cooperation in government, individual need emphasising, so we are clearly or merely by encouraging progressive voters to seen to be of the centre-left, but with our own vote Lib Dem where it makes sense to do so. distinct outlook and identity. One without the other will not take us very far. With this in mind, the party could formulate the following two-pronged vision: Economic issues are often the biggest drivers of voter behaviour, so it is important for Lib • A society that respects environment, Dems to have a distinct economic policy that equality and internationalism. follows from our basic principles. We must • An economic model that puts make sure we are not defined by the 2010-15 sustainability, innovation and human coalition with the Conservatives, which was dignity at its core. not an end in itself but a measure to provide political stability in an uncertain time. The In terms of specific policies, this could mean: route to this lies in playing our part in discrediting the post-1979 ‘neoliberal Environment – a commitment to respecting consensus’ (neoliberalism is neither liberal nor all the UK’s current environmental obligations new – it centralizes wealth and power into the (including those currently laid down through hands of those who are already rich and EU processes), and working towards future powerful through monopoly capitalism, under models of development that respect critical regulated marker, privatization, tax cuts and loads and limits, and access to environmental austerity), and making the case for a new justice. We must commit to ensuring the costs economics that involves revising elements of of transitioning to a low-carbon economy are Keynesianism. We reject market shared in a progressive manner. fundamentalism as well as remote and

5 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century Equality – enacting measures to guarantee in a democratic and publicly accountable way, equality of recognition for all people and driven by public interest, not by profit. regardless of ability, background or how they wish to define themselves, equality of value of Housing and land – the state must assume a votes (effectively PR in all elections), equality lasting role in ensuring basic standards of of voice in society and a recognition that dignity in living. This means ensuring that an equality of opportunity is a means to greater agreed number of new dwellings are built, equality of outcome. with the highest environmental building standards enforced, but also managing a more Internationalism – a recognition that today’s efficient use of land and existing properties, in world is interdependent and therefore we have order to avoid housing issues being tackled to cooperate with others and accept our simply by the blunt instrument of ‘predict and responsibilities as an affluent member of the provide’. Land as a factor of production is developed world, while at the same time often overlooked, which is why its efficient recognising that the movement of people can use and moving much of the tax burden off sometimes happen at a pace that is not workers and onto land owners must be taken conducive to the peaceful and seamless into consideration in the quest to create an evolution of national and local society. To this economy that is stronger and structurally end we recognise an increased role for the fairer. (The ownership and use of land is a state to manage population change better (by traditionally liberal preoccupation.) investing in infrastructure, housing and public services) and share the proceeds of Civil liberties – while the very difficult role of globalisation (for instance through investment police, security and anti-terrorism services is in de-industrialised areas). In addition, we appreciated and respected, a state based on want to work with others to ensure peace and surveillance of individuals, along with other disarmament. threats to civil rights, presents the biggest long-term threat to liberty. The defence of civil Economics – a plan to ensure the UK’s liberties and human rights must therefore be at economic model relies on investing in people the heart of any progressive government, and ideas, not exploiting workers or the planet. which will mean greater democratic oversight This must include a commitment to reform for surveillance functions. capitalism. Measures to advance socially responsible capitalism should include Education – ensuring policy is led by promoting greater corporate social evidence, and not the ideologies of market responsibility, tackling abuses and fundamentalism, nor of centralisation where concentrations of corporate power, promoting the state ‘knows best’. This will include mutualism and workplace democracy, and reverting Ofsted to its originally intended role redistributing wealth. of ensuring minimum standards that in turn guarantee equality of opportunity rather than it Markets – a recognition that there is a need being an overbearing adjudicator of relativity; for a benign state but that the state can’t do allowing schools to opt out of multi-academy everything better than the private sector; trusts and revert to local and local authority therefore the state must be defined as an oversight if they (i.e. local people) wish to; enabler of social services, whether it provides boosting the autonomy and status of teachers; such services itself or not. Together with this and upholding the comprehensive principle. definition must be a recognition of where markets can work without the need for much Political reform – providing the constitutional state intervention to ensure compliance with arrangements and a devolved political system regulation and prevent monopolies, and where for the 21st century, including voting systems they do not work (in particular in the provision that are sufficiently proportional so that every of health and education services). Where vote counts, devolving power to sensible markets do not work, public services must be levels of local and regional/county control, provided by the state (or by other not-for- ensuring greater pluralism of media profit entities such as cooperatives or charities) ownership, improved lobbying transparency, taking big money out of politics, ensuring the

6 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century growth of social media does not compromise Not only are a lot of Labour democratic accountability, and electing the representatives coming out in favour, House of Lords. but ensuring democratic equality does not go against the values and instincts Presumption of common sense – a good faith of Labour, indeed one could argue that defence that sends a signal to insurers and the some of Labour’s core policies about judicial system that anyone who has acted on giving people a voice are fatally the basis of common sense and with undermined without a commitment to reasonable regard for risks should be deemed equal votes. free from prosecution. This should be • It represents our best chance of advanced in a programme of penal reforms, securing enough support for an exit including drug decriminalisation, improved from Brexit though a second mental health and educational services for referendum. prisoners, and boosts to legal aid. • Liberal voters are broadly left-leaning. Seeking some form of cooperation When putting these ideas into a manifesto or with any combination of Labour, other policy platform, the overall guiding Greens, SNP, Plaid or even one or questions should be: does this policy more of the Northern Irish parties encapsulate radical liberalism, does it make would not on policy grounds alienate the Lib Dems distinctive, and does it leave many potential Lib Dem voters, scope for pre-and/or post-electoral indeed it would suit most voters of a cooperation? In some cases it will do more of liberal outlook. one than the others, but these should be the criteria by which all policies are ultimately • Lib Dem members also lean towards judged. the left. Seeking sensible cooperation with Labour, the Greens and Progressive alliance nationalist parties would fit with the We understand that the term ‘progressive world view of the majority of Lib alliance’ or any of its synonyms concerns a Dem members, in fact it could even be number of Liberal Democrats. This is seen as redressing the balance from understandable: some Lib Dem MPs are in situ the patience and discipline these Lib because a critical mass of ‘soft Tories’ have Dems had to show during the 2010-15 voted for them, and there’s worry that they coalition period. may not lend us their votes if we are seen to be too close to Labour, the Greens or nationalist • Progressive alliances work, both in parties; others are members in seats that are Britain and abroad. The massive marginals between the Conservatives and Labour majorities of 1945 and 1997 another party, and fear they will be asked to were both achieved with a lot of cross- stand aside for a Labour or Green candidate. party cooperation (some formal, some But the question needs asking whether we informal), while the Liberal victory of have more to gain by being willing to 1906 also involved cooperation with cooperate with other parties of a more similar Labour. In most mainland European vision, even if such positioning does not aid all countries, progressive alliances have our candidates, than if we play ‘safe’ (if it is worked both pre- and post-election, safe) and risk spurning the chance to grow. and if our aim is to get a proportional voting system, we need to highlight We believe there is more to gain by carefully the areas that unite us with certain controlled cooperation with other parties of the other parties rather than just the left for several reasons, among them: policies that give us our individual identity. • It represents the quickest route to electoral reform. We will not achieve • Labour is not guaranteed an overall PR on our own, so the only way is to majority at the next election. Labour is put one of the two major parties in the currently riding high, and clearly position where they have to deliver it.

7 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century Corbyn has struck a chord with The Liberal Democrats are in a phase of various groups of hitherto excluded reassessment, still rebuilding after the voters, but Labour’s cherished idea of hammering we took in 2015, and unsure when ‘one more heave’ to get it into the next election is going to be or how our government is optimistic to say the stance on Brexit is likely to play out with the least. Leaving aside the fact that it electorate. It is therefore a period of reflection cannot hold together the fragile and reassessment. We encourage the party to coalition of industrial Leavers and develop its policy platform for the next youthful Remainers for very long, election along the lines set out in this paper, in many people voted Labour in 2017 order to give us maximum opportunity to because the opposition narrative of the establish a place for radical liberalism in the whole election – right up to 10pm on British political landscape, not just after the polling day – was to stop Theresa May next election – whenever it comes – but in the getting too big a majority. Labour was long term too. never considered a plausible government, but if it now is, the greater scrutiny may mean many 1. See page 5 of ‘The 20% Strategy: Building a people who voted Labour in 2017 will core vote for the Liberal Democrats’, Pack be less willing to do so next time. and Howarth, January 2016. Labour may therefore need to depend 2. A useful historical overview of how the on Lib Dem and/or SNP support to Party last went about abandoning form a government, and as long as equidistance can be found in an article by there is a cast-iron guarantee of PR in the Party's former Director of Strategy and any Labour government programme, Planning Alan Leaman, ‘Ending we could afford to take a hit in return Equidistance’, Journal of Liberal History, for the longer-term prize of making all 19, Summer 1998, pp. 3-10. Lib Dem votes count. In addition, 3. Reforms by Labour include introducing Labour need to take the Lib Dems proportional representation for European seriously because they are many Tory elections in Northern Ireland in 1979, facing marginals that Labour still can’t Northern Irish Assembly elections in 1998, win. Scottish Parliamentary and Welsh Assembly elections in 1999, European elections in Britain in 1999, and London • The Liberal Democrats are not Assembly elections in 2000. Lib Dems guaranteed to survive. Our brand is achieved proportional representation for tainted, and while it might recover in local elections in Scotland in 2007 in time, under first-past-the-post we are coalition with Labour at Holyrood. All the unlikely to win many seats unless we Conservatives have ever conceded was a can ‘borrow’ the votes of parties referendum on the Alternative Vote, which whose supporters might consider is not a proportional voting system and in switching to the Lib Dems for tactical any event was, as Nick Clegg generously reasons. The experience in 2017 of described a ‘miserable little compromise’. West and Abingdon, where 4. ‘John McDonnell calls on Labour to back Layla Moran was elected on a tiny proportional representation’, The majority thanks to broad support from Independent, 7 May 2016. Labour and Green voters, is but one 5. Nick Barlow, ‘European Liberal Parties example of the need for the Don’t Alternate Between Governments of appropriate level of cooperation, Left and Right Anymore’, perhaps backed up by reciprocation http://www.nickbarlow.com/blog/?p=449 between parties for elections to 7, 5 July 2015. different levels of government. ’s slim victory in Westmorland and Lonsdale and the 2016 Richmond Park by-election are others.

8 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century

9 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century