THINK PIECE #93 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century Chris Bowers and Paul Pettinger January 2018 ABOUT THE AUTHORS THINK PIECE Chris Bowers is a two-term Liberal Democrat #93 district councillor (including a spell as group leader), a three-time parliamentary candidate, author of Nick Clegg: the biography and Elections for Sale?, and co-editor with Caroline Lucas and Lisa Nandy of The Alternative. Paul Pettinger is a former city councillor and Lib Dem HQ employee who has spent the last eight years campaigning to ensure state-funded schools better promote integration. He sits on the boards of the Electoral Reform Society and Compass. ABOUT THIS PUBLICATION This paper was written by two Liberal Democrats with close links to Compass, to stimulate discussion within the Lib Dems about formulating the party's policy platform in a way that is both true to the party's radical roots and could make it part of any future Progressive Alliance. This paper is aimed at offering policy input to the review of Party Strategy currently being undertaken by the Federal Board. It makes the case for the party to embrace and advance radical liberalism in today’s political context. It is deliberately short in order to make its point, even at risk of cutting a few corners. The authors are delighted to make the paper available to Compass members and supporters in the hope that readers inside the Lib Dems and in other progressive parties and none see the radical side to Party that is essential to the electoral and political future of progressive politics. Published January 2018 by Compass By Chris Bowers and Paul Pettinger Compass is keen to keep exploring these key issues and would welcome any comments or ideas about © Compass how. All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrievable system, or transmitted, in any Compass Think Pieces are shorter, sharper and form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, more immediate responses to key issues. The ideas recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Compass. and the thoughts are always those of the author, not Compass Compass. They can cover any topic that helps us 81a Endell Street understand better what a good society should London WC2H 9DX or could look like and how we might get there. We [email protected] welcome suggestions for future publications, www.compassonline.org.uk especially from women and any groups or people in society who are under-represented in the field of Compass is a home for those who want to build and be a part of a political thought and action. Good Society; one where equality, sustainability and democracy are not mere aspirations, but a living reality. Please contact: [email protected] in We are founded on the belief that no single issue, organisation or the first instance. political party can make a Good Society a reality by themselves so we have to work together to make it happen. Compass is a place where people come together to create the visions, alliances and actions to be the change we wish to see in the world. Purpose brand with many former voters. Various There are enough discussion papers sculling policies, such as electoral reform and pro- around Liberal Democrat circles, so if there’s Europeanism, have long been associated with to be another one, it has to serve a clear the Lib Dems, but voters sometimes find it purpose. The aim behind this paper is twofold: hard to identify just what a Lib Dem vote actually means. With the two main parties • To define what today’s incarnation of currently further apart than for at least a radical liberalism means in terms of generation, the Liberal Democrats risk being policies and its unique place in today’s squeezed out of the picture by polarised terms political context; of debate. It is vital therefore that Liberal Democrats should set out much more clearly • To package those policies so they give their distinctness and relevance towards better a sense of purpose and identity to what meeting people’s needs over the immediate being a Liberal Democrat means, but in years ahead, and why they are an integral part a way that makes it clear where they of working for a progressive future. leave scope for working together with other parties, both before the next There are five recognitions that form the general election and afterwards, to help parameters in which the search for a definition ensure progressives dominate 21st and packaging of radical liberalism has to fall: century UK politics the way the Conservatives managed in the 20th. • The Conservatives are in government, which means progressive parties will In other words, we need to make it easier for inevitably be closer to each other by the public (including those either casually dint of shared opposition, and the next interested in politics or only interested at election is likely to be more of a ‘get election times) to understand what the Lib the Tories out’ election than at any time Dems stand for; we need to do so in a way that since 1997. In addition, intellectual the public and other progressives can get the common ground between Liberal message that voting Lib Dem will lead to Democrats and Conservatives was lasting political, social and economic change; exhausted during the 2010-15 coalition. and we need to be clear that Lib Dems are willing to work with others to help achieve a • Most Lib Dem target seats are more pluralistic, cohesive and collaborative Conservative-facing, where to succeed society. we need to strike a balance between winning favour from some soft Basic parameters Conservatives and generally doing a lot UK liberalism has a great tradition as a better at ‘squeezing’ anti-Conservative creative and radical force, often best known voters (which we did successfully in through leading reformist figures such as 1997). As Pack and Howarth found in Gladstone, Hobhouse, Lloyd George, Keynes, their 2015 ‘The 20% Strategy: Building Beveridge (a liberal whose ideas were a core vote for the Liberal Democrats’, implemented by a Labour government) and three fifths of voters with a broadly Grimond. More recently, positions such as liberal outlook hold views on the Kennedy’s opposition to the Iraq war and economic centre-left.1 This speaks to us Cable’s advocacy of wealth taxes can be seen rebuilding a public perception as an as a continuation of the party’s radical core. alternative centre-left party to Labour But the delicate balancing act and policy of (as occurred under the leaderships of equidistance that characterised the Clegg years Kennedy and Campbell) rather than a meant the party appeared to lack clarity about centre ground party that is equidistant its liberalism (a dangerous position for a party from the two main parties (and which based around values, rather than clearly risks us being aggressively squeezed by defined collective interests), and while both). We can say we’re sounder on understandable in a practical context, the economics than Labour, we can say 2010-15 coalition has toxified the Lib Dem we’re a more evidence-based 3 The place for Radical Liberalism in the 21st century alternative to Jeremy Corbyn, we can through the various shades of Labour say we’re the more pragmatic choice opinion such as Clive Lewis, Stephen for those who want a prosperous and Kinnock, Jonathan Reynolds and Jon compassionate society, but we need to Ashworth, to ‘Blairites’ like Chuka make clear that we are of the Umunna and Ben Bradshaw. In progressive centre-left and not the safe addition, an increasing number in and soggy centre. When the party Labour recognise that forging a more formally abandoned a position of equal society requires equal votes (that equidistance in 1995, the Federal democratic and economic equality are Executive adopted a statement which entwined). included the declaration: ‘No quarter for the Tories. No let-up on Labour. • If we believe in PR, we have to accept Liberal Democrats will continue to that, under PR, there is unlikely ever to campaign and win for the principles and be a single-party majority government, policies that we believe in.’2 While the and therefore parties will have to work statement was appropriate for the together. While we have to be awake to political context of its era, we believe the potential of frightening away voters such public positioning offers a useful with the prospect of cooperating with example for today about how the party one party or another, we have more to might again go about maintaining its gain for liberal voters by establishing distinctiveness while also indicating the principle of cooperation in the that it operates on the centre-left. public’s mind and delivering them a louder voice through PR. • A key long-term goal has to be a proportional voting system for the • Centrism and equidistance doesn’t work House of Commons. Only then can we for minor liberal parties. It leaves them truly pursue liberalism unencumbered open to being aggressively squeezed. by electoral tactics and ensure liberal As the Lib Dem blogger and political voters can finally punch their weight. science PhD student Nick Barlow The Conservatives are not going to explained in 2015, where the main deliver PR: the 2017 Conservative parties of the left and right are not close manifesto committed the party to together and cannot form governments ensuring first-past-the-post was with each other, liberal parties must introduced for all police and mayoral ‘pick a side’ between left or right and elections in England, and many work within it.5 This is what almost all Conservatives would prefer Labour to other liberal parties do on the national have an overall majority so it doesn’t stage.