DOCSLIB.ORG

Lived Populism: Mainstream Social Media and the Resurgence of The

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Lived Populism: Mainstream Social Media and the Resurgence of The Universiteit van Amsterdam Lived Populism: Mainstream Social Media and the Resurgence of the Far Right in Portugal and Spain MA Thesis Programme: New Media and Digital Culture Vânia Raquel Leonardo Ferreira 31 August 2020 Leonardo Ferreira 2 Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................... 3 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Theoretical framework ............................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Populism ............................................................................................................................ 7 1.2 Social media and electoral campaigning ........................................................................... 11 1.3 Platform vernaculars ........................................................................................................ 13 2. Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 15 2.1 Case studies ........................................................................................................................... 15 2.1.1 Portugal .......................................................................................................................... 15 2.1.2 Spain ............................................................................................................................... 17 2.2 Digital methods ..................................................................................................................... 19 2.3 Data ....................................................................................................................................... 21 3. Findings................................................................................................................................... 24 3.1 Facebook .............................................................................................................................. 24 3.1.1 CH and André Ventura .................................................................................................... 24 3.1.2 VOX and Santiago Abascal ............................................................................................. 40 3.2. Twitter ................................................................................................................................. 63 3.2.1 CH and André Ventura .................................................................................................... 63 3.2.2. VOX and Santiago Abascal ............................................................................................ 74 3.3 Instagram ............................................................................................................................. 99 3.3.1 CH .................................................................................................................................. 99 3.3.2 VOX and Santiago Abascal ........................................................................................... 103 3.4 YouTube ............................................................................................................................. 113 3.4.1 CH ................................................................................................................................ 113 3.4.2 VOX ............................................................................................................................. 115 4. Cross-country and cross-platform analysis ............................................................................. 118 Conclusion .................................................................................................................................... 121 References..................................................................................................................................... 123 Leonardo Ferreira 3 Acknowledgements This thesis is the culmination of a special journey, and I want to express my gratitude to all around me who contributed to make it possible, in particular to Bernhard Rieder, for the lively and inspirational supervision of this work; and to my colleagues and friends, especially to Marta. I am most indebted to my family and to my partner, who nourished me with love and encouragement. Leonardo Ferreira 4 Abstract Populist right-wing political actors have been succeeding in gaining power, at various levels, in liberal democracies across Europe and beyond. Spain and Portugal stood as the ‘exception’ in Europe until recently, losing this status in 2019 when far right-wing Spanish political party VOX and Portuguese Chega entered the respective national parliaments. Considering this recent change, these cases constitute an opportunity to empirically investigate the interplay between populism and social media, responding to the need for cross-country and cross- platform research. This study investigates VOX and Chega and their leader’s use of four main social media platforms–Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube–and how they succeed, attending to the interplay between populism, as a political style, and the platforms’ vernaculars, resorting to digital methods for the data collection and analysis, within a mixed-methods analytical approach. The findings show that the political actors’ populist performances succeed within an adaptation to the platforms, as populism is lived through the platforms’ vernaculars, showing the influential role of these platforms. Keywords Populism, social media, far right, digital methods, Portugal, Spain Leonardo Ferreira 5 Introduction Populist right-wing political actors have been succeeding in gaining power, at various levels, in liberal democracies across Europe and beyond, such as in Germany, Italy, or Brazil. Like with Trump, social media has been an important channel within their political communication strategy. Portugal and Spain stood as the ‘exception’ in Europe until recently, losing this status in 2019 when far right-wing Spanish political party VOX and Portuguese Chega entered the respective national parliaments. As social media has been conceived as conducive to populism (Gerbaudo), the end of the Iberian ‘exceptionalism’ constitutes an opportunity to empirically investigate the interplay between populism and social media. Although digital campaigns have been extensively studied, comparative studies taking a cross-country and multi-platform approach are still underdeveloped, to some extent owing to access limitations imposed by social media corporations, and to the growing complexity deriving from the platforms’ ever-evolving affordances, complicating the pursuit of comparative studies. However, as political actors do not operate in isolation in the current hybrid media system (Chadwick), this study responds to the need for cross-country and cross- platform research (De Vreese et al.; Engesser, Ernst, et al.; Serrano et al.). Along these lines, this paper investigates VOX and Chega and their leader’s use of four mainstream social media platforms – Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube – and how they succeed, attending to the interplay between populism and the platforms’ vernaculars. The methodological outlook is based on digital methods (Rogers, Digital Methods) following the medium for the collection and analysis of natively digital artefacts, in the case of this study each party and leader’s posts as issued from their public accounts, in the pre- and post-election periods of the latest general election. This allows to find similarities and differences and understand implications in two planes: between party and leader, as the leader is often the focus of discussion about populism, accounting for concerted campaigning endeavours; and between periods, to account for variation before and after securing electoral success. The most engaged-with posts were selected, in which case each platforms’ engagement measures were considered, as provided in the collected data. The content of the posts is analysed within a mixed-methods approach, to trace both populist and platformisation tendencies: in the first case, I take populism as a style of doing politics whose three key elements are the ‘appeal to ‘the people’ versus ‘the elite’; ‘bad manners’; and crisis, breakdown or threat’ (Moffitt, The Global Rise of Populism 38, emphasis in original). To trace platformisation tendencies, I focus on identifying the ways in which the parties and the leaders Leonardo Ferreira 6 adapt their messages to the platforms’ vernaculars (Gibbs et al.; Meese et al.). The findings show that the political actors’ populist performances succeed within an adaptation to the platforms, as populism is lived through the platforms’ vernaculars, showing the influential role of these platforms. This paper unfolds as follows: the opening chapter provides the theoretical foundations, addressing populism, social media and electoral campaigning, and platform vernaculars. The second chapter pertains to the methodology: I contextualise the case studies, and the data collection and analysis. The third chapter encompasses the findings, followed by the fourth and last chapter,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Story Building’ De Uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas E Neonacionalistas Sobre O Movimento Coletes Amarelos
    PERSPECTIVAS - JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, VOL. 20 9 Story-Building for Revolution: Post-Marxist and Neo-Nationalist Perspectives on the Yellow Vests Movement O ’Story Building’ de uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas e Neonacionalistas sobre o Movimento Coletes Amarelos Rodrigo Almeida Sousa CITCEM, University of Porto Abstract—On 17 November 2018, hundreds of thousands of French joined in protest against the ecological tax rise on hydrocarbons announced by Emmanuel Macron. The Yellow Vests phenomenon had been born. Since then, it has been active for several months and there seems to be no end in sight. As the movement began to get organized, it created websites and pages on social media, producing a challenging storytelling based on more than 40 demands and 25 proposals for the crisis. Thus it gave voice to the middle and middle-lower classes, which are deeply dissatisfied with their present socioeconomic conditions. Naturally, this narrative appealed to the extremist parties, from Mélenchon’s radical left to Marine Le Pen’s neo-nationalist right, as they immediately declared their support for the cause. Shortly afterwards, it was time for the intellectuals to manifest their views. On one hand, post-Marxists such as Slavoj Žižek and Antonio Negri wrote their articles on the subject. On the other, Russian nationalists, from leftist Boris Kagarlitsky to traditionalist Aleksandr Dugin, did not hide their enthusiasm about the movement either. For, in fact, all these intellectuals have something in common: they all are story-building for revolution. Keywords—Mass protests, Far-left, Far-right, Post-Marxism, Neo-nationalism. Resumo—A 17 Novembro 2018, centenas de milhares de franceses aderiram ao protesto contra a subida da taxa ecológica sobre os hidrocarbonetos anunciada por Emmanuel Macron.
    [Show full text]
  • International Reports 2/2020
    Source: © Francois Lenoir, Reuters. Lenoir, © Francois Source: Source: © Kai Pfaffenbach, Reuters. Pfaffenbach, © Kai Source: Nationalism Simple Explanations Why Nationalists in Europe Grow Stronger Wilhelm Hofmeister 6 Yielding resentments against the European Union as well as alleged threats: Nationalist parties gained increased electoral success throughout the last years in many member states of the European Union, while challenging their democratic underpinnings and developments. The underlying causes are manifold and vary regionally. How could a promising political response be shaped? Overview Despite these warnings by the generation who had experienced the war, by the beginning of Nationalism was the great evil of the 20th century the new century nationalism had infiltrated in Europe. It arose as an emancipatory movement Europe’s party systems once again. In Austria, in the 19th century and inspired the first demo- the nationalist Freedom Party (FPÖ) became cratic processes in Europe, but quickly mutated a member of the governing coalition in 2000. into an ideology that justified competition among Two years later, the chairman of France’s Front states in the age of imperialism and described National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, advanced to a run- the differences between nations in chauvinistic off election for the presidency, and in 2004 he and racist terms. We all know how that ended. mobilised a majority to reject the EU’s consti- “Nationalism is the cause of most political con- tutional treaty. This made nationalism’s anti- flicts since the 19th century and a necessary con- Europe position obvious. The stigmatisation dition for the success of National Socialism since and partial isolation of Austria by the other EU 1930,”1 writes Rolf Ulrich Kunze, who empha- members after the centre-right People’s Party sises that nationalism “tends to radicalism and (ÖVP) formed a coalition with the Freedom escalation, and especially to combination with Party did not stop nationalism.
    [Show full text]
  • New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain • Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain
    New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain in Nationalism on Perspectives New • Carsten Humlebæk Jacob and Antonia María Jiménez Ruiz New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Edited by Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Printed Edition of the Special Issue Published in Genealogy www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıaRuiz Jim´enez MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıa Ruiz Jimenez´ Copenhagen Business School Universidad Pablo de Olavide Denmark Spain Editorial Office MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal Genealogy (ISSN 2313-5778) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy/special issues/perspective). For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. Journal Name Year, Article Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-03943-082-6 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-03943-083-3 (PDF) c 2020 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND.
    [Show full text]
  • The Populist Far-Right and the Intersection of Anti- Immigration and Antifeminist Agendas: the Portuguese Case Rita Santos & Sílvia Roque
    DiGeSt Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies The populist far-right and the intersection of anti- immigration and antifeminist agendas: the Portuguese case Rita Santos & Sílvia Roque DiGeSt Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies, Volume 8, Issue 1 Print ISSN: 2593-0273. Online ISSN: 2593-0281 Content is licensed under a Creative Commons BY DiGeSt is hosted by Ghent University Website: https://ojs.ugent.be/digest DiGeSt: Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies 8(1) – Spring 2021 The populist far right and the intersection of anti-immigration and antifeminist agendas: the Portuguese case Rita Santos Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra [email protected] Sílvia Roque Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra [email protected] Abstract This article argues that far right antifeminist and gendered narratives are not separate from their ethnonationalist/racist purposes; in fact, they are at their core and cannot be analyzed independently. It reflects on the intersections of antifeminist and anti-immigration agendas in the Portuguese far right by critically analyzing PNR/Ergue-te’s and Chega’s discursive positions on immigration, feminism, and gender equality, and initiates a theoretical dialogue between feminist postcolonial peace and security studies and populist far-right studies. This shows how these political actors convey ethnonationalist, racist and anti-multiculturalist messages by co-opting women’s rights agendas (femonationalism), whilst resisting and opposing feminism. Femonationalism, ostensibly disruptive of their own conservative ideology, is thus re-oriented to attack feminism – accused of failing the goal of serving all women and of being co-opted by ‘gender ideology’. It concludes that the mobilization of gendered and racialized tropes serves the construction of Europe and Portugal as being at risk from ‘external’ forces, re-inscribing securitarian discourses in the political sphere.
    [Show full text]
  • Tip of the Iceberg: Religious Extremist Funders Against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 - 2018
    TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 - 2018 TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 – 2018 ISBN: 978 2 93102920 6 Tip of the Iceberg: Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 - 2018 Written by Neil Datta, Secretary of the European Parliamentary Forum for Sexual and Reproductive Rights. Brussels, June 2021 Copyright © EPF 2021 All Rights Reserved. The contents of this document cannot be reproduced without prior permission of the author. EPF is a network of members of parliaments from across Europe who are committed to protecting the sexual and reproductive health of the world’s most vulnerable people, both at home and overseas. We believe that women should always have the right to decide upon the number of children they wish to have, and should never be denied the education or other means to achieve this that they are entitled to. Find out more on epfweb.org and by following @EPF_SRR on Twitter. 2 TIP OF THE ICEBERG Religious Extremist Funders against Human Rights for Sexuality and Reproductive Health in Europe 2009 – 2018 Tip of the Iceberg is the first attempt understand the anti-gender mobilisation in Europe through the perspective of their funding base. This report assembles financial data covering a ten year period of over 50 anti-gender actors operating in Europe. It then takes a deeper look at how religious extremists generate this funding to roll back human rights in sexuality and reproduction.
    [Show full text]
  • LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: the Rise of Chega and the End of Portuguese Exceptionalism Page 1 of 3
    LSE European Politics and Policy (EUROPP) Blog: The rise of Chega and the end of Portuguese exceptionalism Page 1 of 3 The rise of Chega and the end of Portuguese exceptionalism Portugal will hold a presidential election on Sunday, which is widely expected to be won by incumbent President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa. Yet as Mariana S. Mendes writes, the key story of the election may well be the continued rise of André Ventura, leader of the radical right party Chega. At the same time that Portugal’s daily Covid-19 numbers are hitting record highs, the country will head to the polls this Sunday to elect its future head of state. As there is little doubt that the incumbent President Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa will score a landslide victory and secure a second term in office, all eyes are instead set on how well the far right is going to perform. André Ventura, leader of the radical right party Chega (Enough), is likely to achieve a respectable result, with opinion polls predicting he will win up to 11 per cent of the popular vote, and thus be in close competition for second place in the election. This is no small feat as his party was only established in mid-2019, before securing one parliamentary seat in the October 2019 general election. Though its share of the popular vote was then marginal (1.3%), this was nonetheless a watershed moment as it put an end to Portuguese exceptionalism regarding the absence of far right forces in parliament. What is more, Ventura has taken advantage of the intense torrent of media attention surrounding him and his party.
    [Show full text]
  • The General Elections in Portugal 2019 by Mariana Mendes
    2019-5 MIDEM-Report THE GENERAL ELECTIONS IN PORTUGAL 2019 BY MARIANA MENDES MIDEM is a research center of Technische Universität Dresden in cooperation with the University of Duisburg-Essen, funded by Stiftung Mercator. It is led by Prof. Dr. Hans Vorländer, TU Dresden. Citation: Mendes, Mariana 2019: The General Elections in Portugal 2019, MIDEM-Report 2019-5, Dresden. CONTENTS SUMMARY 4 1. THE PORTUGUESE PARTY SYSTEM 4 2. THE LACK OF SALIENCE AND POLITICIZATION OF IMMIGRATION 7 3. THE ELECTORAL RESULTS 10 4. OUTLOOK 12 BIBLIOGRAPHY 11 AUTHOR 12 IMPRINT 13 SUMMARY The 2019 Portuguese legislative elections confirm the resilience of its party system and, in particular, of the center-left Partido Socialista (PS), one of the few social democratic parties in Europe that did not lose electoral relevance in the past decade. Its vote share of almost 37 % strengthens the party’s position and confirms the positive evaluation that voters made of its 2015-2019 mandate. Parties on the right-wing side of the spectrum were the most significant losers. The center-right Partido Social Democrata (PSD) and the conservative Partido Popular (CDS-PP) lost in seats, going from a joint 38,5% in 2015 to a combined result that does not add up to more than 32 % in 2019. The CDS-PP was hit particularly hard. One of the lingering questions during the election was whether the two largest parties on the radical left – the Communists and the Left Bloc – would be punished or rewarded for the parliamentary agreement established with the PS during the 2015-2019 mandate.
    [Show full text]
  • Marcelo Rebelo De Sousa Is Re-Elected President of the Republic
    PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN PORTUGAL 24TH JANUARY 2021 Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa is re-elected European Elections monitor President of the Republic of Portugal Corinne Deloy in the first round RESULT Incumbent President of the Republic, Marcelo Rebelo de their civic duty. Volunteers even went out to collect Sousa was re-elected on 24 January for a second term ballots from 13,000 people who had been quarantined as Portugal's head of State in the first round of voting. or confined to old people's homes. He took 60.7% of the vote, well ahead of Ana Gomes (Socialist Party), who was running without the backing Portugal, which has been in a state of health emergency of the Socialist Party and who won 12.97% of the vote. since the beginning of November (two months of André Ventura, leader of the populist movement Chega restrictions and curfews in the regions most affected (CH), came third with 11.9% of the vote. The other four by the pandemic), has witnessed an upsurge of 85,000 candidates under 5% of the vote. cases and 1,500 deaths in the last week. The country ranks first in the world in terms of the number of new Turnout was the lowest ever recorded in a presidential cases and deaths compared to its population over this election, at 39.49%; political observers expected an period and is second only to the British enclave of even higher level of abstention of over 70% due to the Gibraltar. A new record of daily deaths was set on 24 current explosion of coronavirus cases in Portugal and January, the day of the presidential election, bringing the lockdown of the population.
    [Show full text]
  • Portugal's President of the Republic 2021-2026
    PORTUGAL'S PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC 2021-2026 Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa was re-elected on 24.01.2021 the President of the Portuguese Republic, for a second term that will begin on 09.03.2021. The results of the presidential elections were as follows: Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa​ – 60,7% (2.533.799 votos) Ana Gomes​ – 12,97% (541.345 votes) André Ventura​ – 11,9% (496.583 votes) João Ferreira​ – 4,32% (180.473 votes) Marisa Matias​ – 3,95% (164.731 votes) Tiago Mayan​ – 3,22% (134.427 votes) Vitorino Silva​ – 2,94% (122.734 votos) Presidential Powers The President represents the Portuguese Republic, guarantees national independence, the regular functioning of democratic institutions, and the Armed Forces’ supreme commander. He promulgates and blocks laws, accredits Portugal’s diplomatic representatives abroad, accepts foreign diplomatic representatives’ credentials, ratifies the international treaties, declares war, and makes peace. The President is also empowered to declare a state of Siege and a state of Emergency. Programme & Objectives Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa was the only candidate that didn’t present any official programme. However, he made clear that his priorities focus on: ● Combat the pandemic situation; ● Support social justice; ● Fight poverty and exclusion; ● Fight radicalisation and extremism; ● Respect pluralism and difference; ● Recovery of employment and income; ● Promote a stable political system with credible and robust governance. Ups & Downs UP ↑ It came with no surprise that the previous President, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, won with a large majority the 2021 Portuguese Presidential race, with 60,7% of total votes​. As a candidate of the centre bloc (PS & PSD) Marcelo was the triumphant winner.
    [Show full text]
  • Portugal 2019 Legislative Elections Summary of the Results Legislative Elections 2019 Index
    Portugal 2019 Legislative Elections Summary of the Results Legislative Elections 2019 Index 1 – Global Results 2 - Scenarios 4 – Institutional Calendar On October 6th, 230 MPs were elected. The Parliamentary Elections represent a moment of utmost importance in a country’s politics, representing the disruption or continuity of previously developed public policies with an impact on several economic sectors. Hence, Political Intelligence Lisbon is elaborating the following Analysis, in which reflects on the results of the Parliamentary Elections and subsequent Parliament composition, projecting scenarios on governmental solutions. Legislative Elections 2019 Global Results • PS (Socialist Party, S&D family), won the elections but fell short to win an absolute majority, reaching 36,4%. PS elected 106 MPs, needs the support of 10 MPs to reach majority in parliament (116). • PSD (Social-Democratic Party, EPP family) got 27,9% and elected 77 MPs, less 12 than in 2015. • The BE (Left Block, GUE family) consolidated its position as the third party with 10%. • CDU (Coalition of Communists, PCP, and Greens, PEV, GUE family) will have less 5 MPs in Parliament, 10 for PCP, 2 for PEV. • CDS (Christian-Democrats, EPP family) had significant reduction of its representation, from 18 MPs to only 5. Its leader, Assunção Cristas, announced her resignation. • PAN (Nature and Animals Party) elected one MP in 2015, will now have 4 MPs elected in the urban areas of Lisbon, Porto and Setúbal. • Three new parties enter the Parliament for the first time, each with
    [Show full text]
  • O Populismo De Direita No Facebook a Campanha Eleitoral Do Chega Para As Eleições Legislativas De 2019
    O POPULISMO DE DIREITA NO FACEBOOK A CAMPANHA ELEITORAL DO CHEGA PARA AS ELEIÇÕES LEGISLATIVAS DE 2019 Catarina Joana Fonseca Mendes Mestrado em Comunicação, Cultura e Tecnologias de Informação Orientadores: Professor Doutor Pedro Pereira Neto Professor Auxiliar Convidado Escola de Sociologia e Políticas Públicas ISCTE-IUL – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa Professor Doutor Tiago Lapa Professor Auxiliar Escola de Sociologia e Políticas Públicas ISCTE – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa setembro, 2020 O POPULISMO DE DIREITA NO FACEBOOK A CAMPANHA ELEITORAL DO CHEGA PARA AS ELEIÇÕES LEGISLATIVAS DE 2019 Catarina Joana Fonseca Mendes Mestrado em Comunicação, Cultura e Tecnologias de Informação Orientadores: Professor Doutor Pedro Pereira Neto Professor Auxiliar Convidado Escola de Sociologia e Políticas Públicas ISCTE-IUL – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa Professor Doutor Tiago Lapa Professor Auxiliar Escola de Sociologia e Políticas Públicas ISCTE – Instituto Universitário de Lisboa setembro, 2020 Para os meus sobrinhos Inês e Rodrigo, porque o futuro é vosso e é nas vossas mãos que está a construção de uma sociedade mais justa, solidária e inclusiva. Ao meu companheiro Hugo, que na sua atitude sempre desafiante foi o grande impulsionador desta “aventura”, cujo caminho, sendo solitário, não deixou de ser percorrido de mão dada. Obrigada. Para o meu pai José Belarmino, que no tempo da opressão ditatorial lutou clandestinamente para que hoje me fosse possível fazer esta análise de forma livre e sem medos, e que recorda, todos os dias, a importância de o futuro não reminiscenciar do passado. À minha mãe Isilda, cúmplice das lutas políticas do meu pai, que lhes soube juntar o valor fundamental do amor, com que preenche todos os dias.
    [Show full text]
  • Questionário Nº ‘____’____’____’____’
    ESTUDO NOVEMBRO 2020 QUESTIONÁRIO Nº ‘____’____’____’____’ Bom dia / tarde / noite! Sou entrevistador de uma empresa de estudos de mercado, a GfK Metris, e estamos a realizar um inquérito à população para a Universidade de Lisboa e para o ISCTE. Importa-se de responder a um questionário? QUOTAS: SEXO IDADE REGIÃO MASC .... 1 18 a 24 ................. 1 Norte .................................. 1 FEMIN ... 2 25 a 44 ................. 2 Centro ................................. 2 45 A 64 ................ 3 Lisboa ................................ 3 65 e mais ............. 4 Alentejo ............................... 4 Algarve ................................ 5 F1. Diga-me, por favor, qual é a sua idade? ‘___’___’ Anos Menos de 18 anos .................................... 1 à AGRADECER E TERMINAR 18 anos ou mais ....................................... 2 à CONTINUAR NUTS II: Norte ......................................................... 1 Centro ....................................................... 2 Área Metropolitana de LisBoa ................... 3 Alentejo ..................................................... 4 Algarve ...................................................... 5 ENTREVISTADOR: Registe concelHo e distrito de residência: CONCELHO: ___________________________________________ (PREENCHIMENTO OBRIGATÓRIO) DISTRITO: ____________________________________________ (PREENCHIMENTO OBRIGATÓRIO) P1. Pensando na sociedade portuguesa, qual é o assunto que considera, hoje em dia, mais importante para o país? (NÃO SUGERIR NADA E ESCREVER TUDO
    [Show full text]