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Colony and Empire, Colonialism and Imperialism: a Meaningful Distinction?
Comparative Studies in Society and History 2021;63(2):280–309. 0010-4175/21 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History doi:10.1017/S0010417521000050 Colony and Empire, Colonialism and Imperialism: A Meaningful Distinction? KRISHAN KUMAR University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA It is a mistaken notion that planting of colonies and extending of Empire are necessarily one and the same thing. ———Major John Cartwright, Ten Letters to the Public Advertiser, 20 March–14 April 1774 (in Koebner 1961: 200). There are two ways to conquer a country; the first is to subordinate the inhabitants and govern them directly or indirectly.… The second is to replace the former inhabitants with the conquering race. ———Alexis de Tocqueville (2001[1841]: 61). One can instinctively think of neo-colonialism but there is no such thing as neo-settler colonialism. ———Lorenzo Veracini (2010: 100). WHAT’ S IN A NAME? It is rare in popular usage to distinguish between imperialism and colonialism. They are treated for most intents and purposes as synonyms. The same is true of many scholarly accounts, which move freely between imperialism and colonialism without apparently feeling any discomfort or need to explain themselves. So, for instance, Dane Kennedy defines colonialism as “the imposition by foreign power of direct rule over another people” (2016: 1), which for most people would do very well as a definition of empire, or imperialism. Moreover, he comments that “decolonization did not necessarily Acknowledgments: This paper is a much-revised version of a presentation given many years ago at a seminar on empires organized by Patricia Crone, at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. -
Christian Missionary Activities in Africa Revisite
Obiora Ike Current debates about Colonialism, Slavery and Black Lives Matter: Christian Missionary Activities in Africa revisited "The refusal to take sides on great moral issues is itself a decision; it is a silent acquiescence to evil.” ( Ven Fulton J. Sheen (1895 -1979, American Bishop of The Catholic Church) 1. The recent trigger for the debates on recalling past history – On May 25 2020, the brutal and outrageous murder of a black American citizen under the hands of the United States of America white police officer Derek Chauvin who pinned the life out of him spread virally on video recording. Seemingly protected by State power, under socially tolerated traditions and legal institutions over centuries, these historically atrocious and racially based injustices have continued unabated in that country, and as is widely known, in many other parts of the world. The #BlackLivesMatter 2020 protests forced governments and other entities across the world to reckon with oppressive histories including slavery, colonialism and racism. It emboldened activists globally and boosted a new sense of humanity, solidarity and empathy and thus galvanized a new awakening of people to stand up everywhere with moral courage and demand that they “want to breathe”. The last words of George Floyd “I can’t breath” implies a re-visit of the many dark shades of human history, especially the chapters covering slavery, colonialism and racism which calls for the purification of memories in the present through recalling the horrible injustices of the past. To understand the political, cultural, economic and social tempers we see on streets happening in every continent, drawing crowds of inter-generational, inter- racial, inter-religious and multicultural activists globally it is necessary to have some knowledge of the preceding period in order to correct them. -
Story Building’ De Uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas E Neonacionalistas Sobre O Movimento Coletes Amarelos
PERSPECTIVAS - JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, VOL. 20 9 Story-Building for Revolution: Post-Marxist and Neo-Nationalist Perspectives on the Yellow Vests Movement O ’Story Building’ de uma Revolução: Perspetivas Pós-Marxistas e Neonacionalistas sobre o Movimento Coletes Amarelos Rodrigo Almeida Sousa CITCEM, University of Porto Abstract—On 17 November 2018, hundreds of thousands of French joined in protest against the ecological tax rise on hydrocarbons announced by Emmanuel Macron. The Yellow Vests phenomenon had been born. Since then, it has been active for several months and there seems to be no end in sight. As the movement began to get organized, it created websites and pages on social media, producing a challenging storytelling based on more than 40 demands and 25 proposals for the crisis. Thus it gave voice to the middle and middle-lower classes, which are deeply dissatisfied with their present socioeconomic conditions. Naturally, this narrative appealed to the extremist parties, from Mélenchon’s radical left to Marine Le Pen’s neo-nationalist right, as they immediately declared their support for the cause. Shortly afterwards, it was time for the intellectuals to manifest their views. On one hand, post-Marxists such as Slavoj Žižek and Antonio Negri wrote their articles on the subject. On the other, Russian nationalists, from leftist Boris Kagarlitsky to traditionalist Aleksandr Dugin, did not hide their enthusiasm about the movement either. For, in fact, all these intellectuals have something in common: they all are story-building for revolution. Keywords—Mass protests, Far-left, Far-right, Post-Marxism, Neo-nationalism. Resumo—A 17 Novembro 2018, centenas de milhares de franceses aderiram ao protesto contra a subida da taxa ecológica sobre os hidrocarbonetos anunciada por Emmanuel Macron. -
Stear Dissertation COGA Submission 26 May 2015
BEYOND THE FIFTH SUN: NAHUA TELEOLOGIES IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES By ©Copyright 2015 Ezekiel G. Stear Submitted to the graduate degree program in the Department of Spanish and Portuguese and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. ________________________________ Chairperson, Santa Arias ________________________________ Verónica Garibotto ________________________________ Patricia Manning ________________________________ Rocío Cortés ________________________________ Robert C. Schwaller Date Defended: May 6, 2015! ii The Dissertation Committee for Ezekiel G. Stear certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: BEYOND THE FIFTH SUN: NAHUA TELEOLOGIES IN THE SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH CENTURIES ________________________________ Chairperson, Santa Arias Date approved: May 6, 2015 iii Abstract After the surrender of Mexico-Tenochtitlan to Hernán Cortés and his native allies in 1521, the lived experiences of the Mexicas and other Nahuatl-speaking peoples in the valley of Mexico shifted radically. Indigenous elites during this new colonial period faced the disappearance of their ancestral knowledge, along with the imposition of Christianity and Spanish rule. Through appropriations of linear writing and collaborative intellectual projects, the native population, in particular the noble elite sought to understand their past, interpret their present, and shape their future. Nahua traditions emphasized balanced living. Yet how one could live out that balance in unknown times ahead became a topic of ongoing discussion in Nahua intellectual communities, and a question that resounds in the texts they produced. Writing at the intersections of Nahua studies, literary and cultural history, and critical theory, in this dissertation I investigate how indigenous intellectuals in Mexico-Tenochtitlan envisioned their future as part of their re-evaluations of the past. -
Sabiha Gökçen's 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO ―Sabiha Gökçen‘s 80-Year-Old Secret‖: Kemalist Nation Formation and the Ottoman Armenians A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Communication by Fatma Ulgen Committee in charge: Professor Robert Horwitz, Chair Professor Ivan Evans Professor Gary Fields Professor Daniel Hallin Professor Hasan Kayalı Copyright Fatma Ulgen, 2010 All rights reserved. The dissertation of Fatma Ulgen is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ _______________________________________________________________ Chair University of California, San Diego 2010 iii DEDICATION For my mother and father, without whom there would be no life, no love, no light, and for Hrant Dink (15 September 1954 - 19 January 2007 iv EPIGRAPH ―In the summertime, we would go on the roof…Sit there and look at the stars…You could reach the stars there…Over here, you can‘t.‖ Haydanus Peterson, a survivor of the Armenian Genocide, reminiscing about the old country [Moush, Turkey] in Fresno, California 72 years later. Courtesy of the Zoryan Institute Oral History Archive v TABLE OF CONTENTS Signature Page…………………………………………………………….... -
Download Ethnic Nationalism and Separatism
Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development www.peacestudiesjournal.org.uk Issue 16, November 2010 Ethnic Nationalism and Separatism in West Papua, Indonesia Julius Cesar I. Trajano* Abstract This paper examines the political and socioeconomic causes of ethnic secessionism and conflicts in West Papua. It argues that a number of political and socioeconomic factors compelled the West Papuans to launch their armed struggles for self-determination and strengthened their ethnic nationalist sentiment. It attempts to analyze and explicate the relationship between the political and socioeconomic problems besetting West Papua and ethnic secessionism in that province. Lack of basic and social services, exploitation of their natural resources, weakening of local institutions, erosion of traditional culture and norms, uneven distribution of wealth, military atrocities, and discrimination, among others, have compelled the West Papuans to conduct anti-Indonesia, separatist activities and have reinforced their ethnic nationalist claims. Political and socioeconomic problems are among the sources of discontent and distrust that gave birth to the current rebellion in West Papua. Despite its abundant natural resources, West Papua is among the poorest provinces in the country. Widespread poverty and starvation in West Papua have been caused by the exploitative activities of transnational corporations as well as by the Indonesian central government. The policies of the Indonesian government give rise to appalling socioeconomic realities in that region. Horrendous political and socioeconomic realities in their homeland have compelled the West Papuans to secede from the Indonesian unitary state. Ethnic nationalism has prompted them to defend their political and socioeconomic rights. In some multiethnic states such as Indonesia, ethnic nationalism is the response of ethnic groups to situations of ethnic-structural inequality and uneven development. -
UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Re
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Re-conceptualizing Taiwan: Settler Colonial Criticism and Cultural Production A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures by Lin-chin Tsai 2019 © Copyright by Lin-chin Tsai 2019 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Re-conceptualizing Taiwan: Settler Colonial Criticism and Cultural Production by Lin-chin Tsai Doctor of Philosophy in Asian Languages and Cultures University of California, Los Angeles, 2019 Professor Shu-mei Shih, Chair This dissertation examines a diverse body of postwar cultural production in Taiwan (1945 to the present), including literary, cinematic, and other forms of media texts, through the lens of settler colonial criticism. Taiwan, an island whose indigenous inhabitants are Austronesian, has been a de facto settler colony due to large-scale Han migration from China to Taiwan beginning in the seventeenth century. However, the prevailing discourse in Taiwan, particularly in the field of Taiwan literature studies, has been “postcolonial,” articulating Taiwan either in terms of the end of the Japanese colonial rule (1895-1945) or the lifting of the Martial Law (1949-87), neither of which acknowledges the continued colonization of indigenous peoples. Furthermore, Taiwan has long been excluded from the global arena of settler colonial studies. Owing to the twofold invisibility of Taiwan as a settler colony in both local and global contexts, I employ the analytical ii framework of settler colonialism—a specific colonial formation whereby settlers displace the indigenous residents and take over the land—so as to address the discursive limits and academic blind spots described above. -
International Reports 2/2020
Source: © Francois Lenoir, Reuters. Lenoir, © Francois Source: Source: © Kai Pfaffenbach, Reuters. Pfaffenbach, © Kai Source: Nationalism Simple Explanations Why Nationalists in Europe Grow Stronger Wilhelm Hofmeister 6 Yielding resentments against the European Union as well as alleged threats: Nationalist parties gained increased electoral success throughout the last years in many member states of the European Union, while challenging their democratic underpinnings and developments. The underlying causes are manifold and vary regionally. How could a promising political response be shaped? Overview Despite these warnings by the generation who had experienced the war, by the beginning of Nationalism was the great evil of the 20th century the new century nationalism had infiltrated in Europe. It arose as an emancipatory movement Europe’s party systems once again. In Austria, in the 19th century and inspired the first demo- the nationalist Freedom Party (FPÖ) became cratic processes in Europe, but quickly mutated a member of the governing coalition in 2000. into an ideology that justified competition among Two years later, the chairman of France’s Front states in the age of imperialism and described National, Jean-Marie Le Pen, advanced to a run- the differences between nations in chauvinistic off election for the presidency, and in 2004 he and racist terms. We all know how that ended. mobilised a majority to reject the EU’s consti- “Nationalism is the cause of most political con- tutional treaty. This made nationalism’s anti- flicts since the 19th century and a necessary con- Europe position obvious. The stigmatisation dition for the success of National Socialism since and partial isolation of Austria by the other EU 1930,”1 writes Rolf Ulrich Kunze, who empha- members after the centre-right People’s Party sises that nationalism “tends to radicalism and (ÖVP) formed a coalition with the Freedom escalation, and especially to combination with Party did not stop nationalism. -
New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain • Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain
New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain in Nationalism on Perspectives New • Carsten Humlebæk Jacob and Antonia María Jiménez Ruiz New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Edited by Carsten Jacob Humlebæk and Antonia María Ruiz Jiménez Printed Edition of the Special Issue Published in Genealogy www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain New Perspectives on Nationalism in Spain Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıaRuiz Jim´enez MDPI • Basel • Beijing • Wuhan • Barcelona • Belgrade • Manchester • Tokyo • Cluj • Tianjin Editors Carsten Humlebæk Antonia Mar´ıa Ruiz Jimenez´ Copenhagen Business School Universidad Pablo de Olavide Denmark Spain Editorial Office MDPI St. Alban-Anlage 66 4052 Basel, Switzerland This is a reprint of articles from the Special Issue published online in the open access journal Genealogy (ISSN 2313-5778) (available at: https://www.mdpi.com/journal/genealogy/special issues/perspective). For citation purposes, cite each article independently as indicated on the article page online and as indicated below: LastName, A.A.; LastName, B.B.; LastName, C.C. Article Title. Journal Name Year, Article Number, Page Range. ISBN 978-3-03943-082-6 (Hbk) ISBN 978-3-03943-083-3 (PDF) c 2020 by the authors. Articles in this book are Open Access and distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) license, which allows users to download, copy and build upon published articles, as long as the author and publisher are properly credited, which ensures maximum dissemination and a wider impact of our publications. The book as a whole is distributed by MDPI under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons license CC BY-NC-ND. -
Lived Populism: Mainstream Social Media and the Resurgence of The
Universiteit van Amsterdam Lived Populism: Mainstream Social Media and the Resurgence of the Far Right in Portugal and Spain MA Thesis Programme: New Media and Digital Culture Vânia Raquel Leonardo Ferreira 31 August 2020 Leonardo Ferreira 2 Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................... 3 Abstract ............................................................................................................................................. 4 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 5 1. Theoretical framework ............................................................................................................... 7 1.1 Populism ............................................................................................................................ 7 1.2 Social media and electoral campaigning ........................................................................... 11 1.3 Platform vernaculars ........................................................................................................ 13 2. Methodology ........................................................................................................................... 15 2.1 Case studies ........................................................................................................................... 15 2.1.1 Portugal ......................................................................................................................... -
Investigating the Extent of “Internal Colonialism,” Or State Penetration, of Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang by the Nationalist Government of China (1912 – 1949)
Investigating the extent of “internal colonialism,” or state penetration, of Inner Mongolia, Tibet and Xinjiang by the Nationalist government of China (1912 – 1949) Dr. CHUNG Chien-peng Professor Department of Political Science Lingnan University, Hong Kong 鍾健平 嶺南大學(香港) 政治系 [email protected] Working Paper Center for Chinese Studies (Taiwan) 2018 Visiting Scholar 1 1. Introduction For half a century before the end of the Qing (清清清) dynasty, the revitalization of national strength and search for unity had already become the underlying theme of Chinese politics and governance. Persisting in this quest, a fundamental goal of the Chinese revolutions of 1911 and 1949 was to restore a China that was semi-colonized, warlord-ridden, socially unstable and torn by war against Japan and a civil war to its former greatness. Under these circumstances, as detailed in this paper, separatist attempts by regional authorities and ethnic minority (((少少少数少数数数民族民族))) groups were perceived by Chinese nationalists as an existential threat to the Chinese nation-state, especially if the involvement of foreign governments was suspected, or discovered. In response, the Republic of China (中華民國) authorities under the Zhongguo Kuomintang (中國國民黨) or Chinese Nationalist Party tried to device ways to extend central government rule over the resident ethnic minorities at the frontier, and at the same time, played against local warlords who took on the role of agents of Han-Chinese civilization and development in asserting their control and spreading their influence on the fringe communities. 2. The Frontier and National Question in Republican China While ethnic nationalism (民族主義) for the Han-Chinese (漢族) meant the overthrow of the Manchu Qing (滿滿滿清滿清清清) dynasty, for some of the empire’s non-Han (非漢族) ethnic groups, it meant separation from China. -
The Populist Far-Right and the Intersection of Anti- Immigration and Antifeminist Agendas: the Portuguese Case Rita Santos & Sílvia Roque
DiGeSt Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies The populist far-right and the intersection of anti- immigration and antifeminist agendas: the Portuguese case Rita Santos & Sílvia Roque DiGeSt Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies, Volume 8, Issue 1 Print ISSN: 2593-0273. Online ISSN: 2593-0281 Content is licensed under a Creative Commons BY DiGeSt is hosted by Ghent University Website: https://ojs.ugent.be/digest DiGeSt: Journal of Diversity and Gender Studies 8(1) – Spring 2021 The populist far right and the intersection of anti-immigration and antifeminist agendas: the Portuguese case Rita Santos Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra [email protected] Sílvia Roque Centre for Social Studies, University of Coimbra [email protected] Abstract This article argues that far right antifeminist and gendered narratives are not separate from their ethnonationalist/racist purposes; in fact, they are at their core and cannot be analyzed independently. It reflects on the intersections of antifeminist and anti-immigration agendas in the Portuguese far right by critically analyzing PNR/Ergue-te’s and Chega’s discursive positions on immigration, feminism, and gender equality, and initiates a theoretical dialogue between feminist postcolonial peace and security studies and populist far-right studies. This shows how these political actors convey ethnonationalist, racist and anti-multiculturalist messages by co-opting women’s rights agendas (femonationalism), whilst resisting and opposing feminism. Femonationalism, ostensibly disruptive of their own conservative ideology, is thus re-oriented to attack feminism – accused of failing the goal of serving all women and of being co-opted by ‘gender ideology’. It concludes that the mobilization of gendered and racialized tropes serves the construction of Europe and Portugal as being at risk from ‘external’ forces, re-inscribing securitarian discourses in the political sphere.