Material Culture of Socially Mobile Acadians in Ascension Parish Louisiana 1840-1860: Landry Family Case Studies of Evolution into Landownership and Comfortable Wealth by William Henry Riehm

Introduction This study takes this charge and Mark A. Rees examined South examines the archival record of a segment of Louisiana identity and its relationship to the the landscape of Acadia – the upwardly le Grand Derangement. In his investigation mobile settlers along the Mississippi River of the Armand Broussard homesite he of Ascension Parish, Louisiana. Specifically concludes that there is a tangible connection examined are the activities and events that of the built historical landscape of Acadiana reflect a unique Acadian material culture in to the cultural impacts of displacement and surrounding the property of a Mr. E. (Rees 2008, 252). He also suggests that Landry during the time period spanning Acadian culture should be seen in a context 1840-1860. of assimilation or acculturation versus resistance and persistence is misguided Topic of Study (Rees 2008, 254).The following quote from The cultural distinctiveness of the this article both puts Rees‘s article in to Acadian1 people in Louisiana (commonly context and encourages the study conducted termed ‗Cajuns‘) is a generally well- here: accepted academic position. Often debated, though, are the foundations and specific Landscapes in particular offer an expressions of this distinctiveness. Some opportunity for historical analysis scholars support theories that relate this and critique. The present study distinctiveness to the legacy of the forced represents preliminary research into expulsion of Acadians from the area of the an understudied and as yet virtually New World now known as Nova Scotia in untapped source of information on Canada.2 Others claim that the isolation of a the landscape of Acadiana. people due to linguistic and geographical Combined with architectural, barriers created a particular communal archival, and ethnographic sources, worldview. Finally, some scholars (perhaps there is an obvious potential for the largest group) argue that the cultural launching a truly multidisciplinary distinctiveness of the Louisiana Acadians is study of Acadian settlement in the the result of a collision of all of these factors. region.(Rees 2008, 252-3) Regardless of position, there is general agreement that the establishment of an Acadian culture was completed by 1800 and American culture are seen in political and continued until the Civil War. By 1865, the the economic power of industrial production. modern homogenization of Louisiana had Many wealthy Acadians integrated into this begun.3 new culture, while the poorer segment of the If this specific cultural identity exists, culture soldiered on and became what is there must be a set of distinguishable now called ‗Cajun.‘ The white Anglo- material artifacts and habitation design American hegemony in Louisiana resulted manifestation that will support these from the conditions of the nineteenth arguments. The purpose of this research is to century. identify these manifestations and make Finally, this paper will consider what systematic connections to the theories part of Acadian material culture has been posited by Acadian scholars. Through this lost in the mythology of contemporary investigation a clearer identification of the Cajun culture. Conversely, what aspects of manifestation of Acadian material culture4 contemporary Cajun material culture have will be defined. been influenced by these lost upwardly It is accepted that the Acadian socially mobile Acadians? People of Louisiana underwent a process of social stratification from the turn of the Definition of the Geographical Area of nineteenth century through the Civil War; Study with this stratification a class of wealthy It is apparent that in order to study landowners emerged whose position as the upwardly mobile Acadian in the context plantation and slave owners on the of Louisiana, it is critical to define a specific Mississippi River put them at the crest of the geographical area to examine. The obvious region‘s social classes. These Acadian choice is to locate Acadian ascendancy plantation owners were becoming peers with along the Mississippi River. Brasseaux white Anglo-American5 and Creole6 identifies one area known as the Acadian plantation owners. How did they develop Coast, the area of Ascension Parish where their material culture to maintain their Bayou Lafourche meets the Mississippi individual cultural identities and aspire to River. This is now the area within and imitate the wealthier non-Acadian upper surrounding Donaldsonville, Louisiana class? With which of the many established (Brasseaux 1993, 47). landowning cultural groups did they most An important set of historical facts associate? supports the concept of the establishment of The Reconstruction era is not the Acadian Coast. When the United States considered to have been kind to most of the took possession of Louisiana, the new Creole or Acadian landowners in Louisiana. Governor Claiborne, under direction of the With the end of the Civil War, the American authorities to include the French homogenization of Louisiana and the speaking population in his government, establishment of a dominant White Anglo- appointed the Ascension Parish Acadian Joseph Landry to be Commandant of the defined as areas of industrial level sugar Lafourche District; Landry and two other production. In 1858 Adrien Persac drew and Ascension Parish landowners were the only published a map known as the Norman Acadians elected to Louisiana‘s first Chart. This cartographical representation of territorial legislature. Although the alliance the Mississippi River from the Mississippi fizzled and only one of the twenty-six state line to New Orleans delineates each French-speaking members of the state plantation with accuracy and names each constitutional convention was Acadian, the plantation owner. The mix of names nearer establishment of this region as the center for New Orleans reflects a mix of Creole and Acadian social mobility is clear (Brasseaux American owners; as one moves up the river, 1993, 47). the proportion of Anglo-American names increases. In the area of Ascension Parish, Critical Secondary Sources though, there is an even distribution of Four important texts exist from the owners among Creole, American, and first half of the twentieth century that Acadian. Five Acadian names are distinctly chronicle the Acadian History of Ascension represented: Landry, Dugas, LeBlanc, Parish. Written by the amateur historian Melançon, and Hébert. All these surnames Sidney Albert Marchand (1917-1956), three are represented in the list of structures after are general and entertaining histories of the 1800 described by Marchand. All but Dugas parish focused on the original Acadian and Hébert received Spanish land grants in settlements. A fourth, An Attempt to Re- 1775 (Marchand 1943, 68,91). Assemble the Old Settlers in Family Groups, from 1965, is a publication of his translation The Revelations of Travel Journals of the legible notarial archives of Ascension Many travel journals address visits to Parish between 1770 and 1805. In addition, the city of New Orleans, but fewer describe he isolates descriptions of home moving up the Mississippi River and the construction, identifies five hundred citizens specifics of the Acadian condition in the by birth date and parentage, and lists area of study. There are a few exceptions. Spanish land grants for this period in his Between 1796 and 1802 James Pitot 1943 book Acadian Exiles in the Golden described his journey around the state and Coast of Louisiana. This information paints included descriptions of Acadian settlers in a picture of who was establishing a foothold the region of study. He remarks specifically in the area as landowners, and also the regarding the squalor and the scavenger significance and scale of their impact. existence of the people, but makes this As described in the historical revealing hypothesis: background, the period between 1805 and 1860 saw significant expansion in the plantation establishment along the This Parish7 has fewer sugar Mississippi River; tracts of land became plantations than the preceding one, and there are none further up; but on (Ascension Parish), and the study group the other hand, cotton has snatched (Acadians) limited all sources to a single misery and despair from a large document. This document located in the number of Acadian families that had Louisiana State University Archive is the been relegated there, and who hardly ‗Plantation Ledger and Diary of the Estate have any slaves. Several wealthy of Eloi Joseph Landry, 1841-1851.‘8 persons in that connection exercise a Recorded on microfilm in 1977, there is no kind of vassalage over them by reference to the owner or the contemporary means they have of buying their depository of the original document. The early fruits and vegetables but soon total record ia 147 pages and is broken down the Acadians will enjoy all the into the following sections: advantages of increased wealth and will enrich themselves by a • Pages 1-29: Ledger of the managed cultivation, even more advantageous, estate account from July 1848- January 1851. that does not require the setting up of • Pages 30-59: Daily logs September slave quarters nor owning slaves 1849- April 1850. (Pitot 1979, 116). • Pages 60-51: A list of unpaid bills May-August 1848. And although history bears out this • Pages 60-62: Blank pages with prediction in term of enrichment, though not doodles and calculations. without slaves, the sentiment of a possible • Page 63: A poem in French. upward social mobility for Acadians in this • Page 64-70 Blank pages with region is established as early as 1800. doodles and calculations. • Page 71: A list of dates and times Archival Manuscripts – The E. Landry for a list of individuals 1870-1891. Papers • Pages 72- 79: Blank pages and The Louisiana State Archive in doodles. Baton Rouge, the Louisiana State University • Pages 80-89: Ledger of orders Archives, and the archives at the Center for September 1848- November 1849. Louisiana Studies at the University of • Pages 90-92: Log of hours worked Louisiana – Lafayette contain many period by various tradesman and overseers 1848- manuscripts in both French and English. 1850. These manuscripts include personal letters, • Pages 93-143: Plantation Log July plantation and business receipts, and 1848-September 1859. miscellaneous legal documents; the bulk, overwhelmingly, were plantation diaries and The ledger and plantation diaries ledgers. When selecting specific (numbers1-3 and 9-11 above) appear to be manuscripts to examine in depth, the study in the hand of a single individual. This period (1840-1860), the study area individual is Eloi‘s son, who is unnamed in the manuscript. The first log on July 26, negro 5 baskets for gathers my corn at 37p a 1848 of the plantation diary states pieces.‖ This not only reflects a naive use of ―Inventory and appraisement of the property English, but also the use of French syntax. of succession of my father Eloi Landry… ‖ In the beginning portions of the accounts and in the log of August 16th he references ledger, the author frequently, but not always, his father with the phrase ―Eloi Landry my substitutes pour for for. father died.‖9 It is of note that the letter ―d‖ In another example of the use of in died is broken from the consistent cursive French grammatical rules with English of the rest of the text, as if the correct vocabulary is the use of the term furnitures. conjugation of the verb is difficult for him. In a few occasions when cataloging the This ledger and diary being in the purchasing of furniture, furnitures is used. hand of the plantation owner reveals a level As the term meuble(s) is pluralized in of sophistication that is consistent with the French, while it is a collective noun in concepts of social mobility. As land English, this is consistent with many of the ownership would have been new to the colloquialisms attributed to twentieth Acadians, their complexity of management century Cajuns, e.g., ―Gotta go get my hairs would not yet require a literate plantation cut.‖ overseer. Only two pages of miscellaneous The narrative of the logs flows overseer‘s working hours are recorded on towards a more sophisticated use of pages 90-92. language. The simplest example is the This vision of this record description of the typical plantation practice representing an ascendant, but not yet of distributing provisions to slaves. In the arrived, Acadian planter is reinforced by early portion of the manuscript the practice other plantation records in archives. Other is not mentioned; later the author simply ledgers reflect much greater values and scale states ―Distributing weekly rations to the of production. The Eloi Joseph Landry slaves,‖ while at the end of the manuscript, documents never mention more than twenty- the types of rations are given in detail. And eight (typically twenty-two) slaves while the sentence structure also becomes more other larger plantations dealt with slaves in complicated with the use of the terms the hundreds. ―following week‖ and ―ensuing week.‖ The issue of language is also relevant The diary is typically matter of fact, in this case. The writer is using English; this but on a few occasions the author discusses in itself reflects a deviation from his cultural personal feelings. Most notable is a passage past and heritage. It is also apparent that the from February 24, 1849, where he is in the use of English is not totally comfortable for middle of dealing with a levee break and the author. Other examples like the one having to call on neighbors and hired help to referenced earlier of grammatical errors are repair the damage. He states10: evident in early portions of the log. On page 103 he writes, ―Bought for cash of Hickey‘s significant number of materials are available Total hands at work ----50 [350?] – for review, providing detailed insight. (250 from Iberville) – at dark pretty Beginning with the index to all fortifying in my minds eyes – After conveyances, the name E. Landry was mental agreement decided that the searched. In the period up to 1848 two hands should rest on Sunday – Landrys with the first initial E were active in Iberville friends ----ly promising to the records of the parish. They included an come back on Monday the 26th with Elie Landry and an Eloi Joseph Landry. Due refreshly hands to help … by the to sparse activity for Elie Landry and the fatigue of the day – after writing scope of activity related to Eloi Joseph todays journal – and feeling unwell. Landry, beginning in 1829 and ending in 185012, this study reconstructs Eloi Joseph This section of the manuscript is rife Landry and his immediate family business with the stresses caused by flooding, and activities. Because of a lack of significant this is a rare personal comment by the author. precise factual correlation, linking the Other personal moments of the expression of notarial record and the plantation cannot be opinion deal with confronting strangers and confirmed unconditionally, but an the death of a slave‘s child.11 Otherwise the assumption of direct correlation is made. tone of the manuscript is business-like and The narrative uncovered of the life of Eloi matter of fact – a true log of daily activities. Landry, and that of the manuscript, parallel Most of the manuscript deals with each other in terms of social mobility the daily activities of the plantation, and the regardless of their specific verifiable script is about 95% legible. Information connection. relevant to the study undertaken here is The court archive structures its throughout the manuscript and can be catalogue as described in the methodology categorized into three main categories: section. Each of the following categories reveals a set of relevant documents. • Human material value Appendix C contains a catalog of all • Construction and fabrication of relevant reviewed archival documents. The new property and improvements. categories and the number of relevant • Assumption and release of material records are as follows: property. • Conveyance records: 22 Records The Notarial Records • Original Acts: 11 Records The Ascension Parish courthouse • Marriage Contracts: 3 Records records are extensive. Although use of the • Mortgages: 23 Records archival records reveals some inaccuracies • Successions (probate): 3 Records in cross referencing and indexing documents by the parish officials from 1820 to 1860, a The narrative of the social mobility children named Eloi as power of attorney, of Eloi Landry begins in 1829 with the first and he undertook the division of the estate. record of personal business activity, the The property was fully mortgaged, and each release of a mortgage of a slave. Following inheritor used the resulting funds to support 1829 through 1834, Eloi Landry appears to their own enterprises, although Milien was a be in the business of mortgaging slaves in minor at the time of his father‘s death and he New Orleans and reselling them in was placed under Eloi‘s tutorage.13 Eloi Ascension Parish for a profit. Eloi would almost immediately assumed the mortgage. have made trips to New Orleans and A complex set of transactions left Eloi with arranged short term financing for slaves the original tract of land without direct purchased at the New Orleans Slave Trade indebtedness to his in-laws. and then sold them in Ascension Parish at a According to the notarial acts, this higher price to Ascension locals; to use a tract of land is situated about 10 miles north modern term, Eloi was flipping slaves. It of Donaldsonville in a section of the river also appears, from the mortgage records, that is finely divided into small lots of land that he is doing these dealing consistently forming small plantations. Consistent with but not as a primary business. His personal the scope of the plantation diary, these tracts financial gain in this business would have to of land were limited to a few arpents14 have been supplemented by another form of across the riverfront (at most a quarter of a income. mile). The records suggest that each of the Although there is no marriage record five Babin children and their spouses for Eloi Landry, he is listed as the son-in- eventually owned property along this stretch law of Alexandre Eusebe Babin in the of the Mississippi. notarial record of Babin‘s succession in There is a defined upwardly mobile August 1829. From the set of notarial trend for each of these families. It is notable records surrounding this succession it can be that none of the Babins were literate, concluded that at this time Eloi Landry was executing all of their legal documents with not a landowner, while his two brothers-in- an ―x‖ instead of a signature. In contrast law Paul O. Landry and Auguste Hycthe each of the Babin children‘s spouses, male Landry were. Although all three men or female, were literate and capable of married into the Babin family, it appears that writing in clear and legible script. That no only Eloi was not a landowner at the time of marriage contract exists for Eloi Landry his father-in-law‘s death. Whether this is a suggests that he married into the community circumstance of social standing or his being from an adjacent area and the marriage was younger than his relations cannot be recorded elsewhere. Most Acadian determined. settlements at this time were away from the Alexandre Eusebe Babin, in addition Mississippi. Moving towards the more to having three daughters, had two sons, affluent Mississippi River is a sign of Milien and Traismon Vital. These five ascendancy, which suggests a purposeful different parish, although Eloi is recorded as effort of social mobility by Eloi Landry. being a resident of Assumption. The It appears from the records that there plantation log, though, does discuss leaving was an intentional combination of education to go to Iberville parish to settle the estate.15 and land ownership in this generation. Those It is the succession documents of with the land married those with education Eloi‘s in-laws that best describe the material to allow for upward social mobility. This is possessions of this generation of Acadians. reinforced through the available marriage Available in the notarial archive were three contracts, which show that the Babins had successions. These successions (Paul O. land but lesser wealth in each transaction Landry-1842, Milien Babin and Wife-1858, while the literate partner brought material and Widow Traismon Babin-1865) contain goods into the marriage; Louisiana‘s forced inventories of personal possessions. The heirship guaranteed the eventual inheritance data from these inventories combined with of the land. Also supporting this theory of inventory data from the plantation ledgers the pooling of education and property is that and marriage contract forms are catalogues both Eloi (apparent) and his brother-in-law in appendix C, and discussed in the Auguste (documented) both came from following section. adjacent parishes. Even if Auguste had been a landowner in another parish, the advance Findings towards riverfront property in Ascension The intention here is to put the social was a social and economic step upward. mobility of Acadians into context, and Throughout the 1830s each of the establish a defensible source for data on this five siblings undertook the mortgaging of socially mobile group. This section assesses property and slaves, although the resale of how this group constructed their material slaves seems to have been the work of Eloi culture. alone. But with the closing of the 1830s this In terms of material culture, the activity waned; during this period Eloi materials which create a sense of place (and undertook the purchasing and subsequent to an extent, limited to the idea of home) are sale of a piece of property adjacent to the focus here. Although there is significant Donaldsonville from which he made a profit. data on physical property that is related to He flipped a piece of property, similar to his the production systems of the plantation, previous activities flipping slaves. A flurry these are separated in this study from those of family activity in this period stopped in that define occupied ―lived in‖ space. The about 1838 and does not resume until 1848 definition of ―lived in‖ space is easily seen with the succession and accumulation of the as the construction of buildings and the property described in the plantation log adjacent manipulated landscape as well as discussed above. There is no record for a the furnishings and finishes of the home. succession of the estate of Eloi Landry. The archival record contains Perhaps this succession was conducted in a documentation of many material things that relate to production such as barrels, but the examination of slavery as an equipment, and tools. Much of the archival institution is not the purpose of this study. record of textiles relates to issues of apparel. However, a discussion of the accumulation Although both tools and textiles are integral and use of material possessions and material to any discussion of material culture, the culture of antebellum southern society focus of this study is on the ―lived in‖ cannot avoid the fact that human beings designed spaces and constructed sense of were owned objects. Evidenced by Eloi place, thus tools and textiles are referenced Landry‘s business practices and the profits peripherally in this study. he made in the slave trade, it is apparent that the subject of slave ownership is integrated Human Material Value into the upwardly mobile Acadians‘ system In the entry on page 138 dated for advancement. Although the passage Wednesday, July 25th, the author makes an above reveals sympathy towards the unusual experimental linguistic effort. condition of the slaves, there are numerous Following a few accounts of typical daily descriptions of slave sickness and their activity and reporting that a slave‘s baby has affliction with cholera that are treated in the taken ill, he deviates from practice by same way as broken or misfiring equipment. making an attempt at sophisticated language, The concern for the child and the parent as a perhaps the result of some personal unit does lend support to the idea that the reading16: author supported the slave family unit, a priority of Louisiana Creoles as described by Hall in Africans in Colonial Louisiana. Morning rain – It is to be remarked Brasseaux argues in Acadian to Cajun that that for the last 3 weeks the heavens, Acadians in antebellum Louisiana were & the skies, have continually wept clearly involved in the slave economy, and for the absence of the “Sol”’s this research supports that. Brasseaux also reviving rays – It is capacity that – argues that the slave owning Acadians did “Hopo” will soon wipe the tears of not have a special egalitarian approach to the atmosphere – and that our eyes slavery, as is often mythologized in ―Cajun‖ and feet will get dry at last – Evening cultural views of the past. The evidence here shivers as customary – Lick last – All supports either argument. betting with excepting of Rose child - In another approach to human not hoping to long. material value, there is the process of tutorship. Tutorship is the process by which This is followed by an asterisked note that minor children left with an inheritance from the child died at age 3 months and twelve deceased parents are taken under the care of days. a relative. The numerous acts of tutorship, This passage highlights the complex both undertaken and released after maturity, issues of slavery in antebellum Louisiana, show that the Acadians followed that tradition. What may appear as an act of the evidence of such adaptation and family love and care is revealed as a simple manipulation of the built and constructed financial and legal transaction; the minor material environment. could not be housed by the major family member, and often tutorships were Construction and Fabrication of New mortgaged to raise capital by the tutor. Property and Improvements Supplies for the minor were inventoried as In the notarial record descriptions of part of the plantation business. Throughout construction, little detail is given past the the plantation manuscript there are separate simple terms such as ―land with line items for supplies for the family and improvements‖ or ―with all buildings.‖ This supplies for the minors. occurs in the succession of Milien Babin, Although slaves and minors in where the property is described as having a tutorage are both seen as material house, kitchen, cabins, coops, and a shop. possessions, perhaps differentiated as capital The plantation manuscript contains all the and investment respectively, they are treated other references to construction and differently in terms of the material treatment finishing of construction. These references they received. In sharp contrast to the are rich with data that describe the material $113.13 total cost of chambray for the construction of place. clothing of approximately twenty-two slaves, Among the spatial descriptions of the clothing for three minors had a cost of plantation, the author pays particular $137.87. attention to the location of specific activity The evidence that slavery was an along the riverfront. The riverfront of the integral part of these Acadians‘ lives is property is described as ―Down‖, ―Up,‖ or important evidence that reflects social ―Home Place.‖ Home Place refers to the mobility and adaptability to the economic front of the house itself while up and down structure the Acadians found in Louisiana. refer to the direction along the river. This Whether their attitude towards slavery was language is used in many instances in the more in line with the traditions of the Anglo- manuscript and in some detail on pages 116 Americans or of the Creoles cannot be and 118 in the discussion of levee repair determined. It is clear that the complexities from January 1st through January 13th of of the issues were not lost on the Acadians, 1849. This coordinal understanding of the and there were some human emotions levee is more consistent with the back bayou associated with slaves, though this was plantation layout of plantations than it is certainly not the norm. with the typical narrow and deep typology It appears that slavery, like the on the Mississippi.17 This suggests that the vernacular architecture described in earlier author has a working vocabulary that is sections, was adapted by the Acadians from result of a spatial understanding of previous a combination of both found and carried plantation locations on smaller tributaries or traditions. The following section examines bayous as discussed in the plantation geography sections previously discussed in part of the initial main house construction, this paper (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 90-1). and the rear gallery was a later addition. This reinforces concepts of social Also, on the following day, the author states advancement and the adaptation of old that he is working on the framing and systems to new landscapes. In fact, the term woodwork along with two specific ―hands‖ Home Place is the formal name of one named Sam and Lambert. Sam is a slave Creole Plantation located near New Orleans and no account is made of his time, while (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 26). Lambert‘s hours are recorded, suggesting Later in 1849, the author describes skilled labor. A certain Narcisse Lambert is on July 28th that at the ―Small House‖ hired as an assistant overseer on January 15, ―Upper Place‖ slate roofing has been 1848 (page 96) for $300 a year. In this damaged and the house is being ―covered‖ instance they shared a functional status as (page 139). What was being used as assistance to the owner (―hands‖), but their covering is illegible, but this reveals two social status was different. Regarding the aspects of the physical construction and ideas of scale of the plantation‘s operations, orientation of the plantation. The term small this reinforces the idea that this was an house most likely refers to a garçonniéres or emerging enterprise. an overseer‘s house; both would have been Later in 1848, on December 5th and seen as ―smaller‖ versions of the ―big 6th (page 112), the logs include two entries house.‖ Arranging that ―small‖ house describing the laying of brick flooring in the adjacent to the river suggests a more formal ―cellar.‖ Again the author describes himself plan in the American plantation tradition, working on the improvements; he works but does not exclude it from a less rigid with all male hands on the 5th and finishes Creole standard (Bacot and Poesch 1997, the work on the 6th with the help of Sam. 90-1). The use of slate indicates a level of This gives a strong sense of scope of the prosperity, as wood shingles were less construction, since it can be assumed that a expensive, but by this period slate was a team of men could floor a standard sized common choice (Bacot and Poesch 1997, two or three bay structure in a day, and the 45). detailed trim work completed by focused Beyond this discussion of the craftsman the following day.19 The use of orientation of the physical landscape there the term cellar is not consistent with the are passages that describe the ―dwelling moder term ―basement,‖ but it can be house.‖ On September 22, 1848 (page 105) assumed that ―cellar‖ refers to the open work is recorded for the dwelling house that ground floor portion used for storage in the includes the framing of a back gallery and Creole raised cottage type from the late the flooring ―thereto.‖ This strongly eighteenth century as described by Edwards suggests that Edwards would classify the (J. D. Edwards 1988, 79). The tradition of building as a type III Acadian House (J. D. brick at this level is considered standard Edwards 1988, 21).18 The front gallery was Creole practice for plantation home architecture (Bacot and Poeach 1997, 25). respectively (page 22). This is larger than The continuation of this traditional typology the typical slave cabin described in the slave during the time period of this manuscript is architecture section earlier in this paper, but considered a sign of nostalgic prosperity by still consistent with the two square plan Bacot (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 109). The typical of both the Creole and American addition of the brick in this case suggests a typologies. No mention is made of a gallery, connection to a Creole heritage and another and as galleries are mentioned in the demonstration of prosperity, and in this case discussion of the additions to the dwelling it was following the physical model of the house, it might be assumed that this cabin Acadian assimilation of Creole traditions for stood without galleries in the American framed rear additions (J. D. Edwards 1988, tradition. This might be consistent with the 13). large size, but these proportions also could Other discussions of construction be the older Creole cabin style that Bacot occur on page 36 and include an addition to describes as being built up until the Civil the sugar house for storage and slave War, with strict room sizes of 14‘ x 16‘ sleeping quarters on October 18th and 19th. (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 127). In this model, This description does not contain any a shallow gallery made for the additional 2 specificity to size or construction type; it feet to make the 16 total. It can be more merely mentions that the addition would easily argued that the cabin is of typical serve as storage when the sugar house was wood framing with weatherboards as not at its peak production. This reflects a opposed to bousillage22:: on page 48 there is growth in the production capacity of the a record that board and lumber were plantation, as the sugar house was often the purchased specifically for framing. This largest and most dominant structure on the certainly suggests sided construction instead sugar plantation (J. M. Vlach 1993, 127). of poteaux-en-terre23 with bousillage. Other sets of construction topics include Finally, any discussion of bousillage is fencing and levee reinforcement, both lacking, and the only discussion on March consistent issues for Mississippi River 25th 1848 of mortar or grout includes the use plantations.20 Fencing alone could be the of time which is not part of bousillage (page subject of a complete typological study, but 102). It should also be noted that there is no in terms of this study, these are both discussion of a chimney or the purchase of categorized as concerns of the means of the materials for a chimney or fireplace production of the plantation and not the related to theis cabin. the lack of a chimney construction of place. seems unlikely. The size of the cabin allows Some specific passages in the text for a relatively comfortable density of 5.5 concern the purchase of wood and people per large room. One would expect a construction services for ―Negro Cabins.‖21 chimney with this scale of cabin, and the The Negro Cabin is described as being 16‘ lack of description of a chimney is by 32‘ on October 20th and November 31st inconsistent with the expectations for this little specific evidence to indicate that this is building type. a cultural choice made in conscious These informative log entries relate conformity with the past, or that deviation to construction that identifies a generally from norms results from aspiration rather Creole set of traditions at the E. Landry than from opportunism and pragmatism. plantation. There is little mention of any decorative color or ornamentation past the Assumption and Release of Material reference of two pieces of toile discussed Property later, that may or may not have been used Material culture as defined by Prown decoratively and were most likely black. and Csikszentmihalyi contains both the Use of colored wall treatments such as paint inherent unspoken meaning of things as well or wall covering was typically consistent as the obvious physical attributes of objects. with an American plantation tradition (Bacot In order to discuss material culture from the and Poesch 1997, 108). There is no record of perspective of archival research, one must any activity of this type and the only view it through the lens of the intended finishing discussed is the white washing of meaning of a constructed and finished the ―quarters‖ and sugar house by hands on material place, as well as that of the inherent July 12th and 13th respectively on pages 136 meaning that may well have been common and 137. It appears that the traditional to the time. Through archival research, Creole and Acadian whitewashing is in better analysis can be made of these place (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 108). unspoken meanings which are lost on the The traditions revealed in the viewer of period objects in a curatorial or construction and finishing of buildings archeological sense. follow the Creole style. This is also Two main categories of material consistent with the concept of Acadian possession are revealed in this research. The emulation and adaption of the Creole first is the description of apparel and textiles. tradition for their benefit, as is evident in the As this study focuses on the construction of construction of the slave housing and the place through material culture, the textile additions to the sugar house. There is also issue is addressed tangentially and the evidence of nostalgia for a Creole heritage relation of slavery and tutors is covered in in the use of brick flooring in the cellar. the section on material human value above. Vlach suggests that the sugar plantation is in In other instances there is little discussion of itself a synthesis of various nineteenth textiles past regular clothing purchases for century strategies of sugar cultivation, a slaves and minors, with the exception of the fusion of French and American plantation purchase of two pieces of toile noted on ideals (J. M. Vlach 1993, 192). April 23, 1849, on page 84, coinciding with Although the evidence supports that the purchase of burial materials. The text of E. Landry‘s plantation is conforming to the manuscript is smudged, but what is Creole traditions more uniformly, there is readable is, ―Toile d‘ I ----ne‖ or Toile d‘L-- --ne. The nearest definition to what appears In another more significant instance, written is toile de laine, which is a soft, in the 1842 succession of Paul O. Landry, lightweight, plain weave French dress fabric the estate separated out an armoire (along made of merino wool, generally black. The with a horse named Tom) to be included as color is appropriate for funerary clothing, sole property of his widow. In every other the dressing of a table coffin display, or a case, movable items were associated directly coffin skirt. The price listed was $20.00, a with property, or with a person in terms of high price that supports merino wool marriage contracts. The separation of the (Tortora and Merkel 1996). Merino wool is armoire is significant in that this gives the manufactured, not homespun, and thus wool object noted importance and special of the finest quality. Regardless of its meaning. This is supported by the specific use, this was an important valuable description of the armoire acadienne or material purchase (Tortora and Merkel Cajun armoire in Edwards‘ The Acadian 1996). Lexicon: ―Though considered ‗folksy‘ by Beyond this singular discussion of furniture collectors, they were centrally specialty textiles, the balance of relevant connected with the vital expression of Cajun discussion on material possession is related domestic culture.‖ The definition continues to furniture. The records reveal a process of to discuss the use of such armoires for the material furniture acquisition that does little collection and transfer of textiles through to differentiate place from things, even some families (Edwards and du Bellay de though movable objects are described in Verton 2004, 41). many places such as marriage records and The plantation logs reveal that a succession documents. Only two items of system of acquisition of material positions furniture are separated and defined as including furniture and home furnishings objects for individual transfer. In the was an ongoing process - evidenced by the plantation log of 1848, two chairs are regular transactions with W. Shea and Roth purchased from ―Eugene Hebert‘s Boy‖ and & Brothers in the plantation log. But again described as ―Chairs given by deceased to these items are grouped together and not be finis.‖ This appears to be a transaction of distinguished; on page 4 of the plantation the repair of an object completed after the manuscript the term ―furnitures‖ is used death of the owner. It shows that furniture with the term ―family.‖ Family ―furnitures‖ repair was an expertise that had value and are defined by the group that owned them exclusivity. That the chairs were repaired by and not distinguished as separate objects an outside expert reinforces the idea that with meaningful identities. They are simply furniture was precious, not disposable. The capital. purchase price is $2.63½ , and the amount of The sole distinguishing description this relatively small sum is perhaps of furniture occurs on page 18 of the irrelevant, as it is impossible to quantify the plantation manuscript, where a bill for amount of needed repair. $86.86 is recorded as paid for ―plain tanum furnitures.‖ Referencing Edwards‘ Creole in unanimous agreement to transfer the Lexicon, the term tanum might be associated estate intact into probate so that the value (or a misspelling or smudging of) the term could be maximized for the future benefit of ―talon‖ for foot, the Spanish term ―lata‖ the family. (rafter), or more likely, ―tenon,‖ meaning a hidden construction joining method Conclusions (Edwards and du Bellay de Verton 2004, Brasseaux suggests in Acadian to 192,123,194).It is most logical that this is a Cajun that the construction of a Cajun description of simple joined construction, identity is the result of the cultural Anglo- notably consistent with Edwards‘ Americanization and homogenization of description of the armoire acadienne. Louisiana as a result of reconstruction Might furniture play a minor role in following the Civil war. He also the material expression of place? Or does hypothesizes that what is Cajun today is the archive reveal a simple tradition of disconnected from the true Acadian furniture that is more associated with groups, experience in antebellum Louisiana. The family, and stability rather than the mythologized, post facto, view of expression of material wealth? Although antebellum Acadians as egalitarian these families moved up the social ladder subsistence farmers is in no way supported towards greater and greater success and by the findings of this study. In fact, a clear financial stability, they were not in the transition from the subsistence farmer process of deviating from standing traditions lifestyle towards a landowning and slave- of simplicity or adopting other cultures‘, owning wealthy class was well underway by Creole or Anglo-American, traditions of the the 1850s. Acadians left behind traditions of expression of wealth, such as conspicuous backwater gathering and farming and were consumption associated with the Anglo- joining the ranks of those who controlled the American tradition. There is no evidence of systems of production for the state; in this the collection of material possessions for case, sugar. display and expression. It has to be noted, Acadian material culture is defined though, that the practice throughout the by four major characteristics: an sources shows that these Acadians were in independent Acadian cultural model that the process of accumulating possessions and does not emulate Creole or Anglo-American not selling them. traditions; material ownership belonging to This is reinforced in the 1829 the family group with objects associated as succession of Alexandre Eusebe Babin, part of a whole ―place‖; individual material where all movables were sold with the estate identity held tightly in the proxemic so that their value is better put to use for the personal sphere; and objects acting as tools future of minor family members. In the for stability and safety, not representations succession, it clearly stated that extended of wealth. and immediate family adults came together The question asked here is whether personal. As described in the 1983 or not they aspired to either a Creole exhibition L’Amour de maman, small tradition, or an Anglo-American tradition, or simplistic textiles become a material their own alternative. It can be argued from communication between generations, and the evidence that they were more entrenched the use of expensive toile for funerary dress in a Creole tradition than an Anglo- reflects this. Personal and portable objects, American one and that thus carried through like the silver watch brought into the in their production of constructed place. But marriage by Paul O. Landry, show value in terms of their approach to furnishings and expressed to the scale of the individual. the accumulation of aspirational goods and Maygarden, like Rees, was right to objects, they seem to follow neither model. suggest that the Eastern Seaboard models for This study shows that Acadians the behavior of the socially mobile need to where not preoccupied with the expression be challenged when viewing Acadian of social mobility as we have come to expect culture. Perhaps the model needs to adapt to it in Anglo-America. Rees makes the same reflect a concept of ever advancing safety as argument when he concludes his opposed to ever advancing wealth. This is examination of the Broussard home site: the clearly expressed in the manuscript passages rules of Anglo-American social mobility regarding the safety of the levee and the simply do not apply to Acadian-Americans. massing of community resources to solve It is clear that Acadians constructed a the problem. material culture that sought to support the This evidence supports a material safety, stability, and continuity of family, culture that is created to enable safety and rather than express wealth and strength in stability. There may be an Anglo-American the Anglo-American tradition. desire for the material culture to overtly The link between le grand represent these ideals, but as Prown dérangement and a rejection of an expressed correctly states, this desire for stability is in materiality cannot be ignored. Simply put, the subtext of the construction of place and there is significant evidence that the abstract place identity, not in the outward expression notions of continuity are prioritized over the of wealth. Perhaps it is this Anglo-American tangible continuity of material things. As the desire to create sophomorically overt succession documents of Alexandre Eusebe statements of cultural intent that has bogged Babin clearly express, it was decided that in the Cajun identity down with anachronism the interest of protecting the various and didactic mythologies of simplicity and orphaned minors, the entire extended family purity. determined that it was best to liquidate A post-exile search for safety is not assets. the only factor directing the material culture As large assets are associated with of these Acadians; there is also the issue of the group rather than individuals, valued adaptability and assimilation. As Faragher personal objects exist as proxemic and outlines in A Great and Noble Scheme, the Acadians began their cultural heritage as the family and community, and efforts to result of the assimilation of and integration maintain that status quo offset desires to with the native peoples of North America. keep a constant physical material One of the questions posed by this study was, environment. Changes in the material status ―Which culture did socially mobile quo were easily accepted, and those changes Acadians trend towards, Creole or Anglo- were typically the result of the adoption of American?‖ The answer suggested by this apparent models as opposed to innovation. evidence is, ―Both, as needed.‖ Their Innovation suggests risk, and while risk may aspiration was not for the trappings of one result in greater wealth, it does not improve cultural group or another, and not even the security. Perhaps the underlying question perceived success of one over the other. It being asked in this study - ―Who did these was the adoption of whatever system would Acadians aspire to be?‖ is best answered advance their agenda, that being actual and with, ―They were quite happy as they were.‖ perceived security, not wealth. If one makes the association of As with every study, this one material culture to language in terms of the suggests more investigation. One obvious symbolic meaning of things, as Acadians track of research would be on the issue of collected more material position, perhaps language as it is intertwined with material they would, as with the word ―furnitures,‖ culture. This study also focused on a limited adjust the function of the piece to suit the set of individuals qualitatively analyzing need at hand within the rules they had their cultural productions. There is a wealth already understood. Should they find new of archival information that, taken out of decorative detail, it would seem a foreign context from individual‘s stories, could language to them, but they would reveal trends and behavior that can be manipulate the object as necessary for quantified throughout the analysis of function. With use comes familiarity, as the inventories across families and communities. language of the manuscript suggests, but a This study intentionally focused on a group desire to acclimate or assimilate new and social strata that left little physical symbols does not appear to be an item high record; there is, however, a wealth of on the Acadian agenda. ―Home Place‖ is archival data that might more strongly link home first and a reflection of aspiration later, to the existing physical record. if at all. In conclusion, the evidence presented here suggests that antebellum Notes Acadian material culture focused on 1The term Acadian is generally constant simplistic construction of personal associated with the French term l’Arcadie identity in immediate space, while the which is translated from the English extended landscape and constructed ―home‖ ―Arcadia‖, the title of a prose poem publish were a vehicle for stability. The status quo in 1502 that described a pastoral non-urban was associated with abstract concepts of ancient golden age. The common argument is that l’Arcadie was corrupted to l’Acadie The areas generally recognized as ―Cajun (and in English as Acadia). Another Country‖ today west of the Atchafalaya argument is that the Acadian derives from a River, and areas along the Mississippi River term akadie of the native which means between Baton Rouge and New Orleans. ―place of abundance.‖ Regardless of the 3Although there are many books that truth of either argument, Faragher frames a cover the topic Acadian History before 1900, history throughout his book that defines the three are recognized as seminal. John Mack Acadians as deeply culturally intertwined Faragher‘s A Great and Noble Scheme with the indigenous Mikmawísimk (2005) covers the establishment of the population. This group of uniquely Acadian communities in Nova Scotia and identified people, who find their roots in the their eventual expulsion. Carl A. French new world as early as 1604, Brasseaux‘s two books The Founding of eventually become an integral part of the New Acadia (1987) and Acadian to Cajun story of Louisiana. (1992) follow the development of Louisiana 2This expulsion is termed le Grand Acadian life from 1765-1803 and 1803-1877 Derangement. The resulting Diaspora of the respectively Acadians left peoples distributed throughout 4Jules David Prown‘s conclusion to the Atlantic coastal colonies, the interior of History from Things, ―The Sign of the Canada and in France. Most Acadians did Object‖, and the understanding of discourse not find suitable places for resettlement in by Marcel Just‘s Processes in either France or the other Atlantic Colonies. Comprehension both argue that In the period of 1753 - 1765 most Acadians interpretation of the objects as a result of the moved from place to place failing to resettle user‘s pragmatic context. Prown discusses in in any specific locations. With rumor, his introduction to American Artifacts a two- founded and un-founded, of a welcoming part strategy for viewing historical objects: political environment in New Orleans, over first, objects are categorized, then objects 1000 Acadians migrated to Louisiana are viewed through a series of theoretical between 1765 and 1770 and more than three lenses. The object categorization used here times that number has arrived by 1785. will be those defined by Csikszentmihalyi Surprising to most arrivals in New Orleans, based on his research of most-treasured the economic and social attitudes did not objects in The Meaning of Things. support the (often spotty) political support Focus on the material culture of for Acadians. Upon arrival, Acadians were Acadians is typically steeped in a deep but again ―encouraged‖ to move into rural areas nostalgic view of the past. Most of Louisiana where they could reestablish investigation supports a romantic view of their traditional rural lives left in Nova the early Acadians as altruistic subsistence Scotia. These areas of Louisiana were farmers that have few material possessions, referred to as ―New Acadia.‖ By 1785 two have an egalitarian dislike of slavery and the dominant areas were settled by Acadians. ways of both Creole and Anglo-American traditions. Much that has been written about These relevant ideas are supported in the positions of early Acadians is seen a much more thorough and academic sense through a lens of Cajun mythology and in Malcolm Comeaux‘s examination, in the romanticism, but the journal Material Geographical Review, of the evolution of Culture has published serious articles on the the Cajun barn. He reveals that the building Cajun dance hall, Cajun cock pit, French type associated with the descendants of Acadian vernacular homes, and rural-versus- French Acadiana is actually a morphing of a urban French Creole architecture. German typology that they would have been In 1991, Megan Farrell reviewed the exposed to in the town of French Settlement, types of French vernacular homes in Louisiana, in the late eighteenth century Material Culture (vol.23 no.3) and (Comeaux 1989, 54). He also reveals a concluded that, through a review of roof continuous morphing of the building type to types and wall construction, ―Cajun‖ meet the specific needs of both an evolving cottages were an offspring of Creole method of farming and the specifics of the architecture. Also in Material Culture (vol. climate and environment of South Louisiana 26, no. 3, 1994), Phillip Oszuscik compares (Comeaux 1989, 59). Comeaux concludes the evolution of rural and urban models of with this revealing comment: ―many studies the Creole cottage, and although he rarely emphasize how cultural groups resist change mentions the Acadian derivative, he does when they move from one environment to clearly identify a nostalgic style of another. The research presented here postmodern neo-Cajun that makes a demonstrates the pragmatism of one folk connection to the past that is distinct from group to material culture.‖ (Comeaux 1989, neo-Creole. 61) In ―Cajun Cockpits,‖ (Material An unpublished thesis by Kelli Culture vol. 2, no.2, 1993) Jon Donlon Ostrom in geography and anthropology makes little connection, if any, to Acadian examined the material culture of the Alliet or Cajun identity and the cockpit. The House, an Acadian home which is now a investigation hinges on the uniqueness of the part of a museum complex in West Baton building and gaming type. In contrast, Rouge Parish. She investigated the existing Malcolm Comeaux‘s review of material evidence of the museum site, and contemporary Cajun dance halls in Material examined the archeological, written, and Culture (vol. 32, no. 1, 2000) makes specific oral history of the site. As in the study here, reference to Cajun identity through time and she sought to understand the nature of the place. After reviewing the dance halls, he material culture of the socially ascending supposes in his conclusion that while music occupants, the Landry family. She and dance may be constants in a strong and concluded that there was a blending of the continuous Cajun identity, a relationship to material cultures of Creoles and Anglo- place is one of adaptability and change Americans in order to represent an idea of a (Comeaux 2000). new elevated class for the building occupants (Ostrom 2005, 105). She also Spanish and the scale of the impact of concluded that during the antebellum period Caribbean dialects is highly debated and not of the home there was a distinct resolved (Mosadomi 2000, 227) (Hall 1992, differentiation made between allegiance and 190) (Neumann-Holzschuh 2000, 13). It is identity to Acadian cultural past. Although also the general consensus that Louisiana the Landrys at Alliet house materially Creole is a language predominantly and represented their ‗Acadianess,‘ they did not primarily used by new African arrivals, promote or outwardly present themselves as black slaves, and free people of color (Kein Acadian in a patriotic sense (Ostrom 2005, 2000, 117) that is eventually adopted by 106). many whites (including landowners) and 5In much literature and in this paper people of mixed race and in common usage the term Anglo-American is used to make a into the early twentieth century (Hall 1992, distinction between the traditions and beliefs 189). of anglophone Americans of English descent The use of the term for defining and those non-English speaking Americans racial and cultural identity is equally, if not of African, French, or Spanish ancestry. more, complex than its use to define Although the term Anglo-American is used language. Virginia Domínguez covers the in this paper, it is commonplace in literature subject of racial and cultural identity of specific to Louisiana to simplify the term to Creoles in her 1986 book White by American. Definition: Social Classification in Creole 6The term Creole is used here to Louisiana. According to Domínguez, the describe the landholding residents of south legal definition of race in the original French Louisiana who are of predominantly French colony of Louisiana was tripartite, divided descent and are non-English speakers. The into the categories of white, free people of term Creole has many, often subtly different, color, and slaves (Domínguez 1986, 24). definitions. In the context of Louisiana, it Initially the term was used along the Gulf has two primary applications: racial/cultural Coast to distinguish those born in the colony identity and linguistic. It is the consensus of (Creole) or born in Europe, not to define a most linguists that Louisiana Creole is one racial boundary (Domínguez 1986, 97). of three varieties of French that exist in Until the late eighteenth century, the term Louisiana, along with the Cajun or Acadian Creole appears to have little socio-political and European Colonial French (Mosadomi meaning and would even be used as a 2000, 223), but the origin of the language is descriptor of slaves, as in the term nègre more complex and problematic. Although créole. But with the increased influences of most scholars agree that the primary Anglo-Americans in the late eighteenth and influences are French and the African early nineteenth centuries, culminating in languages that are found in the slave the Louisiana Purchase, the term and deportation regions of Senegambia, West concept of a Creole identity emerges in Africa; the influences of Portuguese and opposition to the influences of the Americans (Domínguez 1986, 101). In the Racially white Creoles begin to identify with early nineteenth century the term Creole is racially white Anglo-Americans in used by white people of European descent to opposition to non-whites. How many identify themselves as separate from white Creoles of mixed race, and slaves who Anglo-Americans (Domínguez 1986, 118). would have been owned by Creoles, The historical record, though, shows a negotiated this complex environment is the multitude of definitions of racial and cultural subject of much scholarly research. But in identities that blur at the borders such as the the context of this paper the term and contradictory use, by some early nineteenth definition of Creole is that of the early century visitors to the area, of the term eighteenth century – a cultural group, not Creole to define a set of mixed race free strictly racially defined, finding itself in people separate from those who were French opposition to an ever more economically (Domínguez 1986, 113). This most probably and politically influential Anglo-American reveals that some people who grouped population. themselves as Creole were of mixed race. 7He uses the name Cantrelle in the And to compound the complexity of cultural text, which is today‘s Saint James Parish, identity, throughout the literary and adjacent to Ascension Parish. historical record one can find the use of 8The record of the Louisiana State many racial and cultural terms such as Archive catalogs the manuscript as that of French: a white person who is French or of Elu Landry, although the research conducted French descent; Negro: a slave of African here finds no reference to an Elu Landry at background; Native: a Native American all in Ascension Parish. There is, however, either enslaved or free; Mulatto: a slave of an Eloi Joseph Landry. It is also apparent mixed racial background; Griffe: a slave of throughout the document that the name Eloi mixed negro and Native American or Elu is rarely used, perhaps on four or five background; and Free Person of Color: a occasions; typically the abbreviation ―E‖ is non-white person who was not a slave. used. Domínguez clarifies that Creole 9Throughout this paper, quotes taken identity before the Civil War is cultivated in from the plantation log are reproduced as opposition to Anglo-American influences accurately as possible with spelling, and that it does not take on the racial grammar, and punctuation replicated as they connotations it carries today until the were originally written. strengthening of Anglo-American power in 10It should be noted that the the mid-nineteenth century (Domínguez manuscript‘s author often used a long dash, 1986, 132). The desire to define individuals which should not be confused with the four as either white or black, which increased short dashes used to indicate that certain text following the Civil War, created an identity was unreadable due to the nature of the crisis for the Creole population who found script or damage to the document. themselves with diminishing political power. 11The discussion of the slave child is plausible that this 1869 record is entered reviewed in the this paper‘s Findings section. erroneously. The discussion of the drunken strangers is 13Tutorage is a legal relationship discussed on March 4th 1850: where a person of adult age (a ―major‖) takes responsibility for an orphaned or disenfranchised child (a ―minor‖). This is a Night watch on levee – finish – legal obligation taken by the major and it is afraide of Suspicious characters – discussed in more detail in the conclusion perigrinating and laying drunk and portion of this paper. abussing passers by in day time – 14An arpent is a traditional French picked up fever one in front of A live unit of measure, about 192 feet as used in ---- on the big levee beastly drunk Louisiana. The use of arpents was typical and 3 at the corner of the big levee throughout the French colonial world but at ---- laying and aslap on the Public was never universally standardized. Use of road … an order for their arrest for the arpent after French colonial rule is their orgies in day time and their unusual and another signifier of Louisiana Suspicious Character of multiculturalism. Maliciousness – their presence with 15This lack of verifiable connection danger of a crevasse – set up all is where the specific connection between the night Self on levee notarial narrative of Eloi Landry and the plantation diary of E. Landry cannot be Although this is tangential to the interest of conclusively shown. material culture of this study, this passage is 16The use of quotations in this worth noting as it reflects a very Anglo- section suggests that the author is directly American attitude towards drinking and quoting the slaves, as this appears to have drunkenness that is often seen as part of the been his practice in another instance of the Anglo-Americanization of the Acadians. manuscript, or it might the case that he is (Brasseaux 1993) quoting another text in his attempt to be 12There is a record of a mortgage poetic. Regardless, these word choices offer release from 1854 that seems to be a matter a glimpse into outside language influences of succession paperwork. There is a record on the author and perhaps insight into the of an Eloi Joseph Landry inheriting $4000 spoken Creole of the slaves. +/- from his wife in 1869, but this is 17There is a specific hierarchy to included in an immense flurry of property plantation complex layouts along the transactions that take place at the close of Mississippi. With limited river frontage, 1869 that appear to deal with a change in the preference is given to buildings that reflect a law of heirship and land rights resulting higher status in the social order of the from Reconstruction. It seems more than plantations such as the owner‘s house, or, main house. Most plantations contain a set of buildings that include the main house, Creole heritage (Bacot and Poesch 1997, 90- garçonniéres (residence for the planter‘s 91). sons and other unmarried male relatives), The block plan is rare. Like the kitchen, privy, carriage house, overseer‘s lateral plan, it exists mainly on secondary house, and field slave housing. The typical waterways. In the block plan, field slave plan, referred to as the linear plantation, housing follows a grid and remains at a arranges along the riverfront the main house, distance from the main house. Operational garçonniéres, and overseer‘s house, with the function buildings, including the field slave broad sides of these houses fronting the river. housing, were usually distant from the main Behind the main house, plantation owners house and set well back from the waterway. arranged service buildings including the This plan was typically completed by kitchen and privy. At the furthest location Anglo-American settlers (Bacot and Poesch from the river, but still on the natural levee, 1997, 90). This plantation landscape mimics thus close to the main house, are arranged the Anglo-American traditions in other the field slave quarters. These slave quarters regions of the country; in other plantation sit in facing sets along lines that are examples in North Louisiana and the perpendicular to the river (Bacot and Poesch Carolinas, the block layout was employed, 1997, 89-91). This typical lateral plan has creating a village-like setting with rows of precedent, with similar examples in the housing set out on a grid pattern (J. M. records of the first plantation settlements in Vlach 1993, 12). The servant areas are offset 1719 by the French (Bacot and Poesch 1997, from the formal geometry of the main house 89). It is found in most Mississippi River within this arrangement focused on plantations regardless of the ethnic origin of agricultural production. the builder. These three plan types represent Two other plantation layouts exist. responses to both geography and cultural They are known as the lateral and the block. precedent. No plantation owner sacrificed In the lateral plan, similar configurations land quality or frontage presence for the exist, but they are arranged along the sake of their slaves or service buildings. It is riverfront. In the lateral plan, lines of paired clear that the Creole tradition of arranging slave quarters exist, but are placed adjacent field slave housing in a linear fashion with a to the river with the same proxemic proxemic geometric relationship to the main relationship as the main house. This gives house and waterway is consistent across the equal availability of high ground to all Creole plantation applications. This Creole residences while service buildings sit back tradition developed along the Mississippi from the river on lower ground. This lateral River where geography might have plan, existing mainly on smaller tributaries necessitated an association between slave where riverfront was not as much at a and owner. When Americans faced similar premium, was typically executed by those of geographical constraints, they also constructed with a linear plan. But when Americans were afforded greater expanses use of an exterior stair and a false gallery of waterfront, they chose to keep the slave hipped roof extension were adapted from housing separate from the geometry of the Creole traditions that seemed more main house and proximity to the river, appropriate for Acadian lifestyle in following their traditions established Louisiana rather than brought to Louisiana elsewhere in America: the block plan. In with them. Like most surveys, he then states contrast, the Creole tradition of linear that the evolution of the Acadian cottage organization gives land of better value to the follows the evolution of the Creole cottage field slave housing and shares its proxemic internalizing the exterior stair, becoming relationship with the waterway. more massive, and eventually a larger center 18The primary sources for hall plan with a large hipped roof understanding the Acadian vernacular are rectangular mass (J. D. Edwards 1988, 18- focused on the definitions of types more so 20). He describes this evolution as a series than the evolution or the interaction of the of generations. Generation one is a single material object and the Acadian culture. room house; generation two is two to four Texts like Fred Daspit‘s Louisiana rooms, either in a square or, less commonly, Architecture 1714-1830 and Louisiana in-line. Generation three is a center hall plan Architecture 1840-1860 tangentially address that includes a certain amount of floor space the evolution of the Acadian cottage from specifically used for circulation and that of the Creole cottage (Daspit 1996, 40). expression of wealth and luxurious leisure. However, the remainder of the literature 19I make this assumption based on focuses on the specifics of construction of my personal experience as a historic the existing record and the chain of preservation architect with approximately 10 ownership, and not on the evolution of the years of managing restoration projects with vernacular through the integration of similar building types and other Creole cultural exchange or social change. Reviews buildings in New Orleans. of the specifics of the construction in the 20Flooding from the river and Acadian tradition were detailed in the torrential rains is a constant environmental background section above; the various challenge for South Louisiana. Levee traditional cottage types were detailed in maintenance is an ongoing concern for the architectural survey texts for Louisiana such plantation diary‘s author as is fence as Bacot, Desmond, and Lane. construction, which often was used to hold In 1988 Jay D. Edwards suggested in levees in place as well as partition livestock. Louisiana’s Remarkable French Vernacular Although the language and word choice are Architecture that the Acadians arrived in not contemporary, the concerns are eerily Louisiana with an architectural tradition that extant in Louisiana after Hurricanes Rita and was not dissimilar from the Creole traditions Katrina. they found upon their arrival in the late 21In contrast to the landscape of the eighteenth century. He hypothesizes that the plantation, the architecture of the field slave housing, in that landscape, evolves in place. Brasseaux, Carl A. ―‖Acadian Settlement in Over the period of activity of the plantation, Spanish Louisiana‖.‖ Center for it is replaced as it falls into disrepair. Unlike Louisiana Studies, University of the main house, which is updated and Louisiana at Lafayette. [line modernized through interior refinishing and drawing]. Lafayette, LA, n.d. construction, resulting in a structure that Brasseaux, Carl A. ―‖Nineteenth Century represents all of its former owners, slave Acadian house‖.‖ Center for housing will reflect the construction Louisiana Studies, University of techniques of the period and intent of the Louisiana at Lafayette. owner at the time of its construction (Bacot [photograph]. Lafayette, LA. and Poesch 1997, 127).Field slave housing —. Acadian to Cajun: Transformation of a also better reflects the vernacular traditions People, 1803-1877. Jackson: of the owner, as slave housing is more often University Press of Mississippi, built at a single point in time, than a main 1993. house which is often modified over time —. The Founding of New Acadia : the through successive ownership. Beginnings of Acadian Life in 22Bousillage served as outer coating Louisiana, 1765-1803. Baton over exterior sheathing of lath; this material Rouge: Louisiana State Univeristy was a mixture of mud and moss, a tradition Press, 1987. adapted from Native American techniques. Brundage, Anthony. Going to the Sources: A 23The first form of housing, for both Guide to Historical Research and slaves and owners, followed the post-in- Writing. 4th. Wheeling, Illinois: ground, or poteaux-en-terre, tradition. Harlan Davidson, 2008. Houses in this tradition were made of four Comeaux, Malcolm L. ―The Cajun Barn.‖ posts set into the ground leaning toward Geographical Review (American each other. 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