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JEAN-MICHEL PICARD EDITOR

FOUR COURTS PRESS

IV. The English link in Hiberno-Frankish relations in the seventh century

Michael Richter Uniuersität Konstanz

There is much in the seventh century that we will never know; some things we know vaguely and in outline. In this paper I want to concentrate on what we know with some certainty about relations between England, Ireland and Northern France in the seventh century. It is true, nevertheless, that much of the information we have is highly incidental, and we must accept that the picture that will emerge is very fragmentary. Most of the sources available for this subject have been known for the past century; consequently, what will be presented here has been treated before although not quite in this way. In taking up the theme it is necessary once more to go over what amounts to extremely pooriy attested ground; this, in itself, can be undertaken adequately only by assessing the general nature of our sources and the context in which they arose. It is impossible to come to satisfactory conclusions without some sort of Quellenkritik.

In so far as there has been a treatment of the theme, the general views were characterized by the following two positions: 1) Links between the various societies existed in the ecclesias- tical sphere (conversion). 2) In the task of conversion there was a neat division of labour: the south of England was converted from Rome, while the north of England was influenced from Ireland. These movements are also associated with ecclesiastical offices, the bishops in the south, the abbots and monks in the north. On closer inspection things are much more complex. Of those scholars who have wrestled with our subject I should like to quote James Campbell: 'In the seventh century the Churches of England, Gaul and Ireland formed in some ways one intercon- 96 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE nected world and one in which the influence of Rome was strong and growing strenger'.' While I agree with Campbell's view, an attempt will be made here to show that the links between the churches in the three countries are only one facet of other, more complex links, mainly of a secular nature. Taking the position in England, I want to underline that these international links are not so much incidental as an integral part and a manifestation of the exist- ing 'political order'. It will be argued that links between England, Gaul and Ireland manifested themselves in the secular as well as the ecclesiastical sphere, and that the latter was largely dependent an the former. This is easily lost sight of due to the nature of the sources available: these are of ecclesiastical origin and for that reason document ecclesiastical matters incomparably better than secular affairs. I am conscious of the imhalance in the subsequent presentation, but this imbalance is due to our sources and thus to our resources. It is also reflected in the secondary literature.2 I will trace connections from England with Gaul as well as with Ireland. In this context, a shift of emphasis is necessary. It is my impression that in the process of Christianisation, the English have been assigned traditionally the role of passive recipients; for a Change, I want to show them as active partici- pants.3 When we look at the issue in this way, it will soon become apparent that we are dealing, almost exclusively, with the leading circles of society in England, with aristocracy and

1 James Camphell, 'The first century of in England', Ampleforth Journal 76 (1971) p. 10-29, at p. 27. A similar position is expressed by Campbell in 'The debt of tbe early English Church to Ireland', in P. Ni Chathain and M. Richter (eds), Zrelund and Christendom. The Bible und the missions (Stuttgart 1987) p. 343. Links with Gaul are also mentioned, in some detail, hy J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, 'Rome and the early English Church: some questions of transmission', Settimana 7 (1960) p. 519-47. See also Friedrich Prinz, 'Zum fränkischen und irischen Anteil an der Bekehrung der Angelsachsen' ZK 95 (1984) p. 315-36. 2 No attempt will he made to give a comprehensive survey of the learned literature; that would be against the purpose of this paper which intends to highlight features hitherto rather neglected. 3 For this see M. Richter, 'Practical aspects of conversion', in Ni Chathain and Richter, Ireland und Christendom, p. 362-76. RICHTER. THE ENGLISH LINK 97 royalty; and it is from this layer also that the leaders of Christianity whom we know were recruited. The term 'England' requires a comment. For the seventh century, England is a unit neither in geographical nor in politi- cal terms; the tenns 'heptarchy' or bretwalda convey an incor- rect idea of political order, of stability or hierarchy. What we are witnessing instead is part of the process by which continental Gerrnanic groups that had invaded Britain from late Roman times onwards fought for existence and political survival in a deeply hostile environment. This process was to last for many more centuries.4 Terms such as 'Anglo-Saxon Settlement of Britain' are too euphemistic. Settlement was one of the by-products of forcible expansions, of wars.6 These wars, furthermore, cannot be reduced to a confrontation between native Britons and invading Saxons. The invaders did not, act as one group, but largely inde- pendent of each other in groups the number even of which is impossible to give. Also, the Saxons fought amongst each ~ther.~ We have to go even a step further. These Saxon groups were not at peace inside either. This we can state as fact without in most cases being able to show it in detail. Nevertheless, the Statement is necessary to counter ideas of apparent stability conjured up by terms such as 'royalty', 'nobility' and so On. The Same applies to notions such as 'marriage' or 'family' and the like. It has been rightly stated that 'when we gaze deeper through the surface waters of 's Ecclesiastical History, we find the Scene darkens, currents swirl, and dimly we perceive in the black abyss of time the savage mien and baleful deeds of more fearsome beings'.? It is no exaggeration to claim that throughout the seventh century political turmoil predominated

4 It can be argued that only the conquest of the principality of Wales in 1282-84 put an end to this expansion in the westerly direction at the expense of the Britons. 5 A good account for one region is provided by Kenneth Jackson, 'Angles and Britons in and Cumbria' in Angles und Britons, O'Donnell Lectures (Cardiff 1963) p. 60-84. 6 Note the expressions of hatred the people of Lindsey had for their neighbour Oswald, as related by Bede, HE, 111, 11: 'quia de alia provincia ortus fuerat et super eos regnum acceperat'. 7 D. P. Kirby, 'Northumhria in the time of ', in D. P. Kirby (ed.), Saint Wilfrid at Hexharn (Newcastle 1974) p. 29. 9B IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE in many parts of Britain. The results of this state of affairs confront the observer in the barren entries in the Handbook of British Chronology and the many queries entered in connection with names and reigns.8 In taking our stance firrnly in England, we have available two major sources both of which have their idiosyncrasies. One of these is Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum. It is incumbent on anyone who uses this work in a major way, to declare their position towards it, however briefly. For our subject it is relevant that for the seventh century, the period covered in most detail, the Historia Ecclesiastica is no contemporary source. Yet Bede provides most of the information that we have for this century. No wonder that he often remains tantalizingly vague when we desperately want detail. Bede's distance from the events he describes may well cast general doubt on his relia- bility, and in the Course of this paper contradictions and inaccu- racies in his work will be noted. Yet, to dispense with the Ecclesiastical History would result in having to abandon work altogether. What characterizes Bede's work, however, is that in it history is reduced to individuals. I am not so much worried here about his tendency to select Christians, pass over in silence non- Christians and the like. What requires our attention is that Bede's individuals are all too often presented as detached from their political and social context; Special effort to counter this tendency is called for. Our other major source is Eddius's Vita Wilfridi. Here the author offers an account of events some of which he himself had witnessed. But the work is designed as eulogy, is a partisan account and often fails the attentive reader. In the Vita Wilfridi also history is personalized in a big way.9 We cannot do without these sources, but we must try- difficult though it may be-to put them into our service, not to become enslaved by them. In the links between England,

8 See below notes 28, 33 and 37 regarding Hilda and her family. 9 D. P. Kirby, 'Bede, Eddius Stephanus and the Life of Wilfrid'EHR 98 (1983) p. 101-14, presents the latest assessment. See also G. Isenberg, Die Würdigung Wilfrieds uon York in der Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum Bedas und der Vita Wilfridi des Eddius, Dissertation (Münster 1978). RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 93

Ireland and Gaul, and the cultural exchanges that resulted from them, the English were at the receiving end. In other words, both Ireland and Gaul were more 'civilized' than the lands of the Saxons. This cannot, of Course, be elaborated here, but a few words at least will have to be said about these two other areas.

To claim political 'stability' for seventh-century Gaul may appear daring.I0 How little do we know about the country after Gregory of Tours is no longer our guide! But I will illustrate the suggestion of relative stability in Gaul by reference to an episode narrated by Bede which shows that, in contrast to what has been said about Britain, Gaul was a country with functioning sophis- ticated institutions of government. The following episode occurred in 668:

Theodore [of Tarsus] and Hadrian came [from Rome] together by sea to Marseille and then by land to Arles and handed to John, the archbishop of that town, the commendatory letters of Pope Vitalian. They were kept back by John until , the king's mayor of the palace, gave them leave to go where they pleased. Thereupon Theodore went to Agilbert, the bishop of . ... He was kindly received and entertained by the bishop multo tempore. Hadrian went Erst to Emme, bishop of Sens, and then to Faro, bishop of Meaux, and lived comfortably with them diutius ... When King Ecgberht [of Kentl had been told that a bishop, the one they had asked for from the bishop of Rome, was in the kingdom of the , he at once sent his prefect named Raedfrith to bring Theodore to him. When Raedfrith arrived, he took Theodore with the permis- sion of Ebroin ... and [they] sailed to Britain. Ebroin kept Hadrian because he suspected him of having some mission from the emperor to the kings of Britain, which might be

U) The latest Summary account is given by Eugen Ewig, Die Merowinger und das Frankenreich (Stuttgart 1988); see also, for a different assess- ment, Waltraut Bleiber, Das Frankenreich der Merowinger (Berlin 1988); special literature will he quoted later. IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE

directed against the kingdom over which at that time he held the chief charge. But when he discovered the truth, that Hadrian had never had any such mission at any time, he freed him and allowed him to go after Theodore (HE, IV,l).

I have quoted this passage for the information it contains about the far-flung functioning of the Frankish government, about its international connections of a kind unthinkable in the Saxon kingdoms of the time. As will be evident later, this passage is also relevant to our main purpose of investigation.

The situation of medieval Ireland is now better known." All I want to state here is that there are reasons to maintain that, in the seventh century in Western Europe, Ireland was the most agreeable country to live in and to receive learning and instruc- tion.12 Let me quote here merely a famous passage again from Bede in support of this view:

[In 6641 there were many in England, both nobles and commons, who ... had left their own country and retired to Ireland either for the sake of religious studies or to live a more ascetic life. In the Course of time some of these devoted themselves faithfully to the monastic life, while others preferred to travel round to the cells of various teachers and apply themselves to study. The Irish welcomed them all gladly, gave them their daily food, and also provided them with books to read and with instruction, without asking for any payment (HE, 111, 27).

What needs to be added is that this account came to Bede from a fellow-countryman, Ecgberht, who had enjoyed the hospitality and generosity mentioned here; it may be regarded as a reliable perspective of the atmosphere in seventh-century Ireland. The

11 For more detail see M. Richter, Medieval Ireland. The enduring tradition (Dublin, London, New York 1988). 12 I have presented this view in more detail in the article 'Kilians Irland', Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter 51 (1989) p. 13-9. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 101 setting is now sketched, and we will turn to the discussion of England, Ireland and Gaul as they were linked in the seventh century. I will deal with the topic systematically rather than chronologically.

SECULARLINKS

1)England-Gaul

a) Kent Ac far as our information will take us, in this field we have to start with Ethelbert, king of Kent, and his Frankish wife Berta, daughter of the king of Neustria, who came to Kent as a Catholic with her own priest, perhaps around 562.13 What, if any, the background to this dynastic link was I cannot say. But the connections of the Kentish royalty with the Merovingians, epitomized by this marriage, continued to matter even though we hear about them only very occasionally. Thus half a century later, around 632, a grandson and a great- grandson of Berta were sent to Gaul, to the court of Dagobert, when their mother feared for their safety at home (HE, 11, 20). Home in this case was Northumbria where Berta's and Ethelbert's daughter Ethelburga had gone to marry Edwin- originally king of Deira but also controlling Bernicia; like her mother before her, she came a Catholic to a pagan court. A daughter of Ethelburga and Edwin, Eanfled, later was to become queen of Bernicia as Oswiu's wife. We have here fragments of dynastic links between Northumbria, Kent and Neustria from the last quarter of the sixth to the middle of the seventh century. But once more back to Kent in the early seventh century! About Ethelbert's successor Eadbald (616-640) our information is particularly tantalizing. He is supposed to have had as his first wife his father's widow, and historians assume that this was not his mother Berta but another wife of Ethelbert; he himself had a second wife, Emma who was a Frankish princess:14 a

13 Note that according to HE, 11, 5, Ethelbert had accepted the faith in 595, i. e. hefore the arrival in Kent of the missionaries from Rome. See also A. Lohaus, Die Merowinger und England (München 1974) p. 9, 143, 148. 14 Lohauc, p. 25. 102 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE daughter from that union, Eorcengota, had a religious vocation and entered a nunnery in Gaul.'=

b) East Anglia In comparison with the situation in East Anglia, the political scene in Kent at the same time is a model of detail and chronological certainty. Bede, our only informant, tells twice (HE, 11, 15 and 111, 18) of Sigiberht who became king of the East Angles around 631. Bede is particularly difficult to follow here. Sigiberht succeeded his brother Eorpwald after an interregnum of about three years. Eorpwald was a son of Redwald, but Sigiberht was perhaps not Redwald's son since, according to Bede, he was exiled from his native country and spent some time in exile in Burgundy.16 Again, it is unknown how this connection came about. We must surely assume some background; in any case, as a result of his exile Sigiberht received the Burgundian Felix as bishop who worked in East Anglia. Sigiberht at an unknown date gave up his kingship, became a monk and 'was killed in a battle of uncertain date'.17 I have, so far, given only evidence for links between East Anglia and Burgundy; we will see in a later section that there were also links with both Northumbria and the Paris region.18 This is the information provided by Bede. His main interest was the success of Christianity and this motivates him to pass on the information. Of equal, arguably even greater, interest to us are the links forged between the Merovingians and various Germanic dynasties in Britain. Apparently these links were forged with scant regard to Christianity among English royalty. By now it has become obvious that what is contained in our sources is only the proverbial tip of the iceberg; on the basis of other information it can be established that the dynastic links between Britain and Gaul functioned more widely than shown so far.

15 HE, III,8, and see below p. 105-6, 108. 16 HE, 111, 18: 'qui dudum in Gallia, dum inimicitias Redualdi fugiens exularet'. 17 F. M. Powicke and E. B. Fryde, Handbook of British Chronology (London 1961) p. 17. 18 Below at note 35. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK

2) Northumbria, Ddl Riata und Ireland

It has already been mentioned that a descendant of the Kentish-Deiran family, Eanflad, became (at an unknown date) queen in Bernicia. She thus provides the link between Kent and Northumbria. The great influence of Irish Christianity in Northumbria between 635 and 664, starting with the invitation of Aidan by Oswald, is the locus classicus presented by Bede and widely taken as all that is to be known. About a generation ago the widespread opinion that the Irish influence in Northumbria came to an end with Whitby in 664 was seriously challenged.19 This revision is not yet widely enough known.zo In addition to this welcome reassessment, there has been a qualitative leap in our knowledge of the Situation when, a few years ago, Hermann Moisl placed the ecclesiastical links between Northumbria and Iona within their appropriate wider political framework of which they are only a small part.21 We can now say with confi- dence that there was a complex network of relations of a secular kind between Bernicia, DA1 Riata and the Ui N6ill territories traceable in outline from the late sixth to the early eighth century. Thus, the ecclesiastical links were side-effects of these earlier connections. Moisl has shown that the phenomenon of English royal exiles in Ireland or DA1 Riata can be traced back to the late sixth century. It is not so significant that the genealogi- cal dynastic connections cannot be followed in all their ramifica

19 M. Pepperdene, 'Bede's Historia Ecclesiastica. A new perspective', Celtica 4 (1958) W. 253-62. 20 There is no reference to this article in H. Vollrath, Die Synoden Englands bis 1066 (Paderborn 19851, nor in J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the English people. A historical commentary (Oxford 1988). The article was also apparently unknown to Kathleen Hughes, See esp. her 'Evidence for contacts between the churches of the Irish and the English from the to the Viking age', in P. Clemoes and K. Hughes (eds), England before the Conquest, Festschrift Dorothy Whitelock (Cambridge 1971) p. 49-67. Walter Goffart, The Narrators of barbarian history, A. D. 550-800 (Princeton 1988) p. 306, n. 300, is unacceptably dismissive. 21 Hermann Moisl, 'The Bernician royal dynasty and the Irish in the seventh century', Peritia 2 (1983) p. 103-26. 104 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE tions. Same of the royal exiles, such as Oswald and Aldfrith, were baptized in Iona and supported Christians later on.22 For the presence of Saxons among the Irish we are not dependent solely on Bede but have independent evidence from Irish sources, both from the annals, the 'Iona Chronicle', and Adomnhn's Life of Columba. Adomnhn's Life contains two separate incidental references to 'Saxons' among the Iona community in the time of Colum Cille.23 Moisl suggests that these may be early representatives of English royal exiles turned monks. While this may well be so, it is possible to argue that Christianity which the Irish practised could have been attrac- tive to 'Saxons' for its own sake. Some might have gone there voluntarily, as we have heard from Bede on 664. One must Stress that, in accordance with the social norms of the time, the royal princes when in exile were not on their own. Bede illustrates this on one occasion when he writes that the sons of Bthelfrith were in exile cum magna nobilium iuventute apud Scottos sive Pictos (HE, 111, 1). Although we rarely hear about these companions, they may well, like their masters, have received baptism there and thereby have become another poten- tial source for 'Saxon' monks in Irish monastic communities. Reference may be made in this context to the entry in the Martyrology of Tallaght which records under 27 May: Echbritan mac Ossu.24 One would think that some of their relatives stayed in England and thus we have the pre-conditions for a network of connections. Other noble youths would have returned with their royal masters and themselves, back home, broadened the basis of Irish-Saxon links. Obviously, justice is not done to the situation as a whole by referring merely to the ecclesiastical cide of Northumbrian- Irish links which our sources portray so prominently. In fact, between 637 and 685 the Northumbrian rulers claimed and maintained political overlordship over Da1 Riata as well, which

22 With Aldfrith, however, this is tobe modified, in the light of his quarrels with Wilfred (which will not be treated here). 23 Adomnan, Vita Columbae, 111, 10; 111, 22. See also Richter, Medieuul Ireland, p. 55. X Martyrology of Tallaght, p. 46. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 105 may have been to the conteinporaries in fact of greater impor- tance than the religious links.26

For anybody who studies this period, monasticism will be a topic which demands attention. Monastic communities provide stability as well as continuity and are, for this reason, the store- houses of historical information. Bede is a typical product of such a culture. In the light of these considerations, it is impor- tant to stress how poorly we are informed about the state of monasticism in seventh-century England. We get hints that the rule of Benedict arrived, through the mediation of Benedict Biscop, around the middle of the century. Yet we are informed, not quite en Passant, that in the there was, for people who intended to pursue a monastic lifestyle, a tremendous pul1 to do so not at home but in either neighbouring Gaul or neigbbouring Ireland. This is in stark contrast to what one associates with the manifestation of Inch Christianity in Northumbria, monasti- cism, or even with the fact that the missionaries sent from Rome to the Angles, primarily Augustine, were monks. There is room here for surprises and, in the wake of this, for a good second look. So far little room has been given in the secular links to the Christian dimension although it is the main reason why our informant mentions these links. We cannot be sure how central the Christian element was in this respect, whether primary or secondary. Christianity as a secondary element appears at least in one respect: English girls of noble descent became nuns in Gaul because they were well connected there. Rather casually Bede refers to English women who entered monastic establishments in Gaul:

Eorcengota, a child worthy of her parent [i.e. Eorcenbert of Kentl, was a most virtuous maiden who served the Lord in a monastery founded in the land of the Franks by a noble abbess named Fara in a place called Brie. At that time, because there were not yet many monasteries founded in England, numbers of people from Britain used to enter the monasteries of the Franks or Gauls to practise the monas-

25 Moisl, 'Bernician royal dynasty', p. 117 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE

tic life; they also sent their daughters to be taught in them and to be wedded to the heavenly bridegroom. They mostly went to the monasteries at Brie, Chelles, and Andelys-sur- Seine; among these was Saethryth, stepdaughter of Anna, king of the East Angles, ... and Bthelburh, his own daughter. Both of these though foreigners were, by the merit of their virtues, made abbesses of the monastery at Brie (HE, 111, 8).

Unfortunately Bede does not provide an exact date: eo tempore is all he gives us, most likely all he knew. Eadbald's reign ended in 640, and his granddaughter became a nun in Gaul. Indeed, all persons whom Bede names to embark on a monastic life in Gaul are women, and they are invariably of noble descent. Bede's report about the attraction of Gaulish monasteries for English people is similar to the one about Ireland's attraction for English people (HE, 111, 27). But there are other reasons why this pul1 to the Paris region requires our attention. We have to refer to the benefactress of nunneries in that area, such as Corbie and Chelles, to Queen Balthild.26 She was of Anglo-Saxon origin and, according to her Life, stocked her monastic

26 There has been relatively much work on her nlthough important points still need investigation. For the most recent treatment see A. Dierkens, 'La diffusion du monachisme dit colombanien ou iro-franc dans quelques monastkres de la region parisienne au VIIC sihcle et la poli- tique religieuse de la reine Bathilde', in H. Atsma (ed.), La Neustrie. Les Pays au nord de la Loire de 650 a 850, Colloque historique internatio- nal, Beihefte der Francia 16 (Sigrnaringen 1989) p. 372-94, esp. 368 (I owe the reference to this work to the kindness of my colleaye Pierre RichB). Other accounts are: E. Ewig, 'Das Privileg des Bischofs Berthefrid von Amiens für Corbie von 664 und die Klosterpolitik der Königin Balthild', Francia 1 (1973) p. 62-115, esp. 106 f.; Jacques Dubois, 'Sainte Bathilde, vers 625-680, reine de France, 641-655. Fondatrice de I'abbaye de Chelles', Memoires de la Socidtd de I'Histoire de Paris et de l'lle de France 32 (1981) p. 13-30. It seems that the author gets two dates wrong in the title: Balthild became queen c.a.651 and her husband died in 657. The year of her birth seems to be pure guess-work; Robert Folz, 'Tradition hagiographique et culte de Sainte Bathilde, reine des Francs', Comptes rendus de l'Academie des lnscriptions et Belles-Lettres (1975) P. 369-84. The date of the foundatioii of Chelles is uncertain; it is normally assumed to have occurred between 658 and 660. Balthild joined the community of Chelles in 665 or 666. She also helped a number of other institutions. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 107 establishments with men and women from her country.27 She is normally presented as the foundress of the nunnery of Chelles- to which she also retired; yet according to Bede there was a nunnery already in existence in the 640s which had among its nuns a princess from the East Anglian royal family, Hereswith, sister of Hilda's.28 Chelles thus appears to have been attractive to English noble women even before Balthild became queen and endowed Chelles further. The other problem relates to her origins. According to her Life, she was 'sold', and this is generally taken as evidence that she was of low birth.29 If that was so, then her rise to the highest social position was somewhat spectacular.30 It is also remark-

21 Vita Balthildis, C. 9: 'praecipue de gente sua viros et puellas'. 28 For this See HE, IV, 23; according to Bede's account, Hilda was bom in 614 and would have considered joining her sister in Gaul in 647. Most authors draw attention to the fact that Chelles traces back its origins to Clothilde, wife of Clovis, thus to the early sixth century, see Ch. Plummer, Venerabilis Baedae Opera historica (repr. Oxford 1975) vol. 2, P. 149 for references, and, most recently, the articles in Lexikon des Mittelalters s. V. 'Balthilde' and 'Chelles'. The faet that the institution numbered Anglo-Saxon princesses among its inmates even before Balthild's rei& I tuke as an indication of the eontinuous importance of the olace: thus Balthild s 'foundation' needs considerable auulificntion. ~aliace-~adrill,Historical commentary, p. 232, regards it as 'unlikely that an English princess would have been attracted to a decayed coenobiolum'. He therefore doubts the reliahility of Bede's information here. One has to tuke into account, however, that 1) Bede's information on Hilda is quite good, and 2) that the attraction of nunner- ies in the Paris region is attested elsewhere by Bede as well (Eorcengota), although, as always, the time-scale presents great obstacles. 29 Dubois, Sainte Bathilde, p. 18, descrihes her as 'une jolie petite esclave d'origine saxonne, souriante, gracieuse, aimahlement s6rieuse'. 30 Vita Balthildis, C. 2-4. The Liber Historiae Francorum, C. 43 does not refer to her status. The text of the Vita Balthildis does not exclude the possibility that she was of a higher status originally than one would normally associate with somebody who was 'sold'. But to my knowledge, her unfree origins have always been accepted by scholars. See also Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford 1983) p. 71. FOT the custom of Merovingian kings to marry women of low social status, see J: N. Nelson, 'Queens as Jezebels: the careers of Brunhild and Balthild in Merovingian history', in D. Baker (ed.), Medieual Women, Festschrift Rosalind Hill, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 1, (Oxford 1978) P. 31-77, at p. 35. See also Patrick J. Geary, Before France und Germany. The creation und transformation of the Merouingian warld 1CB IRELAND AND NORTHERN PRANCE able to see her remain politically infiuential for some years after the death of her husband, Clavis I1 (in 657). But there is more to be noted. The Paris court seems to have had contact with English royalty before an English woman became queen and later regent there. In contrast to our English sources,31 in which she figures merely as a wicked Frankish ruler who executes innocent ecclesiastics albeit sparing Wilfred because of his English nationality,32 her contemporaries would have known about her descent. The noble origin and descent of these nuns in Gaul would be remembered at home and they would come in useful if connec- tions were needed.33 This was particularly the case with Wilfred who went to Gaul via the Kentish court.34 It is also likely that even after the death of such abbesses the connections with their countries of origin would not be severed, at least for a while. We must adrnit our ignorante about the beginnings of monas- ticism in the young English Church. Presumably Eorcengota went to Gaul before Benedict's rule became widespread in England.35 In this light, the missionaries from Iona or Ireland appear in our accounts, not primarily in the field of monasti- cism, but as bishops.36 In the light of her subsequent important place in Northumbrian monasticism one tends to overlook that Hilda, when she had a religious vocation, seriously considered entering the nunnery of Chelles which already counted one of her sisters, Hereswith, among the community. We have met other representatives of the East Anglian royalty in those Gaulish monasteries earlier. This may be a clue to a continuous

(Oxford 1988) p. 186. 31 Vita Wilfridi, C. 5 and, here obviously dependent on Eddius, Bede, HE, V., 19. 32 Nelson, 'Queens as Jezebels', p. 65. 33 HE, IV, 23: Hilda; See also at notes 28 and 37 34 See below at Page 113. 35 The introduction is normally dated to c.a.655, but it would take a while for it to become wides~read.We have no idea what rules were observed in the Irish foundations in Northumbria. In any case, in the 660s it was still normal for English people who had a religious vocation to join commu- nities in Gaul or Ireland rather than at home. 36 Campbell, 'The debt', p. 337, has emphasized that Bede presents Aidan primarily as a bishop. Perhaps the episcopal function was indeed more important in these Irishmen than the monastic one, so perhaps our perspective needs readjusting. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 109 link. Hilda was of East Anglian royal stock,37 and her sister was the mother of another East Anglian king; it was Aidan who eventually persuaded her t,o stay in England and go to Northumbria. We are given the impression that either or both explanations are possible for this trend: a) monasticism of Gaul was still infinitely more attractive than monasticism in England or b) that established noble links between East Anglia and that part of Gaul were still pulling. The Gaulish monasticism we are referring to here would have been that of the Hiberno-Frankish type.38 These monastic links hetween the three regions may be briefly sketched in a map (see map 2 on Page 110). We will now turn to two men for whom our information is a little better.

We have met Agilbert earlier, as the hast in Paris to Theodore, the newly consecrated archbishop of Canterbury, who was on the way from Rome to England, around 668. Agilbert had by that time reached the last stage of his career, and his life was drawing to a close. It had been an extremely rich life, in as far as we can judge on a rather confused base of information. This derives from Bede and Eddius where different facets are illumi- nated, as well as from Jouarre, the monastery where he was

37 I take this from Bede, HE, IV, 23. He relates that she was a grand-niece of Edwin of Northumbria, but her connections with the Anglian royal house seem to be more close. See also F. M. Stenton, The East Anglian kings of the seventh century', in F. M. Stenton (ed.), Preparatory to Anglo- Saxon England, (Oxford 1970) p. 334.402. See also J. Nicholson, 'Feminae gloriosae: women in the age of Bede', in D. Baker, Medieval Women, p. 15-29 at p. 18: 'Of the Deiran royal house, she had been born while the family was in exile during the reign of Ethelfrid of Bernicia.' If that is correct, then it must be said that the royal houses of Bernicia and East Anglia were intertwined so that it is difficult to decide how to deseribe Hilda's origins. 38 Reference may he made to Friedrich Prinz, Frühes Mönchtum im Frankenreich (repr. München 1988) with a brief discussion of the response to this hook since its first appearance in 1965. 110 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE

Map 2: Secular and monastic links: Gaul - Kent - East Anglia Northumbria -1ona -1reland c.580-685 RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 111 buried and which visibly displays his importance. According to Bede, Agilbert's main contribution was his presentation of the 'Roman' side of the Easter dispute at StreaneshealchNhitby in 664 together with Wilfred. Generally speaking, he is better attested in English than in Frankish sources.39 It is salutary to realize that Agilbert's sojourn in Ireland before his various activities in England, a stay of crucial impor- tance to us as apparently to his world, is not mentioned at all in Eddius's Life of Wilfred.40 Bede refers to it although in his customary vague manner as regards chronology:

When Cenwealh had been restored to his kingdom [of the West Saxons], there came to his land from Ireland a bishop named Agilbert, a Gaul by birth, who had spent a long time in Ireland for the purpose of studying the Scriptures [legendarum gratia scripturarum in Hibernia non parvo tempore demoratus]. He now attached himself to the king and voluntarily undertook the task of preaching. When the king saw his learning and industry, he asked him to accept an episcopal see in that place and to remain as bishop of his people. Agilbert complied with this request and presided over the nation as bishop for a number of years. But at last the king, who knew only the Saxon language, grew tired of his barbarous speech and foisted upon the kingdom a bishop named who had also been consecrated in Gaul but who spoke the king's own tongue. ;.. Agilbert was deeply offended because the king had done this without consulting him and returned to Gaul, where he accepted the bishopric of Paris and there died being old and full of days (HE, 111, 7).

In fact, Agilbert's career was not as straight as Bede suggests here. We will encounter him again, after his dismissal by Cenwealh, before his assumption of the bishopric of Paris, in

39 See helow note 45. 40 It is also quite often passed over hy modern historians. e. g. H. Mayr- Harting, The comir~gof Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England (London 1972); also F. Prinz, 'Peregrinatio, Mönchtum und Mission', in K. Schäferdiek (ed.), Die Kirche des früheren Mittelalters. Kirchen- geschichte als Missionsgeschichte (München 1978) p. 445-464. 112 IRELAND AND NORTHERNFRANCE

Northumbria.41 Nevertheless, it is evident that Agilbert was someone who moved effortlessly between various countries and apparently also various languages.42 Our problems begin when we ask when all this took place and how Bede came to know about it.43 We are informed by Bede eariier in the same chapter that Cenwealh had been driven from his kingdom shortly after his accession (which is dated to 643) and had to spend three years in exile (in East Anglia). After his restoration he came across Agilbert. Agilbert had been in Ireland non parvo tempore, already a bishop according to Bede's account. The reference to his rival bishop Wine adds the information that that man had been consecrated in Gaul before coming to the West Saxons. Wine is believed to have resigned from his position as bishop of the West Saxons in 660.44 In his position as bishop of Paris,46 Agilbert would have been a useful Person to either English or Irisb people who were to come to Gaul.46 Part of his activity in England between his dismissal from the West Saxon bishopric and his return to Paris, a spell of several

41 The duration of the stay is unknown; soon after Whitby he was established as bishop of Paris. 42 The reason given by Bede for Agilbert's dismissal by Cenwealh is extremely suspect: after all, the king later made great efforts to have Agilbert recalled and was eventually content to accept that man's nephew, the priest Leuthere who was to be bishop of the West Saxons multis annis. It is not possible to offer a credible reason for Agilbert's fall from grace. See also M. Richter, 'Practical aspects', p. 370 f. 43 For the most important references See J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Historical conmentary, p. & f., 127f., 132, 232. 44 As such it is listed in the Handbook of British chronology, p. 219 (sub Dorchester). 45 Ac will appear below, this must have been from 664 onwards; the date of his death is uncertain. He last appears in the records in 673 in the foundation Charter for the monastery of BruyBres. He was buried in the monastery of Jouarre in a tomb that has been the prize-object of art historians, see Marquise de Maille, Les Cryptes de Jouarre (Paris 1971) p. 74-6, 214-5. More information about him can be found in Jacques Dubois, 'Les eveques de Paris des origines a I'avhnement de Hughes Capet', Bulletin de la Societe de 1'Histoire de Paris et de l'lle de France 94-95 (1967-68) p. 33-97, esp. 64-7. As far as I could discover, these French scholars are not aware that Agilbert appears in Eddius's Life of Wilfred. 46 Archbishop Theodore also stayed with him in 668, see above p. 99. RICHTER. THE ENGLISH LINK 113 years, is illustrated in the context of the activity of the other man we will have to look at, Wilfred.

Indispensable for our purposes is Eddius's Life of Wilfred. It is not necessary to deal with the whole Life. His negotiations in Rome are not our concern, and his troubles with the Northumbrian kings only partially so. It is important, however, to emphasize that Eddius's Life is very much shaped by the Northumbrian situation in the late seventh century while we are more interested in its earlier Stages. Wilfred, of unspecified noble descent, was born in Northumbria at about the time that Oswald called Irish Christians into his kingdom. In the light of his later career it is easy to lose sight of the fact that he grew up in a Christian milieu decisively shaped by Irish ~pirituality.4~Eddius presents Wilfred as the Champion of the Roman cause, but we are well advised not to follow him in this blindly. At the age of about fourteen, through the mediation of Eanfled, wife of King Oswiu, he entered the monastic community of Lindisfarne. We see him well-connected; but it will also be evident later on that his contacts with the highest circles in society could be harmful as well. Unfortunately these early years of Wilfred, of greatest impor- tance to us, are inadequately treated by Eddius (and by Bede). We do not know how long he stayed in Lindisfarne; we hear next that he moved from Lindisfarne to Kent, where he spent about one year. The king, Erconbert, was a Cousin of the Northumbrian queen who recommended Wilfred to Kent. From there he went to Rome and received, on the return journey, the monastic tonsure in Lyon. In his mid-twenties, he was recommended by Coenwalh, king of the West Saxons, mentioned previously in connection with Agilbert, to Aldfrith (sub-king of Deira c.654-664) and his father

47 This is discussed at length by Augustinus van Berkum, 'Willibrord en Wilfried. Een onderzoeg naar hun wederzijdse betrekkingen', Sacris Erudiri 23 (1978-79) p. 347-415. The author very kindly provided me with a slightly revised English version of this article which will be published in the near future. 114 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE

Oswiu. From Aldfrith he received Ripon and was ordained abbot by Agilbert (Eddius, Vita Wilfridi,C. 9). How exactly this contact came about we do not know. Coenwalh was, as said above, in touch with both. For some time, the destinies of Agilbert and Wilfred were closely intertwined. Agilbert was the champion of the 'Roman' party at Whitby where Wilfred became his spokesman. With the departure of Bishop ColmAn, Wilfred became bishop of the Northumbrians and went to Paris to receive his consecration. It was a splendid occasion, and one of the consecrating bishops was the bishop of Paris, Agilbert-who cannot have been lang in that office. We can pass over the following years quickly.48 On his return to England, Wilfred found his place occupied and had to be satis- fied with Ripon. He was reinstated in his previous office only in 669 with the help of Archbishop Theodore who had been in touch with Agilbert, who may have intervened an his behalf with Theodore. Before he ran into serious trouble again-in 678-he was involved in the affair around Dagobert 11.49 Quite obviously Wilfred had contacts in Ireland, contacts which Bede and Eddius pass over in silence. He may have owed them to Agilbert as weil. It is possible that such contacts lie also behind the decision of Willibrord, a monk of Ripon, to go to Ireland in 678 and join the community of Rath Melsigi. Willibrord had been a favourite disciple of Wilfred, and it is not difficult to imagine that he acted in agreement with the bishop. Indeed, they both left North- umbria at the same time, Willibrord, as far as one can See, voluntarily, Wilfred involuntarily.60 The deeper reasons for Wilfred's difficulties in 678 are not apparent; according to Eddius, it was King Ecgfrith's second wife Iurminburg who drove him away. We are not here concerned with his appeal to Rome but with the fact that Iurminburg's wrath closed to Wilfred not only Northumbria: in , he also was now unwelcome because of Queen Ostryth,

43 On this see the various publications of D. P. Kirby. 49 See the treatment of this by J. M. Picard in the present volume, p. 49-50. 50 It is worth mentioning here that Willibrord was also to become Wilfred's successor as missionary among the Frisians. For different views see Van Berkum, 'Wilfrid'. RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 115

Map 3: Agilbert, Wilfred, Felix, Willibrord 116 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE sister of Ecgfrith and apparently pliant sister-in-law of Iurmin- burg. Similarly, in the West Saxon kingdom a sister of Iurmin- burg was queen of Centwine (676-85). In fact, Wilfred was reinstated in Northumbria only after the death of Ecgfrith (685) and the accession of Aldfrith; however, they also soon ran into disagreement. Map 3 presents a combination of the movements of the four important ecclesiastics we have mentioned: Agilbert, Felix, Wilfred and Willibrord (see Page 115).

The thematic approach has given us some new perspectives. The synopsis of a number of small fragments leads to a new quality, and so I will suggest some general reflections. In addi- tion to the traditional focuses of attention, Kent, Northumbria and Iona, new ones have appeared. In England, especially East Anglia needs closer investigation; in Gaul, the emergence of religious houses established in the Paris region under royal patronage deserves further attention. In looking at the three countries in the seventh century, we have, necessarily, selected personalities that were, in a number of ways, highly flexible and had a wide range of experience. I suggest that these qualities helped them in their work and life, and it is possible that these qualities impressed the people with whom they came into contact. The more eminent the individu- als, the more likely it is that when they moved about they were not on their own. Thus there were many more contacts than we will be able to pin-point. This is a pity, but our sources are often extremely tantalizing: in the case of Agilbert and Cenwealh it is impossible to penetrate Bede's haze of propaganda (or perhaps ignorance in the guise of imagination), but King Cenwealh can also be viewed as being surprisingly urbane and Open to people from other cultures, and the Same holds true of other kings and queens in seventh-century England. Naturally, the authors of our main sources were more inter- ested in ecclesiastics than in lay people, and so our information is not only biased but also unbalanced; but if we take jnto account the social context which I have introduced, then we are able to grasp better the international connections of churchmen RICHTER, THE ENGLISH LINK 117

Map 4: Combination of maps 2 and 3 118 IRELAND AND NORTHERN FRANCE and women in the seventh century. The results of our delibera- tions may be presented visually in Map 4 (see Page 117). A general Statement may conclude this Paper. Political insta- bility as well as religious re-orientation, combined with social factors, all contributed to create links that transcended political, linguistic or cultural boundaries. One has to imagine the various English political communities connected not only with each other but also beyond the shores of Britain. Greater efforts will have to be made in our disciplines in future to reach out beyond the political horizons provided for us by more recent centuries. International gatherings such as the one assembled in Paris in 1989 are to be held again in the future. In the sources we have, the decade after 660 appears as a time when the international connections were particularly intensive. Should this be taken as applicable for the whole century? When all is said and done, it remains true nevertheless that the seventh century is a difficult period, for all three countries we have been looking at.

Contents

List of figures Preface Foreword by C. Jemings List of abbreviations Bibliography of pnmary sources Pierre Richk Les monassres hiberno-francs en Gaule du Nord- VIIe et VIIIe sihcle Jean-Michel Picard Church and politics in the seventh century: the Irish ekle of king Dagobert I1 Charles Dokrty The cult of St Patrick and the politics of Armagh in the seventh century

Michael Richter ) The English link in Hiberno .Frankish relations Bernard Merdrignac Bretons et Irlandais en France du Nord-VIe-VIIIe sihcles Louis Holtz L'enseignement des maitres irlandais dans 1' Europe continentale du iXe sihcle Pierre-Yves Lambert Le vocabulaire du scribe irlandais Index