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The Churches and Inter Community Relationships (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1994

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The Churches and Inter Community Relationships (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1994 Notes CHAPTER 1 RELIGION, ETHNICITY AND TRANSGRESSION 1. See Duncan Morrow, Derek Birrell, John Greer and Terry O'Keeffe, The Churches and Inter Community Relationships (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1994. First published, 1991), p. 3: 'Work on the Churches and their place in Northern Irish life remains sparse.' Social scientists have tended not to take religion seriously; critics on the left tend to see the religious conflict as a consequence of colonial manipulation and as a method of undermining class solidarity. The expectation is that if the class problem is solved, the religious one will evaporate. See, for instance, Peter Hadden, Beyond the Troubles? Northern Ireland's Past and Future: A Socialist Analysis (Belfast: Herald Books, 1994), p. 81: the working class needs 'to shake off the rubbish of sectarianism and unite in its own interests.' In such a view, and many others like it from James Connolly on, religion is not regarded as a primary cause of the conflict. The churches themselves have often sought to minimize the role of religion in the conflict, out of embarrassment, among other things. See Oliver P. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster 1603-1983. An Interpretative History (London: Hurst, 1994), p. 270: 'The leaders of the four main churches issued a statement in June 1970 denying that what was happening in Northern Ireland was a religious war. As time went on this view became fashionable among certain groups of liberal academics, who wanted to characterise the problem as social and political rather than religious.' See also Simon Lee, 'Unholy Wars Need Holy Solutions,' Fortnight, 293 (March, 1991), p. 13, complaining that 'the religiOUS dimension' is so widely ignored: 'Is one reason that the pundits are insecure when it comes to talking about theology?' Frederick Boal, Margaret C. Keane and David N. Livingstone, Them and Us? Attitudinal Variation Among Churchgoers in Belfast (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1997), appeared too late for me to refer to it in detail. The authors stress how sectarianism falsifies the actual diversity of people's experience. 2. J. Bower Bell, The Irish Troubles. A Generation of Violence, 1967-1992 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), p. 809. Not much is written on literature and religion together. See Peter Connolly, ed. James H. Murphy, No Bland Facility. Selected Writings on Literature, Religion and Censorship (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1991). Connolly wrote mainly in the 1950s and 1960s, and is especially concerned with censorship. Robert Welch, ed., Irish Writers and Religion (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1992), deals with the interplay between religion and society across a wide historical span from early Ireland to the twentieth century. There is a chapter on Louis MacNeice and Patrick Kavanagh. Daniel Murphy, Imagination and Religion in Anglo-Irish 194 Notes 195 Literature, 1930-80 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1987), illustrates 'the profusion of Christian images' (p. 202) in the writings of Patrick Kavanagh, Sean O'Faolain, Denis Devlin, Austin Clarke, Louis MacNeice, Samuel Beckett and Francis Stuart, asserting a 'continuing significance of the history and culture of the Christian faith' (p. 208). The aims, historical scope and selection of writers in this study are different from mine. A recent special issue of the journal Religion and Literature, 28. 2-3 (Summer·Autumn, 1996), 'The Endless Knot: Literature and Religion in Ireland,' also covers a wide historical span, with some essays on Northern Ireland. 3. See Edna Longley, The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 1994), p. 82; 'The Aesthetic and the Territorial,' ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry (London: Macmillan, 1992), p. 63: 'historical pressures have imaginatively stretched the poetry, though not all the stretch marks show on the surface.' For further arguments for and against, see Seamus Heaney, 'Place and Displacement: Recent Poetry of Northern Ireland,' a lecture delivered in 1984, ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, especially p. 130, on how poetry always 'implies a polit· ics,' and Seamus Deane, '''Unhappy and at Home.'" Interview with Seamus Heaney,' The Crane Bag, 1, 1 (Spring, 1977), pp. 62 ff. 4. Media coverage of Northern Ireland has been provocatively analysed by Philip Schlesinger, Graham Murdock, Phillip Elliott, Televising Terrorism': Political Violence in Popular Culture (London: Comedia, 1983); Liz Curtis, Ireland: The Propaganda War. The British Media and the Battle for Hearts and Minds (London: Pluto, 1984), and David Miller, Don't Mention the War. Northern Ireland, Propaganda and the Media (London: Pluto, 1994). 5. Brian Lambkin, Opposite Religions? Protestants and Roman Catholics in Ireland since the Reformation, Book Three, Defining 'Protestant' and 'Roman Catholic.' A Study of the Interconnection Between Religion and Politics (Belfast: Northern Ireland Centre for Learning Resources, 1992), pp. 12-13. In a further study, Opposite Religions Still? (A1dershot: Avebury, 1996), pp. 39 ff., Lambkin explores in telling detail the ambiguities of the word 'religion' in various contexts in Northern Ireland. See also Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 270; Eric Gallagher and Stanley Worrall, Christians in Ulster, 1968-1980 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 58; Andy Pollak, ed., A Citizens' Inquiry. The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1993), p. 101, for a judiciOUS assessment: 'It simply comes to this: the Northern Ireland conflict is in part economic and social, in part political and constitutional, and also in part religious, and damagingly so.' See further Richard Jenkins and Hastings Donnan, and Graham Mcfarlane, The Sectarian Divide in Northern Ireland Today, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Occasional Paper no. 41 (1986); John Hickey, Religion and the Northern Ireland Problem (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1984); Brian Mawhinney and Ronald Wells, Conflict and Christianity in Northern Ireland (Michigan: Eerdmans, 1975), p. 96: 'Religious differences are 196 Notes thus central to the whole "problem" of Ireland. Yet they are not the only issue, despite what the media would have us believe.' 6. Paul Doherty, Michael A. Poole, Ethnic Residential Segregation in Belfast (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1995), p. 95: 'It is doubtless the case that some who respond to the census question on religion interpret it in a theological sense, while others interpret it ethnically.' 7. For a brief sample of this extensive literature, see R.F. Foster, Modern Ireland, 1600-1972 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1988); Oliver MacDonagh, States of Mind: A Study of Anglo-Irish Conflict 1780-1980 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1983); Patrick Buckland, A History of Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1981); L.M. Cullen, The Emergence of Modern Ireland 1600-1900 (London: Billing, 1981); F.S.L. Lyons, Ireland Since the Famine (London: Fontana, 1973); P.N.S. Mansergh, The Irish Question 1840-1921: A Commentary on Anglo-Irish Relations and on Social and Political Forces in Ireland in the Age of Reform and Revolution (London: Allen & Unwin, rev. edn, 1965). 8. See Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland: the Incomplete Conquest (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1994), p. 134. 9. See Richard Davis, Mirror Hate. The Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland Paramilitaries, 1966-1992 (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1994), p. 122 (citing the Protestant Telegraph, 1 May, 1971; 31 May, 1969), and John Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging. Presbyterians and the Conflict in Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1995), p. 51. For MacRory's links with the Republican movement, see Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 241, and Mary Harris, The Catholic Church and the Foundation of the Northern Irish State (Cork: Cork University Press, 1993), pp. 257, 259. 10. For a useful brief summary of the 1922 Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act and its subsequent revisions in the North, and of the 1923 Public Safety (Emergency Powers) Act in the South, see Chris Bambery, Ireland's Permanent Revolution, 3rd edn (London: Bookmarks, 1990. First published, 1986), pp. 65 ff. 11. See Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1994), pp. 30 ff., and especially p. 31, estimating 'a figure of at least 40 per cent in 1991.' Fionnuala O'Connor, In Search of a State. Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993), p. 15, claims that 'expert analysis of the 1991 census is that Catholics now form 42 per cent of the population of just under 1.6 million.' See also, p. 143, on this figure 'agreed by most experts,' who are, however, un-named. Mark Ryan, War and Peace in Ireland. Britain and the IRA in the New World Order (London: Pluto, 1994), p. 124, says 'more than 41 per cent,' citing the Irish Times, 14 November, 1993. The difficulty in providing exact enumeration is caused by people not returning the forms, or not answering the question about religion. See John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), pp. 22 ff., on the nature of this problem, and on the strategies of statisticians to solve it. 12. Thus, as Marianne Elliott explains, Ulster Protestants frequently combine civil libertarianism with anti-Catholicism, and have been Notes 197 largely unsuccessful in separating these elements in a modern world that perceives anti-Catholicism as bigoted and unacceptable. See Marianne Elliott, Watchmen in Sion: The Protestant Idea of Liberty (Derry: Field
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