Notes

CHAPTER 1 RELIGION, ETHNICITY AND TRANSGRESSION

1. See Duncan Morrow, Derek Birrell, John Greer and Terry O'Keeffe, The Churches and Inter Community Relationships (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1994. First published, 1991), p. 3: 'Work on the Churches and their place in Northern Irish life remains sparse.' Social scientists have tended not to take religion seriously; critics on the left tend to see the religious conflict as a consequence of colonial manipulation and as a method of undermining class solidarity. The expectation is that if the class problem is solved, the religious one will evaporate. See, for instance, Peter Hadden, Beyond the Troubles? Northern Ireland's Past and Future: A Socialist Analysis (Belfast: Herald Books, 1994), p. 81: the working class needs 'to shake off the rubbish of sectarianism and unite in its own interests.' In such a view, and many others like it from James Connolly on, religion is not regarded as a primary cause of the conflict. The churches themselves have often sought to minimize the role of religion in the conflict, out of embarrassment, among other things. See Oliver P. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster 1603-1983. An Interpretative History (London: Hurst, 1994), p. 270: 'The leaders of the four main churches issued a statement in June 1970 denying that what was happening in Northern Ireland was a religious war. As time went on this view became fashionable among certain groups of liberal academics, who wanted to characterise the problem as social and political rather than religious.' See also Simon Lee, 'Unholy Wars Need Holy Solutions,' Fortnight, 293 (March, 1991), p. 13, complaining that 'the religiOUS dimension' is so widely ignored: 'Is one reason that the pundits are insecure when it comes to talking about theology?' Frederick Boal, Margaret C. Keane and David N. Livingstone, Them and Us? Attitudinal Variation Among Churchgoers in Belfast (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1997), appeared too late for me to refer to it in detail. The authors stress how sectarianism falsifies the actual diversity of people's experience. 2. J. Bower Bell, The Irish Troubles. A Generation of Violence, 1967-1992 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), p. 809. Not much is written on literature and religion together. See Peter Connolly, ed. James H. Murphy, No Bland Facility. Selected Writings on Literature, Religion and Censorship (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1991). Connolly wrote mainly in the 1950s and 1960s, and is especially concerned with censorship. Robert Welch, ed., Irish Writers and Religion (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1992), deals with the interplay between religion and society across a wide historical span from early Ireland to the twentieth century. There is a chapter on Louis MacNeice and Patrick Kavanagh. Daniel Murphy, Imagination and Religion in Anglo-Irish

194 Notes 195

Literature, 1930-80 (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1987), illustrates 'the profusion of Christian images' (p. 202) in the writings of Patrick Kavanagh, Sean O'Faolain, Denis Devlin, Austin Clarke, Louis MacNeice, Samuel Beckett and Francis Stuart, asserting a 'continuing significance of the history and culture of the Christian faith' (p. 208). The aims, historical scope and selection of writers in this study are different from mine. A recent special issue of the journal Religion and Literature, 28. 2-3 (Summer·Autumn, 1996), 'The Endless Knot: Literature and Religion in Ireland,' also covers a wide historical span, with some essays on Northern Ireland. 3. See Edna Longley, The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 1994), p. 82; 'The Aesthetic and the Territorial,' ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry (London: Macmillan, 1992), p. 63: 'historical pressures have imaginatively stretched the poetry, though not all the stretch marks show on the surface.' For further arguments for and against, see Seamus Heaney, 'Place and Displacement: Recent Poetry of Northern Ireland,' a lecture delivered in 1984, ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, especially p. 130, on how poetry always 'implies a polit· ics,' and Seamus Deane, '''Unhappy and at Home.'" Interview with Seamus Heaney,' The Crane Bag, 1, 1 (Spring, 1977), pp. 62 ff. 4. Media coverage of Northern Ireland has been provocatively analysed by Philip Schlesinger, Graham Murdock, Phillip Elliott, Televising Terrorism': Political Violence in Popular Culture (London: Comedia, 1983); Liz Curtis, Ireland: The Propaganda War. The British Media and the Battle for Hearts and Minds (London: Pluto, 1984), and David Miller, Don't Mention the War. Northern Ireland, Propaganda and the Media (London: Pluto, 1994). 5. Brian Lambkin, Opposite Religions? Protestants and Roman Catholics in Ireland since the Reformation, Book Three, Defining 'Protestant' and 'Roman Catholic.' A Study of the Interconnection Between Religion and Politics (Belfast: Northern Ireland Centre for Learning Resources, 1992), pp. 12-13. In a further study, Opposite Religions Still? (A1dershot: Avebury, 1996), pp. 39 ff., Lambkin explores in telling detail the ambiguities of the word 'religion' in various contexts in Northern Ireland. See also Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 270; Eric Gallagher and Stanley Worrall, Christians in Ulster, 1968-1980 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 58; Andy Pollak, ed., A Citizens' Inquiry. The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland (Dublin: Lilliput Press, 1993), p. 101, for a judiciOUS assessment: 'It simply comes to this: the Northern Ireland conflict is in part economic and social, in part political and constitutional, and also in part religious, and damagingly so.' See further Richard Jenkins and Hastings Donnan, and Graham Mcfarlane, The Sectarian Divide in Northern Ireland Today, Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, Occasional Paper no. 41 (1986); John Hickey, Religion and the Northern Ireland Problem (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1984); Brian Mawhinney and Ronald Wells, Conflict and Christianity in Northern Ireland (Michigan: Eerdmans, 1975), p. 96: 'Religious differences are 196 Notes

thus central to the whole "problem" of Ireland. Yet they are not the only issue, despite what the media would have us believe.' 6. Paul Doherty, Michael A. Poole, Ethnic Residential Segregation in Belfast (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1995), p. 95: 'It is doubtless the case that some who respond to the census question on religion interpret it in a theological sense, while others interpret it ethnically.' 7. For a brief sample of this extensive literature, see R.F. Foster, Modern Ireland, 1600-1972 (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1988); Oliver MacDonagh, States of Mind: A Study of Anglo-Irish Conflict 1780-1980 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1983); Patrick Buckland, A History of Northern Ireland (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1981); L.M. Cullen, The Emergence of Modern Ireland 1600-1900 (London: Billing, 1981); F.S.L. Lyons, Ireland Since the Famine (London: Fontana, 1973); P.N.S. Mansergh, The Irish Question 1840-1921: A Commentary on Anglo-Irish Relations and on Social and Political Forces in Ireland in the Age of Reform and Revolution (London: Allen & Unwin, rev. edn, 1965). 8. See Colm Lennon, Sixteenth Century Ireland: the Incomplete Conquest (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1994), p. 134. 9. See Richard Davis, Mirror Hate. The Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland Paramilitaries, 1966-1992 (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1994), p. 122 (citing the Protestant Telegraph, 1 May, 1971; 31 May, 1969), and John Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging. Presbyterians and the Conflict in Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1995), p. 51. For MacRory's links with the Republican movement, see Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 241, and Mary Harris, The Catholic Church and the Foundation of the Northern Irish State (Cork: Cork University Press, 1993), pp. 257, 259. 10. For a useful brief summary of the 1922 Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act and its subsequent revisions in the North, and of the 1923 Public Safety (Emergency Powers) Act in the South, see Chris Bambery, Ireland's Permanent Revolution, 3rd edn (London: Bookmarks, 1990. First published, 1986), pp. 65 ff. 11. See Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1994), pp. 30 ff., and especially p. 31, estimating 'a figure of at least 40 per cent in 1991.' Fionnuala O'Connor, In Search of a State. Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993), p. 15, claims that 'expert analysis of the 1991 census is that Catholics now form 42 per cent of the population of just under 1.6 million.' See also, p. 143, on this figure 'agreed by most experts,' who are, however, un-named. Mark Ryan, War and Peace in Ireland. Britain and the IRA in the New World Order (London: Pluto, 1994), p. 124, says 'more than 41 per cent,' citing the Irish Times, 14 November, 1993. The difficulty in providing exact enumeration is caused by people not returning the forms, or not answering the question about religion. See John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon, 1990), pp. 22 ff., on the nature of this problem, and on the strategies of statisticians to solve it. 12. Thus, as Marianne Elliott explains, Ulster Protestants frequently combine civil libertarianism with anti-Catholicism, and have been Notes 197

largely unsuccessful in separating these elements in a modern world that perceives anti-Catholicism as bigoted and unacceptable. See Marianne Elliott, Watchmen in Sion: The Protestant Idea of Liberty (Derry: Field Day, 1985). See also, Peter Brooke, Ulster Presbyterianism. The Historical Perspective, 1610-1970 (Belfast: Athol Books, 1994), p. 170: 'The Ulster Protestants were surrounded by the development of Catholic Ireland, and it greatly distorted their own social and political development. Yet they never developed an adequate critique of it.' As Bill Rolston disturbingly notices, sectarian• ism and social reform can coexist. See 'Reformism and Sectarianism: The State of the Union after Civil Rights,' ed. John Darby, Northern Irelllnd. The Background to the Conflict (Belfast: Appletree, 1983), pp. 197-224. 13. Yet the Orange Order excludes Catholics from membership, and its members must promise not to marry Catholics. Protestants are divided about the Orange Order. See Denis P. Barritt and Charles F. Carter, The Northern Ireland Problem (London: 1972. First published, 1962), p. 62, on the lack of support for the Orange Order among many Protestants, especially from higher income groups. See Whyte, Interpreting Northern Irelllnd, pp. 30 ff. Gallagher and Worrall, Christians in Ulster, p. 15, point out that the Orange Order 'counted, prior to the seventies, among its membership virtually all Unionist members of Parliament. ... Membership was, in fact, an indispens• able condition of political advancement,' and 'Very many clergy were members.' The Orange Order was founded in 1795, as the Loyal Orange Institution of Ireland, after a clash between Protestants and Catholics at the Battle of the Diamond. At the start, many members were from the Church of Ireland, but the Orange Order has become agent of 'religious apartheid' by separating Protestants in general from Catholics. See W.O. Flackes and Sydney Elliott, Northern Irelllnd. A Political Directory, 1968-1993, 3rd edn, revised, (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1994), p. 195. See also Inge Radford, Breaking Down Divisions. The Possibilities of a Local Church Contribution to Improving Community Reilltions (Belfast: Community Relations Council, 1993), p. 31, on the Orange Order 'keeping an eye on ecumenical clergymen' (in the words of a Presbyterian minister), and on its continuing place in 'the fabric of Ulster Protestantism.' See M.W. Dewar, John Brown, S.E. Long, Orangeism: A New Historical Appreciation (Belfast: Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, 1967). For a useful brief account, see Canon Eric Elliott, 'A Protestant Cleric's View of Orangeism,' Fortnight, 196 (Summer 1983), pp. 11-12. 14. Norman Porter, Rethinking Unionism. An Alternative Vision for Northern Irelllnd (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1996), pp. 127 ff. 15. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Ancestral Voices. Religion and Nationalism in Irelllnd (Dublin: Poolbeg, 1994), p. 193. 16. Opsahl Report, p. 95. In May, 1992, an independent inquiry was launched to canvass a broad range of opinions on Northern Ireland. This inquiry is known as Initiative '92, and was chaired by Torkel Opsahl, a Norwegian professor and an expert in human rights law. 198 Notes

The commission received approximately 500 submissions on behaH of 3000 people. 17. Violence in Ireland. A Report to the Churches (Belfast: Christian Journals, 1976), pp. 71-2. See Foreword, p. 6: 'This report comes from the fifth Working Party appointed by the Irish Council of ChurcheslRoman Catholic Church Joint Group on Social Questions. The Joint Group is itself a committee authorised and instituted by the Irish hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church and the Irish Council of Churches.' Members of the Working Party are listed on p. 128. For further infor• mation on the Joint Group, see Ian Ellis, Vision and Reality. A Survey of Twentieth Century Irish Inter-Church Relations (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1992), p. 126. Paradoxically, the Troubles helped to bring the churches together, even as the communities were polarized (125 ff.). Ellis gives a useful account of ecumenical initiatives, such as the Ballymascanlon Talks, the Irish School of Ecumenics, the work of the Council of Churches and of ecumenical communities such as Corrymeela, Columbanus, Cornerstone and Glencree. 18. Sectarianism. A Discussion Document (Belfast: Department of Social Issues of the Irish Inter-Church Meeting, 1993), p. 20. The Working Party members are listed on p. 159. 19. See further, E.E. O'Donnell, Northern Ireland Stereotypes (Dublin: College of Industrial Relations, 1977). 20. Davis, Mirror Hate, p. 3. 21. Belinda Loftus, Mirrors. William III and Mother IrelAnd (Dundrum: Picture Press, 1990); Mirrors. Orange and Green (Dundrum: Picture Press, 1994). 22. A New Beginning, Shankill Think Tank. Island Pamphlets, 13 (Newtownabbey: Island Publications, 1995); Ourselves Alone? Voices from Belfast's Nationalist Working Class, Falls Think Tank. Island Pamphlets, 15 (Newtownabbey: Island Publications, 1996). Page numbers are cited in the text. Porter, Rethinking Unionism, p. 94, cites the Shankill Think Tank as an example of 'Protestants whose think• ing has ceased to be dominated by the categories of siege, who have loosened the grip of traditional fears on their lives and have started to articulate alternative modes of being Protestant in Northern Ireland.' 23. See Ourselves Alone?, p. 26. 24. The Churches and Inter Community Relationships. Page numbers are cited in the text. For convenience, I will refer to the authors as 'Morrow' in the following account. 25. Radford, Breaking Down Divisions; Johnston McMaster, Churches Working Together. A Practical Guide for Northern Ireland (Belfast: Community Relations Council, 1994). 26. John Morrow, Journey of Hope. Sources of the Corrymeela Vision, illus• trated by David Evans (Belfast: Corrymeela Press, 1995), p. 43. 27. Page numbers are cited in the text. 28. Michael A. Poole and F.W. Boal, 'Religious Residential Segregation in Belfast in mid-1969: A Multi-level Analysis,' ed. B.D. Clark and M.D. Gleave, in Social Patterns in Cities, Special Publication no. 5 (London: Institute of British Geographers, 1973), pp. 1-40. Notes 199

29. F.W. Boal, Russell C. Murray and Michael A. Poole, 'Belfast: The Urban Encapsulation of a National Conflict,' ed. Susan C. Clarke and Jeffrey L. Obler, Urban Ethnic Conflict: A Comparative Perspective, Comparative Urban Studies Monograph no. 3 (Chapel Hill: Institute for Research in Social Science, University of North Carolina, 1978), pp. 77-131. These findings are summarized by Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 33. 30. See, for instance, John Hick, An Interpretation of Religion (London: Macmillan, 1989), p. 313, for a summary of what Hick calls 'The Golden Rule' shared by Christianity with the world's major religions. I will return to Hick's important study later in this chapter. 31. Frank Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1992. First published, 1987). 32. Girard's key book. in which he explains the role of Christianity most clearly, is Things Hidden Since the Foundation of the World, trans. Stephen Bann and Michael Metteer (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1987). This book was published too late for Wright to be able to use it. 33. Girard's theories came to Wright through the Corrymeela Community, where he encountered them through Roel Kaptein. See Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. xv, and John Morrow, Journey of Hope, pp. 67 ff. Duncan Morrow, 'Church and Religion in the Ulster Crisis,' ed. Seamus Dunn, Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp. 152 ff., cites Girard and Wright. In Morrow et al., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, pp. 240 ff., something of the same influence is evident. Wrighfs 'ethnic frontier zone' has been gaining currency. See, for instance, Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice, p. 30; Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 179. From a different direc• tion, Allen Feldman, Formations of Violence. The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 122, refers to Girard's theories to explain experiences of defilement and victim-substitution. 34. Morrow et al., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, p. 3. 35. Page numbers are cited in the text. Doherty and Poole cite F.W. Boal and M.A. Poole, Religious Residential Segregation and Residential Decision Making in the Belfast Urban Area. Report to the Social Science Research Council (1976), and J.D. Brewer, 'Sectarianism and Racism and their Parallels and Differences,' Ethnic and Racial Studies 15 (3), pp.352-64. 36. Steve Bruce, The Edge of the Union. The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1994), p. 142. Bruce cites Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1991), p. 20. He also provides a further, similar definition from Smith, The Ethnic Revival in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981), p. 67. 37. Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. 160. 38. Morrow et al., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, p. 244. 39. See Morrow et aI., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, 200 Notes

pp. 105 ff.; Gerald McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis 1968-86 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1991), p. 159, iden• tifying 'three broad phases' in the development of hostility to the Catholic Church in Republican literature. This is an important point, reminding us that such attitudes change. See p. 191, where McElroy concludes: 'it is necessary to acknowledge that there has been a wider power struggle between the Church and the IRA over the hearts and minds of the Catholic people.' Something of this power struggle is evident in controversy over the church's control of ACE (Action for Community Employment) schemes. See for instance Life on the Interface. Report on a Conference held on 8.10.92 and attended by community groups from the Shankill, Falls and Springfield Roads in Belfast, Island Pamphlets no. 1 (Newtownabbey, Island Publications, 1993), pp. 14-15; Morrow et al., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, pp. 110 ff. 40. Archbishop Cahal B. Daly, The Price of Peace (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1991). 41. Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, pp. 11 ff. 42. Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. First published, 1983). Page numbers are cited in the text. 43. Desmond Bell, Acts of Union. Youth Culture and Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 16 ff. 44. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities. Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edn (London: Verso, 1991. First published, 1983), p. 4: 'nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artefacts of a particular kind.' 45. A. Smith, 'Ethnic Persistence and National Transformation,' British Journal of Sociology, XXXV, 3 (1984) pp. 452-61, cited by Bell, Acts of Union, p. 15. 'Instrumentalist' nationalism is based on the material interests of a governing class. 46. As his title indicates. Page numbers to Imagined Communities are cited in the text. 47. See Michael Polanyi, Personal Knowledge (London: Routledge &: Kegan Paul, 1958); The Tacit Dimension (London: Routledge &: Kegan Paul, 1966); Lambkin, Opposite Religions Still? pp. 47-8, and p. 45. 48. Bell, Acts of Union, p. 19, draws attention to the importance of ethnic boundaries and boundary maintenance. 49. Martin Dillon, The Shankill Butchers: A Case History of Mass Murder (London: Hutchinson, 1989), p. xviii, cites Gusty Spence: 'at that time the attitude was that if you couldn't get an IRA man you should shoot a Taig [Catholic].' For Sammy Smyth, see Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 272, citing an interview from November, 1974. George Seawright's recommendation about incineration, delivered to a meeting of the Belfast Education and Library Board, see Jenkins, Donnan, and Mcfarlane, The Sectarian Divide in Northern Ireland Today, p. 9. 50. Bruce, The Edge of the Union, p. 45. 51. Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. 158. 52. This point is frequently noticed. See, for instance, Daly, The Price of Peace, pp. 3-4; Sectarianism, p. 20; Porter, Rethinking Unionism, p. 188. Notes 201

53. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, pp. 135 ff. 54. One favourite argument points to famous Protestant nationalists, and in particular to the rebellion of the United Irishmen in 1798, led by Presbyterians aiming, in the much cited words of Theobald Wolfe Tone, to unite Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter. But as scholars point out, Protestant United Irishmen were not free of anti• Catholicism: see Marianne Elliott, Watchmen in Sion, pp. 21 ff. See Davis, Mirror Hate, pp. 82 ff., and pp. 89 ft., on revisionist historians. See also Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 94, on the failure of Catholics to support the rebellion, so that 'By the end of the rebellion protestants and catholics were more divided than at any time in the previous fifty years.' Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, pp. 159-60, notices that'after 1830 Irish nationalism has been heavily impregnated with pan-Catholicism,' and on the 'mirror' phenome• non that makes it difficult for nationalism to transcend 'religious' divisions. See O'Brien, Ancestral Voices, for a disturbing assessment of Catholic nationalist anti-Protestantism. 55. See Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging, pp. 124 ft.; Archbishop Robin Eames, Chains to be Broken. A Personal Reflection on Northern Ireland and its People (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1992), p. 141; Daly, The Price of Peace, p. 83. See also Ulster's Protestant Working Class. A Community Exploration, Island Pamphlets no. 9 (Newtownabbey: Island Publications, 1994), p. 21, for a not untypical Protestant reaction: 'It's time everyone was honest about this. The IRA have carried out plenty of purely sectar• ian killings, including some blatantly sectarian pub bombings, not to mention deliberately picking "Protestant" towns for their biggest bombs or targeting our housing estates. We're sick of their hypocrisy. The rest of the world might be fooled, but we're not.' 56. See Flackes and Elliott, Northern Ireland. A Political Directory, for details of the killings. The following account draws also on Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice, pp. 68 ff., which provides a telling brief summary of the violence, with tables and statistics. 57. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice, p. 73. 58. The Catholic Reaction Force claimed responsibility. Splinter groups such as the INLA and the IPLO are easily condemned by the PIRA (itself a split-off from the IRA) as not 'really' RepUblican. But the lines of demarcation are often unclear - see Flackes and Elliott, Northern Ireland. A Political Directory, pp. 26,197. 59. Sunday Times, 15 December, 1966, section 3, p. 2. In his book The Informer (London: Beacon, 1998), O'Callaghan repeats this story and writes 'two for the price of one' (p. 82), omitting 'Prods'. This incon• sistency is not explained. Throughout the book, O'Callaghan insists on the sectarianism of Northern Provisionals. The Informer was published too late for me to refer to it in detail, and I have added this note during production of the present book. 60. Eamon Collins (with Mick McGovern), Killing Rage (London: Granta, 1997), p. 37. Collins's explanation (p. 116) of a murder on the grounds that 'He was in the UDR once' (meaning six years ago) resembles the loyalist rationalizations described by Bruce. 202 Notes

61. Martin McGartland, Fifty Dead Men Walking (London: Blake, 1997), p.187. 62. O'Connor, In Search of a State, pp. 136-9. 63. Daly, The Price of Peace, pp. 54, 83. 64. The Orange Standard, September, 1992. Page numbers are cited in the text. 65. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 20 January, 1994. Page numbers are cited in the text. 66. Thus, An Phoblacht/Republican News, 12 April, 1994, p. 2, describes a further act of'genocide against the nationalist community,' and then goes on to add how the victims were attacked in their home while 'praying' soon after having returned from 'an Easter pilgrimage to Lourdes: Thus, again, secular nationalism rapidly merges into Catholicism. The idea of 'ethnic cleansing' makes an appearance in the literature in various ways. See Bruce, The Edge of the Union, p. 47; Morrow, Journey of Hope, p. 44; Ulster's Protestant Working Class, p. 21; O'Brien, Ancestral Voices, p. 191. 67. Berdyaev's writings are voluminous, but he thought of The Destiny of Man as central. It is translated by Natalie Duddington (New York: Harper, 1960. First published, 1931). See further, Patrick Grant, Personalism and the Politics of Culture (London: Macmillan, 19%), ch. 5, 'Freedom: Dostoevsky's Grand Inquisitor and Berdyaev's "Destiny of Man,'" for an account of Berdyaev. 68. John V. Taylor, The Go-Between God. The Holy Spirit and the Christian Mission (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1979. First published, 1972). Page numbers are cited in the text. 69. For a recent version of this rather Renaissance ideal, see George Steiner, Real Presences (London: Faber, 1989), pp. 148 ff. 70. See Jurgen Moitmann, The Crucified God. The Cross of Christ as the Foundation and Criticism of Christian Theology, trans. RA. Wilson and John Bowden (London: SCM, 1974). 71. See Rowan Williams, Resurrection. Interpreting the Easter Gospel (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1992), p. 52, and passim; Edward Schillebeeckx, Jesus. An Experiment in Christology, trans. Hubert Hoskins (London: Collins, 1983. First published, 1974), pp. 390 ff. 72. See Patrick Grant, Spiritual Discourse and the Meaning of Persons (London: Macmillan: 1994), pp. 23 ff. 73. See Dunlop, Precarious Belonging, p. 106; Eames, Chains to be Broken, p. 145; Daly, The Price of Peace, p. 46. 74. Dunlop, Precarious Belonging, p. 106. 75. Sectarianism, p. 70. The Opsahl Report states that 'Family traditions seemed paramount' (99) in maintaining community divisions. 76. Sectarianism, pp. 15-16. 77. Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 48: 'The two factors which do most to divide Protestants as a whole from Catholics as a whole are endogamy and separate education. These are maintained with most emphasis by the Roman Catholic Church: 78. Morrow, Journey of Hope, p. 44. 79. Morrow et al., The Churches and Inter Community Relationships, pp. 84, 85. Notes 203

80. Dunlop, PreCilrious Belonging, p. 106. 81. Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 4. 82. See Steve Bruce, God Save Ulster! The Religion and Politics of Paisleyism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), p. 276. Bruce also gives an account of how difficult it is to assess the numbers exactly. 83. Morrow et aI., The Churches and Inter Community Relations, p. 35. M. Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. 161. 85. See Lambkin; Opposite Religions Still?, pp. 53,48. 86. Dunlop, PreCilrious Belonging, p. 106. 87. Radford, Breaking Down Divisions, p. 50. See also Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland (London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1997), p. 307: 'This "good neighbour" policy could prevail in the political sphere just so long as everyone accepted the rules of the game: 88. Sectarianism, p. 14,29. 89. Ken Logue, Anti-Sectarianism and the Voluntary and Community Sector (Belfast: Community Relations Council, 1992), p. 7. 90. See for instance Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. 234; Dunlop, PreCilrious Belonging, p. 129; Eames, Chains to be Broken, p. xiii; Daly, The Price of Peace, p. 201; Sectarianism, p. 12; Gallagher and Worrall, Christians in Ulster, p. 209; McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis, p. 44; Morrow, 'Church and Religion in the Ulster Crisis,' ed. Seamus Dunn, Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland, p. 151. 91. Macbeth, III, iv, 37: 'Enter the Ghost of Banquo'; I, v, 65-6: 'look like th' innocent flowerlBut be the serpent under 't.' 92. Northern Ireland. The Choice, p. 23. 93. The internal diversity of Protestantism is often noticed. See, for instance, Brooke, Ulster Presbyterianism, p. 166, pointing out that "'Protestantism" is not a religion .... "Protestantism" in itself implies at least a reconciliation of the interests of different churches.' Elliott, Watchmen in Sion, p. 6: 'Protestantism is not a monolith'; Morrow, 'Church and Religion in the Ulster Crisis,' p. 156, describes 'the frag• mentary nature of Protestantism.' Yet Protestant diversity is also transcended by a general anti-Catholicism, which often assumes that the Catholic church is a monolith. Increasingly, the internal diversity (itself in process of development) of Catholicism is being acknowl• edged. See, for instance, O'Connor, In Search of a State, stressing the point throughout. McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis, p. 74, shows that there is a split between younger and older priests on many issues. Radford, Breaking Down Divisions, p. 65, shows how Catholics are concerned about restrictions imposed by their church. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 286, claims that the Catholic community is 'more divided than at any time in its past.' Alwyn Thomson, Beyond Fear, Suspicion and Hostility, pamphlet, no place or date of publication, p. 8, speaks on behalf of evangelicals who are realizing that the 'Roman Catholic Church has changed.' Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland, stresses throughout how the Catholic Church, especially since the 1960s, is much divided, both in the North and South. 204 Notes

94. See Cultural Traditions in Northern Ireland, ed. Maurna Crozier (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1989), p. 114. 9S. Opsahl Report, p. 9S. 96. See Morrow, Journey of Hope, p. 24; Dunlop, Precarious Belonging, p. 137; McMaster, Churches Working Together, pp. 10 ff.; Sectarianism, p. 102; Wright, Northern Ireland. A Comparative Analysis, p. 289-90. 97. See Patrick Grant, Reading the New Testament (London: Macmillan, 1989). 98. Northrop Frye, The Great Code. The Bible and Literature (Toronto: Academic Press, 1982), especially Part One, 'The Order of Words,' pp. 3 ff. 99. See Sectarianism, pp. 127 ff., for a useful set of documents and summaries of what the main churches think about one another. The following account draws on these materials. 100. Paisley's extreme anti-Catholic views are evident in a large number of published pamphlets. So, for instance, A Call to the Protestants of Ulster (Belfast: Puritan Printing, 1974-S): 'It is the existence of Bible Protestantism in this island which has led to the conflict' (p. 2); 'Ulster is the last bastion of Bible Protestantism in Europe and as such she stands the sole obstacle at this time against the great objective of the Roman See - a unified Roman Catholic Europe' (p. 3); 'The Pro• Rome Ecumenical clergy and the Cardinal ... see in the IRA a natural ally in their common fight against Reformation principles' (p. 3). See also, No Pope Here (Belfast: Martyrs Memorial Publications, 1982): 'Rome hates light. She prospers only in the darkness of evil conceal• ment and iniquitous secrecy' (p. 39), and is 'a debauched, degraded, filthy, incestuous, adulterous monster' (p. 40), and so on. 101. Sectarianism, p. 137. 102. Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging, pp. 12,84. 103. Among Hick's various publications on religious pluralism, I draw on An Interpretation of Religion. Human Responses to the Transcendent (London: Macmillan, 1989), and 'A Philosophy of Religious Pluralism,' ed. Paul Badham (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 161-77, first published in The World's Religious Traditions: Essays in Honour of Wilfred Cantwell Smith, ed. Frank Whaling (Edinburgh: T. &: T. Clark, 1984). 104. Hick,'A Philosophy of Religious Pluralism,' p. 16S. Page numbers are cited in the text. lOS. Hick, An Interpretation of Religion, p. 313. Page numbers are cited in the text. 106. John Milbank, Theology and Social Theory. Beyond Secular Reason (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). See Mawhinney and Wells, Conflict and Christianity in Northern Ireland, p. 7, on a 'religionless Christianity' (following Bonhoeffer) transcending sectarian divisions and enabling reconciliation. 107. On the desirability of secularism, already under way, see Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster, p. 284; Jerry de Gregory and John F. Galliher, 'Northern Ireland. Corrupt Ideologies and the Failure of Government Cagebuilding,' eds Yonah Alexander and Alan O'Day, Notes 205

Ireland's Terrorist Trauma. Interdisciplinary Perspectives (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989), p. 165: 'Only something amounting to a secular revolution has a genuine promise of peace among peoples adhering to such thoroughly corrupted religiOUS traditions: Bill Rolston, 'Reformism and Sectarianism,' reminds us that social reform and sectarianism can coexist. As recently as 1994, Ian Paisley stated that 'Protestantism is the revolt of genuine religion against seculari• sation: See Beyond the Fife and Drum. Report of a conference held on Belfast's Shankill Road, October 1994, Island Pamphlets no. 11 (Newtonabbey: Island Publications, 1994), p. 4. Still, as Morrow says, 'it is certainly true that secularisation has begun in Northern Ireland: See 'Church and Religion in the Ulster Crisis,' ed. Seamus Dunn, Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland, p. 165.

CHAPTER 2 FABLES OF IDENTITY: JOHN HEWITI AND SEAMUS HEANEY 1. John Wilson Foster, The Idea of the Union. Statements and Critiques in Support of the Union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (Vancouver: Belcouver Press, 1995). Page numbers are cited in the text. 2. Brendan O'Leary and John McGarry, The Politics of Antagonism. Understanding Northern Ireland, 2nd edn (London: Athlone, 1996; first published, 1993), pp. 133-5, 'Why "hegemonic control" describes the Stormont system,' for a succinct overview. 3. See Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland (London: Sinclair• Stevenson, 1997), especially pp. 248 ff.; Gemma Hussey, Ireland Today. Anatomy of a Changing State (London: Penguin, 1995), pp. 373 ff.; John Cooney, The Crozier and the Dail. Church and State, 1922-1986 (Cork: Mercier Press, 1986). 4. See Clare O'Halloran, Partition and the Limits of Irish Nationalism. An Ideology Under Stress (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1987); Fionnuala O'Connor, In SeRrch of a State. Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993), especially pp. 272 ff.; Oliver P. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster 1603-1983. An Interpretative History (London: Hurst, 1994), pp. 283 ff. 5. See Norman Porter, Rethinking Unionism. An Alternative Vision for Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1996). Page numbers are cited in the text. 6. See Richard Kearney, Postnationalist Ireland. Politics, Culture, Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1997), especially pp. 15 ff. It is worth noticing also the very different theory explored by Ian Adamson, The Cruthin: The Ancient Kindred (Newtownards: Nosmada, 1974), and The Identity of Ulster: The Land, the Language and the People (Belfast: Pretani, 1982). Adamson claims that the first settlers in Ireland were Cruthin (alternatively called Pretani or Picts), counting, for instance, Cuchulain among their number. Thus, when Scots and English descendants of the Cruthin came to Ulster in the seventeenth century, they were not so much planters or invaders as kin of the 206 Notes

original inhabitants. Some Loyalists have taken to this theory, and Michael Hall, The Cruthin Controversy, Island Pamphlets 7 (Newtownabbey: Island Publications, 1994), outlines the debate. In my view, one danger is that the Cruthin theory recasts ethnic divi• sion along racial lines, mirroring the way in which traditional Gaelic culture supports Catholic nationalism. Neither of these mythologiz• ing strategies effectively addresses the oppression and alienation caused by sectarianism; rather, both all too easily exacerbate the problem. 7. The main exception is Robert McCartney, 'Priests, Politicians and Pluralism,' pp. 90-4, which is mainly an attack on the Roman Catholic hierarchy. Thus, 'The influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the modem Irish State is not merely the powerful influ• ence of the Hierarchy operating as a major interest group in society, it is an all embracing value system, a comprehensive body of ethical, moral and social teaching' (p. 92). McCartney concludes: 'Like the boa constrictor, the Republic would immediately swallow the North in a United Ireland even though it might take 20 years to complete the digestive process' (p. 93). 8. Mitchel McLaughlin, 'The 1916 Proclamation - A Revolutionary Document,' Iris, no. 15, Easter, 1991, p. 6. Page numbers are cited in the text. 9. Gerry Adams, Free Ireland: Towards a Lasting Peace (Dingle, Co. Kerry: Brandon, 1995. First published as The Politics of Irish Freedom, 1986). Page numbers are cited in the text. 10. Mitchel McLaughlin, 'Protestantism, Unionism and Loyalism,' An Camcheachta. The Starry Plough, vol. 1, issue 2, Nov. 1991, pp. 13-16. Page numbers are cited in the text. (See Fingerpost Monthly, vol. 87, number 1, May, 1994, 'Current Affairs,' recounting how Fingerpost Monthly printed McLaughlin's article in 1992, prior to its further printing, in an edited version, in the Guardian. 'The article proved to be one of the significant steps in moving the political agenda forward, towards what has become known as the "peace process."') 11. 'Irish Protestants and Irish Nationalism. An Open Letter to Iris from an Irish Protestant on Irish Identity and the Ethos of Irish Nationalism,' Iris, 12 November, 1988, pp. 34-6. Page numbers are cited in the text. 12. John Hume, Personal Views. Politics, Peace and Reconciliation in IrelRnd, edited by Jack Van Zandt and Tom McEnery (Dublin: Town House, 1996). Page numbers are cited in the text. 13. George Drower, John Hume. Man of Peace (London: Vista, 1996. First published, 1995), p. 209, citing the Alliance Party Leader John Alderdice. 14. Hume's dismissal of Protestant anxieties about the Southern state is also over-hasty. He points out that many Unionists see the Southern state 'as a lay expression of sectarian Catholic values,' but he dismisses this concern: 'The reality, as I encounter it, is that the Republic is a modern state struggling to develop its economy and society within a European framework.' Still, he does allow that Notes 207

'Unionists have a right to be convinced,' even though it does not occur to him that they might have a right also to be unconvinced. He then adds that 'Until recently, the evidence for these [Southern pluralist] intentions has been inadequate' (p. 65). If the evidence is so recent, Protestant caution deserves more careful assessment. 15. See Drower, John Hume. Man of Peace, pp. 208-9: 'As for the SOLP, although Hume had continuously preached a gospel of non-sectari• anism, he had failed to detach the party from its image of a Catholic Nationalist organisation.' 16. See, for instance, Personal Views, p. 125, on the 'terrible price of our disagreement' being 'an insult to the common Christianity of our island,' and p. 127, on 'Our quarrel' as 'a denial of our common Christianity.' 17. This kind of thing is noticed by critics. For instance, Norman Vance, Irish Literature. A Social History (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), p. 227, remarks on Hewitt's awkwardness and bathos. Terence Brown, 'John Hewitt: an Ulster of the Mind,' eds Gerald Oawe and John Wilson Foster, The Poet's Place. Ulster Literature and Society. Essays in Honour of John Hewitt, 1907-87 (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1991), p. 302, says that 'a central weakness of Hewitt as a poet is his too frequent tendency to slip into an all too predictable tone of prosy comment... .' Frank Ormsby, Hewitt's editor, has this to say: 'Even his most devoted advocates would concede that there are tracts of his verse that are at best worthy, at worst dull, and that he can be predictable, patronising and self-congratulatory ... he is surprisingly prone to clumsy syntax, mixed metaphors and ungrammatical struc• tures, and Hth' iambic tick-tock" ('Music Lessons') of his verse can be too monotonously insistent.' See The Collected Poems of John Hewitt (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1992. First published, 1991), p. lxxiii. 18. This reciprocation is noticed, for instance, by John Wilson Foster, 'The Landscape of Three Irelands: Hewitt, Murphy, and Montague,' ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry. A Collection of Critical Essays (London: Macmillan, 1992), p. 157, comparing Hewitt's The Hill-Farm with Heaney's The Other Side. A similar point is made by Edna Longley. The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe 1994), p. 58. Earlier (p. 51), Longley notices how Hewitt and Heaney 'set forth complementary - Protestant and Catholic - founding myths for a poetic tradition.' 19. 'Regionalism: The Last Chance,' ed. Tom Clyde, Ancestral Voices: The Selected Prose of John Hewitt, (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1987), pp. 122-5. First published in Northman (1947). For an account of Hewitt's regional• ism, see Tom Clyde, 'A Stirring in the Dry Bones: John Hewitt's Regionalism,' ed. Dawe and Foster, The Poet's Place, pp. 249-58. 20. See Ormsby, The Collected Poems, p. 140. All further references are to this edition, and page numbers are cited in the text. 21. Tom Clyde, 'A Stirring in the Dry Bones,' p. 255, cites three theorists considered by Hewitt as important. These are Frederick Le Play, Patrick Geddes, and Lewis Mumford. 22. For a rendition in verse of his regionalist ideas, see especially Freehold 208 Notes

(p. 369), the third section of which, Tcrwnland of Peace, was originally published as Regionalist. For Hewitt's interest in the Rhyming Weavers, see Patricia Craig, 'Assertors and Protesters: John Hewitt as Literary Historian,' eds Dawe and Foster, The Poet's Place, pp. 225 ff.; Peter McDonald, Mistaken Identities. Poetry and Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977), p. 22, argues that the failure of Hewitt's regionalism is important for the success of his poetry. 23. Irish LiteratUre. A Social History, p. 224. 24. John Montague describes Hewitt as the 'first (and probably the last) deliberately Ulster, Protestant poet.' See 'John Hewitt: Regionalism into Reconciliation,' in The Figure in the Cave, and Other Essays, edited by Antoinette Quinn (Dublin: Lilliput, 1989), p. 153. For further reflections on Hewitt's preoccupation with identity, see John Wilson Foster, 'The Dissidence of Dissent: John Hewitt and W.R. Rodgers,' ed. Gerald Dawe and Edna Longley, Across A Roaring Hill. The Protestant Imagination in Modern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1985), p. 144, on Hewitt's efforts 'to forge the conscience of the Scots-Irish in Ireland, and this may be his chief significance.' See also, Alan Warner, 'The Poetry of John Hewitt,' ed. Heinz Kosok, Studies in Anglo-Irish Literature (Bonn: Bouvier Verlag Herbert Grundmann, 1982), pp. 368-75; Britta Olinder, 'John Hewitt - Ulsterman of Planter Stock,' ed. Kosok, Studies in Anglo-Irish Literature, pp. 376-89; Terence Brown, Northern Voices: Poets from Ulster (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1975), ch. 5,'John Hewitt: Land and People,' pp. 86-97. 25. See Roy Mcfadden, 'No Dusty Pioneer: A Personal Recollection of John Hewitt,' ed. Dawe and Foster, The Poet's Place, p. 180: 'I believe that he had only one hero throughout his long life, and that was his father.' 26. The autobiographical sequence of poems, Kites in Spring. A Belfast Boyhood (pp. 256 ff.) provides many details about Hewitt's family. For the returned gift, see The Wedding Present (p. 263). 27. John's grandfather had been a member of the Orange Order, though he resigned when strong drink was permitted. See Teetotal Master (p.273). 28. See Who Was c.B. Fry? which compares his father to Socrates (p. 291). Also, Hewitt's father admired the renegade educator, A.S. Neill, and was admonished by school inspectors for this. See A Dominie's Log (p.290). 29. See Portraits on the Walls (p. 284). 30. See Outside the Creeds (p. 276). Hewitt writes that not being baptized allowed him 'to be my own man, the ultimate Protestant.' See 'Planter's Gothic: An Essay in Discursive Autobiography,' ed. Tom Clyde, Ancestral Voices, p. 28. First published under the pseudonym John Howard in The Bell (1953). 31. See for instance, Nineteen Sixteen, or The Terrible Beauty (p. 204), which regrets the 'decades crammed with guns and ballads' that now 'sanctify' the 'ambiguous defeat' of the 1916 rebels, with dire conse• quences for Northern Ireland. 32. See Ormsby, Collected Poems, p. 626. Notes 209

33. See Ormsby, Collected Poems, p.lxii. 34. Thus John Wilson Foster argues that 'At times in "The Colony" Hewitt seems to be satirising Planter folk attitudes.' Yet the reserva• tion expressed in 'At times' and 'seems' indicates the uncertainty of tone that is my main point. See 'The Landscape of Three Irelands: Hewitt Murphy and Montague,' ed. Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, p. 156. 35. See, for instance, Salute to Matthew Arnold (p. 426). 36. See Ormsby, Collected Poems, p. xlviii: 'One consequence of this engagement with the local historical past was the writing of The Bloody Brae: A Dramatic Poem (finished in 1936, broadcast in 1954 and published in Threshold magazine in 1957).' 37. Both of these sets of poems were written in memory of the deceased. Later in the argument I will want to complicate the binary opposition suggested here. 38. Clearances, in The Haw Lantern (London: Faber, 1987), pp. 24 ff. 39. Erich Auerbach, 'Figura,' in Scenes from the Drama of European Literature (New York: Meridian 1959), pp. 11-76, Auerbach distin• guishes between allegoria and figura: in allegoria, events and character are invented to illustrate an abstract idea; in figura, a thing or person is felt to be the bearer of a further, equally real significance. For Auerbach, Dante is pre-eminently a figural poet. A.D. Nuttall, Two Concepts of Allegory (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1967), pp. 24 ff., discusses the overlap between the two terms, and notices how close allegory is to sacramentalism. 40. A.D. Nuttall, A Common Sky. Philosophy and the Literary Imagination (London: Chatto & Windus for Sussex University Press, 1974), pp. 111 ff., again discusses Auerbach and makes the interesting argu• ment that Wordsworth is 'the great monument of the figural mode' in English, just as Dante is in Italian (p. 113): 'The great figurae of Wordsworth's poetry are objects of perception' (p. 115). Heaney's descriptive talent is frequently noticed by critics. See, for instance, Bernard O'Donoghue, Seamus Heaney and the Language of Poetry (London: Harvester, 1994), p. 4; John Wilson Foster, The Achievement of Seamus Heaney (Dublin: Lilliput, 1995), p. 6. The lack of the kind of conceptual clarity that would locate the poem politically is regarded as a fault by hostile critics. See, for instance, Desmond Fennell, 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing,' Heresy. The Battle of Ideas in Modern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993), pp. 136 ff.; James Simmons, 'The Trouble with Seamus,' ed. Elmer Andrews, Seamus Heaney. A Collection of Critical Essays (London: Macmillan, 1992), p. 61, and passim; David Lloyd, '"Pap for the Dispossessed": Seamus Heaney and the Poetics of Identity,' ed. Andrews, Seamus Heaney. A Collection of Critical Essays, p. 111, and passim. By contrast, Edna Longley argues that Heaney's main strength lies in 'the hovering suggestiveness of thresholds,' and the poetry is weakened when it is too clearly polit• ical. See Poetry in the Wars (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1986), p. 142. Much of the controversy about Heaney centres on how his evasiveness about politics is evaluated. Notably in An Open Letter 210 Notes

(1983) and part 2 of North (1975), Heaney comes closest to political rhetoric. 41. Heaney contemplated a post-graduate degree with a thesis on Wordsworth. See Neil Corcoran, Seamus Heaney. A Student Guide (London: Faber, 1986), p. 20. John Wilson Foster, The Achievement of Seamus Heaney, p. 58, notices that Heaney's 'quest for synthesis' is 'Dante's rational mysticism rendered in contemporary terms.' See Geert Lernout, 'The Dantean Paradigm: Thomas Kinsella and Seamus Heaney,' ed. C.c. Barfoot and Theo D'haen, The Clash of Ireland: Literary Contrasts and Connections (Amsterdam: Editions Rodopi, 1989), pp. 248-64. See also, O'Donoghue, Seamus Heaney and the Language of Poetry, p. 20, and pp. 137 ff., 'Mandelstam's Dante,' and Clare Cavanagh, 'From the Republic of Conscience: Seamus Heaney and Eastern European Poetry,' Harvard Review, 6 (Spring, 1994), pp. 105-12. 42. Foster, The Achievement of Seamus Heaney, p. 37. 43. 'The Poetry of John Hewitt,' Preoccupations. Selected Prose. 1968-1978 (London: Faber,1980), pp. 207-10. Page numbers are cited in the text. 44. Ormsby, The Collected Poems, p. xlvii. 45. 'Seamus Heaney on North,' in Thirty Years of the Poetry Book Society 1956-1986, ed. Jonathan Barker, preface by Blake Morrison (London: Hutchinson, 1988), p. 126. 46. 'The Poet as a Christian,' The Furrow, 29: 10 (October 1978), p. 604. 47. Interview with Randy Brandes, Salmagundi, 80 (Fall, 1988), p. 8. 48. 'The Saturday Interview. Caroline Walsh talks to Seamus Heaney,' Irish Times, December 6,1975, p. 5. 49. 'Unhappy and at Home,' interview with Seamus Heaney by Seamus Deane, The Crane Bag, I, 1 (1977), p. 61. 50. 'Unhappy and at Home,' p. 62. 51. 'The Poet as Christian,' pp. 603-4. 52. Crediting Poetry (Co. Meath: Gallery, 1995), p. 11. 53. Among Schoolchildren. A John Malone Memorial Lecture (Belfast, 1983), pp. 7, 14. 54. 'The King of the Dark,' The Listener, 5 February, 1970, p. 181, and 'Belfast,' Preoccupations, p. 34. 55. Marilynn J. Richtarik, Acting Between the Lines. The Field Day Theatre Company and Irish Cultural Politics 1980-1984 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 95,98. 56. Interview with Randy Brandes, Salmagundi, 80 (Fall, 1988), p. 8. 57. Heaney cites Jung in 'Place and Displacement: Reflections on Some Recent Poetry from Northern Ireland,' ed. Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, pp. 124, and passim. (The lecture was delivered in 1984.) For Hewitt's interest in Jung, see Mcfadden, 'A Personal Recollection,' eds Dawe and Foster, The Poet's Place, pp. 174-5. 58. 'Belfast,' Preoccupations, p. 34. 59. 'Belfast,' Preoccupations, p. 34. 60. As Desmond Fennell says; see 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing,' p. 141: 'his poetry conveys no structured worldview and is in this sense intellectually poor: Notes 211

61. The Forge and Thatcher are in Door Into the Dark (London: Faber, 1969), pp. 19-20; The Pitchfork is in Seeing Things (London: Faber, 1991), p. 23. 62. An Afterwards, in Fieldwork (London: Faber, 1979), p. 44. 63. Station Island, in Station Island (London: Faber, 1984). The quotations are on pp. 83 and SO. 64. Away from it All, in Station Island (1984), pp. 16-17. 65. The following poems are in Death of a Naturalist (London: Faber, 1966): Death of a Naturalist, pp. 15-16; An Advancement of Learning, pp. 18-19; Blackberry-Picking, p. 20; The Early Purges, p. 23; At a Potato Digging, pp. 31-3. 66. North (London: Faber, 1975). 67. See Ciaran Carson, 'Escaped from the Massacre?' The Honest Ulsterman, 50 (Winter 1978), pp. 184 ff.; Edna Longley, Poetry in the Wars (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1986), pp. 151 ff.; Fennell, 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing,' pp. 156-7. By contrast, Helen Vendler, who is concerned to 'give American readers a context for the poems,' admires North because of the poet's 'slow, diagnostic gaze' and 'patient vision of the topography of the dead' as he balances 'a pair of scales to weigh "beauty and atrocity.'" All of which remains innocent of the difficulties so alarming to Carson, Longley and Fennell - non-Americans closer to home. See The Music of What Happens. Poems, Poets, Critics (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard, 1988), pp. 155, 158. 68. The Tollund Man, in Wintering Out (London: Faber, 1972), pp. 47-8. 69. Foster, The Achievement of Seamus Heaney, p. 44. Page numbers are cited in the text. 70. O'Donoghue, Seamus Heaney and the Language of Poetry, pp. 7,64 ff. 71. Michael R. Molina, Questioning Tradition, Language and Myth. The Poetry of Seamus Heaney (Washington, D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1994), p. 194. 72. McDonald, Mistaken Identities, pp. 13-15. 73. Casualty, in Field Work, pp. 21-4. 74. Paul Arthur, 'John Hewitt's Hierarchy of Values,' ed. Dawe and Foster, The Poet's Place, p. 284. 75. Edna Longley, The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1994), p. 46: 'Indeed, Heaney's subtext may be the forbidden individualistic attractions of the Protestant imagination.' See Fennell, 'Whatever You Say, Say Nothing,' Heresy, pp. 169-70.

CHAPTER 3 ENDOGAMY AND EDUCATION: BRIAN FRIEL AND STEWART PARKER 1. Rosemary Harris, Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster: A Study of Neighbours and 'Strangers' in a Border Community (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1972), pp. 143-6. Harris's research was done during the 1950s; see John Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991. First published, 1990), p. 9. 212 Notes

2. Dominic Murray, Worlds Apart. Segregated Schools in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Appletree, 1985), p. 14. 3. Surveys indicating widespread support in principle for integrated education are summarized in Gerald McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis 1968-86 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1991), pp. 172 ff. See also Eric Gallagher and Stanley Worrall, Christians in Ulster 1968-1980 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982), pp. 157 ff. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1994), p. 41, offer the following brief capsule: 'Since the 1960s numerous opinion polls have consis• tently indicated that some two-thirds of respondents favoured integrated education and that up to half of parents would prefer their children to be educated in integrated schools.' These figures change dramatically when parents are asked would they actually send their children to an integrated school. Alex McEwen, 'Segregation and Integration in Northern Ireland's Education System,' ed. Leslie Caul, Schools Under Scrutiny. The Case of Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1990), p. 135, notices that the rate drops 'to approximately 30 per cent.' See also, Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice, p. 42. Yet even these statistics can be misleading, because the issue is still theoretical. Richard Davis, Mirror Hate. The Convergent Ideology of Northern Ireland Paramilitaries, 1966-92 (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1994), p. 168, notices that when Lagan College opened in 1981, only 31 of the expected 60 children turned up: 'When it came to the crunch, it was mainly Protestant parents who withdrew at the last moment.' 4. See Davis, Mirror Hate, p. 168. See also Donald Harman Akenson, Education and Enmity. The Control of Schooling in Northern Ireland, 1920-50 (New York: Barnes & Noble, 1973), p. 194: 'the educational principles of Protestant and Catholic clergymen have been remark• ably similar on pivotal issues,' especially on the claims that 'Ulster's children should be taught by teachers of their own denomination, that children should attend school with their co-religionists, and that religious instruction should be woven into the school curriculum.' 5. Valerie Morgan, Seamus Dunn, Ed Cairns, Grace Fraser, Breaking the Mould. The Roles of Parents and Teachers in the Integrated Schools in Northern Ireland (Coleraine: University of Ulster Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1992), p. 11, summarize the difficulties in getting existing schools involved, including firm opposition from the churches, and legal problems. The authors also notice the grass-roots origins of the integrated schools initiative. 6. Morgan et al., Breaking the Mould, p. 39. Valerie Morgan, Marie Smyth, Gillian Robinson, Grace Fraser, Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland (Coleraine: University of Ulster Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1996), pp. 33-4, notice that the 'proportion of children' from mixed marriage couples in integrated schools 'is higher than their proportion in the population as a whole.' Gillian Robinson, Cross• Community Marriage in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Queen's University Centre for Social Research, 1992), p. 41, notices that 'the majority' of Notes 213

interviewed couples in mixed marriages chose integrated schools for their children where such schooling was available. 7. Desmond Bell, Acts of Union. Youth Culture and Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 201, 211. A Citizens' Inquiry. The Opsahl Report on Northern Ireland, ed. Andy Pollak (Dublin: Lilliput, 1993), p. 105, notices that Education for Mutual Understanding and Cultural Heritage are good, but 'Contributors were aware that courses like these could not in themselves remove the evils of sectarianism: Dominic Murray, 'Culture, Religion and Violence in Northern Ireland,' ed. Seamus Dunn, Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1995), p. 223, adds a warning that some such projects can do more harm than good, as when a cultural trail encounters sectarian graffiti, and the like. Recounting one such instance, Murray concludes: 'I was convinced at that time that those children returned to their schools with less tolerance than when they left and that the potential for violence among and between them had increased rather than diminished.' 8. Morgan et al., Mixed Marrillges in Northern Ireland, p. 36. 9. Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 48. See also Brian Lambkin, Opposite Religions Still? (Aldershot: Avebury, 1996), p. 47: 'Segregated education and segregated marriage are the institutions through which the opposite-religions paradigm is most fundamentally realised in SOciety.' 10. For the difficulties in getting information, see Morgan et aI., Mixed Marrillges in Northern Ireland, pp. 4 H.; Robinson, Cross-Community Marrillge in Northern Ireland, pp. 9-10, 16-17. 11. See Robinson, Cross-Community Marrillge in Northern Ireland, p. 9. McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis, pp. 180-1, summarizes the literature demonstrating the links between Ne Temere and the Home Rule debate. As John Dunlop says, Ne Temere 'was the final push that tipped the waverers over to the unionist side.' See A Precarious Belonging. Presbyterians and the Conflict in Ireland (Belfast: BlackstaH, 1995), p. 49. 12. Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, pp. 39 ff. I list the studies here in the order in which Whyte deals with them. Richard Rose, Governing Without Consensus: An Irish Perspective (London: Faber &: Faber, 1971); E. Moxon Browne, Nation, Class and Creed in Northern Ireland (Aldershot: Gower, 1983); Paul Compton and John Coward, Fertility and Family Planning in Northern Ireland (Aldershot: Avebury, 1989); Raymond M. Lee, 'Interreligious Courtship in Northern Ireland,' ed. Mark Cook and Glen Wilson, Love and Attraction: An International Conference (Oxford: Pergamon, 1979). 13. Fionnuala O'Connor, In Search of a State. Catholics in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1993), p. 168. 14. This was conveyed in conversation with representatives of NIMMA. 15. Page numbers are cited in the text. 16. Morgan et al., Mixed Marrillges in Northern Ireland, pp. 38 ff. 17. Martin O'Hagan, 'Mixed Marriage - Running the Gauntlet of Disapproval,' Fortnight, 240 (2 June, 1986), p. 12. 214 Notes

18. Morgan et al., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, pp. 18 ff. 19. Mixed Marriage in Ireland. A pamphlet published without date or place of publication. I am informed that the second edition was published in Belfast in 1992, and the first edition in 1984. Page numbers refer to the second edition, and are cited in the text. 20. Morgan et al., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, pp. 19 ff. 21. Morgan et al., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, pp. 4, 15. On p. 4, the authors record fluctuations in the rate between 20 per cent and 4 per cent in 1991, in different Catholic dioceses. They suggest that 'the general figure of around 10 per cent which has been suggested for the province as a whole is not very helpful and may not even be accurate.' McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis, p. 184, points out that 'the Irish hierarchy is virtually unique in invoking divine law as the basis of the Roman Catholic's religious obligations in a mixed marriage,' and this is a measure of the Irish Church's reactionary position. McElroy also points out that priests are by and large conservative on the question of mixed marriage, but that more liberal opinions tend to be found in those recently ordained (p. 71). 22. Terence Flanagan and Brian Lambkin, 'Religious Identity and Integrated Education,' ed. Chris Moffat, Education Together for a Change. Integrated Education and Community Relations in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Fortnight Educational Trust, 1993), p. 198. 23. Robinson, Cross-Community Marriage in Northern Ireland. Page numbers are cited in the text. 24. Morgan et al., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, p. 2. See also p. 10: 'religion has become a fundamental marker of division in the society. As a result, actions which lead to a person crossing that division, or being seen as compromising their religiOUS identity, are likely to generate reactions ranging from anxiety to open animosity.' Robinson, Cross-Community Marriage in Northern Ireland, describes the children of mixed marriages as 'straddling the boundaries' (p. 8), as 'marginal' (p. 8), and as vulnerable to intimidation in the commu• nity 'by marrying beyond its borders' (p. 13). 25. Flanagan and Lambkin, 'Religious Identity and Integrated Education,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, pp. 197,199, 202, notice that integrated schools are also a kind of mixed marriage. One's religious identity need not be surrendered in entering into these institutions, but 'separation has led to regrettable ignorance, mistrust and worse' (p. 197). 26. The literature on this debate is summarized by Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, pp. 151 ff., and McElroy, The Catholic Church and the Northern Ireland Crisis, p. 181. Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland (London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1997), p. 396, provides figures from 1981-91. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Ancestral Voices. Religion and Nationalism in Ireland (Dublin: Poolbeg, 1994), pp. 151-2, and Steve Bruce, The Edge of the Union. The Ulster Loyalist Political Vision (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 27, confirm a decline from approximately 12 per cent (Bruce says'about 11 per cent') to 3 per Notes 215

cent today (Bruce says 'under four per cent'). 27. For a summary of the Catholic position and the relevant documents, see Morgan et ai., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, pp. 13 ff. 28. This, and other key texts, are reprinted in Mixed Marriage in Ireland. I draw on this collection in the following paragraphs, and page numbers are cited in the text. The present quotation is on p. 8. Oliver P. Rafferty, Catholicism in Ulster 1603-1983. An Interpretative History (London: Hurst, 1994), p. 180, describes Ne Temere as 'One of the church's most remarkable self-inflicted wounds,' and 'Even Catholic public figures such as Joe Devlin recognised that Ne Temere was a gift to Orange propagandists.' 29. 'Ecumenism: A Journey Halted?' Church of Ireland Gazette, June 13, 1997, pp. 8-9, reprints an address by Willie Walsh, Roman Catholic Bishop of Killaloe, delivered in St Michael's Church, Ballina, Co. Mayo, in January, 1997. 30. See Church of Ireland Gazette, 27 June 1997, pp. 8 and to. The quota• tion is on p. 10. 31. See Patsy McGarry, Irish Times, 26 June 1997. 32. Robert Osborne, 'What About the Other Minority?' Fortnight, 1% (August, 1983), p. 14. Osborne considers counter-arguments, and summarizes Protestant decline in various occupational sectors. 33. On the 'Crusade,' see Garret Fitzgerald, All in a Life. An Autobiography (London: Macmillan, 1991), p. 185. 34. See Gemma Hussey, Ireland Today. Anatomy of a Changing State (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1995. First published, 1993), p. 439. 35. See Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland, pp. 189 ff. 36. See Morgan et aI., Breaking the Mould, p. 41: 'a common curriculum which seeks to emphasise shared Christian values.' See also, 'Appendix. Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education. Statement of Principles and Practical Guidelines,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 212, on 'Religion.' 37. The following historical summary derives from accounts in the following: Frank Wright, Integrated Education and New Beginnings in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Corrymeela Press, 1993. First published, 1991), pp. 21 ff.; Angela Clifford, ed., 'Godless Colleges' and Mixed Education in Ireland (Belfast: Athol, 1992); H. Rex Cathcart, 'The Politics of "No Change",' ed. Leslie Caul, Schools Under Scrutiny (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 3 ff.; Murray, Worlds Apart, pp. 14 ff.; Gallagher and Worrall, Christians in Ulster, pp. 153 ff.; Akenson, Education and Enmity, passim. 38. Murray, Worlds Apart, p. 22. Gallagher and Worrall, Christians in Ulster, conclude that 'Effectively it is a case of schools apart and pupils apart' (154). The Opsahl Report, p. 108, notices 'almost complete segregation.' 39. Murray, Worlds Apart, p. 22. 40. Morgan et aI., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, p. 28. See Alex McEwen, 'Segregation and Integration in Northern Ireland's Education System,' ed. Caul, Schools Under Scrutiny, p. 130, on 'the unofficial or hidden curriculum,' and Tom Rowley, 'Contextual 216 Notes

Education. The Hazelwood Model,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 55. 41. Murray, Worlds Apart, p. 29. 42. Gallagher and Worrall, Christians in Ulster, p. 157. 43. Davis, Mirror Hate, pp. 171 ff. 44. Bell, Acts of Union, pp. 9 ff., 143 ff.; Johnston McMaster, Young People as the Guardians of Sectarian Tradition (Belfast: Youth Link, 1993), p. 3, and passim. 45. Rose, Governing Without Consensus, pp. 336-7. 46. Murray, Worlds Apart, pp. 106, 131, 13. 47. References to Murray are cited in the text. 48. As Murray says, 'everyone interviewed during this research knew exactly what was meant by the "Protestant" and "Catholic" school.' (p.22) 49. See Wright, Integrated Education and New Beginnings in Northern Ireland, p. 25, on links between ethnicity and education. Murray provides examples of how prejudice can be brought to bear on the educational process despite common disclaimers. See Worlds Apart, pp. 26,86. 50. Figures supplied by the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (special thanks to Brian Lambkin). Approximately 2 per cent of the school population are now integrated. I am grateful also to Anne Odling-Smee for information on this topic. Boyle and Hadden, Northern Ireland. The Choice, p. 42, cite 18 schools in 1994, educating 4000 students. 51. McMackin, 'Religious Faith and Integrated Schools. A Personal Perspective,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 66, argues that 'Integrated schools have a prophetic role,' an analogous point to that made by Flanagan and Lambkin, 'Religious Identity and Integrated Education,' p. 198. 52. O'Connor, In Search of a State, p. 320. Fr John Brady and Fr Des Wilson are among the notable exceptions. 53. McMackin, 'Religious Faith and Integrated Schools. A Personal Perspective,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 63. 54. Cecil Linehan, Margaret Kennedy and Sister Anna, 'The Essential Role of the Churches in Supporting Integrated Education,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, pp. 205, 206. 55. Opsahl Report, p 250. Colin Irwin accuses church leaders of encourag• ing segregation. See Opsahl, pp. 369-70. 56. Flanagan and Lambkin, 'Religious Identity and Integrated Education,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 197. 57. Dorothy Wilson and Seamus Dunn, illustrated by Biddy Healy, Integrated Schools. Information for Parents (Coleraine: University of Ulster, Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1989), p. 23. 58. Morgan et al., Breaking the Mould, p. 33. 59. Wright, Integrated Education and New Beginnings in Northern Ireland. Page numbers are cited in the text. 60. McMackin, 'Religious Faith and Integrated Schools,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 66, also calls for an adult catechesis. Notes 217

61. Colin Irwin, Education and the Development of Social Integration in Divided Societies (Belfast: Dept of Social Anthropology, Queen's University, 1991), p. 85: 'On average, 44 percent of the friends of Lagan College's past pupils were in the" other" community in contrast to 12 per cent for Queen's University students of the same age: 62. Opsahl Report, p. 107. 63. Linehan, Kennedy and Sister Anna, 'The Essential Role of the Churches in Supporting Integrated Education,' ed. Moffat, Education Together for a Change, p. 204. 64. Morgan et al., Breaking the Mould. Page numbers are cited in the text. See also Peter McGaffin, 'The Development of an Integrated School,' ed. Caul, Schools under Scrutiny, pp. 68 ff. 65. Morgan et al., Mixed Marriages in Northern Ireland, p. 47. 66. References are to Selected Plays (London: Faber & Faber, 1984). 67. For an account of Field Day, see Marilynn]. Richtarik, Acting Between the Lines. The Field Day Theatre Company and Irish Cultural Politics 1980-1984 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984). Elmer Andrews, The Art of Brian Friel. Neither Reality Nor Dreams (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp. 6 ff., and 'The Fifth Province,' ed. Alan J. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1993), pp. 29-48; Richard Pine, Brian Friel and Ireland's Drama (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 191 ff.; Martine Pelletier, 'Telling Stories and Making History: Brian Friel and Field Day,' Irish University Review 24: 2 (1994), pp.186-97. 68. Cited by Pine, Brian Friel and Ireland's Drama, p. 192, from a speech at University College Dublin, September, 1987. 69. See Pine, Brian Friel and Ireland's Drama, p. 193: 'it was first announced as a metaphysical device by the editor of The Crane Bag in 1976'; Andrews, The Art of Brian Friel, p. 165: 'a notion Originally explored by Richard Kearney and Mark Hederman in the first issue of Crane Bag in 1977. Noting that the Irish word for province was coiced, literally a fifth, they proposed the idea of a fifth province of the mind: Friel describes it as 'a place for dissenters, traitors to the prevailing mythologies in the other four provinces: See John Gray, 'Field Day Five Years On,' Linen Hall Review, 2, no. 2 (Summer, 1985), p. 7, and Richtarik, Acting Between the Lines, pp. 245-6. 70. See, for instance, Edna Longley, 'Writing, Revisionism and Grass• seed: Literary Mythologies in Ireland,' eds Jean Lundy and Aodan MacP6ilin, Styles of Belonging. The Cultural Identities of Ulster (Belfast: Lagan Press, 1992), pp. 11 ff. Colm Kelly, 'Homecomings and Diversions: Cultural Nationalism and the Recent Drama of Brian Friel,' Studies, Winter, 1987, pp. 452-62. 71. Seamus Deane, Selected Plays, Introduction, pp. 20-1. 72. Cited in Gray, 'Field Day Five Years On,' Linen Hall Review, 2, no. 2 (Summer, 1985), p. 8. 73. Brian Friel, 'Self-Portrait,' Aquarius, 3 (1972), p. 19. The following brief account derives from Pine, Brian Friel and Ireland's Drama; George O'Brien, Brian Friel (Lewisburg, Penn.: Bucknell University Press, 1973); Andrews, The Art of Brian Friel. 218 Notes

74. 'Plays Peasant and Unpeasant,' Times Literary Supplement, 17 March 1972, p. 305. 75. Fintan O'Toole, 'Friel's Day,' Irish Times, Weekend Supplement, 7 January 1989, p. 1. 76. Richtarik, Acting Between the Lines, p. 79. 77. Seamus Heaney, 'For Liberation: Brian Friel and the Use of Memory,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, pp. 234, 230. 78. Sunday Times, 28 September, 1980, p. 40. 79. Pine, Brian Friel and Ireland's Drama, p. 7. 80. Heaney, 'For Liberation: Brian Friel and the Use of Memory,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 230. See Ulf Dantanus, Brian Friel: The Growth of an Irish Dramatist (Gothenburg: Gothenburg Studies in English, 1985), p. 190, says of Translations that 'Its treat• ment of language approaches those areas of the subconscious where the racial and national identity are forged: 81. Faith Healer premiered at Longacre Theatre, New York, in 1979. 82. Helen Lojek, 'Brian Friel's Plays and George Steiner's Linguistics: Translating the Irish,' Contemporary Literature, 35 (1994), p. 84, notices how confusions of place names are counterpointed by the naming ceremony of the christening, and by the confusions of Owen's name (Roland or Rowen or Oland), which in turn resemble Yolland. O'Brien, Brian Friel, p. 106, notices that Yolland and Roland make a half rhyme. 83. A concise summary of the criticisms is provided by Christopher Murray, 'Friel's "Emblems of Adversity" and the Yeatsian Example,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, pp. 72 ft. See also Brian Friel, John Andrews and Kevin Barry, 'Translations and A Paper Landscape: Between Fiction and History' The Crane Bag, vol. 7, no. 2 (1983),118-24. 84. 'The Pentaglot Preceptor or Elementary Institute of the English, Greek, Hebrew, Latin and Irish Languages; Particularly Calculated for the Instruction of Such Ladies and Gentlemen as may Wish to Learn without the Help of a Master.' 85. See Lojek, 'Brian Friel's Plays and George Steiner's Linguistics: Translating the Irish,' pp. 83 ft.; F.C. McGrath, 'Irish Babel: Brian Friel's Translations and George Steiner's After Babel,' Comparative Drama, vol. 23 (1989), pp. 31-49; Richtarik,Acting Between the Lines, p. 33. 86. Friel writes about Translations: 'One of the mistakes of the direction in which the play is presently pulling is the almost wholly public concern of the theme.... Public questions; issues for politicians: and that's what is wrong with the play now. The play must concern itself only with the exploration of the dark and private places of individ• ual souls.' See 'Extracts from a Sporadic Diary,' ed. Tim Pat Coogan, Ireland and the Arts (London: Namara Press, 1983), p. 60. 87. See, for instance, Andrews, 'The Fifth Province,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 34, on Friel's 'Northern, Catholic Nationalist sensibility'; O'Toole, 'Friel's Day,' p. I, points to the centrality of Catholicism and nationalism in Friel's work; Patrick Rafroidi, 'The Worlds of Brian Friel,' Perspectives on Irish Drama and Notes 219

Theatre, eds Jacqueline Genet and Richard Allen Cave, Irish Literary Studies,33 (Savage, Maryland: Barnes, 1991), pp. 112-13, on the 'reli• gious' and 'Catholic' elements in Friel. 88. Heaney, 'For Liberation: Brian Friel and the Use of Memory,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 240. 89. See especially Sean Connolly, 'Translating History: Brian Friel and the Irish Past,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, pp. 149-63. 90. Lynda Henderson, 'A Dangerous Translation,' Fortnight, 235 (10-23 March, 1986), p. 24. 91. Brian McAvera, 'Brian Friel: Attuned to the Catholic Experience,' Fortnight, 215 (4-17 March, 1985), pp. 19-20. 92. Edna Longley, Poetry in the Wars (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1986), p 190. 93. Deane, 'Introduction' to Selected Plays, p. 22; 'Brian Friel: The Name of the Game,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 112. 94. Heaney, 'For Liberation: Brian Friel and the Use of Memory,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 234. 95. Acting Between the Lines. Page numbers are cited in the text. 96. Connolly, 'Translating History: Brian Friel and the Irish Past,' ed. Peacock, The Achievement of Brian Friel, p. 158. 97. Terence Brown, 'Lers Go to Graceland. The Drama of Stewart Parker (1941-1988),' Studies on the Contemporary Irish Theatre, ed. Jacqueline Genet and Elisabeth Hellegouarc'h (Caen: University of Caen, 1991), p. 22, on Parker's 'east and central Belfast'; Claudia W. Harris, 'From Pastness to Wholeness: Stewart Parker's Reinventing Theatre,' Colby Quarterly, Dec. 27: 4 (1991), p. 236, on Parker's opin• ions on Sydenham, East Belfast, and his 'average Unionist family: 98. Stewart Parker, Three Plays for Ireland. Northern Star. Heavenly Bodies. Pentecost (Birmingham: Oberon, 1989), pp. 10,9. 99. Brown, 'Lers Go to Graceland,' pp. 27, 30-1, places it in Ballyhackamore, in industrial East Belfast, a mixed district, which in 1974 was beginning to become a Protestant enclave. 100. As Elmer Andrews says, Parker 'evangelises.' See 'The Will to Freedom: Politics in the Theatre of Stewart Parker,' ed. Okifumi Komesu and Masaru Sekine, Irish Writers and Politics (Gerrards Cross: Colin Smythe, 1989), p. 267. Brown, 'Let's Go to Graceland,' p. 33, notices Ruth's 'evangelical fervour' and its 'cultural authenticity.' 101. Mary Holland, 'The Stewart Parker Trust,' pamphlet (Freehold Press, no date). See also, Stewart Parker, 'State of Play,' Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, vol. 7, no. 1 (1981), pp. 8-9, on his own distance from nationalism, consequent upon growing up 'an East Belfast Protestant.' 102. Robert Johnstone, 'Playing for Ireland,' The Honest Ulsterman, 86, (Spring-Summer 1989), p. 59, notices that in all three plays of the trip• tych, 'Parker's sympathy tends to lie less with the man of action than his put-upon women.' 103. Perspectives, 'Images of the Two Traditions,' BBC, 1987. 104. Andrews, 'The Will to Freedom,' eds Komesu and Sekine, Irish Writers and Politics, p. 242. 220 Notes

105. Stewart Parker, Dramatis Personae, John Malone Memorial Lecture, Belfast, Queen's University, 1986, unpublished typescript, p. 15. 106. Parker, 'State of Play,' p. 10. 107. Dramatis Personae, p. 15. 108. Stewart Parker, 'Signposts,' Theatre Ireland, 11 (Autumn, 1985), p. 28. 109. Parker wants a theatre 'neither didactic nor absurdist.' See Dramatis Personae, p. 16. 110. 'State of Play,' p. 9. 111. Dramatis Personae, p. 15. 112. Andrews, 'The Will to Freedom' ed. Komesu and Sekine, Irish Writers and Politics, p. 267, complains that the ending is 'somewhat clumsily forced and impatient'i Johnstone, 'Playing for Ireland,' p. 62, complains of a performance where he felt' a straining for significance and resolution in the final act.' 113. Besides the symbolic site of the beleaguered house, and the (allegor• ical) struggle over its ownership, Parker develops patterns of 5 and 3 (5 characters,S scenes, 5 years since Christopher's death, 3 characters are age 33 - a number symbolizing Christ and making the characters Parker's exact contemporaries), blending Pentecostal and Trinitarian motifs. See further, Nicholas Kent, 'A Wonderfully Brave Ending,' Fortnight, Supplement, 278, p. Xli Johnstone, 'Playing for Ireland,' p.62.

CHAPTER 4 GENDER, PLURALISM AND EQUALITY: EDNA LONGLEY AND MEDBH McGUCKlAN

1. Bunreacht na h Eireann (Constitution of Ireland), Article 41.2.1 and 2. 2. See Liam O'Dowd, 'Church, State and Women: The Mtermath of Partition,' eds Chris Curtin, Pauline Jackson, Barbara O'Connor, Gender in Irish Society (Galway: Galway University Press, 1987), pp. 3-36, for an account of the extent and variety of discriminatory practices against women, north and south of the border. See also, Evelyn Mahon, 'Women's Rights and Catholicism in Ireland,' New Left Review, 166 (1987), pp. 53-77. Carol Coulter, The Hidden Tradition: Feminism, Women and Nationalism in Ireland (Cork: Cork University Press, 1993), p. 27, points out: 'The ban on women working in the civil service paralleled a similar British regulation which was in force there until the 1960s.' Gemma Hussey, Ireland Today (Harmonds• worth: Penguin, 1995. First published, 1993), p. 420, provides a list of discriminatory practices, noticing that 'the litany of deprivation is long and almost incredible today.' 3. Margaret Ward, Unmanageable Revolutionaries. Women and Irish Nationalism (London: Pluto, 1983), p. 252. See also Tom Inglis, Moral Monopoly. The Catholic Church in Modern Irish Society (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1987), p. 94, and passim, on the 'grand alliance' between church and state. On the special alliance between priests and mothers, see 'The Irish Mother,' pp. 187 ff., and Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland (London: Sinclair-Stevenson, 1997), 'The Power of Notes 221

the Priests and the Faith of the Mothers,' pp. 32 ff. 4. For further assessments of the collusion between church and state in relation to Irish feminism, see Liam O'Dowd, 'Church, State and Women: The Aftermath of Partition,' ed. Curtin et aI., Gender in Irish Society, p. 5: 'The importance of religion and "politics," Church and State, in modern Irish history needs no elaboration.' O'Dowd suggests also that liberalism and socialism were 'exceedingly weak and fragmented,' and so there was a 'lack of ideolOgical competitors for the Churches' (p. 12). Mary Kenny, Goodbye to Catholic Ireland, p. 374, suggests that the church in the Republic is now criticized in much the same way as the monarchy is in England. Belinda Loftus, Mirrors: William III and Mother Ireland (Dundrum: Picture Press, 1990), especially pp. 44 ff, shows how iconography reflects and reproduces close interactions between church, state, and popular religion, especially in the construction of women's roles. For further observations on this topic, see Eileen Evason, Against the Grain. The Contemporary Women's Movement in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Attic Press, 1991), p. 14; Margaret Ward and Marie-Therese McGivern, 'Images of Women in Northern Ireland,' The Crane Bag, vol. 4, no. 1 (1982), pp. 581 ff; Anonymous, 'Church, State and Women's Oppression in Ireland,' in Unfinished Revolution. Essays on the Irish Women's Movement (Belfast: Meadbh Publishing, 1989), pp. 20 ff. Rosemary Sales, Women Divided. Gender, Religion and Politics in Northern Ireland (London: Routledge, 1977), was published too late for me to refer to it in detail. Sales stresses the centrality of sectarian• ism to women's issues in the North. 5. Joseph J. Lee, 'Women and the Churfh Since the Famine,' eds Margaret MacCurtain and Donncha 0 Corrciin, Women in Irish Society. The Historical Dimension (Connecticut: Greenwood, 1979), pp. 37-45. Page numbers are cited in the text. See also Rita M. Rhodes, Women and the Family in Post-Famine Ireland (London: Garland, 1992), for an account of the same issues, and especially women's emigra• tion; Inglis, Moral Monopoly, pp. 97 ff.; Margaret MacCurtain, 'Towards an Appraisal of the Religious Image of Women,' The Crane Bag Book of Irish Studies 1977-81, eds M.P. Hederman and R. Kearney (Dublin: Blackwater Press, 1982), pp. 539-43. 6. Carol Coulter, The Hidden Tradition, pp. 33 ff. 7. Carol Coulter, The Hidden Tradition, p. 34. This brief account is based on the following sources: Margaret Ward, Unmanageable Revolutionaries; Rosemary Cullen Owens, Smashing Times: A History of the Irish Suffrage Movement (Dublin: Attic Press, 1984); Cliona Murphy, The Women's Suffrage Movement and Irish Society in the Early Twentieth Century (Brighton: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989); Ailbhe Smyth, ed., Irish Women's Studies Reader (Dublin: Attic Press, 1993), especially Margaret Ward, '''Suffrage First - Above All Else!" An Account of the Irish Suffrage Movement,' pp. 20-44, and Frances Gardiner, 'Political Interest and Participation of Irish Women 1922-1992: The Unfinished Revolution,' pp. 45-78. 8. Loftus notices that 'assertive female figures fade after 1916.' See 222 Notes

Mirrors. William III and Mother Ireland, p. 64; Owens, Smashing Times, p. 9, also notices the suppression of feminist demands, and hopes that the balance will now be redressed; Janice Holmes, 'The "World Turned Upside Down": Women in the Ulster Revival of 1859,' eds Janice Holmes and Diane Urquart, Coming Into the Light: The Work, Politics and Religion of Women in Ulster 1840-1940 (Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, 1994), pp. 126-53, describes how the Ulster Revival temporarily broke down barriers, especially for Protestant women, but these barriers were soon restored. 9. Gardiner, 'Political Interest and Participation of Irish Women 1922-1992: The Unfinished Revolution,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, p. 49. See also Monica McWilliams, 'The Church, the State and the Women's Movement in Northern Ireland,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, p. 93: 'It is important finally to examine some of the issues which divide feminists in the women's movement. They are mostly related to the "national question" - a question which still haunts many women in Northern Ireland.' Loftus, Mirrors. William III and Mother Ireland, shows the differences between union• ist and nationalist iconography representing women, and then further differences within these separate traditions, concentrating especially on Mother Ireland as represented by 'the ambiguous, private, female symbols of Irish nationalists' (p. 68). This ambiguity is evident also in the documentary film, Mother Ireland, directed by Anne Crilly, Derry Film and Video (1988), in which, for instance, Bernadette McAliskey sees herself 'very much as a child of Mother Ireland,' whereas Mairead Farrell wants Mother Ireland to 'get off our backs.' to. Hussey, Ireland Today, p. 418: 'No woman took part in the delibera• tions during the writing of the Constitution.' 11. McWilliams, 'The Church, the State and the Women's Movement in Northern Ireland,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp. 79-99. Page numbers are cited in the text. 12. McWilliams, 'The Church, the State and the Women's Movement in Northern Ireland,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp. 84 ff, gives examples of marriage bars and investment for male employ• ment at the expense of female employment. On the closure of day nurseries (a decision supported by Catholic bishops and Unionist MPs), see p. 85, and also Liz McShane, 'Day Nurseries in Northern Ireland 1941-1955: Gender Ideology in Social Policy,' ed. Curtin et al., Gender in Irish Society, pp. 249-62. For unionist suspicions, see V. Morgan and G. Fraser, The Company We Keep (Belfast: University of Ulster, 1994), pp. 4 ff. For a moving account of a variety of women's experiences, see Eileen Fairweather, Roisin McDonough, Melanie McFadyean, Only the Rivers Run Free: The Women's War (London: Pluto, 1984). 13. For a description of a diverse range of women's groups, see Eileen Evason, Against the Grain. The Contemporary Women's Movement in Northern Ireland (Dublin: Attic, 1991); A Difficult, Dangerous Honesty: Ten Years of Feminism in Northern Ireland, transcript of a symposium Notes 223

held in Belfast, 1986 (Belfast: 1987), comprising brief reports from women's groups, with an appendix, 'A Short History of the Croups Invited to the Symposium,' pp. 60-2. 14. McWilliams, 'The Church, the State and the Women's Movement in Northern Ireland,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, p. 91, notices the strong links between women's movements in the North and the Irish Trade Unions. She also points out that some Protestant women criticize their own Westminster MPs. Desmond Bell, Acts of Union. Youth Culture and Sectarianism in Northern Ireland (London: Macmillan, 1990), pp. 102,158, provides interesting information on the masculinism of Protestant youth marching bands, and how girls 'seemed considerably more mobile across perceived territorial boundaries' (p. 151). The success of the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition in 1996, haVing two members elected for the Multi-Party Talks is also significant, though women are under-represented in the official activities of the peace process. 15. Eileen Evason, Against the Grain, p. 11. 16. Beth Rowlands, 'St. Peter's Centre ... An Experiment in Women's Education,' ed. Marie Abbott and Hugh Frazer, Women and Community Work in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Farset Co-operative Press, 1985), p. 47. 17. Eileen Evason, Against the Grain, p. 49. 18. Catherine Shannon, 'Catholic Women and the Northern Irish Troubles,' ed. Yonah Alexander and Alan O'Day, Ireland's Terrorist Trauma. Interdisciplinary Perspectives (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1989), p. 235. 19. Mary Nelis, 'Real Change Still Beckons,' in Unfinished Revolution. Essays on the Irish Women's Movement (Belfast: Meadbh Publishing, 1989), p. 7. 20. Kate Kelly, Women's Information Days, ed. Abbott and Frazer, Women and Community Work in Northern Ireland, p. 18. 21. A Difficult, Dangerous Honesty: 10 Years of Feminism in Northern Ireland. Page numbers are cited in the text. 22. In this context, it is worth noting the debate about whether or not it is appropriate to talk of a Women's Movement in Northern Ireland, as distinct from women's groups and the networks within and among them. See Evason, Against the Grain, p. 9; A Difficult, Dangerous Honesty, pp. 2, 41. 23. Madeleine Leonard, 'The Politics of Everyday Living in Belfast,' Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, 18, 1 (December, 1991), pp. 83-94. Page numbers are cited in the text. 24. The Peace People are a good example. For a brief account, see J. Bower Bell, The Irish Troubles. A Generation of Violence 1967-1992 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1993), pp. 484 ff. On women's writing, see Patricia Boyle Haberstroh, 'Literary Politics: Mainstream and Margin,' Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, vol. 18 (1992), pp. 181-91; the newspaper Women's News, launched in 1984, is, as Evason says, 'the only such publication in the whole of Ireland' (Against the Grain, p. 42). The Women's Law and Research Group was established in 1976. 224 Notes

25. Maeve Wilkins,'The Pauperisation of Women,' Unfinished Revolution, p.8. 26. Mary Nelis, 'Real Change Still Beckons,' Unfinished Revolution, p. 7. 27. Carol Coulter, The Hidden Tradition. Page numbers are cited in the text. 28. Ashis Nandi, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self Under Colonialism (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1983). 29. Geraldine Meaney, 'Sex and Nation: Women in Irish Culture and Politics,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, p. 233. 30. Liam Kennedy, 'Modem Ireland: Post-Colonial Society or Post• Colonial Pretensions,' Irish Review 13 (Winter, 1992-93), p. 119. 31. Edna Longley, The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, 1994), p. 30. 32. Lee, 'Women and the Church Since the Famine,' eds MacCurtain and 6 Corrain, Women in Irish Society, p. 43. 33. Margaret MacCurtain, 'Fullness of Life: Defining Female Spirituality in Twentieth-Century Ireland,' eds Margaret Luddy and Cliona Murphy, Women Surviving. Studies in Irish Women's History in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Dublin: Poolbeg, 1989), p. 235. 34. Ward, Unmanageable Revolutionaries, pp. 254-5. 35. Mother Ireland, documentary film. 36. Eavan Boland, A Kind of Scar. The Woman Poet in a National Tradition (Dublin: Attic, 1989). 37. Coulter, The Hidden Tradition, p. 40. 38. See Hussey, Ireland Today, p. 435. 39. Cited by Coulter, The Hidden Tradition, p. 54, from Mary Robinson, 'A Hundred Years - Facing the Challenge,' address on the occasion of the Ogden Lecture, Brown University, 19 October, 1991. 40. See McWilliams, 'The Church, the State and the Women's Movement in Northern Ireland,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp. 82 ff. See also Geraldine Meaney, 'Sex and Nation: Women in Irish Culture,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp. 236 ff. 41. Coulter, The Hidden Tradition, p. 46. 42. Duncan Morrow, Derek Birrell, John Greer and Terry O'Keefe, The Churches and Inter Community Relationships (Coleraine: Centre for the Study of Conflict, 1994. First published, 1991), p. 23. 43. Mark Ryan, War and Peace in Ireland. Britain and the IRA in the New World Order (London: Pluto, 1994), p. 100. 44. Nancy Fraser and Sandra Lee Bartky, Revaluing French Feminism: Critical Essays on Difference, Agency, and Culture (Bloomirigton: Indiana University Press, 1992). 45. This in turn raises the question of men writing about feminism. Here I find Toril Moi instructive: see 'Men Against Patriarchy,' ed. Linda Kauffman, Gender and Theory. Dialogues on Feminist Criticism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), pp. 181-8. Moi suggests that men make them• selves conscious of differences in power built into their own subject positions; it won't do for men just to mimic the language of female feminists. Still, feminism is more than the effort to express women's experience, and is also 'the effort to change or undo any power Notes 225

system that authorises and condones male power over women' (p. 183). Men should therefore analyse their own positions and find ways to make explicit the contradictions they inhabit, taking a recog• nizable anti-patriarchal stance. 46. Nancy Fraser, 'The Uses and Abuses of French Discourse Theories for Feminist Politics,' ed. Fraser and Bartky, Revaluing French Feminism, p. 191. The following summary derives from the essays in this volume. 47. See Nancy Fraser, 'Introduction: Revaluing French Feminism,' pp. 5-6, on the 'universal human subject: The idea of equality is often asserted, maintaining the status quo in which inequality is in fact rampant. 48. Personalism and the Politics of Culture (London: Macmillan, 19%), Spiritual Discourse and the Meaning of Persons (London: Macmillan, 1994), and Literature and Personal Values (London: Macmillan, 1992), are a triptych, affirming the idea of the person described briefly in the following paragraph. 49. Ann Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader (London: SPCK, 1990), 'Introduction,' p. 5: 'Our tradition has in fact fostered sexism.' 50. Daphne Hampson, Theology and Feminism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). Page numbers are cited in the text. 51. Phylis Trible, Texts of Terror: Literary and Feminist Readings of Biblical Narratives (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978). 52. Elisabeth Schussler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her. A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins (New York: Crossroad, 1983); Bread Not Stone. The Challenge of Feminist Biblical Interpretation (Boston: Beacon, 1984). 53. For instance, Hampson appeals to Shakespeare: 'If I read Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice and notice the anti-semitism which surrounds the character of Shylock, I may be bothered by it, even condemn Shakespeare for his anti-semitism. But I do not try to re-read the text to make it more acceptable; I dissociate myself from Shakespeare's outlook' (p. 40). But Hampson begs the question of 'Shakespeare's outlook,' which cannot be separated from the playas a whole. Many critics (myself among them) see The Merchant of Venice as an attack on Christian hypocrisy, and as much more complex than a work that has anti-semitism 'surrounding' Shylock's character. 54. Our Cry for Life. Feminist Theology from Latin America, translated by Dinah Livingstone (New York: Orbis, 1993. First published, 1992). Page numbers are cited in the text. 55. See p. 200, note 18, citing Juan Jose Tamayo-Acosta. 56. Ann Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader, 'Introduction,' p. 3. 57. Monika K. Hellwig, The Role of the Theologian (Kansas: Sheed & Ward, 1987), p. 13, cited by Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader, 'Introduction,' p. 8. 58. Rosemary Radford Reuther, 'The Liberation of Christology from Patriarchy,' ed. Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader, p. 147. 59. Beverly Wildung Harrison, 'The Power of Anger in the Work of Love,' ed. Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader, pp. 203 and 196. 226 Notes

60. Beverly Wildung Harrison, 'The Power of Anger in the Work of Love,' ed. Loades, Feminist Theology. A Reader, p. 199. 61. Neil Corcoran, 'The Spoor of Spilt Religions,' Times Literary Supplement, May 5,1995, p. 24. See also Terence Brown,'The Cultural Issue in Northern Ireland, 1965-1991,' ed. Dermot Keogh and Michael H. Haltzel, Northern Ireland and the Politics of Reconciliation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 167, describing Edna Longley as 'the most formidable of the cultural critics to have emerged in the 1980s in the North.' 62. The Living Stream. Literature and Revisionism in Ireland (Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1994). Page numbers are cited in the text. 63. See Geraldine Meaney, 'Sex and Nation: Women in Irish Culture and Politics,' ed. Smyth, Irish Women's Studies Reader, pp. 236-8. The following quotations are on pp. 238 and 237. W. J. McCormack, The Battle of the Books. Two Decades of Irish Cultural Debate (Westmeath: Lilliput, 1986), construes Longley's attacks on Field Day as 'a defence of the Northern Irish HstateH itself' (p. 61) - which McCormack regards as a spurious entity - and as reflecting a loyalty to 'British empiricism' (p. 63). 64. She refers to Heraclitus on pp. 13 and 257, and although she does not expand upon these references, Heraclitus' view of the logos as dwelling in a tension between opposites is suggestive. 65. See Longley, The Living Stream, p. 53, citing Clair Wills, 'The Perfect Mother: Authority in the Poetry of Medbh McGuckian,' Text and Context 3 (Autumn, 1988), p. 109. 66. Peggy O'Brien, 'Reading Medbh McGuckian: Admiring What We Cannot Understand,' Colby Quarterly 28, 4 (1992), p. 242. 67. Eileen Cahill, '''Because I Never Garden"': Medbh McGuckian's Solitary Way,' Irish University Review, 24, 2 (Autumn-Winter, 1994), p.270. 68. Thomas Docherty, 'Initiations, Tempers, Seductions: Postmodern McGuckian,' ed. Neil Corcoran, The Chosen Ground. Essays on the Contemporary Poetry of Northern Ireland (Pennsylvania: Dufour, 1992), pp. 192,200. 69. See Kathleen McCracken, 'An Attitude of Compassions,' Irish Literary Supplement: A Review of Irish Books (Fall, 1990), p. 20. 70. The Living Stream, p. 54. 71. Ann Beer, 'Medbh McGuckian's Poetry: Maternal Thinking and a Politics of Peace,' Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, 18, 1 (December, 1991), p. 194. 72. Molly Bendall, 'Flower Logic: The Poems of Medbh McGuckian,' Antioch Review, 48, 3 (Summer, 1990), p. 369. 73. Mary O'Connor, "'Rising Out": Medbh McGuckan's Destabilizing Poetics,' Eire-Ireland, 30:4 (Winter, 1996), pp. 155, 164. 74. Michael Allen, 'The Poetry of Medbh McGuckian,' ed. Elmer Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry. A Collection of Critical Essays (London: Macmillan, 1992), pp. 299, 301. 75. See McCracken, 'An Attitude of Compassions,' pp. 20, 21. 76. Susan Shaw Sailer, 'An Interview With Medbh McGuckian,' Michigan Notes 227

Quarterly Review, 32,1 (Winter, 1993), pp. 112, 116. 77. Clair Wills, Improprieties, Politics and Sexuality in Northern Irish Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), especially ch. 5, 'Medbh McGuckian: The Intimate Sphere,' pp. 158-93. Page numbers are cited in the text. 78. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' pp. 20, 21. 79. See McCracken, 'An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 20: 'I sublimated a desire to be a priest.' The same point is recorded by Cecile Gray, 'Medbh McGuckian: Imagery Wrought to Its Uttermost,' ed. Deborah Fleming, Learning the Trade. Essays on W.B. Yeats and Contemporary Poetry (Connecticut: Locust Hill Press, 1993), p. 168: 'I've always wanted to be a priest, and actually some day I will be: See also Rand Brandes, 'An Interview with Medbh McGuckian,' Chattahoochee Review, 16, 3 (Fall, 1996), p. 64: 'a woman can be a poet whereas she cannot be a priest.' SO. Gray, 'Medbh McGuckian: Imagery Wrought to Its Uttermost,' p.168. 81. Docherty, 'Initiations, Tempers, Seductions: Postmodern McGuckian,' ed. Corcoran, The Chosen Ground. Page numbers are cited in the text. 82. Patrick Williams, 'Spare that Tree!' The Honest Ulsterman, 86 (Spring• Summer, 1989), pp. 50-1. 83. Docherty, 'Intimations, Tempers, Seductions: Postmodern McGuckian,' ed. Corcoran, The Chosen Ground, p. 200. 84. Sailer,'An Interview with Medbh McGuckian,' p. 112. 85. O'Brien, 'Reading Medbh McGuckian,' pp. 247, 249, 250. 86. Allen, 'The Poetry of Medbh McGuckian,' ed. Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, pp. 287,296. 87. Susan Porter, 'The "Imaginative Space" of Medbh McGuckian,' Canadian Journal of Irish Studies, 15, 2 (December, 1989), p. 95. 88. Beer, 'Medbh McGuckian's Poetry,' p. 202. 89. Porter, 'The "Imaginative Space" of Medbh McGuckian,' pp. 95, 101. 90. Cahill, "'Because I Never Garden": Medbh McGuckian's Solitary Way,' p. 267. 91. Cahill, '''Because I Never Garden": Medbh McGuckian's Solitary Way,' p. 270. 92. Wills, Improprieties, p. 52. 93. Allen, 'The Poetry of Medbh McGuckian,' ed. Andrews, Contemporary Irish Poetry, p. 305. 94. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 20. 95. Wills, Improprieties, pp. 161-2. 96. Wills, Improprieties, p. 167. 97. Sailer,'An Interview with Medbh McGuckian,' pp. 123, 126. 98. Gray, 'Medbh McGuckian: Imagery Wrought to Its Uttermost,' p.166. 99. Sailer, 'An Interview with Medbh McGuckian,' p. 114. 100. Richard Kearney, Postnationalist Ireland. Politics, Culture, Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 136. The analysis of McGuckian is on pp.136-8. 101. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 20. 228 Notes

102 Marconi's Cottage (Loughcrew, Co. Meath: Gallery, 1991), p. 90. 103. Marconi's Cottage, pp. 107-8. 104. Docherty, 'Initiations, Tempers, Seductions: Postmodern McGuckian,' ed. Corcoran, The Chosen Ground, p. 192. 105. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 20. 106. Gray, 'Medbh McGuckian: Imagery Wrought to Its Uttermost,' p.166. 107. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 21. 108. Brandes,'An Interview with Medbh McGuckian,' p. 63. 109. McCracken,' An Attitude of Compassions,' p. 21.

CHAPTER 5 IMPRISONMENT: BOBBY SANDS, BRIAN KEENAN AND THE SALMAN RUSHDIE AFFAIR

1. A Difficult, Dangerous Honesty: Ten Years of Feminism in Northern Ireland (Belfast: 1987), p. 54. 2. For a survey of the literature on this topic, see Allen Feldman, Formations of Violence. The Narrative of the Body and Political Terror in Northern Ireland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 88, 113-14. Surveys of detainee groups show indictment rates varying from 35 per cent to 11 per cent: 'it is obvious that interrogation served more as a screening and data collection technique than as a means of direct criminal prosecution' (p. 88). Interrogations lasted from three to more than ten hours (p. 113), and figures cited show that 'the vast majority of suspects (charged or not) underwent inter• rogations that exceeded three hours' (p. 114). Another survey indicates that '90 percent of suspects taken in for interrogation were released without charge, while for 75 percent of those who were charged, indictment was based mainly on confession' (p. 113). 3. David Beresford, Ten Men Dead (London: HarperCollins, 1994), p. 183 ff., discusses the concern shown by Cardinal Tomas O'Fiaich for the prisoners, and his key question: 'How can one explain the jump in the prison population of Northern Ireland from 500 to 3,000 unless a new type of prisoner has emerged?' (p. 185). Feldman, Formations of Violence, p. 148, provides the following figures: in 1%8, the prison population was 727; by 1974 it reached a high of 2650; in 1980, it levelled to 2500. 4. Gerry Adams, Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990), p. 12. 5. The Outsiders. A Survival Guide for Prisoners' Partners and Families (Belfast: NIACRO, 1994), passim. 6. The Outsiders, p. 8: 'It is recognised that the political situation in Northern Ireland has shaped the uniqueness of the profile of the prison population vis-a-vis the rest of the UK, and Europe.' But this topic is not discussed further, and its unavoidable implications are treated cautiously when they arise. 7. See Padraig O'Malley, Biting at the Grave. The Irish Hunger Strikes and the Politics of Despair (Boston: Beacon Press, 1990), p. 4, for an account of the world-wide reaction to Sands's death. See also, Beresford, Ten Notes 229

Men Dead, pp. 131 £f. 8. These protests include an Iranian poster containing a statement by the Ayatollah Khomeini and supporting Bobby Sands, the first hunger striker to die. It was published in An PhoblachtlRepublican News, 20 June 1981, p. 16. The 4 July 1981 issue notes that the poster was reproduced as a 'wall slogan in the Beechmount area of Belfast' (p. 1). The poster expresses solidarity between Iranian and Irish revo• lutionaries, and also depicts Sands as analogous to the crucified Christ. The further relevance of these links to Iran will be discussed later, with reference to Brian Keenan and Salman Rushdie. 9. O'Malley, Biting at the Grave, p. 148, points out that Margaret Thatcher's hard-line policy 'had the unqualified backing' of the main party leaders in Britain, 'as well as the support of all the European communities, foreign ministers, and U.S. presidents Carter and Reagan.' 10. Bobby Sands, One Day in My Life (Dublin: Mercier, 1983). 11. Brian Keenan, An Evil Cradling (London: Vintage, 1993. First published, 1992). 12. See Con Coughlin, Hostage. The Complete Story of the Lebanon Captives (London: Warner, 1993. First published, 1992), for an account of these complicated events. 13. In the following account, I will refer to HM prison, the Maze, as Long Kesh because that is how it is named in the books with which I deal. 14. The prisoners asked: 1. to wear their own clothes; 2. not to perform prison work; 3. to have free association with other prisoners; 4. to organize recreational activities; 5. to have lost remission time restored. See Beresford, Ten Men Dead, p. 41. 15. One of the protesters, Sean Lennon, recalls Bobby Sands shaking hands with people on the morning before he went on hunger strike, and saying, 'You are talking to a dead man.' See Brian Campbell, Laurence McKeown, Felim O'Hagan, Nor Meekly Serve My Time. The H-Block Struggle 1976-1981 (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 1994), p. 147. 16. Sands won the election on 9 April 1981. 17. Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song. An Anthology of the Writings of Bobby Sands (Dublin: Mercier, 1982). 18. Page numbers are cited in the text. 19. See Personalism and the Politics of Culture (London: Macmillan, 19%), where my interest in the hunger strike is linked to the book's general concern about the distinction between spirit and matter. The present chapter continues the earlier argument, but opens up a different line of enquiry. 20. 'The Lark and the Freedom Fighter,' in Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, pp.15-16. 21. See Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, p. 161, entry for Sunday, 8th. Sands also notes that he had been a 'once-upon-a-time budding ornitholo• gist.' It seems that an early interest in birds predated his political activism, and there is a shade of poignancy in the suggestion that this avocation might have developed differently in more favourable circumstances. 230 Notes

22. 'Introduction' to One Day in My Life, p. 7. I can't be sure if MacBride intends this two-edgedness. 23. Trilogy. 1. The Crime ofCastlereagh, in Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, p. 44. 24. Trilogy. 3. The Torture Mill- H-Block, in Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, p.80. 25. Sands mentions this several times: see, pp. 32, 47, 58, 109, 114. The complaint is confirmed by various interviewees in Nor Meekly Serve My Time, eds Campbell et al. See pp. 14, 60, 68, 99, 101, 160. Feldman, Formations of Violence, p. 192, says the guards 'tended to escape the consequences of their violence mainly through drinking, through cyclical destructive cycles.' He also notices a 'fairly high dropout rate' (p. 192), and an 'extremely high' (p. 193) marital breakdown rate. 26. Gerry Adams, The Writings of Bobby Sands. A collection of prison writ• ings by H-Block hunger-striker Bobby Sands, IRA Volunteer and Westminster MP, with an introduction by fellow republican Gerry Adams (Dublin: Sinn Fein POW Department, April, 1981), p. 5. 27. See the opening stanzas of Trilogy. 3. The Torture Mill - H-Block, in Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, p. 66. 28. See Denis O'Callaghan, 'Hunger Strikes: the Rights and Wrongs,' Irish Press, 14 November, 1980, p. 9, and 'A Moral Dilemma,' Irish Times, 15 June 1981, p. 17. 29. See Ian Paisley, cited in the Protestant Telegraph, 16 May, 1981, no page number. 30. Protestant Telegraph, 19 September 1981, p. 2. The photograph of McElwee is on p. 2, and of the Dunlop children on p. 3. 31. This and the following quotations are on p. 5 of the same article. 32. Paisley was imprisoned twice: in 1966, for blockading the Presbyterian General Assembly and causing public disorder; in 1969, for attempting to block a Civil Rights march through the centre of Armagh. See Steve Bruce, God Save Ulster. The Religion and Politics of Paisleyism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), pp. 85, 95; Clifford Smyth, Ian Paisley. Voice of Protestant Ulster (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1987), pp. 19,21. His 1969 letters are collected in Ian RK. Paisley, Messages from the Prison Cell, without date or place of publication. Page numbers are cited in the text. 33. Anthony D. Buckley, 'The Chosen Few: Biblical Texts in the Symbolism of an Ulster Secret Society,' The Irish Review, 1 (1986), pp.31-40. 34. Belinda Loftus, 'Matters of Life and Death,' Circa, 26 ijanuary• February, 1986), pp. 14-18. Loftus's interpretation is extended in interesting ways to the representation of women in Mirrors: William III and Mother Ireland (Dundrum: Picture Press, 1990). 35. The DUP is the Democratic Unionist Party, founded in 1971 by Ian Paisley and Desmond Boal. The Third Force was established by the DUP in 1981 as a militia for the protection of the loyalist population. For relationships between Paisley and loyalist extremists, see Bruce, God Save Ulster, pp. 109-10. 36. Nor Meekly Serve My Time, pp. 36-7. 37. Bobby Devlin, An Interlude with Seagulls. Memories of a Long Kesh Notes 231

Internee (London: Information on Ireland, 1985. First published, 1982), p. 34. 38. Biting at the Grave, p. 188. 39. See Ten Men Dead, p. 129. 40. William Johnston, The Wounded Stag (London: Collins, 1985), p. 167, cites Fr Faul to this effect: 'Sands himself said to me: "Greater love than this hath no man." ... He laid his own life on the line. He was a very noble man.' In a further, startling statement, Frs Faul and Murray praised two dead hunger strikers as a 'perfect fulfilment of the Catholic education received in Catholic schools.' Cited in Richard Davis, Mirror Hate. The Convergent Ideology of Northern Paramilitaries, 1986-92 (Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1994), p. 182, from the Irish News, 17 July, 1981. 41. Nor Meekly Serve My Time, p. 169. 42. Skylark Sing Your Lonely Song, p. 18. 43. See Biting at the Grave, p. 47. 44. Cage Eleven, pp. 101-2. 45. Nor Meekly Serve My Time, p. 244. 46. Nor Meekly Serve My Time, p. 262. 47. John Dunlop, A Precarious Belonging. Presbyterians and the Conflict in Ireland (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1995), p. 96. 48. Biting at the Grave, p. 188. 49. Page numbers are cited in the text. 50. Unlike Sands, Keenan wrote at leisure, after his release. Keenan also has an MA in literature, and is a self-conscious, capable writer. 51. See Anne Maguire, For Brian's Sake. The Story of the Keenan Sisters (Belfast: Blackstaff, 1991), pp. 6-7. 52. For Brian's Sake, p. 142. 53. For Brian's Sake, p. 23. 54. For Brian's Sake, p. 126. 55. At one point, Keenan refers to his suffering as 'unholy stigmata' (p. xiii), and he drew a 'life-sized half of a crucified figure' (p. 86) in his cell. Both of these things suggest Catholicism, but Keenan's inde• pendent, personal witness registers most strongly in his discussions of religion. 56. Page numbers are cited in the text. 57. Coughlin, Hostage, p. 275, says that 'the British and Irish govern• ments came to an understanding that Dublin would handle efforts to get Keenan released, in the hope that Ireland's less pronounced diplomatic profile in the Middle East might assist Keenan's chances.' 58. Hostage, pp. 420-1. 59. Hostage, p. 313. 60. Salman Rushdie, 'Choice Between Light and Dark,' eds Lisa Appignanesi and Sara Maitland, The Rushdie File (London: Fourth Estate, 1989), p. 75: 'I tried to write against stereotypes; the zealot protests serve to confirm, in the Western mind, all the worst stereo• types of the Muslim world.' 61. Malise Ruthven, A Satanic Affair. Salman Rushdie and the Rage of Islam (London: Chatto and Windus, 1990), pp. 162-3. 232 Notes

62. 'One Thousand Days in a Balloon,' in Imaginary Homelands. Essays and Criticism 1981-1991 (London: Granta, in association with Penguin, 1991), pp. 430-1. 63. Salman Rushdie, The Satanic Verses (London: Viking, 1988). Page numbers are cited in the text. 64. See The Rushdie File, pp. 21, 38, 15, for these opinions by D.J. Enright, Madhu Jain, and Nisha Puri, respectively. 65. The Rushdie File, p. 175. 66. As Rushdie points out, 'Mahound' is 'a medieval European demo• nization of "Muhammad,'" but he argues that his novel intends 'a complete reversal of meaning,' whereby stereotypical insults are turned into strengths by those against whom they are directed. He cites p. 93 of the novel, which comments on how 'whigs, tories, Blacks all chose to wear with pride the names they were given in scorn.' See Imaginary Homelands, 'In Good Faith,' p. 402, and 'In God We Trust,' p. 382. 67. The Rushdie File, pp. 8-9. 68. Imaginary Homelands, 'In Good Faith,' p. 394. 69. Sara Suleri, 'Contraband Histories: Salman Rushdie and the Embodiment of Blasphemy,' Yale Review, 78, 4 (Summer, 1989), p. 606. 70. The Rushdie File, p. 176. 71. See, for instance, For Rushdie. Essays by Arab and Muslim Writers in Defense of Free Speech, translated by Kevin Anderson and Kenneth Whitehead (New York: George Braziller, 1994. First published in French,1993). 72. Imaginary Homelands, 'Is Nothing Sacred?' pp. 415 ff. These opinions recur in various forms in Rushdie's criticism. 73. The Rushdie File, p. 75. 'I, too, possess the same God-shaped hole.' Compare, Imaginary Homelands, 'In God We Trust,' p. 377: 'But perhaps I write, in part, to fill up that emptied God-chamber'; on pp. 376-8, Rushdie describes his loss of religious faith, and how he thinks of himself as 'a wholly secular person' (p. 377). 74. Imaginary Homelands, 'Is Nothing Sacred?' p. 421. 75. The World Writers' Statement is printed in The Rushdie File, p. 137, with a list of signatories on p. 138. In this context, the powerful case argued against the fatwa by Wayne C. Booth is especially worth reading. See 'The Subtler Constraints; or, What Can We Learn from Rushdie's Persecution?' Profession (1994), pp. 48-53. 76. A brief survey of The Rushdie File quickly demonstrates this. 77. Sara Suleri, 'Whither Rushdie7' Transition 51 (1991), p. 200. 78. See, for instance, The Rushdie File, pp. 8, 44, and Imaginary Homelands, pp. 394, 418, 425, 438. 79. Sara Suleri, 'Whither Rushdie7' p. 208, notices that 'the strongest obsession of The Satanic Verses concerns the feminization of Islam.' Gayatri C. Spivak, 'Reading The Satanic Verses,' Third Text 11 (Summer, 1990) p. 46: 'The story of Mahound in The Satanic Verses is a story of negotiation in the name of woman. As so often, woman becomes the touchstone of blasphemy. One of the most interesting Notes 233

features about much of Rushdie's work is his anxiety to write woman into the narrative of history.' 80. Daniel Pipes, The Rushdie Affair. The Novel, the Ayatollah, and the West (New York: Birch Lane Press, 1990), pp. 114 ff., is illuminating on how Rushdie's explanation of his title uses the phrase deriving from orientalist sources, and how easily, in translation into Arabic, Persian or Turkish, the title could suggest that the Koran itself is satanic. Pipes sees this misunderstanding as fundamental for explaining the impassioned reaction to the novel by many offended Muslims. 81. Imaginary Homelands, 'Imaginary Homelands,' p. 14. 82. Imaginary Homelands, 'Censorship,' p. 39. 83. Imaginary Homelands, 'In God We Trust,' pp. 377, 378. 84. Imaginary Homelands, 'Is Nothing Sacred?' pp. 418. 85. Imaginary Homelands, 'One Thousand Days in a Balloon,' p. 439. 86. The question of whether or not Rushdie knew what he was getting into is vexed. Rushdie himself says, 'I expected that the mullahs would not like it' (The Rushdie File, p. 27), but he defends himself against the charge 'that I knew exactly what I was doing' ('In Good Faith,' Imaginary Homelands, p. 407), and points to analogous exam• ples, such as Osip Mandelstam, the students in Tiananmen Square, and Terry Waite. He argues that, in all these cases, including his own, the consequences far outreached what was deserved or reasonably expected. Pipes's discussion (see note 73) of the novel's title suggests that Rushdie was unaware of the implications of a key misunder• standing which he nonetheless perpetrated. W.J. Weatherby, Salman Rushdie. Sentenced to Death (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1990), p. 114, cites Elaine Markson, Rushdie's agent before he switched to Andrew Wylie who negotiated the contract for The Satanic Verses: 'What happened with The Satanic Verses showed he wasn't living in two worlds. If he had been living in the Eastern world, he would have understood better what might happen. I remember a lunch in New York when he told me the plot of The Satanic Verses and I didn't have any sense of the Muslim side ... The Satanic Verses as a title meant something to him, but he didn't talk about it.' By contrast Sara Suleri points to Rushdie's 'acute consciousness' within the novel 'of its status as blasphemy' (see 'Contraband Histories: Salman Rushdie and the Embodiment of Blasphemy,' p. 606). It appears that Rushdie knew he would give offence, but did not know enough about how offensive he would be, and the reaction, when it came, exceeded what anyone might reasonably have anticipated in any case. 87. Ernest Gellner, Postmodernism, Reason and Religion (London: Routledge, 1992). Page numbers are cited in the text. 88. See Literature and Personal Values (London: Macmillan, 1992). 89. Richard Kearney, Postnationalist Ireland. Politics, Culture, Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1997), stresses the need for a post-modem, international view of Ireland as a way of displacing a threadbare ethnic nationalism and replacing it with more flexible ideas of iden• tity, and with a renewed emphasis on civic nationalism. Index

Adams, G., 34, 37, 38, 148, 156, 161, 'Cages', 151, 161, 162 162 Cahill, E., 129 Africa, 162 Campbell, K., 161-2 Alcott, L., 114 Carson, E., 106 All Children Together (ACT), 81, 84 Catholic Reaction Force, 17 Allegory, 59, 102, 153 Chardin, Teilhard de, 143 Allen, M., 130, 133 Chomsky, N., 15 Anderson, B., 13, 14, 15 Christ, c., 115, 116 Andrews, E., 101 Church of Ireland, 3 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985), 77 Citizen Army, 106 Anglo-Irish Treaty (1921), 4 Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Anna, Sister, 83 Act (1922), 5 Aquino, M. Pilar, 118, 119 Civil Rights, 40, 45, 86 Aristotle, 39, 186, 191 Cixous, H., 114, 133 Arnold, M., 54 Collins, E., 17 Arthur, P., 71 Colonialism, 2, 37, 38, 51, 89, 92, 94, Auerbach, E., 60 95,110,191 Aughey, A., 33, 34 Commission on the Status of Women, 106 Bangor, 17 Community Relations Council, 25, Beer, A., 130 81 Beirut, 163 Connolly, J., 125 Belfast Womens' Collective, 107 Connolly, S., 95 Bell, D., 13, 14, 72, 81, 84 Cooke, H., 79 Bell, J. Bower, 1 Cookstown, 17 Bendall, M., 130 Corcoran, N., 121 Berdyaev, N., 18, 19,20,187,188 Corrymeela Community, 8 Bloody Sunday, 165 Coughlin, c., 172, 173 Boal, F.W., 9 Coulter, c., 106, 109, 112 Boland, E., 111, 112 Cromwell, 0., 3, 56 Bosnia, 18 Cullen, P., 16, 111 Boston Development Grouping, 41 Cultural Heritage, 72, 81 Boyle, K., 17, 24 Cumann na m Ban, 106, 107 Boyne, 3 Becht, B., 101 Daly, c., Cardinal, 12, 16, 17,21 Brewer, J.D., 11 Daly, M., 115, 116 Broderick, T.S., 121 Dante Alighieri, 26, 60, 61, 142 Bruce,S., 11, 15, 16, 24, 35 Darkley Pentecostal Church, 17 Buckley, A.D., 159 Davis, R., 6, 7, 81 Butler, H., 122, 123, 127 Deane, S., 86, 94, 110, 124, 125, 128 Butler, J., 114 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), 160

234 Index 235

Derrida, J., 133 Fiorenza, E. Schussler 116 Derry Citizens' Action Committee, Fitzgerald, G., 77 40 Flanagan, T., 75, 83 Derry Credit Union, 40 Foster, J.W., 32, 33, 35, 36, 40,68 Derry Housing Association, 40 Fraser, N., 113, 114 de Valera, E., 104 Freedom 19, 30, 32, 38, 115, 153, Devlin, B., 161 170, 177, 181 Docherty, T., 144 Free Presbyterian Church, 23 Doherty, P., 2, 8 Friel, B., 30, 72, 85, 86ff., 99,190 Dostoevsky, F., 165 Frye, N.,26 Double minority, 5 Douglas, L., 164 Gallagher, E., 80 Dublin,192 Gardiner, F., 106 Dunlop, J., 16,21,22,24,26,27,162 Gardiner Report (1975), 150 Dunlop, Y., 158 Gellner, E., 12, 13,14,181-2 Dunn, 5., 83 Ghassemi, B., 173 Gillham, B., 171ff. Eames, R, Archbishop, 16, 21 Gillham, M., 173 Easter Rising (1916), 36 Girard, R, 10, 11, 12, 19, 20, 23, 57, Education, 22, 30, 41, 72, 78ff., 93, 111, 187, 188 99,102,105 Glob, P.V., 67 Education Act (1923), 79 Goldberg, N., 115 Education for Mutual Good Friday Agreement (1998), 193 Understanding (EMU), 72, 81 Government of Ireland Act (1920), Eliot, T.S., 46 4 Endogamy, 22, 30, 72, 85, 92, 93, 98, Great Commandment, ix, 9,20,24, 99,100,102,131,132 28,120,184,186,188,189 English, R., 34, 35 Guatemala, 162 Enniskillen, 17 Ethnic frontier, 10,23,29, 188 Hadden, T., 17,24 Ethnicity ix, 9,11,12,13,14,18,19, Hampson, D., 115, 116, 117, 119 22, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 36, 40, 46, Harris, R, 72 52, 54, 58, 64, 68, 75, 78, 82, 83, 93, Harrison, B. Wildung, 119,120 95, 97, 102, 110, 120, 125, 146, 160, Haughey, c., 166, 171 184, 186, 187, 188, 189 H-Blocks, 147, 150-3, 156, 157, 160, Evason, E., 108 161, 166, 167 Exogamy, 75, 87,90,92,93,99 Heaney,S., 30, 31, 46, 47, 58ff., 70, 87,93,94,123,124,190 Falls Think Tank, 7 Hedge schools, 79, 85 Family Planning (Amendment) Bill, Hellwig, M.K., 119 78 Henderson, L., 94 Famine,104,105,111 Henry VIII, 3 Fatwa, 150, 177, 183, 191 Hewitt, J., 30, 32, 46ff., 61, 64, 70, Faul, D. Father, 152, 161 71,190 Feminism, 104ft., 190, 191 Hewitt, R., 48 Fennell, D., 71 Hick, J., 27, 28, 29, 183, 190 Field Day, 94, 95, 110, 124, 125, 126 Hizbollah,l72 Fifth province, 86 Holland, M .. 98 Figural, 60, 61, 64 Home Rule, 4, 106, 107 236 Index

Hume, J., 40ff., 123, 124, 171 Larkin, J., 48 Hunger Strike, 134, 148, 149, 157, Lebanon, 149, 164,165,171,172, 159, 160, 162 174, 177, 183 Hussey, G., 78 Lee, J.J., 104-5, 110-11 Leonard, M., 109 Identity, 12, 14, 21, 29, 30, 32ff., 33, Libya, 149,164,167, 171 35,87, 93, 97, 184, 186, 190 Linehan, c., 83, 84 Imprisonment, 31, 147ff. Loades, A., 119 Integrated schools, 22, 27, 72, 75, Loftus, B., 126, 159 78ff., 102, 103 Logue, K., 24 Internal conflict, ix, 31, 91 Long Kesh (see also Maze), xi, 150 Iran, 172 Longley, E., 2, 30, 71, 94, 104, 110, Iran-Contra, 149 12Hf., 132, 135, 145, 146, 190 Irigaray, L., 133 Longley, M., 122 Irish Catholic Episcopal Loyalism, 12, 15, 16, 18, 37, 38, 148, Conference, 76 158, 160, 172 Irish Countrywomen's Association, Lurgan, 17 105 Lynch, J., 77 Irish Housewives' Association, 105 Lynn, R., 79 Irish National Liberation Army (INLA),17 MacBride, S., 154, 157 Irish Republican Army (IRA), 12, MacCurtain, M., 111, 112 15, 16, 17,37,43,44,45,69,97, Mackey, J.P., 100 148,158,160,161,162 MacNeice, L., 123 Irish Volunteers, 106 MacRory, Cardinal, 4 Irish Women's Franchise League Maguire, A., 171 (IWFL),106 Mandeistam, 0., 60 Irwin, c., 84 Markets Community Centre, 172 Island Pamphlets, 25 Markievicz, c., 106 Marx,K.,14 James II, 3 Maze, HM Prison (see also Long Jesus of Nazareth, ix, 9, 11, 18, 19, Kesh), xi, 150 20, 21, 26, 29, 58, 96, 169, 186, 188, McAvera, B., 94 189 McCarter Fruit of the Loom, 41 Jung, c.G., 63-4 McCarthy, J., 164, 166, 167, 169, 170,174 Kearney, R., 36, 134 McCartney, R., 34 Keenan, B., 31, 147, 149, 150, 163ff., McDonald, P., 68 174,177, 181, 184, 191 McElwee, T., 158 Kelly, K., 108 McEwen, A., 80 Kennedy, J.F., 40 McGartland, M., 17 Kennedy, L., 110 McGuckian, M., 31, 104, 121, 123, Kennedy, M., 83 129ff., 146, 190 Khomeini, Ayatollah, 177 McKenna, S., 151 King, M. Luther, 40 McKeown, L., 162 Kingsmills, 17 McLaughlin, M., 36, 37, 38, 39, 40 Kristeva, J., 114, 133 McMackin, T., 83 McMaster, J., 8, 25, 26, 81 Lambkin, B., 2, 23, 75, 83 McQuaid, J.c., Archbishop, 104 Index 237

McWilliams, M., 107, 112 Opsahl Report, 6, 25, 83, 84 Meaney, G., 110, 127 Orange Order, 5, 125 Milbank, J., 29 Ormsby, F., 62 Miller, D., 33 Osborne, R., 77 Milton, J., 142 O'Toole, F., 86 Mirrors, ix, 6, 7, 8, 10, 18, 33, 34, 40, 47, 57, 70, 81, 91, 98, 177, 188, 189 Padfield, P., 164 Mixed marriage, 22, 27, 73f£., 83, Paisley, I., Rev., 23, 24,125, 158f£., 102, 103, 112 164 ModerrUsm,46,60,61,65 Parker,S., 30, 72, 85, 95ff., 102, 190 Molina, M.R., 68 Paul, St., 189 Molyneaux, J., 18 Paul VI, Pope, 76 Morgan, V.,73,74,75,84 Peace People, 109 Morrow, D., 8, 11, 23, 24, 112 Pearse, P., 160 Morrow, J., 8, 22, 26 Penal Laws, 4, 79 Mounier, E., 114 Perennial philosophy, ix, 9, 21, 28, Moxon Browne, E., 73 29,55,64,184 Muldoon, P., 128 Personalism, 114-15 Mumford, L., 48 Philippines, 162 Murray, D., 72, 80, 81, 83,84 Pine, R., 87 Pipes, D., 179 Nandi, A., 110, 112 Plantations, 3 National Schools, 79,85,87,89,94 Pluralism, 25, 27, 33, 34, 35, 77, 113, Nelis, M., 108, 109 120, 121, 122, 123, 128, 145, 150, Ne Temere, 76, 77, 121 181,182,183,187,190 North, 0., 173 Polanyi, M., 14, 15 Northern Ireland Association for Poole, M.A., 2, 8, 9 the Care and Resettlement of Porter, N., 5, 34, 35, 36 Offenders (NIACRO), 148 Porter, S., 133 Northern Ireland Civil Rights Postmodernism, 150, 181, 182,191 Association (NICRA), x Pound, E., 46 Northern Ireland Housing Presbyterian General Assembly, 27 Executive, 40 Northern Ireland Mixed Marriage Radford, I., 8, 24, 25 Association (NIMMA), 73, 74, 76 Rafferty, O.P., 16 Northern Ireland Women's Rights Reformation, 3 Movement (NIWRM), 107 Regionalism, 47-8 Representative violence, 15, 18, 91, O'Brien, C. Cruise, 6 189 O'Brien, P., 129, 133 Republicanism, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, O'Callaghan, D. Father, 17, 158, 163 81,126,127,148,149,151,152, O'Connell, 0.,4, 16,88 158, 160, 161, 162 O'Connor, F., 17, 73, 83 Reuther, R. Radford, 119 O'Connor, M., 130 Rhyming Weavers, 48 O'Donoghue, B., 68 Richtarik, M., 63, 87, 94-5 O'Hagan, M., 74 Robinson, G., 73, 74, 75 O'Halloran, c., 34 Robinson, M., 112 O'Malley, P., 161, 163 Rose, R., 73, 81, 84 O'Neill, L., 68, 69 Rowan, J., 171 238 Index

Rowlander, B., 108 Stormont 32, 33, 124, 125 Rushdie, S., 31, 149, 150, 173, 174f£., Suleri, 5., 176, 177 184,191 Sunningdale Agreement (1973),95 Ruthven, M., 174 Ryan, M., 113 Taylor, J.V., 19, 20, 28, 189 Teebane,17 Said, E., 175, 176, 181 Tehran, 173 Sailer, S. Shaw, 130 Test Act (1704), 4 Sands, B., 31, 147, 149, 150, 151, Thatcher, M., 77, 148, 151, 166 152££., 162, 165, 170, 181, 184, Third Force, 160 191 Torres, C. Father, 162 Scapegoat, ix, 6, 10, 11, 12, 20, 30, Transgression (liberating and 67,102,103,110,111,184,188, negative), 19, 21, 23, 28, 46, 92, 189 103, 146, 189 Seawright, G., 15 Trible, P., 116 Sectarianism, 5, 6, 8, 15, 16, 17, 18, Tullyvallen,17 21,22, 24, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, Turner, B., 25 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 45, 46, 48, 63, 65, 'Two Communities', 1,3,6,9,22, 71, 72, 80, 81, 85, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 25,29,30,40,42,186,190 100, 102, 103, 109, 110, 120, 124, 125, 130, 131, 145, 159, 160, 172, Ulster Defence Association (UDA), 186,191, 192 18,172 Secularism, 29, 31, 38, 39, 57, 78, 83, Ulster Workers' Council (UWC) 101,150, 181, 183, 191, 192 strike, 85,95,99 Segregation, 9, 22, 73, 102, 147 Ulster Women's Unionist Council, Sex Discrimination Act, 107 107 Shankill Think Tank, 7 Uruguay, 162 Shannon, C., 108 Silent Valley Reservoir, 100 Vance, N.,48 Sinn Fein, 12,36, 39, 125, 151 Vatican II 26 Smith, A.D., 11, 12, 14 Smith, W.c., 27 Wallace,M.Fathe~ 161 Smyth, S., 15 Walsh, W. Bishop, 76-7 Social Democratic and Labour Ward, M., 104, 111 Party (SDLP), 40, 45, 125 Westminster Confession of Faith, Socialism, 5, 38,48, 61, 162 27 Socrates, 58 Whelan, P., 161 Solemn League and Covenant, 4, Whyte, J.,22, 23, 24, 73,123 107 Wilkins, M., 109 Somme, 160 William of Orange, 3, 56 Special Category prisoners, 148 Williams, P., 132 Spence, A., 15 Wills, c., 129, 130, 131, 133, 134 Spence, E., 171ff. Wilson, D., 83 Spenser, E., 142 Women's Aid, 107 Steiner, G., 90 Women's Centres, 107 Stereotypes, ix, 6, 7, 8, 20, 23, 25, 30, Women's Education Project, 107 34,42, 46, 52, 71, 82, 93, 125, 129, Women's Information Day, 107 146,150,172,177,188,189,190 Women's Law and Research Stone, M., 172 Group, 109 Index 239

Women's Social and Political Wright, F., 10, 11, 16, 20, 24, 26, 71, Union, 106 83, 84, 186, 188 Women's Support Network, 107 X vs. Attorney General, 78 Wordsworth, W., 60, 61 World Writers' Statement (1989), Yeats, W.B., 122, 123, 128 177 Yugoslavia, 110 Worrall, S., 80