McMahon–Hussein Correspondence The McMahon–Hussein Correspondence, or the Hussein–McMahon Correspondence, was a series of On his return journey from Istanbul in 1915, where Faisal ten letters exchanged from 14 July 1915 to 30 January [1] bin Hussein had confronted the Grand Vizier with evi- 1916, during World War I, between Hussein bin Ali, dence of an Ottoman plot to depose his father (Husayn Sharif of Mecca, and Sir Henry McMahon, British High bin Ali), he decided to visit Damascus to resume talks Commissioner in Egypt, concerning the political status with the Arab secret societies al-Fatat and Al-'Ahd that he Ottoman Empire. Growing Arab na- of lands under the had met in March/April. On this occasion, Faisal joined tionalism had led to a desire for independence from the their revolutionary movement. During this visit, on 23 Ottoman Empire. In the letters Britain agreed to recog- May 1915, he was presented with the document that be- nize Arab independence after World War I “in the limits came known as the 'Damascus Protocol'. The documents and boundaries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca”, not in- declared that the Arabs would revolt in alliance with the cluding areas in which France had interests. This was in United Kingdom, and in return the UK would recognize exchange for Arab help in fighting the Ottomans, led by the Arab independence in an area running from the 37th Hussein bin Ali. parallel near the Taurus Mountains on the southern bor- Later, the 1916 Sykes–Picot Agreement between France der of Turkey, to be bounded in the east by Persia and the and UK was exposed showing that the two countries were Persian Gulf, in the west by the Mediterranean Sea and planning to split and occupy parts of the promised Arab in the south by the Arabian Sea.[6][7] country. Early in April 1914 Abdullah I bin al-Hussein (the second In January 1923 unofficial excerpts were published by of three sons of Sherif Hussein bin Ali) asked the British Joseph N. M. Jeffries in the Daily Mail[2] and copies of High Commissioner in Cairo what would be the British the various letters circulated in the Arab press.[3] Offi- attitude if the Arab Ottomans revolted. The British re- cial excerpts were published in the 1937 Peel Commis- sponse based on its traditional policy of preserving “the sion Report,[4] but the correspondence was first published integrity of the Ottoman Empire” was negative. How- in full in George Antonius's 1938 The Arab Awakening. ever, the entry of the Ottomans on Germany’s side in Referring to the 25 October 1915 letter, Antonius wrote World War I on 11 November 1914 brought about an that it is: “by far the most important in the whole corre- abrupt shift in British political interests concerning an spondence, and may perhaps be regarded as the most im- Arab revolt against the Ottomans.[8] portant international document in the history of the Arab Following deliberations at Ta'if between Hussein and his national movement... is still invoked as the main piece sons in June 1915, during which Faisal counselled cau- of evidence on which the Arabs accuse Great Britain of [5] tion, Sherif Husayn bin Ali argued against rebellion and having broken faith with them.” Abdullah advocated action and encouraged his father to enter into correspondence with Sir Henry McMahon, the Sharif set a tentative date for armed revolt for June 1916 1 The Damascus Protocol and commenced negotiations with the British High Com- missioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon.[6] Main article: Damascus Protocol 2 The territorial reservations The letter from McMahon to Hussein dated 24 October 1915 declared Britain’s willingness to recognize the in- dependence of the Arabs subject to certain exemptions. Note that the original correspondence was conducted in both English and Arabic, such that various slightly differ- ing English translations are extant. Henry The districts of Mersina and Alexandretta, McMahon and Hussein bin Ali and portions of Syria lying to the west of 1 2 3 THE ARAB REVOLT the districts of Damascus, Homs, Hama and asked me, as a free agent, to endorse the promises of Aleppo, cannot be said to be purely Arab, and the British Government. I had had no previous or inner must on that account be excepted from the pro- knowledge of the McMahon pledges and the Sykes-Picot posed limits and boundaries. treaty, which were both framed by war-time branches of With the above modification and with- the Foreign Office. But, not being a perfect fool, I could out prejudice to our existing treaties con- see that if we won the war the promises to the Arabs were cluded with Arab Chiefs, we accept these lim- dead paper. Had I been an honourable adviser I would its and boundaries, and in regard to the terri- have sent my men home, and not let them risk their lives tories therein in which Great Britain is free to for such stuff. Yet the Arab inspiration was our main tool act without detriment to interests of her ally in winning the Eastern war. So I assured them that Eng- France, I am empowered in the name of the land kept her word in letter and spirit. In this comfort Government of Great Britain to give the fol- they performed their fine things: but, of course, instead lowing assurance and make the following reply of being proud of what we did together, I was continually to your letter: and bitterly ashamed. Subject to the above modifications, Great T. E. Lawrence (Lawrence of Arabia) in his autobio- Britain is prepared to recognize and support the graphical Seven Pillars of Wisdom, 1922[11] independence of the Arabs within the territo- ries in the limits and boundaries proposed by McMahon’s promises were seen by the Arabs as a formal the Sherif of Mecca.[9] agreement between them and the United Kingdom. Lloyd George and Arthur Balfour represented the agreement as a treaty during the post war deliberations of the Council Declassified British Cabinet Papers include a telegram of Four. On this understanding the Arabs established a dated 19 October 1915 from Sir Henry McMahon to the military force under the command of Hussein’s son Faisal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Grey, re- [10] which fought, with inspiration from 'Lawrence of Arabia', questing instructions. McMahon said the clause had against the Ottoman Empire during the Arab Revolt.[7] In been suggested by a man named Muhammed Sharif al- an intelligence memo written in January 1916 Lawrence Faruqi, a member of the Abd party, to satisfy the de- described the Arab Revolt as mands of the Syrian Nationalists for the independence of Arabia. Faroqi had said that the Arabs would fight if the French attempted to occupy the cities of Damas- beneficial to us, because it marches with cus, Homs, Hama and Aleppo, but he thought they would our immediate aims, the break up of the Is- accept some modification of the North-Western bound- lamic 'bloc' and the defeat and disruption of aries proposed by the Sherif of Mecca. Faroqi suggested the Ottoman Empire, and because the states the language: “In so far as Britain was free to act with- [Sharif Hussein] would set up to succeed the out detriment to the interests of her present Allies, Great Turks would be … harmless to ourselves … The Britain accepts the principle of the independence of Ara- Arabs are even less stable than the Turks. If bia within limits propounded by the Sherif of Mecca.” properly handled they would remain in a state Lord Grey authorized McMahon to pledge the areas re- of political mosaic, a tissue of small jealous quested by the Sherif subject to the reserve for the Allies. principalities incapable of cohesion (emphasis in original).[12] 3 The Arab Revolt The Arab Revolt began in June 1916, when an Arab army of around 70,000 men moved against Ottoman forces. They participated in the capture of Aqabah and the sev- Main article: Arab Revolt ering of the Hejaz railway, a vital strategic link through the Arab peninsula which ran from Damascus to Medina. The Arab Revolt had begun on false pretences. To gain This enabled the Egyptian Expeditionary Force under the the Sherif’s help our Cabinet had offered, through Sir command of General Allenby to advance into the Ot- Henry McMahon, to support the establishment of native toman territories of Palestine and Syria.[13] governments in parts of Syria and Mesopotamia, 'sav- ing the interests of our ally, France'. The last mod- The British advance culminated in the Battle of Megiddo est clause concealed a treaty (kept secret, till too late, in September 1918 and the capitulation of Turkey on 31 from McMahon, and therefore from the Sherif) by which October 1918. France, England and Russia agreed to annex some of The Arab revolt is seen by historians as the first organized these promised areas, and to establish their respective movement of Arab nationalism. It brought together dif- spheres of influence over all the rest... Rumours of the ferent Arab groups for the first time with the common fraud reached Arab ears, from Turkey. In the East per- goal to fight for independence from the Ottoman Empire. sons were more trusted than institutions. So the Arabs, Much of the history of Arabic independence stemmed having tested my friendliness and sincerity under fire, from the revolt beginning with the kingdom founded by 4.3 Declaration to the Seven 3 Hussein. After the war was over, the Arab revolt had im- Jewish State in Palestine, nor was I instructed to warn him plications.