Women's Work, and Tourism in Morocco
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Université de Montréal Henna for Brides and Gazelles: Ritual, Women's Work, and Tourism in Morocco par Patricia L. Kelly Spurles Département d'Anthropologie Faculté des Arts et des Sciences Thése présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Philosophiae Doctor (Ph.D.) en anthropologie Mars, 2004 0 Patricia L. Kelly Spurles, 2004 ii Université de Montréal Faculté des études supérieures Cette thèse intitulée : Henna for Brides and Gazelles : Ritual, Women's Work, and Tourism in Morocco Présentée par: Patricia L. Kelly Spurles a été évaluée par un jury composé des personnes suivantes: président-rapporteur directeur de recherche membre du jury examinateur exteme représentant du doyen de la l'ES iii Résumé Le henné, une teinture végétale semi-permanente, est utilisé à de nombreuses fins au Maroc, tout comme dans d'autres sociétés musulmanes. Le Hadith atteste l'usage du henné pour soulager la douleur arthritique et comme colorant utilisé par les hommes, pour teindre les cheveux et la barbe, et par les femmes, pour colorer leurs pieds et mains. Cette association du henné avec l'Islam a donné à cette plante une connotation religieuse. Cependant, l'utilisation rituelle du henné, particulièrement lors de mariages et de funérailles, tire ses racines d'une époque encore plus ancienne, suivant un modèle d'ocre rouge utilisé aux balbutiements de la société humaine. Les pratiques contemporaines de henné sont fortement associées aux cérémonies qui marquent les transitions calendriques et biologiques. Appliqué aux femmes qui se préparent au mariage ou à l'accouchement, destiné à la circoncision de l'enfant mile et réintégré après le décès d'un époux, le henné indique (et illustre) le passage de personnes qui doivent surmonter des périodes difficiles une signification qui a été facilement adaptée pour englober la liminalité physique et sociale qui accompagne les déplacements. Au cours des dernières années, les pratiques du henné ont acquis de la popularité, surtout depuis l'apparition d'artisans qui appliquent du henné pour les touristes locaux et étrangers dans les marchés publics. Des conflits, en particulier entre les artisans et la police, font ressortir l'importance socioéconomique de ce travail et la prégnance d'attitudes à manipuler la tradition pour gagner ou retenir le contrôle de l'argent gagné dans ce secteur à profits élevés. La présente étude, qui adopte une approche de biographie culturelle, rompt avec les évaluations touristiques axées sur les répercussions pour examiner comment la signification est intégrée à de nouveaux rites au moyen 1) d'un sondage sur les pratiques du henné qui déterrnine les caractéristiques générales et spécifiques aux collectivités marocaines musulmanes et juives; 2) de similarités et de contrastes entre les connaissances techniques et sociales des producteurs du secteur local et touristique contemporain liées à l'application du henné; et 3) d'un contexte social de production. Les données ont été recueillies durant l'observation de 15 artisans du henné du secteur local et de 30 artisans du secteur touristique réalisée pendant 18 mois au Maroc en 1998 et en 2000 et 2001. Les pratiques contemporaines sont mises en contraste avec les descriptions tirées de dossiers ethnographiques du 19e siècle et du début du 20e siècle, avec une attention particulière aux sources d'expression française. [399 mots] Mots-clés Henné, rites, tourisme local, tourisme international, secteur informel, marchandises, genre, travail, Maroc iv Abstract Henna, a semi-permanent vegetable dye, is used in many contexts in Morocco, as in other Muslim societies. The hadith document the use of henna to relieve arthritic pain, and as a dye used by men to color the hair and beard, and by women to stain their hands and feet. This association of henna with Islam gave the plant the stamp of religious orthodoxy. However, the ritual use of henna, notably its use at marriage and burial, has much earlier roots, following a pattern of red ochre use in very early human society. Contemporary henna practices are strongly associated with ceremonies that mark calendrical and life cycle transitions. Applied to -women preparing for marriage or childbirth, awaiting a male child's circumcision, and re-entering the community after a spouse's death, henna indicates (and conveys) the passage of individuals through dangerous states a meaning that has been easily adapted to encompass the physical and social lirninality that accompanies travel. In recent years, henna practices have been increasingly comrnoditized, particularly with the appearance of artisans who apply henna for domestic and international tourists in public markets. Conflicts between artisans and police, in particular, highlight both the socio-economic importance of this work and the salience of manipulating tradition in gaining/retaining control of cash earned in this high profit sector. Employing a cultural biography approach, this study breaks with impact- oriented evaluations of tourism to examine how meaning is embedded in newly commoditized rituals through 1) a survey of henna practices that identifies general characteristics as well as those specific to Muslim and Jewish Moroccan communities; 2) similarities and contrasts between contemporary local and tourist sector producers' technical and social knowledge relating to henna application; and 3) the social context of production. Data was drawn from participant observation among 15 local and 30 tourist sector henna artisans carried out over 18 months of fieldwork in Morocco in 1998, and 2000-2001. Contemporary practices are contrasted with descriptions drawn from the nineteenth and early twentieth century ethnographic records, with particular attention to French sources. [336 words] Key words: Henna, ritual, domestic tourism, international tourism, informal sector, commoditization, gender, work, Morocco V Acknowledgments The preparation, research, and writing of this work have been facilitated by many people. My debt to the artisans who embraced my project is immeasurable. Neighbors and acquaintances who became dear friends while I was in the field provided far more than context and anecdotes, and my debt to them is nearly as great. Here, my recognition has been in person rather than in print. Only to protect the anonymity of my research community do I reluctantly refrain from mentioning them by name. Those who, however, contributed in their official capacities include Ahmed Skounti (Ministère de la Culture), Azzouz Tnifass (École Supérieure du Tourisme), Khalid Bouzidi (Université Cadi Ayyad), Amine Kabbaj, architect, and Ahmed Serhane, graphic artist and professor of fine arts. Eric Ross of Al-Akhawayn University offered institutional support that was essential. After returning from the field, Gina Hunter de Bessa, Despina Stratigakis, and Karen Coats, of the Faculty Reading Group on the Body at Illinois State University provided a stimulating forum for the first discussions of this research. Wendy Woith of the Mennonite College of Nursing identified the hypodermic syringes and needles that I brought back from the field and discussed their uses in a clinical setting. During this period, Geoffrey Wall of the University of Waterloo and Jane Henrici of the University of Memphis generously read and commented on what is now Chapter 4. The opportunity extended by Christiane Paponnet-Cantat of the University of New Brunswick to teach courses on North Africa, the Middle East, and tourism provided a welcome opportunity to return to Canada and begin to integrate my research into the classroom. vi Much of the writing was accomplished while teaching at Mount Allison University. Allison Estabrooks and Darlene Estabrooks provided administrative support and cheered me on each day. Arlene Dupuis located many articles and books from Morocco's colonial period, and enriched my literature survey considerably. Josh Smith identified the basic concepts involved in henna chemistry, and directed me to Stephen Duffy and Andrew Grant who explained some of the processes involved in henna dyeing. My teaching assistants Natalie Ward and Margaret Hoyt provided aid that was invaluable. That I was able to complete my dissertation while teaching a full load is due in large part to their tremendous competence and optimism in helping with the paperwork and grading associated with my large intro class. Papers deriving from this research were presented at Mount Allison University, University of Ottawa, and McGill University. My dissertation has benefited from the insightful remarks of those in attendance at these presentations. I am particularly grateful to Uner Turgay, director of the Islamic Studies Institute at McGill University, for arranging a presentation of my work in December 2003, and to Ann Ya)dey, who hospitably offered office space during this period. My dear friend, Vikki Lockwood Drummond, whose decision to study Arabic in Morocco in the fall of 2000 provided greatly appreciated companionship as well as supplies from home, was the first audience for many of the findings presented here. Her support and confidence in our common goals have inspired me since we began our studies together at McGill. I also owe heart-felt thanks to Barbara McClatchie Andrews for her generous assistance as documentary photographer in spring 2001. Barbara made a significant contribution to this study, in terms of filling my photography wish list with information- vii rich images as well as serving as a knowledgeable and critical discussant and reader