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GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History
GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY Department of History & Art History Ethnic Conflict: Britain & Ireland in the 20th Century Spring 2012 Course Building/Hall Room Day Time Hist 388-009 Robinson B 222 Tuesday/Thursday 1.30-2.45 p.m. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams & British Prime Minster Tony Blair meet for the first time, recalling the fate of IRA leader Michael Collins Phelim Connolly cartoon for the Irish Independent, 11 December 1997 INSTRUCTOR: Dr Kevin Matthews OFFICE: Robinson B 373B OFFICE HOURS: 12.00-1.15 & 3.00-4.15 p.m. Thurs, or by appointment. TELEPHONE: 703/993-1250 (main department number) E-MAIL: [email protected] REQUIRED TEXT & MATERIALS: 1. McKittrick, David & David McVea. Making Sense of the Troubles: The Story of Conflict in Northern Ireland 2. Townshend, Charles. Political Violence in Ireland: Government & Resistance Since 1848 3. Strunk, William & E.B. White. The Elements of Style (Note: Because a number of sources relevant to this course are out of print, other readings will be provided by the instructor via the internet; see the syllabus calendar below for a tentative list.) - 2 - All students are required to purchase two Scantron cards Form No. 882-E, and two large blue books (11" x 8.5"). Both of your blue books must be delivered to the instructor no later than the third week of the course. Failure to meet this deadline will be grounds for a failing grade on the first exam. DO NOT WRITE YOUR NAME ON THE BLUE BOOKS BEFORE TURNING THEM IN. (If you drop the course, your unused blue books will be returned to you - but only after you have officially dropped.) Do not hand in your Scantron cards - but make sure you have one with you on both exam days. -
Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts In
Fordham Law School FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History Faculty Scholarship 1998 Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The Rachel Vorspan Fordham University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, and the Labor and Employment Law Commons Recommended Citation Rachel Vorspan, Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present, The , 46 Buff. L. Rev. 593 (1998) Available at: http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/faculty_scholarship/344 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of FLASH: The orF dham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BUFFALO LAW REVIEW VOLUME 46 FALL 1998 NUMBER 3 The Political Power of Nuisance Law: Labor Picketing and the Courts in Modern England, 1871-Present RACHEL VORSPANt INTRODUCTION After decades of decline, the labor movements in America and England are enjoying a resurgence. Unions in the United States are experiencing greater vitality and political visibility,' and in 1997 a Labour government took power in England for the first time in eighteen years.! This t Associate Professor of Law, Fordham University. A.B., 1967, University of California, Berkeley; M.A., 1968, Ph.D., 1975, Columbia University (English History); J.D., 1979, Harvard Law School. -
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript
Leadership and Change: Prime Ministers in the Post-War World - Alec Douglas-Home Transcript Date: Thursday, 24 May 2007 - 12:00AM PRIME MINISTERS IN THE POST-WAR WORLD: ALEC DOUGLAS-HOME D.R. Thorpe After Andrew Bonar Law's funeral in Westminster Abbey in November 1923, Herbert Asquith observed, 'It is fitting that we should have buried the Unknown Prime Minister by the side of the Unknown Soldier'. Asquith owed Bonar Law no posthumous favours, and intended no ironic compliment, but the remark was a serious under-estimate. In post-war politics Alec Douglas-Home is often seen as the Bonar Law of his times, bracketed with his fellow Scot as an interim figure in the history of Downing Street between longer serving Premiers; in Bonar Law's case, Lloyd George and Stanley Baldwin, in Home's, Harold Macmillan and Harold Wilson. Both Law and Home were certainly 'unexpected' Prime Ministers, but both were also 'under-estimated' and they made lasting beneficial changes to the political system, both on a national and a party level. The unexpectedness of their accessions to the top of the greasy pole, and the brevity of their Premierships (they were the two shortest of the 20th century, Bonar Law's one day short of seven months, Alec Douglas-Home's two days short of a year), are not an accurate indication of their respective significance, even if the precise details of their careers were not always accurately recalled, even by their admirers. The Westminster village is often another world to the general public. Stanley Baldwin was once accosted on a train from Chequers to London, at the height of his fame, by a former school friend. -
Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell
Copyrights sought (Albert) Basil (Orme) Wilberforce (Albert) Raymond Blackburn (Alexander Bell) Filson Young (Alexander) Forbes Hendry (Alexander) Frederick Whyte (Alfred Hubert) Roy Fedden (Alfred) Alistair Cooke (Alfred) Guy Garrod (Alfred) James Hawkey (Archibald) Berkeley Milne (Archibald) David Stirling (Archibald) Havergal Downes-Shaw (Arthur) Berriedale Keith (Arthur) Beverley Baxter (Arthur) Cecil Tyrrell Beck (Arthur) Clive Morrison-Bell (Arthur) Hugh (Elsdale) Molson (Arthur) Mervyn Stockwood (Arthur) Paul Boissier, Harrow Heraldry Committee & Harrow School (Arthur) Trevor Dawson (Arwyn) Lynn Ungoed-Thomas (Basil Arthur) John Peto (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin (Basil) Kingsley Martin & New Statesman (Borlasse Elward) Wyndham Childs (Cecil Frederick) Nevil Macready (Cecil George) Graham Hayman (Charles Edward) Howard Vincent (Charles Henry) Collins Baker (Charles) Alexander Harris (Charles) Cyril Clarke (Charles) Edgar Wood (Charles) Edward Troup (Charles) Frederick (Howard) Gough (Charles) Michael Duff (Charles) Philip Fothergill (Charles) Philip Fothergill, Liberal National Organisation, N-E Warwickshire Liberal Association & Rt Hon Charles Albert McCurdy (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett (Charles) Vernon (Oldfield) Bartlett & World Review of Reviews (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Claude) Nigel (Byam) Davies (Colin) Mark Patrick (Crwfurd) Wilfrid Griffin Eady (Cyril) Berkeley Ormerod (Cyril) Desmond Keeling (Cyril) George Toogood (Cyril) Kenneth Bird (David) Euan Wallace (Davies) Evan Bedford (Denis Duncan) -
The Political Structure of UK Broadcasting 1949-1999 Elstein, David
www.ssoar.info The political structure of UK broadcasting 1949-1999 Elstein, David Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Monographie / monograph Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Elstein, D. (2015). The political structure of UK broadcasting 1949-1999. (Media, Democracy & Political Process Series). Lüneburg: meson press. https://doi.org/10.14619/011 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-SA Lizenz (Namensnennung- This document is made available under a CC BY-SA Licence Weitergabe unter gleichen Bedingungen) zur Verfügung gestellt. (Attribution-ShareAlike). For more Information see: Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/deed.de David Elstein POLITICAL The Political Structure of UK Broadcasting 1949-1999 STRUCTURE BROADCASTING UK ELSTEIN The Political Structure of UK Broadcasting 1949-1999 Media, Democracy & Political Process Series Edited by Christian Herzog, Volker Grassmuck, Christian Heise and Orkan Torun The Political Structure of UK Broadcasting 1949-1999 David Elstein Bibliographical Information of the German National Library The German National Library lists this publication in the Deutsche National bibliografie (German National Biblio graphy); detailed bibliographic information is available online at http://dnb.dnb.de Published in 2015 by meson press, Hybrid Publishing Lab, Centre for Digital Cultures, Leuphana University of Lüneburg www.mesonpress.com Design concept: Torsten Köchlin, Silke Krieg Cover Image: Sebastian Mühleis and Christian Herzog The print edition of this book is printed by Lightning Source, Milton Keynes, United Kingdom ISBN (Print): 9783957960603 ISBN (PDF): 9783957960610 ISBN (EPUB): 9783957960627 DOI: 10.14619/011 The digital editions of this publication can be downloaded freely at: www.mesonpress.com Funded by the EU major project Innovation Incubator Lüneburg This Publication is licensed under the CCBYSA 4.0 Inter national. -
Oxford, 1984); H
Notes Notes to the Introduction I. K. O. Morgan, Labour in Power, 194~1951 (Oxford, 1984); H. Pelling, The Labour Governments, 194~51 (London, 1984); A. Cairncross, Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 194~51 (London, 1985); P. Hen nessy, Never Again: Britain, 194~1951 (London, 1992). 2. J. Saville, The Labour Movement in Britain (London, 1988); J. Fyrth (ed.), Labour's High Noon: The Government and the Economy, 194~51 (London, 1993). 3. C. Barnett, The Audit oj War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (London, 1986); The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 194~1950 (London, 1995). 4. Symposium, 'Britain's Postwar Industrial Decline', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987), pp. 11-19; N. Tiratsoo (ed.), The Altlee Years (London, 1991). 5. J. Tomlinson, 'Welfare and the Economy: The Economic Impact of the Welfare State, 1945-1951', Twentieth-Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 194--219. 6. Hennessy, Never Again, p. 453. See also M. Francis, 'Economics and Ethics: the Nature of Labour's Socialism, 1945-1951', Twentieth Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 220--43. 7. S. Fielding, P. Thompson and N. Tiratsoo, 'England Arise!' The Labour Party and Popular Politics in 1940s Britain (Manchester, 1995), pp. 209- 18. 8. P. Kellner, 'It Wasn't All Right,Jack', Sunday Times, 4 April 1993. See also The Guardian, 9 September 1993. 9. For a summary of the claims made by the political parties, see J. Barnes and A. Seldon, '1951-64: 13 W asted Years?', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987). 10. V. Bogdanor and R. -
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development Summary Proceedings Ninth Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors
• INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR Public Disclosure Authorized RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT SUMMARY Public Disclosure Authorized PROCEEDINGS NINTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE BOARD OF GOVERNORS Public Disclosure Authorized WASHINGTON, D. C. SEPTEMBER 24-29, 1954 ~ Public Disclosure Authorized ~~ ~ ~ ~~~ " ~·INTERNATIONAL~IJ {I ~-=*BANK ~~ OCTOBER 15, 1954 ~~/)tvELOt»~~ INTRODUCTORY NOTE The Ninth Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development was held in Washington, D. C., from September 24 to September 29, 1954 under the chairmanship of J. van de Kieft, Minister of Finance of the Netherlands. These Summary Proceedings cover generally the work of the Board in committee meetings and in five plenary sessions, two of which were held jointly with the Board of Governors of the Inter national Monetary Fund. One informal session, in addition, was devoted to a panel discus sion on the subject of prospects for private international investment. M. IVL MENDELS Secretary INTERNATIONAL BANK FOR RECONSTRUCTION AND DEVELOPMENT Washington, D. C. October 15, 1954 NINTH ANNUAL MEETING FINAL SCHEDULE THURSDAY -September 23- 3 :30 p.m.-Joint Procedures Committee FRIDAY -September 24-10 :00 a.m.-Opening Ceremonies First Se~sion (Joint) Report of Procedures Committee -11 :30 a.m.-Fund Board-Annual Report: Address by Managing Director of Fund SATURDAY -September 25-10 :00 a.m.-Bank Board-Annual Report: Address by President of Bank -10 :45 a.m.-Bank Committee on Finance and Organization -11 :30 a.m.-Discussion on Fund -
Gre Sham College
GRE SHAM COLLEGE PREMIERSHIP ‘CO~TRY VAL~S’ : ALEC DOUGLAS-HO~, 1963-64 by PROFESSOR PETER HE~SSY BA PhD Gresham Professor of Rhetoric 19 November 1996 ,. > Gresham College was established in 1597 under the Will of the Elizabethan financier Sir Thomas Gresham, who nominated the Corporation of the City of London and the Worshipful Company of Mercers to be his Trustees. They manage the Estate through the Joint Grand Gresham Committee. The College has been maintained in various forms since the foundation. The one continuing activity (excepting the period 1939-45) has been the annual appointment of seven distinguished academics “sufficiently learned to reade the lectures of divyntye, astronomy, musicke, and geometry” (appointed by the Corporation), “meete to reade the lectures of lawe, phissicke, and rethoricke”, (appointed by the Mercers’ Company). From the 16th century the Gresham Professors have given free public lectures in the City. A Mercers’ School Memorial Chair of Commerce has been added to the seven ‘ancient’ Chairs. The College was formally reconstituted as an independent foundation in 1984. The Governing Body, with nominations from the City Corporation, the Mercers’ Company, the Gresham Professors and the City University, reports to the Joint Grand Gresham Committee. Its objectives are to sponsor imovative research and to supplement and complement existing facilities in higher education. It does not award degrees and diplomas, rather it is an active collaborator with institutions of higher education, learned societies and professional bodies. Gresham College, Barnard’s Inn Hall, Ho[born, London EC IN 2HH Tel no. 01718310575 Fax no. ,017183 I 5208 For me it was Alec Home’s fellow Etonian and great rival for the premiership in 1963, Quintin Hogg, who best captured the man in a book he wrote just after the war when, given their then inevitable ultimate destinations in the House of Lords, neither could have imagined they would be contenders for the ultimate prize in British politics. -
One Nation Conservatism and Social Policy, 1951-64 One Nation
One Nation Conservatism and social policy, 1951-64 One Nation Conservatism is sometimes portrayed as a key part of a perceived post-war „consensus‟ between the main political parties on economic and social policy issues, epitomised for many by the term „Buskellism‟, an amalgam of the names of R. A. Butler (Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1951-5) and Hugh Gaitskell (Labour Chancellor, 1950-1 and Shadow Chancellor, 1951-5), used to describe the general acceptance of Keynesian economics and demand management of the economy (for example, Howard, 1987). This branch of Conservatism has often sought to identify its ideas with those of Disraeli and his concern with the social divisions (or „two nations‟) associated with industrialisation identified in his novel Sybil, and has been linked with Baldwin in the 1920s, who drew on Disraeli‟s ideas but spoke of „One Nation‟ (Tyrie, 2006) as part of his arguments for a moderate and inclusive form of Conservatism (Walsha, 2003). However, it was arguably only in the post war period, with the emergence and activities of the One Nation Group of Conservative MPs, that One Nation Conservatism became of particular importance as a strand of Conservative thinking. This article considers the nature of One Nation Conservatism in the period from 1951 to 1964 through an examination of the One Nation Group, its key publications, and the policies pursued by the Conservative governments of the time. It suggests that the link between the One Nation Group and Conservative policies may not be as clear as is sometimes implied, and that it was the combination of a somewhat more positive and pragmatic approach to the welfare state, and the economic growth of the period, rather than any new and significant commitment to social justice and tackling poverty, that have helped shape perceptions of One Nation Conservatism over the past fifty years. -
Shuffling the Pack
SHUFFLING THE PACK A brief guide to government reshuffles Shuffling the Pack 1 Akash Paun Shuffling the Pack Introduction The reshuffle is one of the most potent weapons in the prime ministerial armoury – albeit one that can occasionally explode in the face of the person using it. Enacting legislation, implementing public service reform, or rooting out government waste can take months or years, with no guarantee of success. But on reshuffle day a prime minister, in principle, wields unlimited power. In practice, things can feel rather different, as prime ministers are confronted by a range of constraints. Even when a PM does formulate a bold plan to remould the cabinet, there is much that can and often does go wrong. Reshuffles also carry political risks for prime ministers, given the inevitable creation of enemies and disappointed allies on the backbenches. From a personal point of view, the reshuffle can be draining too: past leaders have described having to break the bad news as “a ghastly business” (Tony Blair),1 “the most distasteful...of all the tasks which fall to the lot of a prime minister” (Clement Attlee), and “something you have to grit your teeth to do” (Margaret Thatcher).2 Yet, perhaps surprisingly, most recent prime ministers have carried out reshuffles on a near annual basis, calculating that the political benefits can outweigh the risks and the sheer unpleasantness of the experience. Typically, reshuffles are interpreted through a narrow political lens. But a broader test that should be applied is whether reshuffles have any impact on the effectiveness, the performance or the policy direction of the government. -
The Ghost of Neville Chamberlain’ Guilty Men and the 1945 Election
The journal of the Conservative History Group | Autumn 2005 | £7.50 Conservative History Journal HARSHAN KUMARASINGHAM “HOME SWEET HOME”: THE PROBLEMATIC LEADERSHIP OF ALEC DOUGLASHOME SCOTT KELLY ‘THE GHOST OF NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN’ GUILTY MEN AND THE 1945 ELECTION IAN PENDLINGHAM “PUT UP OR SHUT UP”: THE 1995 LEADERSHIP CONTEST SIR EDWARD HEATH 1916–2005 John Barnes, Ronald Porter and Helen Szamuely examine the legacy of a controversial Conservative leader Plus: Nicholas Hillman reviews The Welfare State We’re In; Mark Garnett reviews Giles Radice’s Diaries 1980–2001; Ronald Porter reviews Reggie: The Life of Reginald Maudling Contents Conservative History Journal The Conservative History Journal is published twice Contents yearly by the Conservative History Group ISSN 14798026 Editorial 1 Helen Szamuely Advertisements To advertise in the next issue A Conservative historian speaks: John Charmley 2 call Helen Szamuely on 07733 018999 Helen Szamuely Editorial/Correspondence So what are we to make of Edward Heath? 7 Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles and Helen Szamuely book reviews are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be reviewed Heath should have got a life and never hung around the green room 9 and publication is not guaranteed. Contributions Ronald Porter should be emailed or posted to the addresses below. All articles remain copyright © their authors Edward Heath: a personal recollection and appraisal 11 John Barnes Subscriptions/Membership An annual subscription to the Conservative History “Home Sweet Home”: the problematic leadership of Alec Douglas Home 13 Group costs £15. Copies of the Journal are included Harshan Kumarasingham in the membership fee. -
The Rise of the Novice Cabinet Minister?
The Rise of the Novice Cabinet Minister? The Career Trajectories of Cabinet Ministers in British Government from Attlee to Cameron Some commentators have observed that today’s Cabinet ministers are younger and less experienced than their predecessors. To test this claim, we analyse the data for Labour and Conservative appointments to Cabinet since 1945. Although we find some evidence of a decline in average age and prior experience, it is less pronounced than for the party leaders. We then examine the data for junior ministerial appointments, which reveals that there is no trend towards youth and inexperience present lower down the hierarchy. Taking these findings together, we propose that public profile is correlated with ‘noviceness’; that is, the more prominent the role, the younger and less experienced its incumbent is likely to be. If this is correct, then the claim that we are witnessing the rise of the novice Cabinet minister is more a consequence of the personalisation of politics than evidence of an emerging ‘cult of youth’. Keywords: Cabinet ministers; junior ministers; party leaders; ministerial selection; personalisation; symbolic leadership Introduction In a recent article, Philip Cowley identified the rise of the novice political leader as a ‘major development’ in British politics. Noting the youth and parliamentary inexperience of David 1 Cameron, Ed Miliband and Nick Clegg at the point at which they acquired the leadership of their parties, Cowley concluded that: ‘the British now prefer their leaders younger than they used to [and] that this is evidence of some developing cult of youth in British politics’, with the desire for younger candidates inevitably meaning that they are less experienced.