The International. 1864'1924
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German Hegemony and the Socialist International's Place in Interwar
02_EHQ 31/1 articles 30/11/00 1:53 pm Page 101 William Lee Blackwood German Hegemony and the Socialist International’s Place in Interwar European Diplomacy When the guns fell silent on the western front in November 1918, socialism was about to become a governing force throughout Europe. Just six months later, a Czech socialist could marvel at the convocation of an international socialist conference on post- war reconstruction in a Swiss spa, where, across the lake, stood buildings occupied by now-exiled members of the deposed Habsburg ruling class. In May 1923, as Europe’s socialist parties met in Hamburg, Germany, finally to put an end to the war-induced fracturing within their ranks by launching a new organization, the Labour and Socialist International (LSI), the German Communist Party’s main daily published a pull-out flier for posting on factory walls. Bearing the sarcastic title the International of Ministers, it presented to workers a list of forty-one socialists and the national offices held by them in Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland, France, Sweden, and Denmark. Commenting on the activities of the LSI, in Paris a Russian Menshevik émigré turned prominent left-wing pundit scoffed at the new International’s executive body, which he sarcastically dubbed ‘the International Socialist Cabinet’, since ‘all of its members were ministers, ex-ministers, or prospec- tive ministers of State’.1 Whether one accepted or rejected its new status, socialism’s virtually overnight transformation from an outsider to a consummate insider at the end of Europe’s first total war provided the most striking measure of the quantum leap into what can aptly be described as Europe’s ‘social democratic moment’.2 Moreover, unlike the period after Europe’s second total war, when many of socialism’s basic postulates became permanently embedded in the post-1945 social-welfare-state con- European History Quarterly Copyright © 2001 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol. -
'The Italians and the IWMA'
Levy, Carl. 2018. ’The Italians and the IWMA’. In: , ed. ”Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth”. The First International in Global Perspective. 29 The Hague: Brill, pp. 207-220. ISBN 978-900-4335-455 [Book Section] https://research.gold.ac.uk/id/eprint/23423/ The version presented here may differ from the published, performed or presented work. Please go to the persistent GRO record above for more information. If you believe that any material held in the repository infringes copyright law, please contact the Repository Team at Goldsmiths, University of London via the following email address: [email protected]. The item will be removed from the repository while any claim is being investigated. For more information, please contact the GRO team: [email protected] chapter �3 The Italians and the iwma Carl Levy Introduction Italians played a significant and multi-dimensional role in the birth, evolution and death of the First International, and indeed in its multifarious afterlives: the International Working Men's Association (iwma) has also served as a milestone or foundation event for histories of Italian anarchism, syndicalism, socialism and communism.1 The Italian presence was felt simultaneously at the national, international and transnational levels from 1864 onwards. In this chapter I will first present a brief synoptic overview of the history of the iwma (in its varied forms) in Italy and abroad from 1864 to 1881. I will then exam- ine interpretations of aspects of Italian Internationalism: Mazzinian Repub- licanism and the origins of anarchism, the Italians, Bakunin and interactions with Marx and his ideas, the theory and practice of propaganda by the deed and the rise of a third-way socialism neither fully reformist nor revolutionary, neither Marxist nor anarchist. -
Marx, Bakunin, and the Question of Authoritarianism - David Adam
Marx, Bakunin, and the question of authoritarianism - David Adam Historically, Bakunin’s criticism of Marx’s “authoritarian” aims has tended to overshadow Marx’s critique of Bakunin’s “authoritarian” aims. This is in large part due to the fact that mainstream anarchism and Marxism have been polarized over a myth—that of Marx’s authoritarian statism—which they both share. Thus, the conflict in the First International is directly identified with a disagreement over anti-authoritarian principles, and Marx’s hostility toward Bakunin is said to stem from his rejection of these principles, his vanguardism, etc. Anarchism, not without justification, posits itself as the “libertarian” alternative to the “authoritarianism” of mainstream Marxism. Because of this, nothing could be easier than to see the famous conflict between the pioneering theorists of these movements—Bakunin and Marx—as a conflict between absolute liberty and authoritarianism. This essay will bring this narrative into question. It will not do this by making grand pronouncements about Anarchism and Marxism in the abstract, but simply by assembling some often neglected evidence. Bakunin’s ideas about revolutionary organization lie at the heart of this investigation. Political Philosophy We will begin by looking at some differences in political philosophy between Marx and Bakunin that will inform our understanding of their organizational disputes. In Bakunin, Marx criticized first and foremost what he saw as a modernized version of Proudhon’s doctrinaire attitude towards politics—the -
1 Samir Amin Preface English Future of Maoism Mao Is
1 SAMIR AMIN PREFACE ENGLISH FUTURE OF MAOISM MAO IS BACK The Marxism of the Second International, workerist and Eurocentric, shared with the dominant ideology of the era a linear view of historical progress in which every society must pass first through a stage of capitalist development before being able to aspire to socialism. The idea that the “development” of some societies (the dominant centers) and the “underdevelopment” of others (the dominated peripheries) is an imminent product of the worldwide expansion of capitalism was completely alien. Understanding the polarization inherent in capitalist globalization is essential for formulating any view about transcending capitalism. This polarization lies behind the possible rallying of large fractions of the popular classes and above all the middle classes (whose development is itself favored by the position of the center in the world system) of the dominant countries to social-colonialism. At the same time, it transforms the peripheries into a zone des tempêtes, in a continual natural rebellion against the capitalist world order. Certainly rebellion is not synonymous with revolution, but only with the possibility of revolution. On the other hand, grounds for rejecting the capitalist model are not lacking in the center of the system, as 1968, among other things, illustrated. Undoubtedly, the formulation of the challenge by the Communist Party of China (CPC), at a given moment, in terms of the country-side encircling the cities, is too extreme to be useful. A global strategy of transition beyond capitalism in the direction of world socialism must articulate the struggles in both the centers and peripheries of the system. -
IOJT Is an International Organization for Judicial Training Institutes Which Aims at Providing Its Members with the Opportunity
IOJT is an International Organization for Judicial training institutes which aims at providing its members with the opportunity to learn from one another, to share innovative approaches to the education of the judiciary and to build a strong network of people involved in judicial education. The idea of professional training for Judges is a relatively new one - the first such institutes were established after the Second World War. It was a common conception that Judges already knew everything, and didn’t need any training. This changed as the Judge's profession began to be seen as a skill that needs to be learned, up kept and updated. As such, the profession is similar to the practice of medicine or education, where the practitioners must be both idealistic and constantly updated in order to serve in the best possible fashion. It became clear that despite the many and various judicial systems prevalent in different countries there is a common denominator for the judicial profession as a whole. The need arose, therefore, to promote the exchange of information and ideas between these schools and institutes, as well as to assist countries in their initial steps to establish their own training schools. The initiative for the establishment of an international organization of judicial training institutes was first raised at a conference held in Sao Paulo, Brazil in 1997. A declaration stating the importance of international cooperation between institutes for judicial training, and calling for the establishment of an international organization designated to this issue, was signed. This has become known as the "Sao Paolo Declaration". -
Socialism and War.Pdf
SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International . -
Political Conflict in the International Workers’ Association, 1864-1877
Political conflict in the International Workers’ Association, 1864-1877 A W Zurbrugg INTRODUCTION ............................................................... 2 German Socialism .........................................................................................6 The International in France ..........................................................................10 Politics in Switzerland .................................................................................13 Politics Elsewhere .......................................................................................14 The International in Switzerland .................................................................18 The Basel Congress .....................................................................................22 Unity, Debate and Expulsion .......................................................................25 Accountability and Control .........................................................................30 Delusions .....................................................................................................37 A Non-sectarian International? ....................................................................39 The Ongoing International ...........................................................................57 Conclusion ...................................................................................................69 Appendix 1: The Basel Congress of the International, 1869. ......................77 [A] Summary and extracts of the report -
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MAOISM-ITS ORIGINS, BACKGROUND, AND OUTLOOK Isaac Deutscher WHAT does Maoism stand for? What does it represent as a political idea and as a current in contemporary communism? The need to clarify these questions has become all the more urgent because Maoism is now openly competing with other communist schools of thought for inter- national recognition. Yet before entering this competition Maoism had existed as a current, and then as the dominant trend, of Chinese communism for thirty to thirty-five years. It is under its banner that the main forces of the Chinese revolution waged the most protracted civil war in modern history; and that they won their victory in 1949, making the greatest single breach in world capitalism since the October Revolu- tion, and freeing the Soviet Union from isolation. It is hardly surprising that Maoism should at last advance politically beyond its national . boundaries and claim world-wide attention to its ideas. What is surprising is that it has not done so earlier and that it has for so long remained closed within the confines of its national experience. Maoism presents in this respect a striking contrast with Leninism. The latter also existed at first as a purely Russian school of thought; but not for long. In 1915, after the collapse of the Second International, Lenin was already the central figure in the movement for the Third International, its initiator and inspirer-Bolshevism, as a faction in the Russian Social Democratic Party, was not much older then than a decade. Before that the Bolsheviks, like other Russian socialists, had lived intensely with all the problems of international Marxism, absorbed all its experience, participated in all its controversies, and felt bound to it with unbreakable ties of intellectual, moral, and political solidarity. -
Was Karl Marx an Ecosocialist?
Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 17 • Issue 2 • 2020 doi:10.32855/fcapital.202002.006 Was Karl Marx an Ecosocialist? Carl Boggs Facing the provocative question as to whether Karl Marx could be regarded as an ecosocialist – the very first ecosocialist – contemporary environmentalists might be excused for feeling puzzled. After all, the theory (a historic merger of socialism and ecology) did not enter Western political discourse until the late 1970s and early 1980s, when leading figures of the European Greens (Rudolf Bahro, Rainer Trampert, Thomas Ebermann) were laying the foundations of a “red-green” politics. That would be roughly one century after Marx completed his final work. Later ecological thinkers would further refine (and redefine) the outlook, among them Barry Commoner, James O’Connor, Murray Bookchin, Andre Gorz, and Joel Kovel. It would not be until the late 1990s and into the new century, however, that leftists around the journal Monthly Review (notably Paul Burkett, John Bellamy Foster, Fred Magdoff) would begin to formulate the living image of an “ecological Marx.” The most recent, perhaps most ambitious, of these projects is Kohei Saito’s Karl Marx’s Ecosocialism, an effort to reconstruct Marx’s thought from the vantage point of the current ecological crisis. Was the great Marx, who died in 1883, indeed something of an ecological radical – a theorist for whom, as Saito argues, natural relations were fundamental to understanding capitalist development? Saito’s aim was to arrive at a new reading of Marx’s writings based on previously unpublished “scientific notebooks” written toward the end of Marx’s life. -
CND 39Th Session
UNITED NATIONS Economic and Social Distr. Council GENERAL E/CN.7/1996/7 20 December 1995 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH COMMISSION ON NARCOTIC DRUGS Thirty-ninth session Vienna, 16-25 April 1996 Item 4 of the provisional agenda* PRINCIPLES AND PRACTICE OF PRIMARY AND SECONDARY PREVENTION IN DEMAND REDUCTION PROGRAMMES Regional cooperation in demand reduction Report of the Secretariat Summary The need to establish a regional mechanism for the regular exchange of information, experiences, training at its programmes and new ideas on demand reduction was recognized by the Commission on Narcotic Drugs at its thirty-sixth session. In response, the United Nations International Drug Control Programme organized subregional expert forums on demand reduction and international private sector conferences on drugs in the workplace and the community. Participants examined the nature of drug abuse and its patterns and trends in their countries and described and compared the programmes that had been or could be undertaken to reduce the illicit demand for drugs. The forums also explored ways to facilitate the development of professional networks at the national and subregional levels. It was concluded that there was a need to develop regional and interregional networks and to formulate national demand reduction plans, taking into account the specific socio-cultural situations. All the forums concluded that there was a need to continue the momentum that had been generated by holding further meetings on a regular basis. The involvement of the private sector in the mobilization of human and financial resources to prevent drug abuse in the workplace and in the community was the subject of two meetings. -
Karl Marx and the Iwma Revisited 299 Jürgen Herres
“Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” <UN> Studies in Global Social History Editor Marcel van der Linden (International Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, The Netherlands) Editorial Board Sven Beckert (Harvard University, Cambridge, ma, usa) Dirk Hoerder (University of Arizona, Phoenix, ar, usa) Chitra Joshi (Indraprastha College, Delhi University, India) Amarjit Kaur (University of New England, Armidale, Australia) Barbara Weinstein (New York University, New York, ny, usa) volume 29 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sgsh <UN> “Arise Ye Wretched of the Earth” The First International in a Global Perspective Edited by Fabrice Bensimon Quentin Deluermoz Jeanne Moisand leiden | boston <UN> This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. Cover illustration: Bannière de la Solidarité de Fayt (cover and back). Sources: Cornet Fidèle and Massart Théophile entries in Dictionnaire biographique du mouvement ouvrier en Belgique en ligne : maitron-en -ligne.univ-paris1.fr. Copyright : Bibliothèque et Archives de l’IEV – Brussels. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Bensimon, Fabrice, editor. | Deluermoz, Quentin, editor. | Moisand, Jeanne, 1978- editor. Title: “Arise ye wretched of the earth” : the First International in a global perspective / edited by Fabrice Bensimon, Quentin Deluermoz, Jeanne Moisand. Description: Leiden ; Boston : Brill, [2018] | Series: Studies in global social history, issn 1874-6705 ; volume 29 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018002194 (print) | LCCN 2018004158 (ebook) | isbn 9789004335462 (E-book) | isbn 9789004335455 (hardback : alk. -
Marxism, Freedom and the State
Marxism,Marxism, FreedomFreedom andand thethe StateState Zabalaza Books “Knowledge is the Key to be Free” Post: Postnet Suite 116, Private Bag X42, Braamfontein, 2017, Johannesburg, South Africa E-Mail: [email protected] Mikhail Bakunin Website: www.zabalaza.net/zababooks Mikhail Bakunin Marxism, Freedom & the State - Page 44 13. A satiric allusion to the reference to Marx by Sorge, the German-American dele- gate, at the Hague Conference. 14. Compare James Burnham's theory in his Managerial Revolution. 15. i.e., 1872. 16. This sentence is, of course, purely ironical. 17. Radicals - the more progressive wing of the Liberals, and standing for social reform and political equalitarianism, but not for the abolition of private property, or of the wage system. Hence they were not Socialists. The Labour Party of today has inherited much of their policy. 18. Written in September, 1870. 19. The Marxists and the Lassalleans. They united in 1875. 20. In a previous passage, Bakunin had said that Mazzini, like the Marxists, wanted to use the 'people's strength whereby to gain political power. Liberty for all, and a natural respect for 21. This is essentially the line put forward today by Labour politicians, especially when, in Australia, they are asking for increased powers for the Federal that liberty: such are the essential Government. conditions of international solidarity. 22. Followers of Auguste Comte (1798-1857) founder of the science of Sociology. In his later writings Comte advocated a Religion of Humanity, to be led by a sort of agnostic secular priesthood consisting of scientific intellectuals, who would act as the - Bakunin moral and spiritual guides of a new social order.