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The International. 1864'1924

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The International. 1864'1924 DESIC~ DY W\LTER CRA~E THE INTERNATIONAL. 1864'1924 TvovAENLlIKKEEN 9325 73 ~IRJASTO ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE INTERNATIONAL WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION N September 28th, 186+. took place that great meeting in St. Martin's Hall, with Professor Bcesly in the chai r, when it was resolved on principle to create an International Association of Workers. At the same lime a Committee was O elected to draft the rules of the suggested organisation. At the second meeting of this Committee, on October 12th, 1864, it was decided to name the new Society "The Intcrna· tional Working Men's Association." At the fourth meeting of the Committee, on November 1St, .864, the final wording of the Inaugural Address and the rules were unanimously adopted. This first document of the International Working Men's Association (a small pamphlet of 16 pages) was printed and distributed. Very few copies of the original English edition exist to.day, and we have been unable to trace one at the British Museum. For this reason the Labour and Socialist International has prepared a new edition of this historical document in conn e<:tion with the 60th Anniversary of the International. It is an absolutely true reproduction by a photographic method. The very important conclusion of the document reads as follows: Past experience has shown how disregard of that bond of brotherhood which ought 10 exist betwee n the workmen of different countries, and incite them to stand firmly by each other in all their struggles fo r emancipation , wi ll be chastised by the common discomfiture of their incoherent efforfs. This thought prompted the working men of different cou ntrit!s assembled on September 28, 1864, in public meeting at SI. Martin's Hall , to found the i nter­ national Associ;ltion. Another Convict ion swayed that meeting. If the emancipation of the working classes requires thei r fraternal concurrence, how arc they to fu lfil that great mission with a foreign policy in pursuit of criminal designs, playing upon national prejudices, and squa ndering in piratical wars the people's blood and treasu re? It was not the wisdom of the ru ling classes, but the heroic resistance to their criminal folly by the working classes of England that saved the West of Europe from plunging headlong into an infamous crusade for the perpetuation and propagation of slavery on the other side of the Atlantic. The shameless approval, mqck sympathy, or idiotic indifference, with which the upper classes of Europe have wi tnessed the mountain fortress of the Caucasus falling a prey to, and heroic Poland being assassinated by, Russia ; the immense and unresisted encroachments of that barbarous power, whose head is at SI. Petersburg, and whose hands are in e\'ery Cabinet of Europe, have taught the working classes the duty 10 master themselves the mysteries of international politiC!l; to watch the diplomatic :lcts of their respective Governments; to counteract them, if necessary, by all means in their power; when unable to prevent, to combine in simultaneous denunciations, and to vindicate the simple laws of morals and justice, which ought to govern the relations of private individuals, as the ru les paramount of the inter- ____',o~ u;:",;;;,.. of natiolls, - e gntfor such a roreign policy forms part ofth"e general struggie"fOrthe emancipatlollo f the working classes. Proletarians of all countries, Unite! Photo of the house now built on the .ite of the old St. Martin's Hall , Long Acre, where 'he International was founded (Itft). Right is No. 18 Greek Street, where the General Council of the ofd International used to meet. 2 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL (1864-1876) H E fiftieth anniversary of the First International Karl Marx's ideas were moving in the same direction. In \Vorkers' Organisation came at a time \vhcn inter­ the Communist manifesto as early as 1847 he and Engels national ideals seemed to be in a state of complete had proclaimed the necessity fo r workers of all countries to Tbankruptcy. The world war had not on ly broken down all unite in a common struggle. Since 1850 he had been in international organisation, but had entirely destroyed the England and had studied this State which was the most feeling of international solidarity amongst the masses, and progressive in the world from the capitalist point of view, aroused in its stead fierce national hatred on both sides. and which was pointing the way to other States in thcir To-day, on the 60th anniversary of the First I nternationa1. economic development. He had recognised and extolled the its successor stands forth more powerful than ever before. workers of England of that time as the champions of the Thai, however, is not the only c han~e in the past ten working classes of the world, and had held them up to the years. If it had been possible fo r us to celebrate the jubilee workers of :l1l countries as a pattern in their fight for a legal of the International, the celebration would have taken place working day. at a time when the Gennan Social Democratic Party set the What the British workers were aiming at round about 1864, standard for all Labour Parties, the British Labour Party Marx wanted also in the interests Qf the world proletariat. hadng little significance outside Britain. Small wonder that :\larx and the workers of England found To-day the Labour Party has become the most powerful one another in the First International, and that he became clcmcnt in the International, and so, in the brain which inspired their actions. a certain sense, we come back to the On the General Council of the First point from which the First Inter­ International Marx wo rked in close national started . union with the leaders of the British The First International was mainly Trade Unions which had become of British foundation. When, on affiliated to it . Marx drafted the reports September 28, 1864, it was decided and resolutions for the General Coun­ to fonn an International Workers' cil which that body laid before the Organisation it was only on British soil congresses of the International. Those that there were mass organis.1tions of resolutions dealing with Trade Unions, European workers. Such workers' as­ Co-operative Societies, Labour legis­ sociations as existed on the Continent lation,and educational matters are not of Europe were entirely unimportant, out of date even to-day. Even to-day owing-to-police regu lations and to the they point the way. They did so in a reaction following on the revolution of far higher degree 50 and 60 years ago. 1848. In England, too, Chartism had The st riving Labour Movements of gradually cooled down during the the Continent derived rich benefit reaction period after its political failure from them. of 1848 and the allainment of the ten­ But the First International was not hourdaY(I8.n}. But the Trade Unions limited to theory only. It went in had become much more vigorous; the strongly for practice, too. Owing to ten-lwur day had regenernted and the intimate connection of the Inter­ PROFESSOR BIlI!$LY strengthened great masses of the Chairman at the Foundntionl\lleel;ng of national with the Hritish Trade Unions, workers, and after the slackness of the the International Workin!: Mcn's As_ the fight of the latter for the franchise reaction period was over the wo rkers sociation in St. Martin', Hall, London. was its fight too. Three years after were preparing to fight for the fra nchise the··formation of the International the just at the time of the founding of the First International. struggle resulted, not in- universal franchise, it is true, but There was praeticallynothingofthe kind to be found on the :11 :my rate in franchise for the better paid workers. Continent- neither Trade Unions, nor Labour legislation On the Continent the Internationalists raised the slogan nor Labour Parties. In Germany something in the nature of univer5.11franchise in Prussia, and entered upon a struggle of a Labour Party had just been founded by Lassalle . with Bismarck, whi lst in France they struggled against the In these circumstances, the British workers had every Napoleonic Empire. They seized every opportunity to form reason to fear lest any further progress on their part might Trnde Unions as far as the law permitted them to do so, and be blocked by the competition of the workers on the Con­ llroused the spirit of opposition amongst the workers. tinent, should the laller remain without organisation and This resulted in numerous strikes. These were often h.bour legislation. The British workers were too great successful owing to the leadership of the Internationalists. supporters of Free Trade to seck to save themselves from Their success, it is true, was often largely due to the fact this danger by means of protective tariffs and immigration that employers on the Continent were not prepared for prohihitions. They re<:og nised the solidarity of their interests opposition on the part of the workers, and were taken by wi th those of the workers on the Continent and endeavoured surprise. To a large extent the employers ascribed the to keep the favourable position they had won, not by shutting success of the strikes to the enormous funds which were out other countries, but by supporting the workers of those said to be at the disposal of the International. This legend, countries in their attempts at organising themselves and of course, increased the respect of the employers fo r the fighting for better labour conditions. International, but it also increased their hatred of it.
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