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Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’S Emerging Civic Society
Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’s Emerging Civic Society Scott Simon, professeur agrégé Département de sociologie et anthropologie Université d’Ottawa, Canada Chercheur invité Institut d’Asie Orientale, ÉNS-LSH Lyon, France Paper prepared for the Fifth European Association of Taiwan Studies (EATS) Conference, Prague, Czech Republic, 18-20 April, 2008. Please do not cite or quote without the written permission of the author. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract: For more than two decades, indigenous autonomy has been one of the main demands of Taiwan’s indigenous rights movement. Indigenous autonomy was incorporated into Chen Shui-bian’s campaign promises in 1999, and subsequently adopted as a policy goal in the 2000 DPP White Paper on Indigenous Policy. In 2005, the passage of the Basic Law on Indigenous Peoples made it seem as if this goal could soon be fulfilled. The Taroko Nation, recognized by the ROC in 2004, initially seemed poised to create Taiwan’s first indigenous autonomous region. Those goals, however, have been slowed down by the emergence of communities and individuals in their defined territory who refuse Taroko identity and have launched a competing drive for recognition as the Sediq Nation. Some Taroko people also resist the project of autonomy on the grounds that it merely empowers a small elite and does nothing to address their more immediate economic problems. These counter movements suggest that more is at stake in “autonomy” than indigenous rights. This paper thus looks at the creation of indigenous autonomy as part of an emerging civic society for an independent Taiwan. -
Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” the Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan
China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan Paul Jobin Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Paul Jobin, « Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e v Hazards and Protest in the i a t c n i e “Green Silicon Island” h p s c r The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan e p PAUL JOBIN This paper presents the struggle of several actors, from environmental NGOs to labour activists, to make industrial hazards more socially visible. After an overview of the key issues in Taiwan’s environmental movement since the democratic transition of the mid-1980s, the second part focuses on labour NGOs, an original form of mobilisation pushing for reform of the compensation scheme for occupational hazards. The cases presented cover different industries—including nuclear, chemical, electronics, etc.—various pollutants, and their consequences on public health such as lung diseases diseases and cancers. n his inauguration address in 2000, the newly elected rior of work sites—be it a mine, an electronics factory, a nu - president Chen Shui-bian announced an ambitious proj - clear plant, a construction site, or the office of a Iect of converting Taiwan into a “Green Silicon Island” newspaper. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Taiwan Relations: New Faces, Familiar Policies David G. Brown, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Kevin Scott, The Brookings Institution Leadership changes have occurred on both sides of the strait. As predicted, the 18th Party Congress saw Xi Jinping appointed as general secretary in Beijing. In Taipei, President Ma announced in September a complete reshuffle of his cross-strait and foreign policy team. In both cases, the personnel changes do not foreshadow any policy changes in the coming months. While Ma remains unwilling to address political issues in direct negotiations, some interesting Track 2 dialogues occurred. In October, Beijing gave visiting DPP politician Hsieh Chang-ting unusual high-level attention, and following his return Hsieh has tried, thus far unsuccessfully, to promote change in DPP policy. Against the backdrop of increasing tensions over the Diaoyu Islands, Ma is focused on asserting Taiwan’s interests primarily through his East China Sea Peace Initiative. 18th Party Congress and PRC policy The 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) saw the long-anticipated emergence of a new party leadership under General Secretary Xi Jinping. In the lead-up to the Congress, Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) Minister Wang Yi authored two important articles. The first, an article in the party theoretical journal Qiushi, addressed primarily to party members, was entitled “The Accomplishments and Theoretical Renewal in Cross-Strait Work during the Past Ten Years.” Wang noted that the goal was reunification, that the interests of all Chinese would be best served by peaceful reunification and that the “peaceful development” of cross-strait relations based on Hu Jintao’s Six Points would pave the way for peaceful reunification. -
SWP Comments 2008/C 06, April 2008, 4 Pages
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Great Expectations for Cross-Strait Relations SWP Comments Ma Ying-jeou wins presidential elections Sebastian Bersick / Gudrun Wacker In January 2008, Taiwan’s opposition party Kuomintang (KMT) won a two-thirds majority in the elections for the Legislative Yuan, the parliament in Taiwan. On March 22, the candidate of this party, Ma Ying-jeou, was elected president of Taiwan by a margin of almost 20 per cent. There is widespread hope that his inauguration on 20 May 2008 will be the beginning of a phase of improved relations with mainland China. It will not be easy for Ma, however, to fulfil the manifold and often contradictory expectations—of the Taiwanese population, his own party, Beijing and important international partners. He will only be able to make progress in the short run if Beijing is willing to use this window of opportunity for improving cross-Strait relations by reaching out to the new government. On 22 March 2008, KMT candidate Ma Ying- and put forward the question of Taiwan’s jeou (57) won the presidential election in accession to the United Nations (UN)—failed Taiwan by a wide margin of about 2.2 mil- to reach the necessary quorum of 50 per lion votes against his competitor, Frank cent, or 8.5 million voters: Only about 36 Hsieh (61), of the Democratic Progressive per cent of the eligible voters cast their vote Party (DPP). Ma received 58.45 per cent of for the referendum of the DPP and for that the votes, Hsieh only 41.55 per cent. -
Democratic Progressive Party Mínjìndǎng 民进党
◀ Defense Industry Comprehensive index starts in volume 5, page 2667. Democratic Progressive Party Mínjìndǎng 民进党 The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of 4 Taiwan’s history has mainly been the record of Taiwan was established on 28 September 1986, Taiwanese seeking self-determination and self- when martial law was lifted in Taiwan, allow- r u l e . ing the formation of political parties. 5 Taiwan needs a complete change of govern- ment. 6 Taiwan’s independence movement is in ac- cordance with the prevailing tendencies in the he origins of the Democratic Progressive Party world. (DPP) can be traced to two main groups: po- litical prisoners jailed in Taiwan by the Kuom- Taiwan’s leader at that time, Chiang Kai-shek, had, intang (Nationalist Party in Taiwan) government, and of course, always maintained that Taiwan is a province exiled dissidents living in Japan and the United States of China. who were members of Taiwan independence move- In January 1970 Taiwanese dissidents in Japan, Europe, ments. Together the two groups were referred to as Dang and the United States formed the Taiwan Independence wai (Outside the [Kuomintang] Party) before they es- Alliance. The founding members included Tsai Tung- tablished the DPP. jung, Chang T s a n - hung, Wang Y u - te, and Huang Y u - j e n . The DPP’s ideology was formulated by the intellec- Growing impatient with Chiang’s authoritarian, one-party tual dissident Peng Ming-min, who drafted a number of rule in Taiwan, they practiced terrorism in an attempt to manifestos. Peng in 1961 became the young chairman of overthrow Chiang in the 1970s. -
Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations
Romberg, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations Alan D. Romberg With the nomination of Frank Hsieh Chang-ting as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate to oppose Kuomintang (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan’s March 2008 presidential election, and with the PRC gearing up greater pressure on Taiwan’s participation in international organizations, this is an appropriate moment to think about how the election will affect cross-Strait relations. The policies adopted by the next Taipei administration will, of course, be decisive in determining the course of those relations over the next four or even eight years. However, the campaign itself will shape both the way the next administration approaches cross-Strait issues and the mindset of Mainland policymakers as they prepare to deal with the new Taiwan leadership. It will also condition U.S. attitudes toward the winner. Taiwan—Where the Candidates Stand on Cross-Strait Relations One of the striking things that emerges from conversations with senior leaders in the KMT and DPP is their common assertion that, for all of the barbed rhetoric and legislative battles that divide them, and for all of the attempts by the current Taipei administration to paint the KMT as a PRC collaborator, the mainstreams of their parties are not terribly far apart in crucial respects on cross-Strait issues. Both candidates advocate broader cross-Strait economic and cultural ties. Both seek to expand Taiwan’s “international space” in a capacity that does not subordinate it to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). -
The Electoral Fortunes of Taiwan's Green Party: 1996–2012
Japanese Journal of Political Science 17 (1), 63–83 © Cambridge University Press 2016 doi:10.1017/S1468109915000390 . The Electoral Fortunes of Taiwan’s Green Party: 1996–2012 DAFYDD FELL School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), University of London [email protected] YEN-WEN PENG https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms Institute of Public Affairs Management, National Sun Yat Sen University, Taiwan [email protected] Abstract The Green Party Taiwan (GPT) represents an important case both for scholars of environmental politics but also Taiwanese politics. Established in 1996, it is the oldest Asian green party and is one of the most active parties in the Asia-Pacific Greens network. The party has enjoyed mixed electoral fortunes. After promising early election results, the GPT virtually ceased contesting elections between 2000 and 2005. However, from 2006 the party began a gradual revival in its vote shares. This process , subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at culminated in the January 2012 Legislative Yuan election when the GPT surprised many observers by coming fifth in the proportional party vote. Considering the limited resources at the party’s disposal this was quite an achievement. In this study, we examine and explain the changing electoral fortunes of the GPT since its establishment in 1996. We are interested to see whether standard theories for explaining small or 18 Jan 2020 at 01:12:25 ecological party success, that have been developed in western Europe, work well in the , on Taiwan context. Our research is based on a range of new fieldwork conducted between 2012 and 2014. -
INTA Criminal Enforcement of Copyrights
CRIMINAL ENFORCEMENT OF COPYRIGHTS AN ANTHOLOGY FOR IP PRACTITIONERS EDITORS: FAISAL DAUDPOTA TÂNIA AOKI CARNEIRO (ENFORCEMENT SUB-COMMITTEE) COPYRIGHT COMMITTEE MARCH 2021 CONTENTS Executive Summary ................................................................................................................................ 3 Contributors ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Albania .................................................................................................................................................... 6 Argentina ................................................................................................................................................ 9 Australia ................................................................................................................................................ 12 Belgium ................................................................................................................................................. 15 Brazil ..................................................................................................................................................... 18 Bulgaria ................................................................................................................................................. 21 Canada ................................................................................................................................................. -
Survey: English
TEDS2012 Questionnaire We are ready to start today’s interview. If, at any time during the interview, you feel something is not clear, please tell me immediately and I will read it again. Or, if you do not want to answer a question, please tell me and we will skip that question. _________________________________________________________________________________ Part 1: Politics and Media A1. During this year’s presidential and legislative election campaign, some people spent a lot of time on all kinds of media news stories about the election, while others did not have the time for this type of news. On average, how much time did you spend each day on election campaign news on TV? 01. Less than 30 minutes 02. 31-60 minutes 03. 60-90 minutes 04. 90 minutes to 2 hours 05. More than 2 hours 06. Every once in a while 07. None at all 95. Refuse to answer 96. It depends 98. Don’t know A1a. What about election news on the radio? 01. Less than 30 minutes 02. 31-60 minutes 03. 60-90 minutes 04. 90 minutes to 2 hours 05. More than 2 hours 06. Every once in a while 07. None at all 95. Refuse to answer 96. It depends 98. Don’t know 1 A1b. What about election news on the internet? 01. Less than 30 minutes 02. 31-60 minutes 03. 60-90 minutes 04. 90 minutes to 2 hours 05. More than 2 hours 06. Every once in a while 07. None at all 95. Refuse to answer 96. It depends 98. -
HOW to WATCH TELEVISION This Page Intentionally Left Blank HOW to WATCH TELEVISION
HOW TO WATCH TELEVISION This page intentionally left blank HOW TO WATCH TELEVISION EDITED BY ETHAN THOMPSON AND JASON MITTELL a New York University Press New York and London NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS New York and London www.nyupress.org © 2013 by Ethan Thompson and Jason Mittell All rights reserved References to Internet websites (URLs) were accurate at the time of writing. Neither the author nor New York University Press is responsible for URLs that may have expired or changed since the manuscript was prepared. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data How to watch television / edited by Ethan Thompson and Jason Mittell. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8147-4531-1 (cl : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8147-6398-8 (pb : alk. paper) 1. Television programs—United States. 2. Television programs—Social aspects—United States. 3. Television programs—Political aspects—United States. I. Thompson, Ethan, editor of compilation. II. Mittell, Jason, editor of compilation. PN1992.3.U5H79 2013 791.45'70973—dc23 2013010676 New York University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and their binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. We strive to use environmentally responsible suppliers and materials to the greatest extent possible in publishing our books. Manufactured in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Contents Acknowledgments ix Introduction: An Owner’s Manual for Television 1 Ethan Thompson and Jason Mittell I. TV Form: Aesthetics and Style 1 Homicide: Realism 13 Bambi L. Haggins 2 House: Narrative Complexity 22 Amanda D. -
Rui Liu Thesis (PDF 1MB)
Competition and Innovation: Independent Production in the Chinese TV Industry by Rui Liu Art BA /Journalism MA A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of PhD Creative Industries Faculty Queensland University of Technology 2011 Competition and Innovation: Independent Production in Chinese TV Industry Competition and Innovation: Independent Production in Chinese TV Industry Abstract Independent television production is recognised for its capacity to generate new kinds of program content, as well as deliver innovation in formats. Globally, the television industry is entering into the post-broadcasting era where audiences are fragmented and content is distributed across multiple platforms. The effects of this convergence are now being felt in China, as it both challenges old statist models and presents new opportunities for content innovation. This thesis discusses the status of independent production in China, making relevant comparisons with independent production in other countries. Independent television production has become an important element in the reform of broadcasting in China in the past decade. The first independent TV production company was registered officially in 1994. While there are now over 4000 independent companies, the term „independent‟ does not necessarily constitute autonomy. The question the thesis addresses is: what is the status and nature of independence in China? Is it an appropriate term to use to describe the changing environment, or is it a misnomer? The thesis argues that Chinese independents operate alongside the mainstream state- owned system; they are „dependent‟ on the mainstream. Therefore independent television in China is a relative term. By looking at several companies in Beijing, mainly in entertainment, TV drama and animation, the thesis shows how the sector is injecting fresh ideas into the marketplace and how it plays an important role in improving innovation in many aspects of the television industry.