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New and Old Samoyed Etymologies*

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New and Old Samoyed Etymologies* New and Old Samoyed Etymologies Ante Aikio New and Old Samoyed Etymologies* The paper discusses etymological equations between Samoyedic and Finno-Ugric languages. The presentation includes both new etymologies and comments on previously presented comparisons that have been ignored or rejected in the strictest treatments of Uralic historical phonology. A total of 28 Samoyedic word families are subjected to etymological analysis, and several other etymologies are briefly commented upon. It is argued that even in a framework of relatively strict sound laws, the number of Proto- Uralic etymologies with Samoyedic cognates turns out to be higher than the most critical estimates presented earlier. 0. Introduction The Samoyedic languages constitute the least studied branch of the Uralic language family. Undoubtedly, the only Uralic languages spoken today that still have not been sufficiently documented belong to the Samoyedic branch. However, Samoyedic obviously occupies one of the key positions in comparative reconstruction in Uralic. According to the traditional view, the primary genealogical distinction in Uralic is between Samoyedic and all the other Uralic languages, i.e. the Finno-Ugric branch. Even if this traditional dichotomy of the Uralic languages is not accepted (and perhaps it should not be, as the linguistic arguments supporting it are not particularly strong), it is clear that because of its geographically peripheral location, Samoyedic still plays a more important role in the reconstruction of Proto- Uralic than many of the central branches (see e.g. Korhonen 1986, esp. 216–217). For a long time Proto-Finno-Ugric and Proto-Uralic were mainly ap- proached from the perspective of the western periphery of the language family. While extralinguistic factors may have contributed to some extent to such an approach, mostly it was due to the fact that the necessary low-level comparative research in the field of the eastern Uralic languages had not been done. But after Proto-Samoyed had been reconstructed in detail, a phonologically systematic comparison between the western and eastern 9 Ante Aikio peripheries (Finnic-Samic-Mordvinic and Samoyedic, respectively) became possible, and a clearer picture of Proto-Uralic phonology began to emerge (note especially Janhunen 1981). This advance was largely achieved through a phonologically critical re-evaluation of the etymological corpus that led to a significant decrease in the number of Proto-Uralic etymons that were considered reliably reconstructed (see Sammallahti 1988: 479). This was to be expected, because only after the sound laws leading from Proto-Uralic to Proto-Samoyed and the present-day Samoyed languages had been recon- structed in detail were there exact phonological criteria for etymological cognateness between Samoyedic and the western branches of Uralic. The purpose of this paper is twofold. First, my goal is simply to etymologize certain Samoyedic words, because relatively little etymological basic research has yet been done in the field of Samoyedic linguistics. Secondly, my intention is to examine the predictive power of the recon- structed sound laws leading from Proto-Uralic to Proto-Samoyed. I intend to show that on the basis of the proposed sound laws one has not only been able to explain the data on which they are based, but even managed to predict a substantial amount of previously unnoticed etymological equations. I will discuss Proto-Uralic etymologies which had not been noticed up to the time of the publication of Janhunen 1981; all the cases produced here are new, except etymologies 1.6., 1.11. and 1.19., which were originally proposed by Daniel Abondolo (1996). Additionally, I shall present new arguments supporting previously proposed etymologies that were either rejected or (possibly accidentally) ignored in Janhunen 1981. The phonological treatment of the etymologies is based on the sound laws established by Janhunen (o.c.) and Sammallahti (1988), unless otherwise specified. I operate with the traditional concept of a Finno-Ugric proto- language (PFU) as distinct from Proto-Uralic (PU), despite its controversial status. However, Sammallahti’s reconstructions of Proto-Finno-Permic and Proto-Finno-Volgaic are considered identical with PFU, as the assumed phonological innovations defining these proto-languages are minor. When established PU or PFU etymologies are discussed, a reference to Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch (UEW) is made, where cognates can be found, but the reconstructed forms do not always accord with those given in this dictionary. Proto-Samoyed reconstructions are based on Janhunen’s Samojedischer Wortschatz (SW), except for the non-initial syllable vowels, in the reconstruction of which I subscribe to the views of Eugen Helimski (see e.g. 1997: 70). 10 New and Old Samoyed Etymologies Only Tundra Nenets forms are given for Nenets, and these are transcribed according to the phonological transcription employed by Tapani Salminen (see e.g. 1997: 31–35). Mator words are transcribed according to Helimski 1997. Nganasan, Enets, Selkup and Kamass words are transcribed according to the source used, except that unnecessary diacritics that have no phonemic relevance have been omitted. 1. New Uralic etymologies 1.1. PS *cana- ‘to rub, wear out (tr.)’ [> Nenets tanga-], *cano- ‘to wear out (intr.)’ [> Nenets tango-, Kamass tan5o-] (SW: 151) < PU *cav na- ‘to strike, beat, rub’ Reflexes of the PS etymon are attested only in Nenets and Kamass. The intransitive verb *cano- is a derivative. There are many other Proto-Samoyed verb pairs with the stem vowel correspondence *a / *e (transitive) ~ *o / *ö (intransitive), e.g. PS *ita-{ ‘to hang (tr.)’ ~ *itö-{ ‘to hang (intr.)’, *kaje- ‘to leave (tr.)’ ~ *kajo- ‘to remain’ (cf. SW: 25–26, 58). The labial vowel goes back to the PU passive-reflexive suffix *w, although it is unclear why it is reflected as *ö also in some back vocalic stems, which is in contradiction with vowel harmony. This suffix has cognates in at least Samic, Finnic, Mordvin, Mansi and Hungarian (Kulonen 1989: 51–53). There are also pairs of transitive and intransitive verbs in Mari which differ in their stem vowels, e.g. woze- ‘to drop’ ~ woza- ‘to fall’. The intransitive verbs may have also originally contained the same suffix. Note especially Mari kode- ‘to leave (tr.)’ ~ koda- ‘to remain’, which correspond to Sami guod∞ di-∞ ‘to leave’ ~ gud∞ do-∞ ‘to be left (passive)’ and PS *kaje- ~ *kajo- (< PU *kad'a- ‘to leave’, *kad'a-w- ‘to be left, to remain’) (but cf. Kangasmaa-Minn 1998: 234–235).1 According to SW, the Proto-Samoyed reconstruction is *t1ana-, where *t1 can represent either PS *t or *c. These consonants have retained their opposition only in Selkup, where reflexes of this word are not encountered. However, PS *c may be assumed here, because the word has a counterpart in PFU *cav na- ‘to strike, beat’, which is attested in Mordvin cavo-v ‘to strike’, Mari co7 nge- ‘to beat’, Khanty (Vasjugan) cv og-, (Konda) cov nx- and Mansi (Mid-Konda) se58 nkØ - ‘to strike, kick’ (UEW: 53–54). The comparison is phonologically almost flawless. On the basis of Mordvin, Mari and Mansi PFU *a can be reconstructed in the first syllable; only the Khanty vowel 11 Ante Aikio (Proto-Khanty *5o pro *a5 ) is irregular. The illabial vowel in Mansi can be explained by a transition of labiality to the following velar consonants (Proto-Mansi *sv ı{‰ nØ k Ø - < *sv u5 nk-). The predictable reflex of PFU *a is Proto- Mansi *u5 . The comparison is also semantically natural. A parallel is found in English strike, which derives from Old English strıcan‰ ‘to move, stroke, rub’. English stroke and German Streich ‘blow, stroke’, streichen ‘to spread, smear, stroke’ belong to the same Germanic word family. (Klein 1966–1967 s.v., Kluge 1995 s.v.) Another word worth noting is Finnish lyöttää ‘to strike (causative); to rub, chafe’ (SSA s.v. lyödä). 1.2. PS *jqtq ‘block of wood’ [> Nenets yødo ‘block of wood (e.g. under a boat, or for beating something); pole (in a trap)’2, Enets (der.) дёго' дёзозту" ‘pole in a trap’ (дёго' ‘trap’), Selkup catv i{ ‘beater, cudgel’] (SW: 36) < PU *luta ‘block of wood? (some simple wooden tool)’ The reflexes of PS *jqtq display considerable heterogeneity in meaning, but all of them refer to some type of simple wooden tool. The word family is of Uralic origin: it is cognate with Finnic-Samic *luta, which is reflected in North Sami lohti ‘wedge’ (in Ter Sami also ‘plug’) and Finnish luta ‘a split twig with which the corners of a bark container are fastened; a wooden or bone stick with a sharp flat edge carved at the other end, used for removing birch bark’. The comparison is phonologically acceptable: PU *u > PS *q (in *a-stems) and PU *l- > PS *j- are regular sound laws. The only irregularity is the sporadic reduction of the stem-final vowel (*a > *q). But this does not pose a problem, as there are several other examples of such reduction in Samoyedic, e.g. PU *kuma- ‘to fall over’ > PS *kqmq- (see Janhunen 1981: 226–230 for a discussion on the reduction phenomenon). The Sami words with the meanings ‘wedge’ and ‘plug’ come especially close semantically to the Samoyedic word family. A wedge is a simple wooden tool, and the semantic derivation ‘block of wood (used as a tool)’ > ‘wedge’ is fully conceivable. The meanings of the Finnish word are appar- ently secondary, but they are not particularly far from the assumed original meaning, either. The development was probably ‘block of wood’ > ‘piece of wood’ > ‘pin, stick’ etc. It is also worth noting that the shape of the instrument used for removing birch bark resembles a wedge. An almost exact parallel for the semantic development of Finnish luta can also be presented: Mordvin salgo7 ‘pin, stick; staff; a tool for removing linden bark (= Finnish luta)’ ~ 12 New and Old Samoyed Etymologies Finnish salko ‘long pole, rod etc.’, Sami cuolgguv ‘lever, crowbar; a bar for pushing nets under the ice’.
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