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The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba'thist Iraq, 1963

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The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba'thist Iraq, 1963 Reactive Nationalism in a Homogenizing State: The Kurdish Nationalism Movement in Ba’thist Iraq, 1963 – 2003 Submitted by Shorsh Mustafa Resool to the University of Exeter for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Arab & Islamic Studies by research in January 2012 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. (Signature) ……S. Resool…… 1 Abstract The thesis analyzes the Kurdish nationalism movement as a reaction to the homogenization process by successive Iraqi governments since the establishment of the current state of Iraq. The case study for the thesis is Kurdish reactive nationalism and the Ba’th party from 1963 - 2003. The Ba'th Party came to power in 1963 then again in 1968 through two co-de-ta until their fall in 2003. The Ba'th Party tried to homogenize the state of Iraq and impose a Sunni-Arab identity to Iraq through centralized education and administration system. The Sunni Arabs are a minority group within the boundary of Iraq but had been the dominant group since 1921 until 2003. The Kurds refused such identity and demanded for their national rights to be recognized. The Ba’th Party excluded the Kurds from holding senior or sensitive posts within education, administration and military posts. Having the control over the judicial system, the Ba’th Party labeled the Kurds as traitors, which legitimize their extermination. Subsequently, they were subjected to genocide under the hands of the Ba’th party. Despite all this, the Kurds continued in their struggle for their national rights. With every step by the Ba'th party to exterminate them the Kurds reacted by organizing themselves and adapted themselves to the new situation. They also seized every opportunity that had arisen to enhance their position. The Kurdish nationalism blossomed after the 1991 uprising following the second gulf war in March 1991. The Kurds managed to run a general election for Kurdistan Parliament; established the Kurdistan Regional Government; improved the education and administration system; improved schools, universities, art and economy. The fall of Saddam on 9th April 2003 was another golden opportunity that the Kurds seized pretty well. They contributed in writing Iraq’s constitution and managed to achieve most of their national demands within the federal state of Iraq. Hence, Kurdish nationalism has blossomed. 2 Content Page Number Acknowledgments 6 1 Introduction 8 2 Theory and Methodology 23 1. State Formation and Nation State 26 2. Homogenization and State-Building 29 3. State building - Subordinate Group’s 32 Exclusion by Dominant Group 4. Reactive Nationalism in Homogenous State 38 5. Methodology 49 6. Application to Iraqi Kurdistan 51 3 The Origins of Kurdish Nationalism 53 1. Kurds’ Origin & Status 53 2. The Origins of Kurdish Nationalism 57 3. Kurds Ruling Themselves 78 1. Emirate of Baban 80 2. Emirate of Soran (1810-1836) 82 3. Emirate of Botan and Baderkhan Pasha’s Movement 83 4. Revolts & Independence Claims 86 1. Sheikh Ubaidullai Shamzini (Nehri) movement 86 2. Sheikh Mahmud’s Kingdom 91 4 The Kurds in Iraq 94 1. Foundation of Iraq and the Kurds 94 2. Foundation of Iraq and Kurdish Nationalism 97 3. Emergence of Kurdish Nationalist parties and 99 Groups in the 20th century 1. Kurdistan Assembly 99 2. Hiwa Party 100 3 3. Shorsh Party & Rezgari Party 101 4. Association for the Restoration of the Kurds 102 (Komalai Jyanawai Kurd – JK) – 16 September 1942 5. Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) -16 August 1946 106 6. Republic of Mahabad 110 4. End of Monarchy 113 5. Kurdish Liberation Movement 115 5 Between Wataniyya & Qawmiyya in Iraq (1963-1968) 121 1. The Ba’th Party – Ideology and Origin 121 2. The Ba’th Party’s Seizure of Power on 8th February 1963 127 3. Split within the KDP 131 4. Ba’th Party’s Policy Against the Kurds 134 5. Rounds of Negotiations 138 6 From Victory to Collapse (1968 – 1975) 144 1. 1968’s Ba’th Party Coup D’état 144 2. Emergence of Saddam Hussein 146 3. Arabization Policy 148 4. 11th March 1970 Agreement 156 5. Kurds’ Honeymoon (1970 - 1974) 160 6. Kurdistan Burning (1974 - 1975) 165 7 Battleground Kurdistan (1975 - 1985) 171 1. Collapse of a Dream (Algiers Accord) – 6 March 1975 171 2. After the Fall 178 3. Emergence of the PUK & Other Kurdish parties 179 4. New Kurdish Movement 184 4 5. Kurdish Division 185 6. Northern Bureau of Ba’ath Party in Kirkuk (NB) 188 7. Deportation, Village Destruction & Complexes 189 8. Iran – Iraq War 194 9. PUK’s Seizure of Opportunity (1984 – 1985 Negotiation) 196 8 Tragedy and Triumph (1985 – 1991) 201 1. Kurds Organizing their Home – Iraqi Kurdistan Front 201 2. Ali Hassan al_Majid 204 3. Prelude to Genocide 205 1. Chemical attacks 205 2. 1987’s Census 208 4. Anfal Campaign 210 1. First Anfal - Jafati Valley (23 February – 19 March 1988) 212 2. Second Anfal – Qaradagh Area (22 March – 2 April 1988) 216 3. Third Anfal – Germian plane (7 – 20 April 1988) 220 4. Fourth Anfal – Kirkuk & Koyeh Areas (3 - 7 May 1988) 224 5. Fifth, Sixth & Seventh Anfal – Erbil Area 228 (24 May – 26 August 1988) 6. Eighth (Final) Anfal – Badinan Region 233 (28 August – 3 September 1988) 5. International Response 236 6. Aftermath of Anfal & Invasion of Kuwait 238 9 From Defeat to Achievement (1991 – 2003) 242 1. Critical Moments 242 5 2. Kurdish Uprising in March 1991 – False Victory 245 3. Exodus 251 4. Safe Haven 254 5. Another Failed Diplomatic Attempt – 1991 Negotiations 257 6. End of Ba’th Rule 264 7. The Best Solution - Election of Kurdistan Parliament 267 8. Election Results - Catastrophe or Triumph 271 9. Dream Come True – First Iraqi Kurdistan’s Parliament & Regional Government 273 10. Bitter Experience - Internal Fighting 275 11. Fall of the Tyrant – 9th April 2003 284 10 Conclusion 286 Bibliography 300 6 Acknowledgments First, I would like to thank my wife, Payman, who urged me to do this study in the first place. She continued with her support throughout these years and undertook extra responsibilities to look after our children. A special thank you goes to my children, who also supported me in that regard. Without their support, I would not have been able to complete the work. My brilliant supervisor, Professor Gareth Stansfield deserves a big thank you. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to him for his continued support and his patience with me. His deep knowledge about the history of the Kurds and the development of Kurdish nationalism encouraged me follow every piece of his advice and feedback with admiration and without hesitation. As part of my research I interviewed a number of individuals whose answers and information helped make this piece of work informative, realistic and useful to other people. I would like particularly to thank Mr Noshirwan Mustafa Amin, the leader of the Change Movement in Iraqi Kurdistan and one of the founders of Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), who gave me information about Kurdish nationalism and the contribution that Kurdish movement made to Kurdish nationalism. A special thank goes to President Jalal Talabani who gave me his personal view not only about Kurdish nationalism but also about the intimate details of Kurdistan Democratic Party’s (KDP) division in 1964 for which he was one of the leaders of the Kurdish movement at the time, and about the formation of the PUK. I also interviewed the legendary Kurdish poet, Sherko Bekas; Mr Falakadin Kakayee, a former Minister of Culture and Media in Kurdistan Regional Government; Dr Sa’ad 7 Jawad, the writer of Iraq & the Kurdish Question 1958-1970; Mr. Omer Shekhmus, a Syrian Kurdish scholar and one of the founders of the PUK as well as a number of other writers, university professors, students, and ordinary people. I owe all of them a big thank you and wish them all the best. For my research I required a lot of Kurdish and Arabic sources, newspapers, Kurdish parties’ statements and press release and I am grateful to all those who helped me find these materials. Finally, I would like to thank Mr. Daniel Smith and Mr. Chia Mustafa who volunteered to conduct the language and grammar check of the final version of this thesis. 8 1. Introduction Kurdish nationalism has received a reasonable amount of attention from scholars, academics, and social scientists. However, academics and scholars have different views when it comes to the definition of nationalism, nation and state as well as the relationship between the three. The differences widen if one tries to fit the concept of Kurdish nationalism into one of the various schools of nationalism. The central thesis of this study is reactive nationalism in a homogenizing state in relation to the Kurdish nationalist movement in Ba’thist Iraq (1963 – 2003). Therefore, it is important to study and analyze how a scholar like Heather Rae argues about dominant nationalism and homogenization of the state. Rae argues that a dominant nationalism takes hold of the state and attempts to homogenize all others to it. These concepts readily apply to Iraq where, as Andreas Wimmer argues, it is the Arab Sunni who are the dominant group. This thesis argues that in the case of Iraq under the Ba’th Party, a reactive nationalism developed as a result of attempts by the dominant nationalism to homogenize all other subordinate groups – including the Kurds - to it.
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